Changing Values in Cuban Rumba,

A Lower Class Black Dance Appropriated by the Cuban

Revolution
Yvonne Payne Daniel

In contemporary Cuba, a previously marginal cultural expres- celebration which is not generally related to religious rituals.
sion now publicizes new paradigms in a complex process of It is believed that Rumba grew out of the social circumstances
social change (1). Within institutional strategies of cultural of Havana city and the surrounding provinces of Havana and
preservation and re-education, rumba, a dance of predomi- Matanzas. Unlike the large areas of small farming typical of
nantly lower class black-skinned Cubans in the nineteenth Cuban settlement in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
century, has emerged as a national symbol of twentieth- and unlike plantation life which fully developed later in Cuba
century Cuban society. The national status of rumba has been during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Deschamps
enhanced and institutionalized through a series of monthly Chapeaux 1971 and Ortiz 1963), the urban capital contained
public activities organized by the Castro government through a variety of people: slaves, mulattos, colonists, and free
the Ministry of Culture. Cuba has chosen to promote a new blacks, especially from Spain. In the second half of the
national and international image and it has done so through nineteenth century these groups, which were structurally
rumba more than through any other folkloric dance (2). linked by the mulatto class (Martinez-Alier 1974), congre-
Before the Revolution of 1959, Cuban ballet and modern gated after work at the docks, in the marinas, within urban
dance received national acclaim while folkloric dances were patios, and in solares (crowded living quarters). With the
not particularly encouraged to flourish. Since the Revolution, abolition of slavery in 1886, dark-skinned Cubans joined poor
a shift of support and interest has occurred in Cuban cultural light-skinned Cubans in urban areas looking for jobs. All
policies. Rumba, a dance and a dance complex, as I will groups adjusted to the particular conditions of free people in
discuss later, is now promoted to express identification with a society based on color and class, but participated together
African-derived elements that permeate Cuban culture. It is from time to time in communal gatherings called Rumba or
supported to represent the interests of the working masses and Rumbon(es).
to solidify participation of the artistic community in the social On the other hand, "rumba" is the name of a dance/music
advancement of a new political system. Despite the ap- tradition that refers to a complex of related Cuban dances.
propriation of this important cultural expression of the masses There are many dances in Cuba that came with Cuba's Native
by the socialist revolution, rumba is not common within all American inhabitants, European settlers, and enslaved Afri-
segments of the Cuban population. It remains a dance prima- cans, but the dances that evolved as Cuban creations are
rily performed by dark-skinned Cubans with relatively little closely related in terms of movement, rhythm, and instrumen-
direct participation from other segments of Cuban society (3). tal accompaniment. In the present essay these distinct dances
Since 1979, rumba in Cuba has been promoted in ways that are categorized and those that are related are collectively
other dances have not. Other dances, such as conga and son, called the rumba complex (see Figure 1, A16n 1984, and Le6n
are easier to perform and involve the participation of a larger 1974:151-165). The complex comprises both dance and
cross section of the total population. As rumba has been music structures because of the intimate relationship between
appropriated and formalized in its presentation to a national both systems (4).
and international public, it has shifted from a spontaneous,
The rumba complex developed in the nineteenth century and
improvisational dance to a prepared, manipulated dance. Yet,
was transported from Cuba throughout the world. Since the
rumba continues to forcefully embody a significant aspect of
1930s (Jahn 1961:84 and Benedict 1983:23) it has been mis-
national culture for the Cuban people. The goal of this paper
takenly considered separately as a single dance, called "rumba"
is to deconstruct the meaning of rumba and its role in the
or "rhumba," which is a popular ballroom dance. The ball-
forging of a new Cuban national identity.
room version uses traditional folkloric musical structure, but
is decidedly different from traditional rumba dancing.
