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D-Day 2024
The British Normandy World War II Memorial in Ver-su-Mer, Normandy, France, June 6, 2024. (Number 10 Downing, Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

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In retrospect, it becomes clear that the Cold War “communist threat” was only a pretext for great powers seeking more power.

Ceremonies were held last week commemorating the 80th anniversary of Operation Overlord, the Anglo-American landing on the beaches of Normandy that took place on June 6, 1944, known as D-Day. For the very first time, the Russians were ostentatiously not invited to take part in the ceremonies.

The Russian absence symbolically altered the meaning of the festivities. Certainly the significance of Operation Overlord as the first step in the domination of Western Europe by the English-speaking world was more pertinent than ever. But without Russia, the event was symbolically taken out of the original context of World War II.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was invited to give a video address to the French Parliament in honor of the occasion. Zelensky pulled out all the rhetorical stops to demonize Vladimir Putin, describing the Russian president as the “common enemy” of Ukraine and Europe.

Russia, he claimed “is a territory where life no longer has any value… It’s the opposite of Europe, it’s the anti-Europe.”

So after 80 years, D-Day symbolically celebrated a different alliance and a different war — or perhaps, the same old war, but with the attempt to change the ending.

Here was a shift in alliances which would have pleased a good part of the pre-war, British upper class. From the time he took power, Adolf Hitler had many admirers in Britain’s aristocracy and even in its royal family. Many saw Hitler as the effective antidote to Russian “judeo-bolshevism.”

At the end of the war, there were those who would have favored “finishing the job” by turning against Russia. It has taken 80 years to make it happen. But the seeds of the reversal were always there.

D-Day & the Russians

Soviet and Polish Armia Krajowa soldiers in Vilnius, July 1944. (Polish National Archive/Wikimedia Commons/Public domain)
Soviet and Polish Armia Krajowa soldiers in Vilnius, July 1944. (Polish National Archive/Wikimedia Commons/Public domain)

In June 1941, without so much as a pretext or false flag, Nazi Germany massively invaded the Soviet Union. In December, the United States was brought into the war by the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.

As the war raged on the Eastern front, Moscow pleaded with its Western allies, the U.S. and Britain, to open a second front in order to divide German forces. By the time the Western Allies landed in Normandy, the Red Army had already decisively defeated the Nazi invaders in Russia and was on the verge of opening a gigantic front in Soviet Belarus that dwarfed the Normandy battle.

The Red Army launched Operation Bagration on June 22, 1944, and by Aug. 19 had destroyed 28 of 34 divisions, completely shattering the German front line. It was the biggest defeat in German military history, with around 450,000 German casualties. After liberating Minsk, the Red Army advanced on to victories in Lithuania, Poland and Romania.

[See: The D-Day of the Eastern Front]

The Red Army offensive in the East undoubtedly ensured the success of the Anglo-American-Canadian Allied forces against much weaker German forces in Normandy.

D-Day & the French

As decided by the Anglo-Americans, the only role for the French in Operation Overlord was that of civilian casualties. In preparation for the landings, British and American bombers pounded French railway towns and seaports, causing massive destruction and tens of thousands of French civilian casualties.

In the course of operations in Normandy, numerous villages, the town of St Lô and the city of Caen were destroyed by Anglo-American aviation.

The Free French armed forces under the supreme command of General Charles de Gaulle were deliberately excluded from taking part in Operation Overlord. De Gaulle recalled to his biographer Alain Peyrefitte how he was informed by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill:

“Churchill summoned me to London on June 4, like a squire summoning his butler. And he told me about the landings, without any French unit having been scheduled to take part. I criticized him for taking orders from Roosevelt, instead of imposing a European will on him. He then shouted at me with all the force of his lungs: ‘De Gaulle, you must understand that when I have to choose between you and Roosevelt, I’ll always prefer Roosevelt. When we have to choose between the French and the Americans, we’ll always prefer the Americans.’”

As a result, De Gaulle adamantly refused to take part in D-Day memorial ceremonies.

