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NIMA ALKHORSHID: Hi, everybody. Today is Thursday, February 27, 2025 and our friends Richard Wolff and Michael Hudson are back with us. Welcome back.

Video Link

RICHARD WOLFF: Thank you. Glad to be here.

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Let’s get started with what’s going on in Germany. People wanted some sort of change in terms of domestic and foreign policies of Germany. They ended up with the same sort of policies. New names got the same sort of policies. How did you find the changes in Germany? Let’s get started with Richard.

RICHARD WOLFF: All right. Here’s the things that struck me, that the three parties that represent in my mind, the conventional German political establishment, that is the conservatives, which is an alliance between basically Northern Germany and Southern Germany, the Christian Democratic Union and the Christian Socialist Union. All those words have lost whatever meaning they once had anyway, but they are the conservatives more or less. If you want to think from an American perspective, you might call them the Republican Party or even the Republican and centrist Democratic collection of people who have been used to for a long time exchanging the role of who’s the president, who’s the second in command. But it is musical chairs and most people, including most Germans, long ago lost interest. They were the government under Mr. Schultz, who’s now gone. But as you rightly suggest, it’s the same people, it’s the same program, the same parties, slightly different, and I mean slightly different faces. And the interesting thing about them is if you put them together, the Christian Democratic Union, the Christian Socialist Union, the Social Democrats, and the Greens, we need to remind people that in Germany the Greens have none of the left-wing aroma that Greens in other parts of the world cultivate and want to have. The German Greens split years ago, and the people who have been green ever since are very much eager to be parts of the government run by the conservatives and the social Democrats. So they really belong together.

And the interesting thing is over the last four or five years since the last federal election in Germany, all three of those parties lost dramatically. Huge portions of their voting base abandoned them. That’s what we just learned from last Sunday’s election.

Who picked up? Basically, and this is so important because it’s so similar to what is happening in other Western capitalist countries. The voters who left the old coalition were not enough to bump them from power. That’s why we’re seeing the same old, same old again with a couple of new faces. Frederick Mertz and instead of Olaf Scholz. Okay, but not much difference when it comes to it. So they still had enough, roughly half the vote in Germany, roughly, to be a government. Okay, so that’s why we’re going to see, in all likelihood, a government of the Christian Democrats, the Socialists, and the Greens, which is what we had before. But they all lost votes, the Greens particularly, but all of them. And those votes either went to the right with the Alternative für Deutschland, English translation, Alternative for Germany, which is a right-wing party that is remarkable in three ways. As a political program, other than getting, being hostile towards immigrants, they don’t really offer all that much. Number two, they have inherited the Nazi left, whatever’s left of Nazism in Germany finds its way into that party, or at least a large part of it does. And the third interesting thing about that party is that it is overwhelmingly based in the eastern part of Germany. In other words, in that part of Germany, that used to be a separate country, East Germany. And that was only unified a relatively short time ago. Those people were all involved, basically, in something called the Socialist Unity Party, which was the old Communist Party of eastern Germany. And that’s gone, or largely gone. And these people have felt in the east that they were very much misled about the unification of Germany. Very important to understand. They were led to believe that by unifying, East Germany would enjoy the standards of living and all the rest of it, that West Germany had reached. But that we all have to remember, West Germany was given enormous financial support, because it was crucial to the West, in the aftermath of World War II, to isolate Western Europe from the infection of Socialism and Communism. I want to remind people, after World War II, the first government of General Charles de Gaulle in France had several members of the Communist Party in the Cabinet of France. That’s how powerful they were. The backbone of the resistance to the Nazis in places like France, and Italy, and elsewhere, were communists and socialists. And so they emerged from World War II with a level of popular support that frightened people in the West. Just like the fact that Russia was crucial to winning World War II frightened people in the West. So they pumped a lot of money into Western Germany, giving it the ability to make a politics that said, “Hey, you guys in Eastern Germany, you may have communism and socialism and, you know, guaranteed childcare and all the rest of it, but we have a higher standard of living.” Which they did. I mean, they did. And the Easterners then believed, after decades of propaganda, that if they unified with the West, they would become, like West Germany, rich, comfortable, at least relative to other working classes and relative to themselves.

If I had time, I’d talk to you about East Germany. It had a very hard time after World War II, because it was part of the Eastern European Soviet bloc. And yet, inside Russia, there was understandable hostility towards Germany, which had subjected the Russians to an unspeakable destruction during World War II. People should know more Germans died, excuse me, more Russians died than any other nationality. That’s how bad that war was. So helping East Germany was not a high priority inside the Soviet Union. And it showed.

Anyway, they made a unification, as I think many people will remember. And the Easterners expected to have the jobs, and the job security, and the incomes, and they never got it. Because for the West, all that Eastern Europe, Eastern Germany represented, was cheap labor. Those people had been getting much lower wages. They were used to living in that way, with low individual wages, partly because they got a lot of collective consumption. The socialist government there provided education and health care and subsidized transport and all of that. And so these Eastern folks were used to low individual wages. And so the capitalists of the West said, “Okay, great. We’ll either put a factory in East Germany, paying low wages, or you can come here and we’ll pay you low wages if you migrate into the West.”

Long story short, you deeply betrayed your fellow Germans. Remember, the East Germans speak the same language, have the same ancient culture, etc. Americans don’t know, but Berlin, the capital, was in East Germany. It used to be the capital divided, but Westerners had to drive through East Germany to get to Berlin because of where it’s located. All right. So this anger and this bitterness turned to the political establishment in Germany naively, thinking that they could appeal either to the Christian Democrats or to the socialists to get what they had been led to expect they would get. But they couldn’t get it. Neither the socialists nor the Christians were prepared to do anything like what would have had to be done to deliver on the promise. And so…

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Yeah, we’ve lost Richard. Michael.

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Video Link

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Hi everybody, today is Thursday, February 20, 2025, and our friends Richard Wolff and Michael Hudson are back with us. Welcome back.

RICHARD WOLFF: Glad to be here.

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Let’s get started, Michael, with your recent article about the price of gold and how the United States is trying to manage that. What’s your point in that article?

MICHAEL HUDSON: Well, the point is that the demand for gold has been running way ahead of supply for the last 15 years, and yet the prices remained remarkably quiet. There was a range of gold from $1,400 to $1,600 an ounce maybe 10 years ago, and then there was another range from $1,800 to $2,000 an ounce until just a year or two ago, and all of a sudden, finally, the prices began to rise. There are notes in the newspapers about England bullion dealers sending enormous plane loads of gold to the United States. So, needless to say, how do you explain what’s happening?

So, just a half hour before this show began, I got a phone call from one of the big cable networks wanting me to go on their show and to explain why gold today hit a new price. And I’m talking to you, not them. So, here’s what the situation is.

The United States wants to keep the dollar as the main international reserve. And the one thing that frightened American policymakers was that other countries would begin to de-dollarize by increasing the proportion of gold in their foreign exchange reserves. China, way up. Russia, way up.

About six years ago, Germany said, “You know that gold that we moved to you in the 1950s to keep in the Federal Reserve’s safety? Could you send that physical gold back to us? You know, we’re noticing that you’re grabbing the gold supplies of Venezuelan countries you don’t like. We’d just like to have the gold here.” And the United States said, “Well, you know, we really can’t send it right now. How about in six years?” Which is right about now. They still haven’t sent the gold.

And the question is, is there any gold left in Fort Knox? And why not? How can it be that the price of gold has been held down by the U.S. Treasury manipulating the price?