What is Rumba? The Rumba gatherings, that is, Rumba as an event, provided
The word, "rumba" or "Rumba," refers to an event, a dance, seeds for the development of the rumba complex, that is,
and a set of related dances, identified here as a dance complex. rumba as dance/music. There are three basic types of rumba:
On the one hand, "Rumba" is a festive event or collective yambu, guaguancd, and Columbia (see Martinez-Fure' 1982

Yvonne Daniel teaches dance and anthropology at Smith College and the Five College Consortium in Massachusetts. She has
previously published on Haitian, Cuban, and Surinamese dance traditions and has a book forthcoming based on her dissertation
research on Cuban rumba. She holds a BA in music, MA in dance, MA in anthropology, and PhD in anthropology from the
University of California at Berkeley. Her areas of interest are circum-Caribbean societies, dance, aesthetic anthropology, and
social inequality.
Dance Research Journal 23/2 (Fall 1991) 1
called the Cuban national dance of the nineteenth century, is
TYPES STYLES VARIATIONS a social couple dance. It is accorded one day of recognition
(Danz6n Day) and rumba is accorded one-two weeks for a
yambu Matancera rumba del tiempo de Espaha festival (Rumba Festival). Each of Cuba's thirteen provinces
guaguancd Habanera batarumba celebrates its own culture once a year (Culture Week) with
Columbia Santiaguera giribilla festivities that include rumba. In Havana and Matanzas
de salon provinces, Rumba events including rumba occur twice monthly
(ballroom) in addition to Culture Week and the Rumba Festival. No other
del campo dances have an official place on the Cuban calendar; it is
(traditional) extraordinary and noteworthy that dances, but particularly
rumba, are given prominence through celebration along with
FIGURE 1 national heroes and important historic holidays. Probably
Rumba Complex danzdn was not encouraged because of its association with
ballrooms and an elite segment of the social structure (8). This
and 1986, A\6n 1984, and Moliner 1986 and 1987). In the first left rumba as a prime example for identification with the
two, rumba focuses on the improvised chase between a male masses.
and female dancer. In the third, traditionally a series of male
dancers compete rhythmically with each other. Rumba spread The Basic Types and Variations of Rumba
throughout and beyond Cuba, but it evolved due to the cir- Yambu is rumba that is characterized most often by the sound
cumstances of particular locales. of a box drum, cajon. The terms "box rumba" and "rumba de
There is much debate regarding exactly where or when the cajon" refer to the use of boxes when drums were prohibited
dance complex began; there is now some agreement, how- by law. Historically, people used closets, table tops, spoons,
ever, that it originated in Havana and Matanzas provinces in and especially codfish boxes to create accompaniment for
the late 1860s (5). The two couple types emerged in urban their songs. In yambu the mood is danced seduction. Both
areas and the male solo competitive type evolved in rural men and women actively partake of an enticing chase, dis-
regions. The male dance development suggests the imbalance playing charm, poise, and attractiveness; the dance is pure
of males and females in rural areas resulting from the charac- flirtation.
ter and length of Cuban slave trading (Fraginals 1984:10-14) In guaguancd, a faster rumba with a different identifying
(6). The male competitive rumba is also reminiscent of male basic rhythm, the vacunao, or "vaccination," is the goal.
solo dancing that takes place in secret society gatherings, Cubans coined the word vacunao from vacunar, meaning "to
called "Abakud" or "Carabalf" in Cuba. The relationship goes vaccinate, join or unite," which, in the dance, is seen as a
further than two conforming structures of male solo dancing; gesture made by the man towards the woman—generally a
the connection between Abakua and Columbia is pronounced pelvic thrust, an elbow jab, a kick, or the swift whip of a scarf.
due to rumba gestures and movements that directly relate to Women dance with grace and seductiveness, but always try to
the gestures and movements of Abakud dancing. avoid the vacunao by placing their skirts, hands, or scarves in
The instrumentation and musical motifs, that is, drumming front of their genital area or by turning around completely to
patterns, of the rumba complex also suggest evidence of deflect the men's attempt. Guaguancd is a chase, discussed
Kongo-Angolan influence throughout Cuba. Each type within in terms of a metaphor in which a rooster stalks a hen.