“The June 6th landings were an Anglo-Saxon affair, from which France was excluded. They were determined to set themselves up in France as if it were enemy territory! Just as they had just done in Italy and were about to do in Germany! … . And you want me to go and commemorate their landing, when it was the prelude to a second occupation of the country? No, no, don’t count on me!”

Excluded from the Normandy operation, in August the Free French First Army joined the Allied invasion of Southern France.

The Americans had made plans to impose a military government on France, through AMGOT (Allied Military Government of Occupied Territories).

This was avoided by the stubbornness of de Gaulle, who ordered the Resistance to restore independent political structures throughout France, and who succeeded in persuading supreme Allied Commander General Dwight Eisenhower to allow Free French forces and a Resistance uprising to liberate Paris in late August 1944.

De Gaulle and entourage on the Champs Élysées following the city’s liberation on Aug. 26, 1944. (Imperial War Museums, Wikimedia Commons, Public domain)
De Gaulle and entourage on the Champs Élysées following the city’s liberation on Aug. 26, 1944. (Imperial War Museums, Wikimedia Commons, Public domain)

D-Day in Hollywood

France has always celebrated the Normandy landing as a liberation. Polls show, however, that views of its significance have evolved over the decades. Soon after the end of the war, public opinion was grateful to the Anglo-Americans but overwhelmingly attributed the final victory in World War II to the Red Army.

Increasingly, opinion has shifted to the idea that D-Day was the decisive battle and that the war was won primarily by the Americans with help from the British. This evolution can be largely credited to Hollywood.

The Marshall Plan and French indebtedness provided the context for post-war commercial deals with both financial and political aspects.

ORDER IT NOW

On May 28, 1946, U.S. Secretary of State James Byrnes and French representative Léon Blum signed a deal concerning motion pictures. The Blum-Byrnes agreement stipulated that French movie theaters were required to show French-made films for only four out of every 13 weeks, while the remaining nine weeks were open to foreign competition, in practice mostly filled by American productions.

Hollywood had a huge backlog, already amortized on the home market and thus cheap. As a result, in the first half of 1947, 340 American films were shown compared to 40 French ones.

France reaped financial benefits from this deal in the form of credits, but the flood of Hollywood productions contributed heavily to a cultural Americanization, influencing both “the way of life” and historic realities.

The Normandy landing was indeed a dramatic battle suitable to be portrayed in many movies. However, the cinematic focus on D-Day has inevitably fostered the widespread impression that the United States rather than the Soviet Union defeated Nazi Germany.

Alliance Reversal No. 1 – The British

Britain’s King Charles and the queen at a D-Day commemoration in Portsmouth, U.K., on June 5. (No 10 Downing, Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Britain’s King Charles and the queen at a D-Day commemoration in Portsmouth, U.K., on June 5. (No 10 Downing, Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

By June 1944, with the Red Army well on the way to decisively defeating the Wehrmacht, Operation Overlord was hailed by Soviet leaders as a helpful second front. For Anglo-American strategists, it was also a way to block the Soviet Westward advance.

British leaders, and Churchill in particular, actually contemplated moving Eastward against the Red Army once the Wehrmacht was defeated.

It must be recalled that in the 19th century, British imperialists saw Russia as a potential threat to its rule over India and further expansion in Central Asia, and developed strategic planning based on the concept of Russia as its principal enemy on the Eurasian continent. This attitude persisted.

At the very moment of Germany’s defeat in May 1945, Churchill ordered the British Armed Forces’ Joint Planning Staff to develop plans for a surprise Anglo-American attack on the forces of their Soviet ally in Germany.

Top-secret until 1998, the plans even included arming defeated Wehrmacht and SS troops to take part. This fantasy was code-named Operation Unthinkable, which coincides with the judgment of the British chiefs of staff, who rejected it as out of the question.

At the February Yalta meeting just three months earlier, Churchill had praised Soviet leader Joseph Stalin as “a friend whom we can trust.” The reverse was certainly not true. One might assume that Franklin D. Roosevelt would have dismissed any such plans had he not died in April.

Roosevelt seemed confident that the war-exhausted Soviet Union was no threat to the United States, which was indeed true.

