Legitimacy

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

Resumo Este artigo visa apresentar a socialização legal como um campo de investigação que busca compreender a maneira pela qual as crianças e os adolescentes desenvolvem suas noções sobre autoridades, regras e leis. Trata-se de uma revisão da literatura dividida em dois segmentos centrais: um balanço teórico das chamadas abordagens tradicionais e uma síntese dos estudos recentes sobre a temática da socialização legal. Além disso, o artigo sinaliza alguns desafios de pesquisa que podem contribuir para o entendimento desse processo no contexto brasileiro. Abstract The article aims to present the legal socialization as an inquiry field that seeks to understand how children and adolescents develop their views on authorities, rules and laws. This article presents a literature review divided into two main segments: a theoretical review about the traditional approaches and a brief review about the recent studies on the legal socialization. In addition, the article indicates some research c...

Global public opinion has emerged as a prominent issue in international relations. But have U.S. public diplomacy efforts during the post-9/11 period successfully improved foreign publics' appraisals of U.S. foreign policy? We examine this question by estimating the effects of U.S. high-level visits to foreign countries on public opinion in those countries. We base our theoretical arguments on the political communication literature, but extend them to consider transnational dynamics in international relations. Specifically, we argue that U.S. leaders' credibility in the eyes of foreign publics is critical in shaping attitudes toward U.S. foreign policy. Empirically, we show that the effects of such visits were initially significantly large and positive, but weakened once the war in Iraq began and international media started reporting negative aspects of the ''war on terror.'' Most interestingly, we find some evidence that high-level visits eventually exhibited a backlash effect.

Objectives We undertook a systematic review and meta-analysis to synthesize the published and unpublished empirical evidence on the impact of police-led interventions that use procedurally just dialogue focused on improving citizen perceptions of police legitimacy. Methods The systematic search included any public police intervention where there was a statement that the intervention involved police dialogue with citizens that either was aimed explicitly at improving police legitimacy, or used at least one core ingredient of procedural justice dialogue: police encouraging citizen participation, remaining neutral in their decision making, conveying trustworthy motives, or demonstrating dignity and respect throughout interactions. The studies included in our meta-analyses also had to include at least one direct outcome that measured legitimacy or procedural justice, or one outcome that is common in the legitimacy extant literature: citizen compliance, cooperation, confidence or satisfaction with police. We conducted separate meta-analyses, using random effects models, for each outcome. Results For every single one of our outcome measures, the effect of legitimacy policing was in a positive direction, and, for all but the legitimacy outcome, statistically significant. Notwithstanding the variability in the mode in which legitimacy policing is delivered (i.e., the study intervention) and the complexities around measurement of legitimacy outcomes, our review shows that the dialogue component of front-line police-led interventions is an important vehicle for promoting citizen

LOS 75 AÑOS del Rey Juan Carlos llegan en un momento crítico para España. También para la propia institución monárquica. Y es que, por más que se edulcore con sabrosas mieles (monarquía «parlamentaria»), se tinte con atractivos colores (el rey «reina pero no gobierna»), se maquille con preciados cosméticos (el rey como mero «símbolo de unidad») o se vista con exóticos trajes (el rey como personificación de nuestra Historia), la monarquía como idea es, a todas luces, opuesta a la democracia, en su sentido más genuino.

LA JUSTIFICACIÓN DEL TRABAJO DIPLOMÁTICO DESARROLLADO EN MÉXICO POR CHARLES WYKE DURANTE DOS AÑOS SE BASÓ EN LAS INSTRUCCIONES DIPLOAMÁTICAS REALIZADAS POR EL FOREING OFFICE. ESTE DOCUMENTO OFICIAL ES IMPORTANTE PORQUE INCLUYE ASPECTOS QUE DETERMINARON LAS RELACIONES BILATERALES, ADEMÁS DE ESTAR BASADAS EN PATRONES BRITÁNICOS Y EN PRINCIPIOS DEL DERECHO INTERNACIONAL. LA MORATORIA POR ESOS DOS AÑOS EN EL SERVICIO DE LA DEUDA, ORDENADA POR JUÁREZ EN JULIO DE 1861, CONVENCIÓ A LOS GOBIERNOS DE LA GRAN BRETAÑA, FRANCIA Y ESPAÑA PARA INTERVENIR EN MÉXICO. ESTE ARTÍCULO ANALIZA LA SUSPENSIÓN DEL PAGO QUE ANTES NINGÚN GOBIERNO MEXICANO HABÍA REPUDIADO CUMPLIR. SE ARGUMENTA QUE LA INTERVENCIÓN FUE DISEÑADA PARA ESTABLECER UN RÉGIMEN CAPAZZ DE HONRAR SUS OBLIGACIONES EN TORNO A LA DEUDA Y PREPARAR AL PAÍS PARA RECIBIR IMPORTANTES INVERSIONES.