And it turns out that we can all now see that the price of gold is not like the price of copper or wheat. It’s not based on supply and demand. It’s all based on the Treasury manipulating the price of gold. And it does it in two ways. One is a very technical way that I won’t go in. It sells gold short. In other words, it sells. Well, the price may be $2,900 now, but we’ll sell it to you in three months’ time for $2,800 an ounce. Well, that means that nobody’s going to buy more gold now if you know you can buy it at $2,800 an ounce in three months. So, they keep holding the price down.

And the other way, for the last 15 or 20 years, the United States Treasury, the Bank of England, and other central banks have made money leasing their gold to gold bullion dealers. In other words, it’s like Avis leasing a car to somebody to drive. And the U.S. will lease to a bullion dealers for a given price. Yes, we’ll lease you this gold. Here’s the current price of gold. You’ll pay us a premium for renting this gold. And then the bullion dealers will meet the supply of gold from hoarders, whether they’re jewelry makers, whether they’re investors, whether they’re hedge funds.

And this has worked pretty much ever since the United States went off gold in 1971. But what’s happened is that this making money by leasing the gold to other countries all of a sudden means that there’s no gold here. The United States has a claim on bullion dealers to say, well, send us back the gold that we’ve leased to you. Now, it’s like Avis saying, you’ve rented our car, you know, for two weeks. Now, give us back the car.

But the bullion dealers have sold most of the gold. And so, they’ll say, well, we’ll give you the money for the gold, but we don’t have the gold. So, it looks like all of a sudden, the United States, I won’t say a paper tiger, what do you call it, a gold lamé tiger? It seems that the United States doesn’t have the gold in its possession that it’s reported.

And so, a few days ago, Mr. Musk said, we’ve been trying to find out to do an audit to see how much gold is there in the Federal Reserve in New York City that acts to hold foreign gold holdings in Fort Knox.

Well, you have some of the monetary conservatives in Congress, like Senator Paul saying, I want to go to Fort Knox. And look, let me see whether there’s anything in the vaults. They wouldn’t let him in. And he said, look, I’m a senator. I’m a Congress. You know, you have to let Congress. We have to get in. The answer was, this is national security. Congress can’t know about how much gold we have or have not got there.

So now, you have Mr. Musk saying, we’re going to do an audit of the Fed, and we’re going to do an audit of the Federal Reserve, Fort Knox. You’ve got to let us in. And the United States panicked, and it’s been, the speculation is now, the gold price is going up because the United States can no longer have the gold to keep it down. And in fact, the United States is trying to buy it all back to put back in Fort Knox so that people will think, gee, it’s not— the U.S. does have the gold after all.

So all of a sudden, you’re seeing the links to which the American government went to say, there is no alternative to the U.S. dollar. Don’t buy gold. It’s not going up. You can make much more money investing in treasury securities where we pay interest. Gold doesn’t pay an interest. All of a sudden, the motivation for buying gold that has existed ever since 1971 has sort of broken out.

And everyone says, okay, now as demand for gold is going up, that means the price of gold is going to go up. When demand exceeds supply, that’s what’s happened. And as gold goes up, other countries, not only Russia and China, but all over Europe, all over the world are going to say, we can make much more money holding gold in our reserves than holding U.S. treasury bills or securities in our reserves. So let’s sell our U.S. treasury claims and buy gold.

Well, if that happens, you can imagine the de-dollarization of the world. And there goes the whole linchpin of American financial control of the world economy. There goes the central role of the U.S. dollar. All of a sudden, it’s given up not only to gold, but it’s been giving it up to foreign currencies, the countries trading in each other’s currency, like China and Russia trading in their own domestic currencies for their imports and exports.

So you’re having a whole unraveling of the fiction that somehow there is no alternative to the treasury securities that foreign governments hold in their foreign exchange reserves that is a better buy than U.S. treasuries. All of a sudden, yes, there is a better buy. It’s gold. And so the gold bugs are all jumping on this.

And we’re all waiting to see whether Mr. Musk and his investigatory team gets to go into Fort Knox and the Fed and say, is there really gold there? What happened to it? And you mean that there hasn’t been a free market in gold all these years? Can you explain to us what’s behind U.S. policy?

And essentially, it’ll be the dynamic of America having the exorbitant privilege of being able to pay for all of its military spending abroad, its Cold War, its deindustrialization, simply by printing IOUs that end up in foreign central banks. And finally, they have an alternative just to say, we’re going to buy more and more IOUs. When, if you do the basic accounting, the United States owes foreign governments so much money, while it’s running a balance of payments deficit, mainly because of the war, that there’s no way it can ever pay the other countries the money that it owes them in dollars for the dollars they hold in their reserves.

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•ï¿½Category: Economics, Foreign Policy •ï¿½Tags: American Military, BRICs, China, Donald Trump, Germany, Gold, NATO, Russia, Ukraine�

Why has the price of gold been increasing so fast, breaking records? Economist Michael Hudson explains the politics of the precious metal, and the dynamics of the US dollar system.

Video Link

Transcript

(Introduction)

BEN NORTON: The price of gold has been skyrocketing. Since 2018, the price of gold has nearly tripled. This has caused a big debate around the world about why this is happening. There are, of course, several different factors.

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One of them is that central banks around the world have been buying more and more gold, especially with the threat of sanctions from the United States. One-third of all countries on Earth are under US sanctions, including 60% of low-income countries.

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The war in Ukraine has only accelerated this, as the US and the EU seized $300 billion and euros worth of assets held by Russia’s central bank. This has scared many other countries’ central banks, which fear that they could be next to have their assets seized by the West.

Gold is being seen as an alternative to dollar- or euro-denominated assets.

But it’s not just central banks. There’s also a lot of private demand, especially as there was a lot of inflation coming out of the Covid pandemic.

What’s interesting is that, typically, gold is seen as an inflation hedge. And when inflation increases, the price of gold tends to increase. But in the past two years, inflation has come down, yet the price of gold has continued to skyrocket.

So why is this happening?

Well, today I had the privilege of being joined by the award-winning economist Michael Hudson, and he explained why the price of gold continues to rise, and what the implications could be for the entire global economy, and the politics of gold — because, as Michael often stresses, you cannot separate economics from politics.

So here are a few highlights of Michael Hudson, and then we’ll go straight to the interview.


(Highlights)

MICHAEL HUDSON: Demand for gold, as I said, has been far outstripping the supply for many, many years now. And as we’re taught in Economics 101 textbooks, when demand outstrip supply, prices go up.

But that hasn’t been happening with the gold price until just the last few months. And the question is, why hasn’t it happened?

…

Well, the obvious answer is that the gold market isn’t like regular commodity markets.

…

So the United States has sought to keep gold prices down ever since it was revalued in 1971… The aim of this was political: to keep the world viewing the US dollar, meaning essentially US Treasury securities, as the most secure form of their international reserves.

It’s secure in the sense that, unlike other countries, the United States can simply print the dollars. It can’t go bankrupt.

…

People like to say gold is an inflation hedge. But you could say eggs are an inflation hedge, or pork is an inflation hedge.

The point is, the real problem is the US balance of payments deficit pumping dollars into the world.

You’ll pay dollars to an exporter, from China or Germany — when there was still a German industry — and they turn the dollars over to their central bank, and the central bank would then say, “What are we going to do with these dollars? If we don’t send them back to the United States, our currency is going to go up against the dollar, and that is going to make our exports less competitive. So we have to keep our currency, our exchange rate, down; and we do that by buying Treasury securitiesâ€.

It has always been political. And the newspapers don’t want to talk about politics, because if they talked about politics, all of a sudden people would realize the Western political and economic system cannot last in the way that it’s structured now.