Seated from left: Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin at the Yalta Conference in 1945. (Wikimedia Commons/Public domain)
Seated from left: Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin at the Yalta Conference in 1945. (Wikimedia Commons/Public domain)

In fact, Stalin always scrupulously respected the sphere of influence agreements with the Western allies, refusing to support the communist liberation movement in Greece (which angered Josip Broz Tito, contributing to Moscow’s split with Yugoslavia) and consistently urged the strong Communist Parties in Italy and France to go easy in their political demands. While those parties were treated as dangerous threats by the right, they were fiercely opposed by ultra-leftists for staying within the system rather than pursuing revolution.

Soviet and Russian leaders truly wanted peace with their erstwhile Western allies and never had any ambition to control the entire continent. They understood the Yalta agreement as authorizing their insistence on imposing a defensive buffer zone on the string of Eastern European States liberated from Nazi control by the Red Army.

Russia had undergone more than one devastating invasion from the West. It responded with a repressive defensiveness which the Atlantic powers, intent on access everywhere, saw as potentially aggressive.

The Soviet clampdown on their satellites only hardened in response to the Western challenge eloquently announced by Winston Churchill 10 months after the end of the war. The spark was lit to a dynamic of endless and futile hostility.

Churchill was voted out of office by a Labour Party landslide in July 1945. But his influence as wartime leader remained overwhelming in the United States. On March 6, 1946, Churchill gave an historic speech at a small college in Missouri, the home state of Roosevelt’s inexperienced and influenceable successor, Harry Truman.

The speech was meant to renew the wartime Anglo-American alliance – this time against the third great wartime ally, Soviet Russia.

Churchill titled his speech, “Sinews of Peace.” In reality, it announced the Cold War in the historic phrase: “From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent.”

The Iron Curtain designated the Soviet sphere, essentially defensive and static. The problem for Churchill was the loss of influence in that part of the world. A curtain, even if “iron,” is essentially defensive, but his words, were picked up as warning of a threat.

“Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies.” (This despite the fact that Stalin had dissolved the Communist International on May 15, 1943.)

In America, this uncertainty was soon transformed into a ubiquitous “communist threat” that needed to be hunted down and eradicated in the State Department, trade unions and Hollywood.

Alliance Reversal No. 2: The Americans

Actor Brad Pitt, center, flanked by employees of the Pentagon’s Defense Media Activity, during the world premiere at the Newseum in Washington D.C. of the 2014 movie Fury, about the U.S. Army in World War II. (Department of Defense, Marvin Lynchard, Public domain)
Actor Brad Pitt, center, flanked by employees of the Pentagon’s Defense Media Activity, during the world premiere at the Newseum in Washington D.C. of the 2014 movie Fury, about the U.S. Army in World War II. (Department of Defense, Marvin Lynchard, Public domain)

The alleged need to contain the Soviet threat provided an argument for U.S. government planners, notably Paul Nitze in National Security Council Paper 68, or NSC-68, to renew and expand the U.S. arms industry, which had the political advantage of putting a decisive end to the economic depression of the 1930s.

Nazi collaborators throughout Eastern Europe could be welcomed in the United States, where intellectuals became leading “Russia experts.” In this way, Russophobia was institutionalized, as old-school WASP diplomats, editors and scholars who had nothing in particular against Russians made way to newcomers with old grudges.

Among the old grudges, none were more vehement and persistent than that of the Ukrainian nationalists from Galicia, the far west of Ukraine, whose hostility to Russia had been promoted during the time that their territory was ruled by the Habsburg Empire. Fanatically devoted to denying their divided country’s deep historic connection to Russia, Ukrainian ultra-nationalists were nurtured for decades by the C.I.A. in Ukraine itself and in the large North American diaspora.

[See: Using Ukraine Since 1948]

ORDER IT NOW

We saw the culmination of this process when the talented comedian Volodymy Zelensky, in his greatest role as tragedian, claimed to be “the heir to the Normandy” invasion and described Russian President Putin as the reincarnation of Adolf Hitler, out to conquer the world — already an exaggeration for Hitler, who mainly wanted to conquer Russia. Which is what the U.S. and Germany apparently want to do today.