the complex is distinctive, however, but all utilize a capella The basic steps for the man and woman in both yambu and
singing (singing without melodic instrumentation), specific guaguancd are related. The musical structure, the purpose
percussion, and distinctive movement patterns. and the expressive qualities, however, differ. In yambii the
Rumba, both as a dance and as an event, emerged as a Cuban dance consists of a cautious or calculated entrance of the
creation, a Creole expression of the lower classes, an artistic woman with a slow, undulating pattern. The torso bends
product of the streets and barrios (7). It fused bits of popular forward from the hips and lowers as the knees flex and the
material: songs from current hits of the day, local news or body turns slowly from side to side. The feet move alternately
gossip, chants of Arard Yoruba or Palo (African-derived with side or front touch/step patterns (the whole foot touches
religions, see Bascom 1950, Cabrera 1954, 1958, 1974, and in a parallel position). Physical contact between partners is
1986, and Dailey 1950) and various street cries or hollers. very limited. Men and women touch when they exchange
Spanish influence contributed language, vocal stylization, large scarves around the shoulders, when the man puts his
song structure, and principles governing the relationship be- hand on the woman's shoulder or waist as they execute the
tween instruments. African heritage is displayed in call and lowering pattern, or when they exit the dance space. In
response patterns, inclined and flexed postures, polyrhythms guaguancd the couple dances in a more upright position and
in the music and the body, the manner of playing instruments, performs multiple gestures. These gestures serve as potential
and an emphasis on torso-generated movement and isolation distractions aimed at the woman. There is an emphasis on the
of body parts. Both heterogeneous cultures, Spanish and chase and the constant attempts to vacunao. One dance is
African, injected an affinity for improvisation and rhythmic lyrical and the other is filled with bursts of energy and
elaboration. dynamics; both are fluid with body undulations, especially in
Rumba is one of two dances which have national signifi- terms of women's movement. The movement for men in
cance for the general Cuban public. The other, danzdn, often guaguancd is developed in travelling steps and percussive

2 Dance Research Journal 23/2 (Fall 1991)

movements. in the hopes of gathering and maintaining commitment to the
Columbia is danced by consecutive male soloists. It is the new values of the revolutionary government.
fastest of the three main types and displays virtuosity, male Rumba performance is guided indirectly by the Ministry of
prowess, and danced competition. This dance has very com- Culture and directly by the administrators of dance compa-
plicated, small, running steps (pisao), isolated vibratory move- nies. An examination of Ministry organization reveals the
ments, quick changes in qualities and rhythms, and often extent of its influence and the ways in which it can encourage
splits, jumps, and other acrobatic feats. It is improvisational or limit performance opportunities. There is an organization
and the dancer responds to the improvisational drumming that of dance and dancers that follows district, city, province, and,
alternately initiates and accompanies. The order in which ultimately, national organization. The Ministry oversees all
individuals dance is dictated by virtuoso ability and challeng- artists, both professional and amateur, as well as students who
ing gestures made by men (for example, pointing the index are training to become professionals. The Ministry is in
finger up or down while executing pisao movements in front charge of all performance venues and there is even a pro-
of the solo dancer). gramming division within the Ministry, which suggests the
Rumba del tiempo de Espaiia (rumba from the time of content of performances is established and approved by Min-
Spanish colonial control), or rumba de los viejos (rumba of the istry officials in addition to being approved by directors of
old people), is a separate category of old mimetic variations dance companies. The Ministry is therefore aware of profes-
which may be either yambu or guaguancd, but which tend to sional, traditional (12), and amateur performances and is
be between the two in terms of speed. ultimately responsible for the proliferation of rumba perfor-
mance—in neighborhood cultural houses (casas de cultura),
Batarumba is one of the latest innovative variations. It was
at provincial cultural events, on national holidays, and during
formulated about 1985 in Matanzas province and weaves the
international academic, artistic, and political exchanges (13).
vast array of Yoruba religious songs, rhythms, and dances into
the already dense Creole fabric of Cuban rumba (9). After the A shift from the street corner or home patio to the stages of
sung section of rumba many dancers enter the circular space patio-like theaters and community centers has occurred as a
in front of the drums with guaguancd steps. This differs from direct result of new and multiple performance opportunities
the three basic types where a single couple or men dance in a made possible by government cultural programs through the
series. The dancing couples can shift from the rumba chase Ministry of Culture. Each neighborhood has a culture house
to partnering with men holding women in ballroom position, that offers a variety of events including classes and perfor-
the sonlcasino portion of the dance (10). For example, mances. Rumba is taught along with many other traditional
couples alternate between rumba, guaguancd, son, and ca- and modern dances (as well as with other entirely different
sino. A series of turns and passes develop the improvisational courses).