When you talk about politics, you realize the game is over for the West.


(Full interview)

BEN NORTON: Hi, Michael. It’s always a real pleasure having you. The last time we had a discussion, we analyzed the effects of Donald Trump’s tariffs, or his threat of tariffs. And you warned that it could cause a global financial crisis, as countries won’t be able to get the dollars they need to pay off their dollar-denominated debt.

After we had that conversation, you raised some other points about the gold market that you wanted to talk about, and I thought there would be a great separate episode.

So why do you think we’ve seen this massive shift, the near tripling of the price of gold in the past seven years?

MICHAEL HUDSON: Well, we’ve been talking for many years now about how the international financial system works, and central bank reserves, and de-dollarization, and the split of the BRICS away from the West.

And that’s what my book Super Imperialism was about, how America was driven off the gold standard because of the balance of payments drain from the Vietnam War and for world military spending, up to 1971. The entire U.S. balance of payments deficit from the Korean War in 1950, all the way through the ‘50s, the ‘60s, and into the ‘70s was military spending.

The result was that the United States had, every month, to sell the accumulation of dollars that ended up in France, Germany, and other countries. The dollars spent in Vietnam that were exchanged for local currencies ended up in French banks, because Southeast Asia was a part of the French empire; and the French banks, sent these dollars to Paris, and General [Charles] de Gaulle would then cash in the dollars [for gold] every week.

Until 1971, every printed dollar — your dollar bills in your pocket — had to be backed, by law, 25% by gold. So we were watching the American gold supply go down, down, down to the gold cover.

Every week, on Friday morning, when the Federal Reserve gold report would come out on Wall Street in the mid ‘60s, we were all saying, “When is the breaking point going to come?â€

Well, it came in August 1971. At that time, the US government thought, “This is terrible. We have controlled the whole world financial system ever since World War One, by holding gold, and that was what other countries used to have their monetary reserves. We have controlled other countries ability to run budget deficits, to fund their own economy with gold; now we don’t have it anymoreâ€. And there was a lot of hand-wringing.

I wrote my book Super Imperialism, to say that this is not going to interfere with the American empire, because if countries, central banks, governments can’t buy gold, they have only one big alternative at that time, and that was to buy dollars.

And how do they buy dollars? They buy US Treasury bonds, Treasury notes, short-term Treasury securities. They put their money and hold it in the form of US debt.

As they got more and more dollars, they spent more and more money buying US debt. And that became an increasing way of how the United States funded its own budget deficits.

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Video Link

Donald Trump’s tariffs could destabilize the global economy, warns economist Michael Hudson. US protectionist policies could cause financial crises, as many currencies depreciate and countries can’t earn the dollars needed to pay their foreign debts.

Transcript

(Introduction)

BEN NORTON: Donald Trump is threatening to impose tariffs on countries all around the world, including the top three trading partners of the United States: Canada, Mexico, and China.

DONALD TRUMP: The word “tariff†is the most beautiful word in the dictionary — more beautiful than “loveâ€, more beautiful than “respectâ€. No, less beautiful than “religionâ€, no. Right? I don’t want to get into that argument. But the word “tariff†is the most beautiful word in the dictionary, remember that. It’s going to make our country, it’s going to make our country rich.

BEN NORTON: Now, Trump says he’s doing this because he wants to reduce the trade deficit that the US has with the rest of the world.

However, there’s a major contradiction in Donald Trump’s economic policy, because he also wants to maintain the US dollar as the global reserve currency.

And Trump has threatened other countries, especially countries in BRICS, that are trying to de-dollarize. Trump has said that if countries de-dollarize, he will put 100% tariffs on them.

DONALD TRUMP: We will keep the US dollar as the world’s reserve currency. And it is currently under major siege. Many countries are leaving the dollar.

They’re not going to leave the dollar with me. I’ll say, “You leave the dollar, you’re not doing business with the United States, because we’re going to put 100% tariff on your goodsâ€.

…

I’m very much a traditionalist. I like staying with the dollar. You know that from when I was there. Make the dollar the choice. I hate when countries go off the dollar. I would not allow countries to go off the dollar.

BEN NORTON: So what Trump’s trying to do is have his cake and eat it too, because this is a contradictory policy. Trump wants to reduce the US trade deficit, but he also wants to maintain the US dollar as the global reserve currency.

The problem is that if Trump wants other countries to continue using the US dollar in international trade and finance, the US has to run a deficit, so other countries can get access to those dollars. If Trump wants to use tariffs to reduce the US trade deficit, it means that other countries will not be able to get the dollars that they need in order to use the dollar in international trade and finance.

So these very contradictory policies that Trump is trying to maintain could have severe repercussions on the global economy. And today, I had the pleasure of speaking with the award-winning economist Michael Hudson, who has warned that if Trump imposes high tariffs on countries like, for instance, Canada and Mexico, their currencies will fall significantly against the US dollar, which will mean that they will not be able to pay off the debt that these countries have denominated in US dollars.

This could cause a global debt crisis, as countries around the world can’t get the dollars they need to pay off their debts.

Here are a few highlights from my discussion with the economist Michael Hudson. And after I will go straight to the interview.

MICHAEL HUDSON: To Trump, a win-win is a loss, because a win-win means some other country also wins, not only you, the United States. And if some other country also wins, that means the United States has not grabbed everything there is to grab, and Trump wants to grab everything that is available, the entire economic surplus.

…

Here, again, you have one of the features that makes the United States an exceptional country. And Trump is making use of that exceptional characteristic of the United States.

The United States can do what no other country does. It can it can threaten to hurt other countries if they don’t do what the United States wants. It can bomb them. It can engage in regime change, through the National Endowment for Democracy Democracy and USAID.

It can hurt other countries. Other countries don’t have a foreign policy anything like that.

…

What Trump realizes is normally you don’t need military force to subjugate and colonize another economy. You can use financial warfare, and you can use trade warfare, and that’s “peacefulâ€.

You don’t need, to mobilize American troops to invade a country. Vietnam showed you can’t do that anymore.

You can simply use trade and financial sanctions. That’s what he’s trying to do.

…

That’s America’s strong point. It’s not that it’s going to use the hydrogen bomb. It can wreck world trade, wreck world finance, and try to force the kind of economic relationship that Trump and the deep state wants.

And Trump has made it clear that America has to be the winner in any kind of trade agreement that it makes with any other country.

…

If American companies are unable to export to China, then their profits will be down, and they will lack the money to engage in the research and development they need to keep up with the technology that the rest of the world is doing.

And so the result is that Trump’s policy is deliciously self-defeating for US policy. It will mean inflation. It won’t mean more industrialization.

(Full interview)

BEN NORTON: Michael, it’s a real pleasure having you today. Thanks for joining us.

I wanted to ask you about an article that you recently published warning about the impact that Trump’s tariffs could have on the global economy.

The basic point you make is that the US designed the global financial system in a way in which the US dollar is at the center, and other countries need to get access to dollars to pay off their dollar-denominated debt, and to pay for imports.

Yet, in order for this system to work, the US has to run a deficit with the rest of the world, a current account deficit, so other countries can get those dollars.

But Trump wants to disrupt this. He says he wants to tariff other countries to reduce the US trade deficit, which means that other countries won’t be able to get the dollars they need to pay off their debt and to pay for imports.

Now, this could be good news, if you actually wanted to end the US dollar’s role as the global reserve currency. But then Trump also is threatening countries that de-dollarize, threatening 100% tariffs on BRICS countries.

As you put it in your article, he has two completely contradictory ideas in his head.