Alliance Reversal No. 3: Germany

While the Russians and Anglo-Americans joined in condemning the very top Nazi leaders at the Nuremberg trials, denazification proceeded very differently in the respective zones occupied by the victorious powers.

In the Federal Republic established in the Western zones, very few officials, officers or judges were actually purged for their Nazi past. Their official repentance centered on persecution of the Jews, expressed in monetary compensation to individual victims and especially to Israel.

While immediately after the war, the war itself was considered the major Nazi crime, over the years the impression spread through the West that the worst crime and even the primary purpose of Nazi rule had been the persecution of the Jews.

The Holocaust, the Shoah were names with religious connotations that set it apart from the rest of history. The Holocaust was the unpardonable crime, acknowledged by the Federal Republic so emphatically that it tended to erase all others. As for the war itself, Germans could easily consider it their own misfortune, since they lost, and limit their most heartfelt regret to that loss.

It was not Germans but the American occupiers who determined to create a new German army, the Bundeswehr, safely ensconced in an alliance under U.S. control. Germans themselves had had enough. But the Americans were intent on solidifying their control of Western Europe through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

NATO’s first secretary general, Lord Ismay – who had been Churchill’s chief military assistant during World War II – succinctly defined its mission: “to keep the Americans in, the Russians out, and the Germans down.”

Nato Secretary General Lord Ismay in Chaillot’s Palace, Paris, 1953. (NATO, Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Nato Secretary General Lord Ismay in Chaillot’s Palace, Paris, 1953. (NATO, Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

The United States government wasted no time in selecting qualified Germans for their own alliance reversal. German experts who had gathered intelligence or planned military operations against the Soviet Union on behalf of the Third Reich were welcome to continue their professional activities, henceforth on behalf of Western liberal democracy.

This transformation is personified by Wehrmacht Major General Reinhard Gehlen, who had been head of military intelligence on the Eastern Front. In June 1946, U.S. occupation authorities established a new intelligence agency in Pullach, near Munich, employing former members of the German Army General Staff and headed by Gehlen, to spy on the Soviet bloc.

The Gehlen Organization recruited agents among anti-communist East European émigré organizations, in close collaboration with the C.I.A. It employed hundreds of former Nazis. It contributed to the domestic West German political scene by hunting down communists (the German Communist Party was banned).

The Gehlen Organization’s activities were put under the authority of the Federal Republic government in 1956 and absorbed into the Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND or Federal Intelligence Service), which Gehlen led until 1968.

Gehlen in undated photo. (US Army, Signal Corps, Wikimedia Commons, Public domain)
Gehlen in undated photo. (US Army, Signal Corps, Wikimedia Commons, Public domain)

In short, for decades, under U.S. occupation, the Federal Republic of Germany has fostered the structures of the Alliance Reversal, directed against Russia. The old pretext was the threat of communism. But Russia is no longer communist. The Soviet Union surprisingly dissolved itself and turned to the West in search of lasting peace.

In retrospect, it becomes crashingly clear that the “communist threat” was indeed only a pretext for great powers seeking more power. More land, more resources.

The Nazi leader Adolf Hitler, like the Anglo-American liberals, looked at Russia in the way mountain-climbers proverbially look at mountains. Why must you climb that mountain? Because it’s there. Because it’s too big, it has all that space and all those resources. And oh yes, we must defend “our values”.

It’s nothing new. The dynamic is deeply institutionalized. It’s just the same old war, based on illusions, lies and manufactured hatred, leading us to greater disaster.

Is it too late to stop?

Diana Johnstone was press secretary of the Green Group in the European Parliament from 1989 to 1996. In her latest book, Circle in the Darkness: Memoirs of a World Watcher (Clarity Press, 2020), she recounts key episodes in the transformation of the German Green Party from a peace to a war party. Her other books include Fools’ Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO and Western Delusions (Pluto/Monthly Review) and in co-authorship with her father, Paul H. Johnstone, From MAD to Madness: Inside Pentagon Nuclear War Planning (Clarity Press). She can be reached at [email�protected]

(Republished from Consortium News by permission of author or representative)
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  1. Great article! But Ms. Johnstone failed to mention that General Patton also wanted to turn on the Russians after the war was over. He had grown sympathetic to the defeated Germans and came to believe that the US had fought on the wrong side. Washington feared he would be a loose cannon upon returning to his country, so a plot was hatched to kill him in Italy just a day or so before he was to depart. It only paralyzed him, with the alleged cause of his death being a blood clot.