choreography as the drumming signals the inclusion of bata As described above, rumba has been incorporated into
rhythms. With the addition of a refrain from a Yoruba chant, national foci through its position on the national calendar and
the dancers switch to the characteristic gestures and rhythms its repeated performance throughout the year, especially in
of Yoruba deities. A dancing couple shifts between three Havana and Matanzas. Cuban rumba has emerged as a method
complexes (rumba, Yoruba, and son) and combines styles of emphasizing and, thereby, supporting national goals. As a
(traditional or del campo, Santia-guera, Havana, Matanzas, minuscule part of a mammoth undertaking towards education,
ballroom, or de salon, etc.). Both males and females have cultural awareness, and most importantly, social cohesion,
choices regarding when to shift and which type of dance to rumba has been politicized, that is, rumba has been used to
dance, although for son style, the male will usually initiate the express national heritage and to promote public ritual. Rumba
partnering. performance in Culture Week activities throughout each prov-
Giribilla is the fastest variation of rumba and relates most ince, in an annual national festival, and in countless neighbor-
to Columbia musically (11). hood community centers throughout the nation serves as an
educational force that suggests and publicizes new values.
Changing Values Rumba plays a part in the effort to change values. Pre-
Dance is not specifically designated as a national concern in revolutionary values emphasize distinctions and thereby, di-
contemporary Cuba. Rumba is not among identified political vision within the nation; values of the new government at-
nor economic policy statements. Yet, upon thorough socio- tempt to emphasize inclusion and cohesion. Values supported
cultural analysis of Cuba's aesthetic system, dance surfaces as by the Revolution include Cuban identity, social equality in
a vehicle through which national political objectives can be the domestic sphere, and self-determination and solidarity in
articulated and publicized. Within domestic organization and the international sphere. At the world view level of analysis,
in the international arena, Cuban ideology emphasizes collec- rumba expresses Cuban identity and encourages solidarity,
tive solidarity, self-determination, and values that attempt to specifically with "the working class" (14). Simultaneously,
erase hierarchical perspectives embedded in a history of however, at the choreographic level of analysis, segmentation
slavery, colonialism, and capitalism before the Revolution of is emphasized and social inequality is displayed.
1959. Because the ideology of the Revolution is committed
also to previously marginalized and exploited segments of Contradictions Surrounding Skin Color and Class
society, an effort is being made through cultural channels to Historically, rumba represents dark-skinned Cubans. With
identify with the working masses and to rectify historical public recognition and national identity focused on rumba
social inequality within the population. Rumba is encouraged today, dark-skinned Cubans are acknowledged. Their affinity

Dance Research Journal 2312 (Fall 1991) 3

with all Cubans is invoked when they and their dances repre- sino is usually danced first, but rumba follows, either as a full
sent the nation. The official support of rumba has political dance and music structure or as an abbreviated musical struc-
implications; it is an attempt to erase racism of a previous era, ture with singing and drumming, that is, without dancing.
to affirm a classless society in the present, and to assist the Older dark-skinned Cubans state their preferences more pre-
eradication of racism (in terms of skin color) in the future. In cisely in terms of which type of rumba they prefer. They also
rumba performance one segment of society experiences equality point to particular community members that are known for
with other segments by means of dancing their dance of social talent in performing rumba. Younger dark-skinned Cubans
identity, by means of other social segments according respect dance casino more often than rumba, but they are equally
and prestige, and by means of all segments uniting under the proficient in both (16).
symbol of a previously degraded dance of the streets. Rumba, Rumba is chosen primarily as the favorite dance by those
celebrated in calendar festivities and promoted in community connected directly or indirectly to folkloric dance/music, both
cultural events (all sponsored by government agencies), ex- dark- and light-skinned Cubans. Other Cubans will select
presses official commitment to all Cubans regardless of color rumba when asked to chose their favorite folkloric dance.