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In a fascinating paper on the nature of police legitimacy in Southern China, Sun et al. (2018) present evidence that what have previously been treated as possible sources of legitimacy—public perceptions of police procedural justice, distributive justice, effectiveness and lawfulness—are in fact constituent components of legitimacy. We argue in this paper, that the empirical strategy used to reach this conclusion is not fit for purpose because both conceptual stances—possible sources of legitimacy or constituent components of legitimacy—are consistent with the same fitted statistical model. Ironically, therefore, Sun and colleagues end up assuming rather than discovering the normative bases on which people judge police legitimacy. To be sensitive to cultural context means using a methodology that does not a priori impose the preconditions of legitimacy. We illustrate this general point by analysing nationally representative data from 30 countries across Europe and beyond.

Mining activities generate significant social concerns in terms of employee safety and stakeholder scrutiny has increased considerably in recent years. Social and environmental accounting research is largely dedicated to environmental issues and the study of other components of social accounting is limited. This study examines safety disclosures in the annual reports, sustainability reports, and reactive corporate press releases of South African mining organisations following two major mining accidents occurring at Harmony Gold and Gold Fields' mines. Results show that organisations react to perceived legitimacy threats through increased safety disclosures. The entire mining industry evidences an increase in disclosure levels after the incidents, suggesting that organisations do respond to increased stakeholder scrutiny threatening their legitimacy. Furthermore, our results provide evidence of an association between safety disclosure levels and firm size, social performance, risk, and number of fatalities, while the media attention devoted to mining accidents appears to be unrelated to safety disclosure levels. It is possible that stakeholder pressure, which motivates corporate social disclosures according to legitimacy and stakeholder theories, consists of various factors, which combined form the motivation to report. Media attention, therefore, cannot be considered in isolation as a driver of disclosure. Rather, a combination of variables such as size, social responsibility performance, number of fatalities, risk, and media attention could serve as a proxy for social pressure.

How can we explain the dynamics of nonconventional struggles such as the Gaza flotilla case of May 2010? Most international relations scholars analyze international disputes using a “chess logic,” according to which the actors seek to outmaneuver their opponents on the battleground. However, an increasing number of clashes are guided by a “performance logic”: although the players interact with one another, their real targets are audiences. The present study aims to bridge this gap, proposing a phenomenological framework for analyzing this particular kind of performative contest over legitimation and delegitimation in contemporary conflicts. It expands upon the idea that current anarchical global politics increasingly lead contending actors to engage in “pure” legitimation struggles—“battles for legitimacy”—seeking to persuade international audiences that they deserve political support. After providing guidelines for the identification of these phenomena, this article presents a model for the methodical examination of their interactive dynamics based on three legitimation functions (appropriateness, consensus, empathy). This model is applied to the flotilla case by mapping the protagonists’ framing contests across “legitimation (battle)fields.” The findings of this study, which emphasize the strong interplay between normative, political, and emotional mechanisms for empowering (de)legitimation strategies, can contribute to expanding the research program concerning international legitimacy.