At the same time, you warn that this could cause a financial crisis. So can you explain your argument and why you’re concerned?

MICHAEL HUDSON: Well, people usually think of the dollar as being used for international trade, but the vast use of dollars is on capital account, for financial transactions. And the great majority of international debts, owned by governments to other governments and to bondholders, is denominated in US dollars. That’s quite different from using the dollars.

By denominating them in dollars, that means that you have to use your domestic currency to buy dollars. And if the dollar goes up in price relative to other currencies, if it appreciates, then you use much more of your domestic currency to spend. And that requires governments to essentially cut back their spending on [things] other than debt service.

For instance, the Canadian dollar is gone way down against the US dollar. So Canadians have to spend much more money in their currency to pay their dollar debts.

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•ï¿½Category: Economics, Foreign Policy •ï¿½Tags: BRICs, Canada, China, Dollar, Donald Trump, Free Trade, Mexico, Tariff�

The Road to Chaos

The 1940s saw a series of movies with Bing Crosby and Bob Hope, starting with the Road to Singapore in 1940. The plot was always similar. Bing and Bob, two fast-talking con men or song-and-dance partners, would find themselves in a scrape in some country, and Bing would get out of it by selling Bob as a slave (Morocco in 1942, where Bing promises to buy him back) or committing him to be sacrificed in some pagan ceremony, and so forth. Bob always goes along with the plan, and there’s always a happy Hollywood ending where they escape together – with Bing always getting the girl.

In the past few years we have seen a series of similar diplomatic stagings with the United States and Germany (standing in for Europe as a whole). We could call it the Road to Chaos. The United States has sold out Germany by destroying Nord Stream, with Germany’s Chancellor Olaf Scholtz (the hapless Bob Hope character) going along with it, and with European Commission President Ursula von der Lehen tplaying the part of Dorothy Lamour (the girl, being Bing’s prize in the Hollywood Road movies) demanding that all Europe increase its NATO military spending beyond Biden’s demand for 2% to Trump’s escalation to 5%. To top matters, Europe is to impose sanctions on trade with Russia and China, obliging them to relocate their leading industries in the United States.

So, unlike the movies, this will not end with the United States rushing in to save gullible Germany. Instead, Germany and Europe as a whole will become sacrificial offerings in our desperate but futile effort to save the US Empire. While Germany may not immediately end up with an emigrating and shrinking population like Ukraine, its industrial destruction is well under way.

Trump told the Davos Economic Forum January 23: “My message to every business in the world is very simple: Come make your product in America and we will give you among the lowest taxes of any nation on earth.†Otherwise, if they continue to try and produce at home or in other countries, their products will be charged tariff rates at Trump’s threatened 20%.

To Germany this means (my paraphrase): “Sorry your energy prices have quadrupled. Come to America and get them at almost as low a price as you were paying Russia before your elected leaders let us cut Nord Stream off.â€

The great question is how many other countries will be as quiescent as Germany as Trump changes the rules of the game – America’s Rules-Based Order. At what point will a critical mass be achieved that changes the world order as a whole?

Can there be a Hollywood ending to the coming chaos? The answer is No, and that the key is to be found in the balance-of-payments effect of Trump’s threatened tariffs and trade sanctions. Neither Trump nor his economic advisors understand what damage their policy is threatening to cause by radically unbalancing the balance of payments and exchange rates throughout the world, making a financial rupture inevitable.

The balance-of-payments and exchange-rate constraint on Trump’s tariff aggression

The first two countries that Trump threatened were America’s NAFTA partners, Mexico and Canada. Against both countries Trump has threatened to raise U.S. tariffs on imports from them by 20% if they do not obey his policy demands.

He has threatened Mexico in two ways. First of all is his immigration program of exporting illegal immigrants and permitting short-term work permits for seasonal Mexican labor to work in agriculture and household services. He has suggested deporting the Latin American immigration wave to Mexico, on the ground that most have come to America via the Mexican border along the Rio Grande. This threatens to impose an enormous social-welfare overhead on Mexico, which has no wall on its own southern border.

There also is a strong balance-of-payments cost to Mexico, and indeed to other countries whose citizens have sought work in the United States. A major source of dollars for these countries has been money remitted by workers who send what they can afford back to their families. This is an important source of dollars for families in Latin American, Asian and other countries. Deporting immigrants will remove a substantial source of revenue that has been supporting the exchange rates of their currencies vis-à-vis the dollar.

Imposing a 20% tariff or other trade barriers on Mexico and other countries would be a fatal blow to their exchange rates by reducing the export trade that U.S. policy promoted starting under President Carter to promote an outsourcing of U.S. employment by using Mexican labor to keep down U.S. wage rates. The creation of NAFTA under Bill Clinton led to a long line of maquiladora assembly plants just south of the US/Mexican border, employing low-wage Mexican labor on assembly lines set up by U.S. companies to save labor costs. Tariffs would abruptly deprive Mexico of the dollars received to pay pesos to this labor force, and also would raise costs for their U.S. parent companies.

The result of these two Trump policies would be a plunge in Mexico’s source of dollars. This will force Mexico to make a choice: If it passively accepts these terms, the peso’s currency exchange rate will depreciate. This will make imports (priced in dollars on a worldwide level) more expensive in peso terms, leading to a substantial jump in domestic inflation. Alternatively, Mexico can put its economy first and say that the trade and payments disruption caused by Trump’s tariff action prevents it from paying its dollar-debts to bondholders.

In 1982, Mexico’s default on its tesobono bonds denominated in dollars triggered the Latin America debt bomb of defaults. Trump’s acts looks like he’s forcing a replay. In that case, Mexico’s countervailing response would be to suspend payment on its US-dollar bonds.

This could have far-reaching effects, because many other Latin American and Global South countries are experiencing a similar squeeze in their balance of international trade and payments. The dollar’s exchange rate already has been soaring against their currencies as a result of the Federal Reserve raising interest rates, attracting investment funds from Europe and other countries. A rising dollar means rising import prices for oil and raw materials denominated in dollars.

Canada faces a similar balance-of-payments squeeze. Its counterpart to Mexico’s maquiladora plants are its auto-parts plants in Windsor, across the river from Detroit. In the 1970s the two countries agreed on the Auto Pact allocating what assembly plants would work on in their joint production of U.S. autos and trucks.

Well, “agreed†may not be the appropriate verb. I was in Ottawa at the time, and government officials were very resentful at being assigned the short end of the auto deal. But it is still going today, fifty years later, and remains a major contributor to Canada’s trade balance and hence the exchange rate of its dollar, which already has been falling against that of the United States.

Of course, Canada is no Mexico. The thought of it suspending payment on its dollar bonds is unthinkable in a country run largely by its banks and financial interests. But the political consequences will be felt throughout Canadian politics. There will be an anti-American feeling (always bubbling under the surface in Canada) that should end Trump’s fantasy of making Canada the 51st state.

The implicit moral foundations of international economic order

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•ï¿½Category: Economics, History •ï¿½Tags: Canada, Donald Trump, Free Trade, Mexico, Neoliberalism�

Trump has promoted a number of plans to make America strong – at other countries’ expense. Given his “we win; you lose†motto, some of his plans would produce the opposite effect of what he imagines.

That would not be much of a change in U.S. policy. But I suggest that Hudson’s Law may be peaking under Trump: Every U.S. action attacking other countries tends to backfire and end up costing American policy at least twice as much.