or status. On these occasions rumba also illustrates present Professional and traditional folkloric dancers and musicians
contradictions. Rumba becomes an instrument which can be (with their extended families) relate a preference for rumba
used to verify the presumed equality of Cuban ideology and over other folkloric dances that are African or Spanish cre-
the lingering prejudice that exists in Cuban reality (see McGarrity ations (found in Cuba, but varied in comparison with their
1990 and Moore 1989 for current African American/Carib- African or Spanish antecedents). These performers, and
bean perspectives on racism in Cuba today). I present the especially dance teachers, are creating change.
following data regarding rumba and skin color based on travel The Ministry has made sure that each segment of the Cuban
throughout several provinces of Cuba over the last five years populace will have access to rumba instruction and potentially
(15). will be able to dance rumba or be thoroughly acquainted with
In non-official performing spaces and among the people, it. Through systematic organization of professional dancers,
rumba is both admired and neglected, depending on skin color many of whom can not enter the five professional Cuban
and occasion (e.g., social/recreational or cultural/educational dance companies, the Ministry of Culture has created a new
events). Both dark and light-skinned dance professionals group of rumberos (people who dance, sing, and play rumba).
participate in and teach rumba to others in neighborhood Generally, it is young dance professionals, but light-skinned
cultural houses. Amateur rumba performance is promoted in ones in particular, who now enter the rumba circle with
every neighborhood, district, city, and province throughout darker-skinned Cubans, and who can demonstrate correct
the island (organizacidn municipal y provincial) and profes- rumba style and form. They join in the competition of male
sional rumba performance is part of most programming for solo dancing or improvisational singing, roles that have pre-
theaters. viously been reserved for dark-skinned performers. These
Most light-skinned Cubans are still hesitant to adopt rumba light-skinned rumba performers particularly represent a growing
as their preferred dance. Older light-skinned Cubans (over 35 number of Cubans that are being trained to dance rumba
years old) prefer son (traditional, folkloric), casino (modern), (Cashion 1989). Through these young professionals and their
and conga (traditional, folkloric), and will dance often and influence within light-skinned segments of the population, the
enthusiastically. When asked about their favorite dance they marginal effects of dance politicization are shown. Some
state their love of dancing and their preference for modern light-skinned Cubans dance rumba at official functions and
over traditional dance styles. When asked about rumba, they also at local social gatherings, such as school celebrations of
often affirm the importance of rumba to Cuba by saying, for Teachers' Day and at neighborhood street parties; however,
example, "There is no Cuba without rumba," but they also most Cubans still do not dance rumba.
claim to not know how to dance it. Despite tremendous organization and proliferation of rumba
Among younger light-skinned Cubans (16 to 35 years old), and despite trained personnel who implement cultural pro-
casino is more often performed than any other dance. Young gramming, rumba is just beginning to show signs of increased
Cubans do not generally dance rumba; they dance what they popularity, in terms of dance performance, among sectors
see on television and on videos from Mexico, Spain, Italy, beyond those of dark-skinned Cubans. Rumba is still identi-
Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, and the United States. fied with a non-prestigious group, the former lower class, and
Most will "sit out" a rumba presentation, but will become many Cubans do not readily adopt its practices. Rumba is
tremendously responsive when popular Cuban bands, such as, identified simultaneously with official support and presti-
Irekere, Van Van, or Ritmo Oriental, play a section of rumba gious connections through casas de cultura and the Ministry
within a casino piece. At these moments, crowds of young of Culture. The government has encouraged the elevation of
light-skinned Cubans will scream with delight, deepen into a cultural expression through institutional strategies that ad-
rumba position, and dance modified versions of (usually) dress national goals, social ills, and political interests. It is
guaguancd. striving for solidarity and re-education of values, an identity
Most dark-skinned Cubans identify rumba, conga, and as Cubans that acknowledges their Afro-Latin heritage, hence
casino as their favorite dances. Rumba is both danced and rumba. It is faced, consequently, with deep attitudinal biases
admired among dark-skinned Cubans, even though a few that suggest division.
dark-skinned Cubans also claim to not know how to dance it.