    As Patton died on 12-21-45, perhaps he never knew of the retribution Eisenhower was exacting on German POW’s, allowing tens of thousands to die of starvation, exposure, and dysentery in open air prisons. Perhaps that’s a main reason why he was relieved of his post-war command in Germany and sent to a minor post in Italy.

    •�Agree: N. Joseph Potts
  2. As the war raged on the Eastern front, Moscow pleaded with its Western allies, the U.S. and Britain, to open a second front

    The U.S. proposed a second front in 1942. Churchill said no. His goal was to get the Russians and Germans to massacre each other, then swoop in and grab Crimea and other vital ports. (Again, Britain’s goal in WW2 wasn’t to kill Germans it was to preserve and preferably expand its empire)

    As for Operation Unthinkable, it’s funny how the Brits get credit for rejecting it at the last second when such an attack would have been fully consistent with British geopolitical strategy dating back to the mid-1800s, and best expressed by Halford Mackinder in his “heartland” analysis of keeping Europe under British control.

    More likely is that Roosevelt got wind of Operation Unthinkable and said hell no. No doubt some talk of this was floating around before he died. Some believe he was poisoned and didn’t suffer a stroke at all.

    •�Replies: @Wokechoke
  3. Wokechoke says:
    @Bragadocious

    Churchill was himself half American. The IS was his mother country in a sense. Britain was his fatherland.

    •�Replies: @N. Joseph Potts
    , @Odyssey
  4. meamjojo says:

    Belly gazing on past history is a waste of time. The past is done and gone. No one learns from past history anyway.

    Don’t look back, we’re not going that way!

    •�Disagree: N. Joseph Potts
    •�Troll: Notsofast, follyofwar
  5. Mark Hunter says: •�Website

    For Anglo-American strategists, it [Operation Overlord, the Normandy invasion] was also a way to block the Soviet Westward advance.

    If so they were less than consistent about it. Eisenhower stood down his troops so Stalin could overrun Eastern Europe.

    Soviet … leaders [after 1944] truly wanted peace with their erstwhile Western allies and never had any ambition to control the entire continent.

    It isn’t true, “control” being the operative word.

  6. The Allies were never any better than the Axis. Look at Joseph Stalin and his entire Gulag Concentration Camp apparatus.

    •�Replies: @follyofwar
  7. World War II was a lot more nuanced than people think. In fairness to Churchill, Charles de Gaulle arrived in Paris with the exalted rank of . . . colonel, having led a much bally-hooed, but unsuccessful counterattack during the 1940 German-French campaign. It was by no means certain that he was the man to lead France for the duration of the war. I admit his performance as French president was good, although the Constitution of the V Republic gives the president an awful lot of power that fit Charles de Gaulle better than the present President Emmanuel Macron.

    French performance in the campaign after D-day was a mixed bag. Eisenhower had to divert the US 4th Infantry Division to assist in the capture of Paris, when Jacque Leclerc’s armored division proved unable to do so in a timely manner. And the French failure to clear the Colmar pocket in late 1944 led to a major rift when Eisenhower contemplated withdrawing from the French city of Strasbourg in order to shorten the defensive line–fortunately, he didn’t have to do so. The French Waffen SS division Charlemagne, performed quite well, fighting its way out of the Red Army’s encirclement of Berlin and reaching American lines to surrender.

    As for the second front, yes Operation Bagration was bigger than the Normandy invasion, but the Red Army didn’t have to contend with a major water barrier–the English Channel. There’s a reason that the last successful invasion of the British Isles was in 1066. The German surrender in Tunisia was almost as large as Stalingrad (larger if Italian troops are counted). And the German army’s defeat at Anzio in early 1944 in Italy was a major shock–the Germans believed their preparations were adequate to force the Allies army back into the sea but found they could not do so.