Legitimacy is at the heart of knowledge politics surrounding agriculture and food. When people accept industrial food practices as credible and authoritative, they are consenting to their use and existence. With their thick legitimacy, industrial food systems paralyze the growth of alternative agricultures, including agroecology. Questions of how alternative agricultures can attain their own thick legitimacy in order to compete with, and displace, that of industrial food have not yet attracted much scrutiny. We show that both agroecological and scientific legitimacy grow out of a web of legitimation processes in the scientific, policy, political, legal, practice, and civic arenas. Crucially, legitimation often comes through meeting what we call ‘credibility tests’. Agroecologists can learn to navigate these co-constituted, multiple bases of legitimacy by paying attention to how credibility tests are currently being set in each arena, and beginning to recalibrate these tests to open ...

All rights reserved This volume reflects the view of the authors. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this volume do not necessarily reflect the views of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development /The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly.

Terrorism threatens international business (IB) through its direct and indirect effects. As governments tighten security at public sites, businesses have become more attractive terrorist targets, with important implications for the operations and performance of multinational firms. While terrorism has been substantially studied in other fields, there has been little scholarly research to address terrorism and the distinctive challenges that it poses for IB. In this article we conceptualize terrorism in relation to IB. We provide background on the dimensions and effects of terrorism, and develop a theoretical grounding for terrorism research by drawing on the literature from IB, economics, political science, and other fields. After discussing findings from the literature review, we offer a comprehensive agenda for future research regarding the relationship between terrorism and IB. Our agenda emphasizes the effects of terrorism, organizational preparedness, company strategy and performance, global supply chain and distribution channels, and human resource issues. Our review helps establish a baseline for future empirical research. Consistent with the early stages of research, IB scholars are encouraged to offer useful perspectives and effective solutions that shed needed light on terrorism and help reduce its destructive effects for IB and multinational firms.

Based on findings from five case studies we discuss benefits obtained by using a common project management (PM) model. The case studies are part of an international research project aiming at determining the value of project management. All five companies applied a customized PM model. The five models are presented and their characteristics, similarities, and differences discussed. Based on interviews and comparisons with literature, the values obtained are identified. The values relate to efficiency, legitimacy, power and control, and stakeholder satisfaction. Further, the article points to necessary preconditions (both technical and human factors) in order to harvest the values.

Previous research has analyzed the differences between Non-profit and For-profit organizations, for example divergences in vision, function, organizational structure and motivation. The present work is a conceptual paper where we have developed a deep analysis of the Non-profit literature, integrating the Italian literature to the international one within the institutional and organizational theory framework. Therefore, we have studied the reason why many Non-profit organizations use to prepare the financial statement used by For-profit organizations, in particular the economic and financial statement. We argue that because of normative isomorphism, legitimacy, in particular strategic legitimacy and because of the fundamental importance, for this type of organization, of internal and external control, a large number of Non-profit organizations tend to prepare the financial statement similar to the For-profit ones, also if it often does not fit well with their activities and can been even disadvantageous.

As internet users become subjected to stricter and more developed means of surveillance and censorship, the developments towards a decentralised version of the network move forwards by providing functional and scalable alternatives. These blockchain inventions are definitely marvelous from the perspective of engineering and cryptography, but they raise important questions about legitimacy and governance. By employing qualitative data analysis and comparisons, this paper aims to present the current state of the internet, explain the origins and nature of the blockchain as the underlying source of immutable decentralisation, and ultimately ask the question " What are the possible solutions to create a truly decentralised internet which makes use of all the new technological advancements but is simultaneously accountable to national, transnational, and international polities? ". According to the findings, a framework of trust, collaboration and consensus must be established between those who govern and those who are governed, as new cryptographic innovations are led by autonomous " law is code " systems.

Police legitimacy is an important topic of criminological research, yet it has received only sporadic study in societies where there is widespread police corruption, where the position of the police is less secure, and where social order is more tenuous. Analysing data from a probability sample survey of adults in Lahore, Pakistan, we examine the empirical links between people’s experience of police corruption, their perceptions of the fairness and effectiveness of the police, and their beliefs about the legitimacy of the police. Our findings suggest that in a context in which minimal effectiveness and integrity is yet to be established, police legitimacy may rest not just on the procedural fairness of officers, but also on their demonstrated ability to control crime and avoid corruption.

This paper reconstructs the deficiencies of formal democracies to explain the internal injustices of the modern state, the self-righteous swaggering foreign policy of Western powers, and the dangerously over-simplified, polar logic characterizing the war rhetoric of the modern era. ...