At social gatherings in predominantly Afro-Cuban areas ca-

4 Dance Research Journal 23/2 (Fall 1991)

Contradictions between Female Liberation
and Machismo
At the rumba group level or level of choreographic analysis,
the rumba complex also indicates persistent values of inequal-
ity from the past in conflict with examples of equality in the
present. Rumba is a performed contradiction in terms of
dance, expressing both respect and honor of the sexes through
courting/chase sections and simultaneously expressing in-
equality and oppression through limited movement and par-
ticipation by females.
As directors, chiefs, supervisors, and "bosses," women are
now entering customarily male domains in Cuba (Randall
1974 and 1981 and Stubbs 1987: 61-67). This is true also of
rumba. Columbia, traditionally reserved for men, today is
danced more often by women. In this way, but only occa-
sionally, female dancers express equal status and exhibit new
power through rumba. What is more common, however, is
male dominance in rumba rather than a few, but revealing,
examples of female assertiveness.
Rumba is a perceived contradiction at the social level, The public joins in rumba; Cuban male joins professional
where customarily the gaze is on the female. In reality, dancer (Deborah) of Folkldrico Nacional; April, 1987. (Pho-
attention is on the male. At first glance, rumba seems to focus tograph by Yvonne Daniel.)
on the female dancer, giving the impression that she is domi-
nant, powerful, in control, or at the very least, the central
attracting figure. This is not so apparent under close scrutiny. musicians, who are usually men, stop. Attraction towards the
The male rumbero personifies Cuban maleness and perhaps male is a constant in the dance and to a large extent in the
Cuba itself; he is guapo. Guapo is courageous, valiant, bold, culture.
daring, resolute, enterprising, good-looking, handsome, neat, The dance type dictates the personnel and focus of the dance
elegant, ostentatious, vain, or in another sense, a dandy or a and these have not changed significantly despite strong cur-
bully. These traits are associated with the behavior of tough, rents of female equality and liberation elsewhere in the public
street-wise men of the taverns, bars, ports, marinas, and sphere. Policy is being carried out by men and women, but in
solares of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They an atmosphere of lingering machismo—the emphasis on be-
are especially associated with los negros curros, free blacks ing a male, male virility, superiority of men over women. Men
and mulattos, who wore a specific style of dress (very deco- are still the dominant group in Cuba. Notions of superiority
rated, fancy, and reminiscent of rumba costuming today), and deference are embedded in their attitudes and behaviors
spoke a particular dialect, and were reputed to be very daring and both Cuban men and women are products of an historic
and challenging, even to the death (Ortiz 1958). machista culture, as well as a new egalitarian culture.
In yambu and guaguancd the male leads by inviting the The choreographic analysis points out the lived contradic-
female to dance, engaging in the danced chase, and usually tions that exist within the public and private domains. These
initiating the exit. During the dancing his arm, leg, and are not easily revealed in daily life or public social observa-
shoulder movements cause the female to be distracted, and tions. Yambu, guaguancd, and Columbia display an accom-
thereby facilitate the vacunao. The floor pattern shows a modation to gender stratification of the past. Batarumba, the
chase, and it is the man who selects directions and paths of latest version of rumba, offers a more equal chance for
pursuit. His knee clapping movements, his sweeping arm females to maneuver. Female posture is the same as male
gestures, his vibrating shoulder actions, and his expansive posture. Women can independently choose to dance in rumba
locomotor patterns form dynamic visual magnets from which style or in Yoruba style and are only slightly dependent when
the female attempts to escape. The movements draw attention casino style is selected. Also, women can select, initiate, or
toward the male, not the female. terminate styles, just as men can. In batarumba and on those
Rumba dancing reveals females who generally react and occasions when females dance Columbia, rumba demonstrates
respond to male initiative. Women strategize in movement, an alteration of rules and behavior, as well as changing values.
but mostly defensively, rarely offensively. Sometimes older The rumba complex illustrates a transition that is in progress
women challenge the men by opening their arms above their in Cuban society and the values that are both stimulating and
heads, backing into them, interrupting their path, or traveling inhibiting change.
forcefully and quickly through the space. These movements, Culture is dynamic and changing rapidly in Cuba. The
in effect, dare the man to attempt the vacunao. On these entrance of competitive female dancers in Columbia has been
occasions men typically express indignation—"What's this? applauded on occasion. Whether women will dance Columbia
(?Qu6 cosa es 6sta?)"—and they leave the circle to allow and make it, also, a type of rumba for females is not clear at
another male to enter. If another man does not enter quickly, this time. Although Cuban women have been known to dance
in other words, if the female is not handed to another male, the together (that is, alone without men, such as in casino) when

Dance Research Journal 2312 (Fall 1991) 5

men were not around or when men were slow to invite a female population includes young, light-skinned professionals who
partner, it is highly unlikely that females would dance Columbia know how to dance rumba and who are teaching and encour-
together. Male virility would be challenged and women in aging others to learn.