We have seen it become normal for foreign countries to be the beneficiaries of U.S. policy aggression. This is most obviously the case for America’s trade sanctions against Russia. If the United States is not itself the loser (as in cutting the Nord Stream pipeline led to its soaring LNG exports), then its allies will bear the cost. The cost in a few years may be that the United States has lost Europe and NATO as a result of the pressure by European countries to declare their independence from U.S. policy.

To speed the parting European guest, NATO leaders are demanding sanctions against Russia and China, saying that “imports equal dependency.†What follows will be Russian and Chinese counter-sanctions blocking other raw-materials from sale to the EU.

In past shows we’ve discussed Trump’s plan to raise U.S. tariffs, and to use them much like imposing against countries that seek to act in ways that don’t dovetail into U.S. foreign policy. There is a lot of pushback on this proposal from vested Republican interests, and ultimately it is Congress that must approve his proposals. So Trump probably threatens too many vested interests to make this a big fight early on in his administration. He’ll be busy fighting to clean up the FBI, CIA and the military that have been opposing him since 2016.

Will Trump’s attempt to weaponize the dollar succeed any better than the U.S. trade sanctions?

The real wild card may turn out to be Trump’s threats weaponize the dollar. At least that foreign-policy sphere is more under control of his Executive Branch. Along with his drive to control the world’s oil trade and key media platforms, Trump wants to be able to hurt other countries. That is his idea of a negotiation and being transactional.

In the weekend edition of the Financial Times, Gillian Tett’s article on Trump’s proposed “Maganomics†quotes Stanford professor Matteo Maggiori pointing out that national power “touches not just goods, but money too. We estimate that the US geoeconomic power relies on financial services, while Chinese power relies on manufacturing.â€[1]

So, along with aiming to control the world’s oil and LNG supply, Trump wants to base US power on its financial system. He recently threatened to punish BRICS countries to seek an alternative to the dollar.

That strategy is based on countries needing access to U.S. dollars and financial markets, just as they need oil and information technology under U.S. commercial control. The US tried blocking Russia and other countries from the SWIFT bank-clearing system, but as usually happens with sanctions, Russia and China have created their own fallback system, so that plan didn’t work.

The United States got the Bank of England to confiscate Venezuela’s gold supply and offer it to the right-wing opposition. That worked. And the EU and United States together confiscated Russia’s $300 billion of foreign dollar holdings. That worked, and the EU just gave the interest (about $50 billion that had accumulated) to Ukraine to help fight Russia.

But first, the United States seized all of Ukraine’s monetary reserves as safe keeping, ostensibly to help it pay back the debts it has been running up. I don’t think this gold will be made available for Ukraine’s rebuilding. It simply reflects a U.S. pattern of asset grabs. The U.S. military grabbed Libya’s gold supply when Gaddafi tried to use it to create an African gold-based alternative to the dollar for central banks to hold. And the US also grabbed Syria’s gold supply on its way out, leaving only the oil exports as a U.S. trophy of its conquest. It did the same with Afghanistan’s gold reserves on the way out. So obviously the United States anticipates gold returning to a major role in the world’s monetary system. (To add insult to injury, when U.S. officials finally gave back Iran money that it had seized from its reserves, it called this a gift and Congress attacked the act.)

The big question is how aggressive U.S. financial policy can work over the long run? Will it drive other countries away? Will it become as self-defeating as other U.S. international game-playing?

Let’s talk about how the world’s monetary system is likely to evolve in response to American attempt to gain financial control.

To me, any such attempt seems impossible to achieve. How can America or any other nation imagine that it can base its international power on finance alone? All countries can create finance and money. But not all countries can industrialize – or in the case of the United States and Germany, to re-industrialize.

The United States has deindustrialized, and its neoliberal privatization policies have loaded down the economy with an enormous overhead of debt service, health insurance costs and real estate costs. the FIRE sector (Finance, Insurance and Real Estates) has increased its share of reported GDP, but its income is not really for a “product†at all. It is a transfer payment from the production and consumption economy to the rentier sector. That makes America’s GDP much “emptier†than that of China and its socialized market economy. When the cost of credit and rents go up, so does GDP.

Money today is created on the computer. Any strong and self-sufficient nation or regional grouping can create its own money. They no longer need to base their money and debt on silver and gold bullion.

So I think that Trump is living in a past world – especially given the right-wing Republican “hard money†crowd pining for the old gold-exchange standard, insisting that government money creation is inherently inflationary (as if bank credit is not at all). I guess that’s what makes him a genius: He’s able to hold two opposing views at the same time, each with its own logic that contradicts his other view.

The United States was very strong in the bygone world when gold was the major asset of central banks. In the wake of World War II the U.S. Treasury was able to monopolize 80% of the monetary gold of the world’s central banks by 1950, when the Korean War broke out. Other countries needed dollars after World War II to buy U.S. exports, and to pay debts denominated in dollars, and they sold their gold to get these dollars.

But by 1971, U.S. foreign military spending had dissipated that control. The statistics that I compiled for Arthur Andersen in 1967 showed that the entire U.S. balance-of-payments deficit – the deficit that was draining U.S. gold – was U.S. military spending abroad. So the monetary reserves of central banks came to consist mainly of U.S. Treasury debt that they spent their dollar glut on. That was the change that my book Super Imperialism described in 1972. But U.S. attempts to weaponize finance has led countries not only to try to avoid holding more dollars, but to avoid leaving their gold in storage in the United States or Britain. Even Germany has asked for its gold reserves to be sent back to it from the New York Federal Reserve bank where much of Europe’s central bank gold holdings have been held since the 1930s saw a flood of flight capital to the United States as World War II was looming.

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•ï¿½Category: Economics, Foreign Policy •ï¿½Tags: China, Dollar, Donald Trump, EU, Free Trade, Gold, Iran, NATO, Russia, Tariff, Ukraine, Venezuela�

Video Link

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Hi, everybody. Today’s Thursday, January 2nd, 2025, and our friend Michael Hudson is back with us. Welcome back, Michael.

MICHAEL HUDSON: Good to be back.

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Michael, let’s get started with the economic key to 2025. What would that be, in your opinion?

MICHAEL HUDSON: Well, I’ve been thinking what a good title for the show should be, and I think it should be, “Today’s world economy is as good as it gets.†I think the United States, Europe, and the Near Eastern economic and political situation is, obviously, it’s unstable. And almost any specific forecast we make is likely to be wrong because there are so many variables at work and competing interests at play. But actually, this is what mathematicians call an optimum position. That may sound optimistic, and I’m never one to be optimistic, but an optimum position is technically one that, wherever you move, it’s going to be worse.

This is mathematically as good as it is. And that’s pretty much the situation you have today. You could say we’re now in the best of all possible worlds, given the policies that have led to the conflicts that we’re seeing: the conflict of national interest, the conflict of domestic interest, the conflict between the United States and Europe, and the United States against all the rest of the world. And I think that this year is going to be more than just change. I think that chaos is now official US policy. And that’s what you do when you’re trying to stop the world from moving in a direction that’s not in your interest.

All that the America can do is have chaos from the Near East to Europe and to the rest of the economy to stop the BRICS countries from trying to pursue their own national self-interest. So I think there’s going to be a number of clashes, and I can tell you what the clashes will be, but there’s no way of telling you now how they’re going to be resolved. First of all, you have Trump’s war against Europe is going to collapse the European economy further. There’s a clash between Turkey and the Near East. Who’s going to control the Near East? Is it going to be a new Ottoman Empire? And what’s the relationship between Turkey and Israel going to be? And at home here, right now, all of the newspapers are about the clash between President Trump and Congress regarding America’s military policy against the rest of the world.