Whereas previous studies of legitimacy and trust have mostly dealt with procedural justice and the police, this book focuses on other crucial understudied aspects of legitimacy within criminal law, policy and criminal justice. The chapters expand and develop current criminological, legal and socio-legal research by addressing conceptions of legitimacy linked to criminal law norms, criminalisation and sanctioning; by examining EU legal and policy aspects of the phenomenon; and by exploring some specific court-related issues of legitimacy and trust, hitherto neglected.
With contributions from across the EU, this interdisciplinary collection presents a valuable discussion on the importance of trust in legal institutions of modern democracies and suggests ideas for future research in this area to challenge ways of thinking about legitimacy.

Different ways of doing politics, particularly the distinction between majoritarian and consensus democracy, help account for differences in national appetites for punishment, as a comparison of two child-on-child homicides from the 1990s—the Bulger case in England and the Redergård case in Norway – shows. In England, pressed to act by emotive, condemnatory press coverage in a highly competitive media market, all politicians had incentives to politicize the case. The Labour Party used the Bulger case to indicate its new and tougher approach to law and order and to make the party more electable in the face of rising public concern about crime. Simplistic tabloid rhetoric went largely unchallenged, and the public’s press-fueled fears about crime were legitimated by traditionally left-leaning politicians intent to distance themselves from the expertise of traditional elites. The consensual nature of Norwegian politics decreased incentives to politicize the Redergård homicide in the same way.

This article investigates the link between corporate social responsibility (CSR) practices and the reasons for which legitimacy is ascribed or denied. It fills a gap in the literature on CSR and legitimacy which lacks empirical studies regarding the question whether CSR contributes to organisational legitimacy. The problem is discussed by referring to the case of De Beers' diamond mining partnership with the government of Namibia. A total of 42 interviews were conducted -41 with stakeholders and one with the focal organisation Namdeb. The 41 stakeholder interviews are analysed with regards to cognitive, pragmatic and moral legitimacy as defined by Suchman (1995). The main finding is that the majority of statements on organisational legitimacy refer to moral legitimacy and most issues raised in this context challenge the company's legitimacy despite its comprehensive CSR engagement. The study demonstrates that legitimacy gaps can be a result of communication practices that raise unrealistic stakeholder expectations and that the legitimacy gained by CSR engagement in one area cannot substitute legitimacy losses caused by failures in another.

In recent years, scholars of criminal justice and criminology have brought legitimacy to the forefront of academic and policy discussion. The focus has been primarily – though not exclusively – on legitimacy within policing, with the most common approach framing legitimacy as a self-regulatory scheme that can enhance widespread voluntary compliance with the law and cooperation with legal authorities. In the most influential definition, institutional trust is assumed to be an integral element of legitimacy (Tyler, 2006a, 2006b). For an individual to find the police to be legitimate, for instance, she must feel that it is her positive duty to obey the instructions of police officers (she grants the police the rightful authority to dictate appropriate behavior), but she must also believe that police officers exercise their power appropriately. In this chapter we argue that the nature, measurement and motivating force of trust and legitimacy is in need of further explication. Considering these two concepts in a context of a type of authority that is both coercive and consent-based in nature, we make the case that legitimacy is (a) the belief that an institution exhibits properties that justify its power and (b) a duty to obey that emerges out of this sense of appropriateness; that trust is about positive expectations about valued behavior from institutional officials; and that legitimacy and institutional trust overlap if one assumes that people judge the appropriateness of the police as an institution on the basis of the appropriateness of officers' use of power. Our discussion will, we hope, be of broad theoretical and policy interest.