    The article is good, however, in its exposition of how complicated the politics and operations of World War II were.

  8. Notsofast says:

    excellent article, finally, someone gets the proper perspective on the subject, kudos. the brits also bombed the french fleet. thanks for pointing out the indiscriminate carpeting of french civilians, they didn’t give a shit about the french people they were “liberating”, this was just to make sure the russians didn’t scoop up all the scientists and military tech. they dragged their feet until the red army was rolling over the wehrmacht and the race to berlin was on. they just wanted as many germans and russian to kill each other as possible (sound familar?), killing french “cheese eating surrender monkeys”, was a bonus.

    to see benito macaroni and his tranny granny, catching a wiff of genocide joe, dropping a load in his diaper, was the revenge, of the ghost of de gaulle. we should be grateful for depends diapers, at least joe didn’t leave footprints on the stage as his mommy handler lead him away.

  9. @Twin Ruler

    Look at General Eisenhower and his Death Camps of German POW’s after the war was over and tell me that our country’s morality is superior to the Russians or the Germans.

    •�Agree: N. Joseph Potts
  10. Notsofast says:
    @N. Joseph Potts

    that stands for the israeli states, formerly known as america, it was auto corrected for him. soon we will all be autocorrected, when the aaa is signed into law. bibi will be here on 7/24, to sign the decree and collect his tribute.

  11. Soviet and Russian leaders truly wanted peace with their erstwhile Western allies and never had any ambition to control the entire continent. They understood the Yalta agreement as authorizing their insistence on imposing a defensive buffer zone on the string of Eastern European States liberated from Nazi control by the Red Army. […]

    The Soviet clampdown on their satellites only hardened in response to the Western challenge eloquently announced by Winston Churchill 10 months after the end of the war. The spark was lit to a dynamic of endless and futile hostility.

    It seems Soviet propaganda is rising from the grave, along with attempts to conflate the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation. In my opinion, this is not a good idea.

    Let’s now consider an alternative view. Roosevelt initially told Stalin that American troops would redeploy back to America shortly after the war ended. The Soviet premier considered this highly favorable news because no European state had a formidable army at the time. After U.S. troop withdrawal, the status quo boundaries between “spheres of interest” could only be guaranteed by the force of the Red Army. Furthermore, Roosevelt’s general disinterest in the fate of Europe opened the possibility of increasing economic turmoil and civil unrest in the years to follow—better conditions for revolution in the West.

    These expectations allowed Stalin to appear flexible and innocuous in his designs. He was optimistic about using democratic processes and the “poplar front” or “national front” strategy as a means to embed communist parties within coalitions of elected administrations throughout Europe. He could maintain favorable relations with America while discreetly working to overthrow the liberal parties. But by 1947, the results were less than he had hoped. Truman was not inclined to sacrifice Europe in order to maintain Soviet “goodwill”. The continuous presence of U.S. troops and America’s economic investment into the continent ended Stalin’s high expectations. Germany had become a game of political chess. In Eastern Europe, the communist parties had revealed their intentions too early; the façade was ending.

    Stalin’s attempts to set Britain and the U.S. against each other came to naught. He considered testing America’s resolve over Turkey but decided to back down. He was hoping the “alliance” would last longer so he could extract more concessions and regain the Soviet Union’s full strength. But he knew all good things come to end. With the battle lines now drawn in Europe, Stalin turned to East Asia and possible expansion there.

    [MORE]

    For Stalin, the value of the alliance with the United States and Britain was relative and contingent. He saw the alliance between the communist and capitalist worlds as a temporarily useful truce. Not long before Yalta he said to Dimitrov, “The crisis of capitalism led to the division of the capitalists into two factions—the one fascist, the other democratic . . . .We are today with one faction against the other, but in the future we shall also be against that faction of capitalists.” […]