Congress is dead set on continuing the war against Russia, and not letting President Trump make any kind of a deal that will slow the antagonism that is driving U.S. interests against Europe, against the global South countries, debtors that are affecting the dollar’s exchange rate and the domestic inflation here. So that’s what optimum means. And the basic aim of the U.S. policy is to keep an optimum position from changing by creating such chaos that there’s not going to be an alternative. So we’re back with what Margaret Thatcher said, “there is no alternative†as far as the U.S. policy is concerned. And the attempt not to create an alternative is driving other countries to force some kind of an alternative that really doesn’t have a roadmap at present. So I think there are two areas that we have to concentrate on.

One is gas, and the other is debt. And the most immediate problem is gas right now, because that’s the political key as well as the economic key. The United States foreign policy for the last century has been to try to control Near Eastern oil and gas production, because energy is the key to economic production. And the reason the U.S. wants to control it is to prevent other countries from having it if these countries act in a way that the United States opposes.

So the whole purpose of controlling Near Eastern gas, people are saying, why is it in America’s interest to be in the Near East? What do Iraq and Syria and even Iran have to do with affecting U.S. interests? Well, the reason is the U.S. interest wants to block off the Near East from other countries being able to get gas, just as the United States now is trying to block other countries from getting Russian gas. And that’s why oil has been the center of U.S. foreign policy and its attempt to dominate the world. And I think that’s the only reason why the U.S. has such an interest in the Near East. Well, the big problem, of course, even more immediate, is the new sanctions that are planned against Russian oil. Poland’s President Sikorski just said that, “What’s been happening is wonderful. The European Union has succeeded in preventing Russia from using its oil and gas exports to blackmail European economies by threatening to cut off energy exports.†Those are his words. And it’s as if selling oil and gas to Europe has been a form of Russian warfare by threatening to stop exporting it. Well, why on earth would Russia want to stop exporting its oil and gas? That’s been the mainstay of Russia’s balance of payments. Well, it’s the oil and gas exports that have enabled Russia to have the foreign exchange, to buy U.S. technology, Chinese technology, and to buy the manufactured goods and until now the food that Western economies were selling to Russia before the sanctions forced Russia to produce its food and manufacturers and consumer goods itself. So it’s the United States that’s using sanctions as blackmail against the European Union.

It’s using sanctions saying, well, it hurts Russia, and even if the cost of hurting Russia to the United States is worth destroying the core of German industry, destroying the European cost structure, forcing higher prices for energy, oil and gas, fertilizer, steel, and anything that’s made with energy. All of that is worth it. It’s very much like when Madeleine Albright was asked, “Is it really worth killing those millions of babies just to support U.S. policy against Iraq?†She said, “Yes, it’s worth it.†That’s basically the policy that the American Congress says when it comes to U.S. sanctions against Russia destroying the European economy.

Yes, it’s worth it. That’s collateral damage. There is no attempt to have any sense of mathematical proportion in the gains to the U.S. in hurting Russia, and by hurting Russia, presumably hurting China as Russia’s ally, hurting Iran. All of this is part of a kind of crazy U.S. attempt to block the whole world’s access to energy. Well, you can just imagine what’s going to happen. You’re seeing the rise in nationalistic parties in Europe. You’ve seen a backlash occurring, and the Czech Republic, Moldova, Romania, and Austria have just been cut off by Ukraine. It’s Ukraine that’s cut off Russian gas, not Russia, and yet today’s Wall Street Journal headline says Russia stops exporting gas to Europe. The whole mass media in the United States are so anti-Russian that it’s as if Russia is causing Europe’s problem of gas, not Ukraine, which isn’t even an EU member. So the amazing thing is that the European Union’s leaders, not the elected leaders, but the EU leaders, Von Der Leyen and the crazy Estonian NATO lady, are saying, “Well, it doesn’t matter what the European voters want. Our key is to protect Europe from Russia having the power to just march right through Poland and Germany right to the Atlantic Ocean.â€

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Video Link

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Hi, everybody, today is Wednesday, November 27th, and Michael Hudson and Richard Wolff are here with us. Welcome back, Michael and Richard.

MICHAEL HUDSON: Glad to be back.

RICHARD WOLFF: Glad to be here.

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Let’s get started with what’s going on between Russia and the United States in Ukraine. We had a new hypersonic missile hitting Ukraine. And I talked with Professor Ted Postol. I talked with Scott Ritter, Larry Johnson, all of these military analysts. They’re thinking this is a new weapon. This is a new – it has the impact of a nuclear bomb, but it doesn’t have a nuclear warhead. This is the importance of these new weapons that they’ve used to send the message to the West.

But the question right now is, is the message or has the message been perceived by the West, in your opinion? Richard, you can start.

RICHARD WOLFF: Well, for me, as always, I try to look at these things through the lens of what we have learned from history. And what we have learned from history is, among other things, that the capitalist era of the last three or four centuries has been remarkable for its technological changes. That is, remember Marx had a famous line, “all that’s solid turns into air.†Everything you assumed, true, will not be soon. Everything you assumed necessary, won’t be soon.

So that it becomes crucial, in the life of every capitalist, but indeed of every worker, of all of us, that you cannot assume in your thinking and your planning that the way things will be next year are a simple projection of how they are, now. This is a misunderstanding of how the world has worked, particularly in recent times. And there’s a debate about whether in the past it was all that different either. But in any case, we’re clear that things change all the time. All right.

It should have, therefore, been part of the thinking of the United States that the kind of military dominance that it had at the end of World War II, that this might last a while, but that it would be superseded, and there would be absolutely no basis to presume that the only people that would make technological advances are Americans. I mean, that’s silly. Nobody in their right mind should hold such a notion. And yet, look at what happened. As best I can tell, and I’m listening and watching all the same people you just mentioned. We have here a new technological development. It’s either an altogether new kind of missile, or if I understand correctly, a new adaptation of a missile that was being used from underwater, a submarine-based missile. But it’s a new development, one way or the other. And it shows that the Russians have a certain capability. You know, the military part of the Soviet Union was very advanced.

And it’s clear that at least under Putin, they have made every effort to do after the Soviet Union the kind of commitment to military preparedness and military studies and technological advance that the Soviets felt they had to do under Stalin and those who came after. Which shouldn’t again surprise anyone.

I mean, the whole history of the Soviet Union was the history of a breakthrough that became the demonized enemy of everybody in the West. And they were constantly besieged and threatened, and World War II was heavily inflicted upon them, etc., etc., etc.

It’s not surprising that they would A, be committed to military development, and B, be able to develop their technology either on their own or with the help of China. I’m sure we’ll never know that story in its totality. So here’s what I find remarkable: that the West seems to have been surprised.

But why? Why are you surprised? What is it? I mean, even commentators in the West have made a parallel with 1957. Well I remember that, in 1957, you know, I’m a teenager, but I’m already alive and aware, and Russia sent the Sputnik, the little satellite up, and they were the first ones to do it. And everyone in the West was astonished.

What? What, what is this? Here’s my sense: that the American delusion that the position it acquired with the collapse of the British Empire and then World Wars I and II would last forever was some kind of sign from God that the United States would be the center of the universe indefinitely.

And so when they learn, no, not the case, they are traumatized with anxiety and fear. But it’s not because of the danger from outside. It’s because of the delusion that led you not to calculate that this was part of what, what you’re going to face. The West keeps escalating in Ukraine.

Remember, if you go back to the beginning of the war, they were never going to put troops on the ground. They were never going to give them the Abrams tank. They were never going to give them the F-16 fighter plane. They were never, they were never, they gave it all. As the war goes badly, they escalate what they’ll do.