¿Cómo pensar el sorteo con eficacia? Mi propuesta es construir una teoría general del sorteo, abordándolo de forma comparativa, para averiguar cuáles son las constantes teóricas entre la gran diversidad empírica de sus usos particulares. En primer lugar, comparo el sorteo a los otros tres modos de selección: elección, nombramiento o cooptación y certificación. En segundo lugar, analizo los marcos deliberativos, es decir, “quién decide qué y cómo”. Tercero, distingo cuatro principios democráticos del sorteo: igualdad, imparcialidad, representatividad y legitimidad. Mi primera hipótesis es que el sorteo amplía considerablemente la igualdad, imparcialidad y representatividad. La segunda de mis hipótesis radica en que el sorteo es el único método de selección con una forma específica de humildad-legitimidad, mientras que los tres restantes modos de selección producen una superioridad-legitimidad que declara superior al representante por encima del representado a través del proceso de selección.

https://revistas.um.es/daimon/article/view/295921

How do ‘new’ and ’old’ Islamic actors in contemporary Albania define religious legitimacy, the nation and religious otherness? This chapter uses Olivier Roy’s analytical distinction between accommodationism and neo-fundamentalism as a compass to navigate through Albania’s complex religious landscape by exploring different sets of beliefs promulgated by a selection of Islamic groups (2010).  These are the Muslim Community of Albania, which represents ‘official Islam’ , and ‘mainstream’ Sunni Muslims, who are typically accommodationist. I also analyse a Sufi subgroup thereof, which is equally accommodationist, but in a slightly different manner. As a neo-fundamentalist counterpoint, I explore the ideas of a competing organisation composed of Salafi imams.

Accommodationism means that the bond between religion and a specific territory and culture of origin is tight. In this context, ‘culture’ refers to Albanian historical tradition and the language-based, secular nation-building project engineered by modernising state elites since the early 20th century. Neo-fundamentalism, conversely, is a globalised form of religion that emphasises the gap between faith and culture. As such, it represents a reformatted, exportable form of religiosity, which stands in contrast to cultural ethno-national ways of being Muslim. Neo-fundamentalist religious identity is faith-based, and seeks to ground itself solely upon explicit religious norms, at least in principle. Accordingly, these believers make their religiosity visible through a global uniform of religious markers detached from the surrounding culture.

In the Albanian Islamic context, the theoretically informed labels, neo-fundamentalist and accommodationist, roughly correspond to the ‘Albanianist’ versus the ‘Salafi’ forms of Islam. To some extent, this resonates with mainstream distinctions adopted in Albania and in the Balkans. A popular Albanian term for Muslims associated with neo-fundamentalist forms of Islam is ‘fanatic’ (fanatik). Accommodationism is commonly related to ‘old’ forms of Islam, which many be deemed as local, rooted, and European as well as tolerant and moderate. Neo-fundamentalism, conversely, refers to certain ‘new’ forms of Islam, i.e. those perceived to be imported, transnational, alien, ‘fanatic’ and a threat to local religious customs. This cultural distinction between what are deemed acceptable and unacceptable forms of Islam is often politicised and securitised. As I will show, the association between neo-fundamentalism and violence is not necessarily correct, and the Salafi community under scrutiny here can be defined as pacifist and purist (Wiktorowicz 2006). These two formats, moreover, clash and merge together as different local actors seek to recast and legitimize their respective positions.

In Belgium a long process (1999)(2000)(2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005) led to the designation of several marine protected areas (MPAs). In order to analyse the designation process, the 'policy arrangement approach' was used as an analytical tool. Attention was given to four dimensions (actors and coalitions, arguments, rules and resources). Particular attention was paid to the switch from an authoritative to a more deliberated policy style in reaction to conflicts with stakeholders. This switch in policy style contributed to a successful legal designation, but does not guarantee the best protection of marine biodiversity. This case study linked science (setting ecological goals) to policy (analysis of a policy process) and led to some more general conclusions on the designation of MPAs and the role of participation in this process.

En este trabajo se realiza una revisión de la literatura reciente sobre las redes de emprendimiento. Desde una perspectiva instrumental, se pretende integrar las descripciones teóricas acerca de cómo el contenido y la estructura de las redes sociales contribuyen al éxito de la actividad del entrepreneur. Para tal efecto, esta revisión procede primero exponiendo los diferentes enfoques para el estudio de la relación entre las redes sociales y el proceso de emprendimiento. Posteriormente aborda las distintas definiciones y topologías existentes del concepto de red social de emprendimiento. En tercer lugar se exponen 5 modelos que explican la relación que existe entre las dinámicas de las redes y las etapas de evolución del proceso de emprendimiento; seguidamente este trabajo aborda el papel instrumental de las redes para los emprendedores en desarrollo de su actividad, concentrándose en explicar cómo los entrepreneurs usan las redes para obtener legitimidad social y cognitiva. El trabajo finaliza proponiendo algunas conclusiones y elementos a considerarse en investigaciones futuras.