    The chief deterrent to Stalin’s reordering of Eastern Europe unilaterally after the fashion of 1940 [the Baltic states] was the expectation that significant advantages would accrue in the shorter term from continued association with the West. Two processes, which began to work almost simultaneously soon after the war, disabused him of this hope. The weakness of the national fronts became apparent, presenting him with a stark choice of either seeing Eastern Europe fall into the hands of non-communist political parties or else resorting to repression inimical to continued alliance with the United States and Britain. At the same time, Western positions at the meetings of the Council of Foreign Ministers and at the Paris Peace Conference increasingly showed Stalin that he had invested excessively in his hopes for continued alliance with the Western democracies. Washington soon decided that it would not extend economic aid or even credits to the USSR. The Americans also showed that they were not disposed to allow the Soviets any real say in the occupation of Japan, even though their own actions in Eastern Europe were becoming more intrusive. Britain, with the complete backing of the United States, refused even to consider the Soviet request for a trusteeship in Africa. Stalin’s most ambitious attempt to play upon the presumed imperialist rivalries between Britain and America—an elaborately orchestrated campaign of intimidation against Turkey—almost ended in disaster. He had to retreat after the British and the Americans, drawing together and acting as one, supported the Turks strongly and even began joint planning for war against the USSR, a fact that his intelligence services seem to have reported to him. The refusal of the British and the Americans to grant him what he wished in their sphere of influence, and their disinclination to be set against each other, had great consequences. Stalin’s reasons for maintaining the alliance gradually evaporated. That, in turn, removed the chief inhibition against the use of methods to consolidate the faltering “popular democracies” of Eastern Europe that were faster and cruder than Moscow had envisioned in its wartime instructions to the region’s Communists.

    Source: Mark, E. M. (2001). Revolution by Degrees: Stalin’s National-front Strategy for Europe, 1941-1947. United States: Cold War International History Project, Woodrow Wilson International Center of Scholars.
    ——————————

    During the joint occupation of Iran, Stalin had tried to incite “proletarian revolution” in the Middle East, but this came to naught. He then turned his attention to Turkey.

    Representatives of the European Communist parties had attended the congress of the Czech Communist party between  February and  March . Among them was the leader of the Greek Communist party (KKE), Nikos Zachariadis, who returned to Athens after a sojourn in Moscow. In a secret speech to the central committee of the KKE, a copy of which the SSU obtained and disseminated on  May, Zachariadis explained that the attendance of the foreign Communists at the Prague congress had not been purely ceremonial. […]

    It was, of course, necessary to continue the revolutionary struggle in Greece. But Turkey was even more important, “since the Turkish Government is Reactionary and plays the Anglo-Saxon Imperialist game without reserve.” She therefore presented a special “obstacle in the way of evolution and development and constitutes a danger to the Balkan peoples.” The Communist delegates had decided that one of the overriding tasks of the Communist movement was “to see that Turkey is thrown out of Europe and that her European territories are restored to their original owners, i.e., those who are interested in them from a national or geographic point of view.” It appeared, in short, that Moscow had not only ordered the European Communist parties to support its demands for Kars and Ardahan but had promised the Balkan comrades a share of the spoils from a far-reaching dismemberment of Turkey.

    Source: Mark, E. (1997). The War Scare of 1946 and Its Consequences. Diplomatic History, 21(3), 383–415. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24913389
    —————————–

    Stalin had originally envisioned a Soviet presence in post-war Japan. If that had come to pass, then we could’ve expected a North and South Japan. Instead, this was redirected to Korea. But expansion in Korea (potentially all of it) would open up possibilities in Japan.

    Stalin aided Mao despite exacerbating tensions with the United States in what was soon to become the Cold War (Bernstein, 2014). In short, Stalin’s 1945 behavior in China can be read as consistent with a program of ideological expansion.

    The same can also be said regarding Soviet conduct in North Korea. Future cadres for a communist Korean regime were being trained as early as 1942 in Khabarovsk. These Koreans were repatriated in 1945 and established local governments under the sponsorship of the Soviet military (Goncharov et al., 1993). Therefore, the promotion of the world revolutionary process appears to have been very much one of the reasons why Stalin wanted to be in the endgame of the Pacific War.