And it didn’t dawn on them that the Russians will counter-escalate, which the Russians have done in the ways that they could. At first, numerically. Russia is a large country. Ukraine is a little one. So the Russians can field an army three or four times what the Ukrainians can do. If there is no other way, or if that’s the best or cheapest way, then the Russians will escalate that way, which they did. And that helped them be victorious, which they have been.

Okay, now they made that decision. And by the way, for me, that was the most astounding thing. That a lame duck president, who has only a few weeks left, who has the, who his own party decided that he was not competent to run for president anymore, would be allowed to make the decision to free up the Ukrainians to shoot those missiles. What in the world? That there wasn’t an outcry about that tells you much about American politics. Very little about anything else.

Okay, the Russians then, having successfully escalated before, have now successfully escalated again with this new missile. And again, we see the United States. Oh, terrible. And by the way, things are being said over the last three or four days that show you how hysterical the British and the French have been making noises about putting their own troops into Ukraine. Are you crazy? Answer is yes. You’re crazy with fear and anxiety. The guy who’s the head of the Navy, the Naval forces, a Dutch admiral, makes comments about preemptive…

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Bauer.

RICHARD WOLFF: Yeah. Bauer. This is nuts. This is all nuts. This is, you know, hysteria. It tells you there must be unbelievable, frantic calls around the collective West trying to figure out what’s going on. But it’s unnecessary. There’s something very, very primitive going on here. I guess that’s what I want to get across. There’s this, there’s this problem of not having calculated that the Soviets might be really good at military. Because they were threatened in the entire 70 years of the Soviet… Let me remind everyone. 1917 is the Soviet Revolution. 1918, the troops of the United States, France, Britain, and Japan invaded the new Soviet Union. 10,000 American troops landed inside the Soviet Union and coordinated militarily with the white army in the civil war that racked Russia from 1918 to 1920. Japan, which was the fourth country whose troops landed in to put down the revolution, they didn’t leave Russia until 1922. So… and Lenin dies in 1923. So the whole beginning of the Soviet Union is characterized by military threat.

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Russia DESTROYS Sanctions & Rise of BRICS

Video Link

DANNY HAIFONG: Welcome, everyone. It’s your host, Danny Haiphong, and I am here for another live stream this afternoon. I wanted to begin by saying that we are going to center the theme of today’s discussion on the decline and the fall of the U.S. empire and the economic roots of this as we see major developments, both militarily and economically, globally, just absolutely shake up the world order as we speak. So the two guests I am bringing on today are renowned economists, prolific authors, academics, and so much more.

I will introduce them now. We have first a returning guest, friend of the show, Professor Richard Wolff. Hello, Richard. How are you?

RICHARD WOLFF: Okay, Danny. Glad to be here.

DANNY HAIPHONG: And also returning again is renowned economist and prolific author, Michael Hudson. Michael, good to see you.

MICHAEL HUDSON: Good to be here.

DANNY HAIPHONG: Great. So everybody, as you come on the live stream, be sure to hit the like button. You can also find in the video description both Richard Wolff’s and Michael Hudson’s website where you can find all of their work, including their many books that you should support. Without further ado, let us get started.

So I wanted to start with you, Richard. And before I do, I’ll play what Lindsey Graham had to say about the Ukraine conflict recently on Fox News, because I think it gets to the economic roots of some of these major developments.

We just saw Russia launch the Oreshnik missile, which has the capability of hitting anywhere really in the world, in particular Europe, in a matter of minutes without nuclear fallout. And this has made and driven NATO crazy. But we’ve talked about a lot also the economic implications of this conflict.

And I’m just going to play now what Lindsey Graham had to say, because I think it is very instructive for what this is really all about for the United States and NATO. And I like your comment to help us understand this.

FOX NEWS: Ukraine is still standing. This war is about money. People don’t talk much about it. But you know, the richest country in all of Europe for rare earth minerals is Ukraine. Two to seven trillion dollars worth of minerals that are rare earth minerals, very relevant to the 21st century. Ukraine’s ready to do a deal with us, not the Russians. So it’s in our interest to make sure that Russia doesn’t take over the place.

It’s the breadbasket of really the developing world. 50 percent of all the food going to Africa comes out of Ukraine. We can make money and have an economic relationship with Ukraine to be very beneficial to us with peace. So Donald Trump’s going to do a deal to get our money back, to enrich ourselves with rare earth minerals, a good deal for Ukraine and us. And it’s going to bring peace. And Biden’s been a disaster when it comes to containing bad guys. Ukraine is still…

DANNY HAIPHONG: So, Richard, I’ll start with you. How is this war going for, especially economically, for the United States and NATO, given what Lindsey Graham was just saying?

RICHARD WOLFF: Well, let me begin by saying that Lindsey Graham is an embarrassment to all of us. When he opens his mouth about economics, all of us, and I’m talking about my colleagues on the right, on the left, and in the middle, get ready for something which, if an undergraduate said it in one of our classrooms, we’d shake our head in disbelief at how poorly we had been able to teach that young man or woman what we’re there to do. It’s extraordinary, really extraordinary.

The issues in the Ukraine war, as made clear by the Russians over and over again, and not disputed really by anybody except, of course, Lindsey Graham, the issue is that the Russians feel their security is threatened by having a NATO member in the Ukraine on their border.

They feel as though they have let a lot of that kind of thing go, as many of the countries of Eastern Europe have already joined NATO. Ukraine is the biggest among them, and if you look at the geography, pokes into Russia quite extensively.

They didn’t want that, and they insisted that Ukraine could be an independent country, could have a government hostile to Russia, could do all kinds of things, and I’ll come back to that in a minute, but not be part of NATO, and not be, allow missiles that threaten Russia to be located on its territory.

Here’s one of the things they never asked for, and do not ask for now, to control with whom an independent Ukraine would make financial deals. The Ukraine produces a lot of food products. Russia understands that those are marketed by Ukraine around the world, and that generates income for Ukraine and is a crucial part of its economy, and Russia has no need for and no interest in doing much about that, or certainly not in ending it. And the same would be true if Ukraine has minerals and so forth. Maybe what Mr. Lindsey Graham means, because he’s not too clear in his own head about these things, which is obvious.

Maybe what he means is that the money that the United States is going to be asked to contribute to Ukraine when the war is over, to help rebuild the enormous parts of Ukraine that have been damaged in the war. Maybe what he means is that money going to Ukraine will immediately be turned around and sent right back to the United States, in the form of rare earths that the United States needs.

It wants those things. That’s nice. Normally, it would have to go and bid for them the way everybody normally does in international trade, and so the United States would be expected to do that, just like other countries bid for Ukrainian food products, and they would get those.

It’s really not germane at this point. Nobody has said that Ukraine would be limited into whom it could sell its rare earths. So Mr. Lindsey Graham is just, confused. I’m trying to be polite here. He’s confused. He can get access. You don’t need to have a war to get access, and you don’t need to persist in the war to get access. He just doesn’t understand what the hell is going on and once again embarrasses himself for those people who do.

And I’m sure he’s counting on those people being few and far between so that he can get the headline that makes it look somehow plausible for him to be supporting Mr. Trump now that he’s figured out that his career depends on it.

He’s made that mistake twice before being critical and then having to retract. So now he’s avoiding that mistake for a third time. It’s only a shame that it took him the repeated experience that touching a hot stove burns your finger.

DANNY HAIPHONG: Yeah, Michael, you can come in.

MICHAEL HUDSON: For the last few months, Richard and I both have been putting that issue in a broader perspective. We’ve used the Cold War, the fight against Russia, the fight against China, the military Cold War all over the world as being against American economic interests.