All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America September 2008 This volume is a product of the staff of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/ The World Bank. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/ The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly.

New policies require legitimacy to survive. Prison privatization represents a policy challenged by initial perceptions of illegitimacy. In the 1980s, governments began to allow private firms to run correctional facilities, shifting an inherently coercive, traditionally governmental function—incarceration—to the private sector. With data from 706 articles in four major American newspapers spanning 24 years, this research uses Freudenburg and Alario’s concept of diversionary reframing to measure and track the moral legitimacy of prison privatization across time and place. Findings suggest that initially high levels of moral legitimacy facilitated some states’ adoption of private prisons, while initially low levels of moral legitimacy stunted the growth of privatization in other states. This study presents a novel way of measuring moral legitimacy, demonstrates how the concept may be used to help explain controversial public policy changes, and documents the cultural content of private prison debates in the United States.

How could a state have the moral authority to promulgate and enforce laws that citizens are thereby obliged to obey? That is the problem of political authority. The Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority contends that great social benefits depend upon there being a state with political authority. In his book, 'The Problem of Political Authority,' Michael Huemer considers different types of explanation of political authority and he rejects them all. I show that the objections he raises to consequentialist accounts are confused and that they fail to connect with the Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority. Huemer argues that anarchy of a particular kind would be better than the states that exist in current Western societies. I explain why that argument, if it were successful, would be an effective objection to the Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority.

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The paper is a first critical analysis of the Prüm Convention on deepening transfrontier cooperation, amongst others in view of combating terrorism, transfrontier crime, and illegal migration, which was signed by Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Luxembourg, The Netherlands and Spain on 27 May 2005 and which will enter into force after its ratification by two States. While its scope is

This book examines how the Zionist movement, and later the state of Israel, have dealt with various longstanding efforts to delegitimize Israel’s standing in the international community, including by the Arab League Boycott, the United Nations, and the Boycott, Divest and Sanctions (BDS) movement.

Through historical and archival research, as well as discourse analysis
of legal and governmental documents, public statements of Israeli officials, and interviews with Israeli policy makers, this book argues that Israel has constructed perceived and real challenges to its legitimacy as ontological threats that undermine its national security, and has securitized its Jewish identity in response to these threats. As a result, the state has adopted extraordinary measures, often marked by illiberalism. Rather than enhance Israel’s international legitimacy, these measures have undermined it further, especially among liberal audiences in the West, whose support is critical for Israel’s continued international legitimacy. Therefore, Israel is locked in a securitization dilemma—where actions taken to enhance its security through increased legitimacy result in further delegitimization. Highlighting the ways this securitization dilemma is at the heart of Israeli policymaking today—particularly in the context of the recent BDS movement—this book brings into focus key problems that Israel faces as it attempts to combat delegitimization movements against its self-constructed identity as a Jewish state.

This book will be of great interest to students, scholars, and policy makers engaged with critical security studies and delegitimization, Israeli studies and Jewish identity, and policymaking in the Middle East.

Purpose: This paper explores the factors that affected the voluntary risk-related disclosures in the individual annual reports for 2006 of Portuguese banks. We also explore the extent to which in those reports conformed to Basel II requirements in terms of the voluntary disclosure of operational risk and capital structure and adequacy matters.

Gender equality is an extremely important issue for all businesses, nevertheless the fast fashion industry, which targets mainly the female population, faces major challenges related to women wellbeing and labor rights, employees professional and personal development. The objective of
this paper is to analyse how three leading fast fashion companies include gender equality in their sustainability reports as part of their communication strategy and as a tool for legitimations. The main findings show that fast fashion industry focuses the communication based on gender equality issues explaining the improved working conditions and professional development opportunities for the female employees from all around the world along the entire Supply Chain Management.