    Source: Hager, R. P. (2017). “The laughing third man in a fight”: Stalin’s use of the wedge strategy. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 50(1), 15–27. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48609770
    —————————————-

    The bottom line is that Stalin was ideologically committed to world revolution. The method to get there was flexible, subject to circumstances. But alliances, “popular fronts”, and military action were all filtered through the lens of furthering the revolution.

    The idea that the USSR could limit itself to controlling only the foreign policy of the countries included in the Soviet sphere of influence, while leaving them free to decide their domestic economic structure and permitting their participation in the global market, was alien to Soviet leaders. Stalin clearly assumed that any firm control over the newly acquired territories necessitated a fundamental Sovietization of their economic and political systems. Consequently, such a process in Eastern Europe was set in motion not by external forces or Western policies but by the inner logic of the Stalinist state. In this respect Molotov’s definition ot the “Cold War” is revealing: “What is meant by the ‘Cold War’? . . . We had to consolidate what had been conquered. We had to turn a part of Germany into our, socialist Germany: as to Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Yugoslavia—they all were in a liquid state. Everything had to be straightened out, the capitalist order had to be suppressed. This is the ‘Cold War’.” […]

    As Molotov put it: “As the Minister of Foreign Affairs I saw my task in expanding as far as possible the boundaries of my motherland. It seems that Stalin and I have done a rather good job in this regard.” According to Soviet leaders, the elimination of the capitalist system in all likelihood would have occurred as a result of a third world war. Molotov reports Stalin thinking that “WWI has moved one country away from capitalist slavery. WWII has created the socialist [world] system, the third one will finish off imperialism.”

    Source: Aga-Rossi, E. (1993). Roosevelt’s European Policy and the Origins of the Cold War: A Reevaluation. Télos 1993 (96):65-85.
    ————————–

    Maxim Litvinov gave his opinion on the origins of the Cold War:

    On June 18, 1946, Litvinov gave another lengthy confession of his heresy to CBS correspondent Richard C. Hottelet, similar to that given to Snow almost two years earlier. Some of his themes remained the same: the belief that only a great-power condominium of the world could save the peace, and the conviction that a partition of Germany was inevitable. But his other views showed vividly how his dissent had grown as his direst predictions materialized.

    The disillusioned prophet of collective security now singled out as the root cause of all evil Moscow’s reversion to the antiquated concept of security through the possession of a land mass. Indeed, he made the alarming suggestion that its appetite might be insatiable. Hottelet could not believe his ears as his host, chafing in the ornate Soviet foreign service uniform, gravely pronounced the damning judgment: “If the West acceded to the current Soviet demands it would be faced, after a more or less short time, with the next series of demands.” […]

    In September 1946, the pensioner was seen at a diplomatic reception, apparently pleased that the “anomalous situation which he had occupied for such a long time had been rectified by his release from duties.” But even after that, he could not resist speaking his mind if an opportunity arose. On another social occasion in February of the next year, he told British journalist Alexander Werth that at the end of the war Moscow had had two choices: either to cash in on the goodwill it had accumulated in the West, or to embark alone on the elusive quest for absolute security. Litvinov lamented that “they”—meaning those wily men in the Kremlin who would not listen to him—had refused to believe that goodwill could possibly constitute the lasting basis of any policy. Instead they had opted for the second alternative, trying to grab “all they could while the going was good.” […]

    Thus Litvinov’s testimony supports the conclusion that the Soviet leaders realized they had options and weighed them in good awareness of the long-term consequences. Reduced to essentials, the choice was between a policy of low tension, which would give a chance for the alliance to continue as the bulwark of the postwar order, and a policy of high tension, conducive to its ultimate breakdown. Litvinov’s most original contribution to the cold-war debate is his contention that Moscow resorted to the latter course not so much because the Anglo American attitude had stiffened—as the Western revisionists would have it—but rather because it had not stiffened enough. The choice, to be sure, was predetermined—not by external factors however, but by the Stalinist system and the mentality of the leaders it bred.

    Source: Mastny, V. (1976). The Cassandra in the Foreign Commissariat: Maxim Litvinov and the Cold War. Foreign Affairs, 54(2), 366–376. https://doi.org/10.2307/20039577

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