And we’ve discussed, how do we have a materialist approach to history saying that countries are going to act in their own self-interest when it seems to us that the United States is visibly not doing that. And how do we explain Europe’s behavior? How can Germany and Europe, which is being devastated by the war in Ukraine and all of the sanctions.

And how can all of these other countries somehow been backing this self-destructive American policy and say, well, we can fit that into the materialist approach to history by saying, well, it really is in America’s self-interest. Well, all of a sudden, here comes Lindsey Graham and seems to say, well, very simple, the war is in our self-interest.

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•ï¿½Category: Foreign Policy, History •ï¿½Tags: American Military, BRICs, Russia, Ukraine�
Richard D. Wolff & Michael Hudson

Video Link

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Hi, everybody. Today is Thursday, November 21st, and we have Michael Hudson and Richard Wolff with us here. Welcome back.

RICHARD WOLFF: Thank you, Nima. Glad to be here.

MICHAEL HUDSON: Yep!

NIMA ALKHORSHID: And let’s get started with the breaking news about Netanyahu and Gallant. We’ve learned that ICC, we’ve learned about the ICC arrest warrant on Netanyahu and Gallant, the former defense minister of Israel. And here is what we heard from CNN.

CNN NEWS CLIP: “The criminal court has just issued arrest warrants for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Israeli defense minister Yoav Gallant, accusing them of war crimes in Gaza, and also for a top Hamas commander, also known as Mohammed Deef, who is believed to be dead.

The court says it found reasonable grounds to believe the prime minister bears criminal responsibility for war crimes, including starvation as a method of warfare, and it rejected Israel’s challenge of the court’s jurisdiction over the matter. CNN’s Nick Robertson joins us now from Jerusalem. Nick, what more can you tell us?

Well, this is a very, very significant escalation. It was first announced by Kareem Khan, the ICC chief prosecutor, back in May, that he was going to seek to request arrest warrants for Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant, who was the defense minister at the time, as well as three other senior Hamas officials, including Mohammed Deef, Ismail Hania, Yaya Sinwa, the other.

Those three are all dead. Deef believed to have been killed in July. So unclear why they’ve issued an arrest warrant now for him. But by overturning Israel’s rejection of the jurisdiction and the allegations by the court, this clears the way for something very, very significant, which Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Israel have never, ever faced before.

These are very, very serious charges and allegations, as you read them out there, that the court believes he has, they have grounds to believe that he bears criminal responsibility for war crimes, as you said, including starvation as a method of warfare and of crimes against humanity, of murder, persecution and of other crimes.

These are very, very serious allegations. These are not the sorts of allegations that the Prime Minister has faced before. When they, when the ICC first made these statements back in May, the Prime Minister, the Prime Minister’s office said that they were absurd, that they were false and that they were a distortion of reality.

It is something that back then the Prime Minister took very, very seriously, has been in meetings today with the U.S. mediator Amos Hochstein talking about the possibility of a ceasefire with Hezbollah in Lebanon to the north. But this is absolutely now going to come front and center of the Prime Minister’s attention here.â€

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Yeah, here is the reactions from the European Union. The EU considers, Joseph Burrell said that the EU considers the ICC warrants against Netanyahu and Gallant binding to be implemented.

And on the part of Israelis, we are hearing that Israeli Minister of National Security proposed extending the country’s sovereignty over the West Bank in response to international criminal code arrest warrant for Netanyahu and Gallant. And your take, Michael, let’s get started.

MICHAEL HUDSON: Well, when I grew up, people were still discussing the Nuremberg trials, and I can just imagine what Netanyahu’s defense, if he were there, would be. He’d say that these bombs that were dropped on Gaza were not my bombs. They were America’s bombs. We didn’t target where to bomb. The Americans targeted it. I was only following orders.

Of course, that’s not what he said. What he said was, how can you accuse me of genocide when we’ve said that the Palestinians are not human beings? How can there be genocide against people who are not human? That is what he said. He said it’s anti-Semitic to claim that Palestinians are human and that we killed other human beings.

I think he’s just driven 99% of the world to say, if that…. is anti-Semitism, well, you can draw your conclusions.

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Richard.

NIMA ALKHORSHID: Yeah, well, it seems to me that the slogan often attributed to the victims and opponents of Naziist Holocaust was the phrase, never again. But what this shows us is that the phrase should be amended.

Never again, unless we do it, then apparently the never again doesn’t apply. I want to stress one particular thing. The Israelis will mock and dismiss what just happened, as you can see. That is what they basically have been doing all along. But they are now, yet again, in one additional way, isolated in the world.

I want to hammer at the isolation. An isolation of Israel, now having its leader-in-chief be, you know, put under an arrest warrant for genocide. It’s extraordinary. Happens very rarely in the world. He’s getting that, and the only significant support that Israel has is the United States.

That’s why it’s important for you to have read Joseph Borrell’s statement from the EU, which at least verbally, I doubt they’ll do much, but verbally says we are not being taken down the road to isolation.

By contrast, the United States is being taken down the road to further and further isolation as the financial and military enabler of what has now been called genocide-warranting arrest. Under the normal notions of the law that I’m familiar with, the accomplice to the crime, is likewise subject.

What will prevent now, a prosecutor, especially when they get the response from Israel, and what I will expect to be the response from the United States? The demand will be made. We may not hear about it, but in the court, the demand will be made if Netanyahu behavior warrants an arrest.

Why would Biden be exempt? Biden has authorized the money and the weapons without which this genocide could not have been prosecuted. And the many opportunities the United States had to stop it were not utilized. Thereby, they have convicted themselves to be an accomplice, and therefore the question will arise.

But even if it doesn’t, even if they avoid the embarrassment, there it is. And I want to stress, not out of a defense – I’m no supporter or enthusiast for Vladimir Putin, Lord knows – but that war has been going on considerably longer, and no comparable bombing of hospitals and schools and children has been committed.

The ICC saw fit to issue an arrest warrant against Putin. That was for invading another country, and that’s an issue. But the difference is that no one is asserting, not even the Ukrainians are asserting genocide. Whereas here we have this situation that is so extraordinarily significant.

And I think the history, history will shake its head in wonderment for decades to come, how the Israelis and the Americans worked themselves into this horrific dead end.

MICHAEL HUDSON: Well, Richard said that he doubts that anything is really going to come of this. So what could come of this? What should be? Number one, should Israel be excluded from the United Nations?

This is an Israeli policy. Netanyahu and the others who are charged are acting on behalf of Israel, which is a part of Israel’s population. Number two, should there be trade sanctions against Israel to prevent Turkey from supplying it with the oil that it’s supplied,

against the United States for supplying it with the bombs and armaments that Richard’s just mentioned? And in fact, should the United States be sanctioned against this, against its ability to vote in the Security Council to prevent any United Nations sanctions from being done?

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Michael Hudson
About Michael Hudson

Michael Hudson is President of The Institute for the Study of Long-Term Economic Trends (ISLET), a Wall Street Financial Analyst, Distinguished Research Professor of Economics at the University of Missouri, Kansas City and author of The Bubble and Beyond (2012), Super-Imperialism: The Economic Strategy of American Empire (1968 & 2003), Trade, Development and Foreign Debt (1992 & 2009) and of The Myth of Aid (1971).

ISLET engages in research regarding domestic and international finance, national income and balance-sheet accounting with regard to real estate, and the economic history of the ancient Near East.

Michael acts as an economic advisor to governments worldwide including Iceland, Latvia and China on finance and tax law.