Cuban culture are properly cautious, even when dancing/ While there is reluctance from the public at large to dance
acting in the public arena. rumba, the rumba complex is still an intimate part of Cuba
historically and an important connection to all that is exciting
Conclusions and powerfully Cuban today (cubani'a or lo cubano). Rumba
To obtain solidarity in a society with conflicting cultural is important because it expresses fundamental Cubanness,
attitudes within thirty-two years is a complex process (witness which most Cubans admit, both old and young, light- or dark-
black/white relations in the United States for the last 214 skinned. Rumba establishes visual images and aural signals
years; cf. Hintzen 1979 for a more comparable Caribbean that have historically connected pleasure, pride, and fun with
example; see also Christopher 1979). The phases of re- the essence of being Cuban. Rumba allows all participants to
education and rectification are many, but they begin with experience Cubanness physically or kinesthetically. Rumba
acknowledgment of the contradictions that exist. At the world remains the social and physical body of the Cuban people. It
view level of analysis, Cuba portrays itself as a small, but is a melange of singing, dancing, and drumming that stimu-
strong nation, a united people sharing its heritage and values. lates attention, light-hearted suspense, and, for the most part,
It has abolished racism institutionally in an effort to create diverts tension and pressure. In the process of playing,
unity and it has welcomed the politicization of rumba towards dancing, or watching rumba, participants feel its power. It
this end. At the societal level of analysis, however, rumba has demonstrates a living and evolving artistic form that has
not been entirely successful in displaying solidarity nor equal- resisted social pressures that would disregard or eliminate a
ity. Rather, rumba has revealed a continuing schism between lower class expression. It is now supported in hopes that its
the values of dark- and light-skinned Cubans which is seen in positive, engaging aspects can help to undermine the racism
terms of participation in rumba dancing. The government has and sexism of its origin. The extent to which light-skinned
minimized or overlooked crucial problems and the analysis of Cubans dance or play rumba fully and enthusiastically with
rumba points to these. dark-skinned Cubans is one indicator of changed values. The
With more Cubans able to dance rumba and with the extent to which women dance Columbia is another.
proliferation of performance opportunities, increased rumba Rumba simultaneously points to equality and inequality.
participation can be expected, but very gradually. Rumba is Official efforts promote it and support the proliferation of
seen more frequently than ever in performance venues. It rumba, but the efforts themselves display a lingering failure
shows some signs of growth in terms of participation beyond to address prejudice (surrounding skin color) and discrimina-
the dark-skinned segment of Cuban society. Rumba was not tion (regarding the position of women). To say, "We're all the
taken from the people and given to paid performers as a same" or "There is no racism in Cuba," is to mask difference
meaningless symbol. Rather, the government paid the people and potentially to permit prejudice and discrimination to
who formerly danced rumba from time to time to perform it fester. Rumba illuminates the problems of the state in its
more frequently for the nation. And there is little resentment attempt to link respect and prestige among all Cubans. Rumba
from those who always enjoyed rumba because rumba is even performance visually affirms the persistent reality of its ori-
more accessible to them. gins in the nineteenth century and the present unresolved
The larger segment of the population which does not par- situation.
ticipate in the dancing itself is slow to accept new and The potency of rumba is its source—Cuba—and its capacity
previously lower class values. To do so would point to an to valiantly embrace contemporary ideology that comes in
African identity which is still avoided in many instances of conflict with cultural realities and to persistently encourage
daily and official life, irrespective of official efforts to the change. As a genuine Cuban expression, rumba, and thereby
contrary and irrespective of popular sayings that refer to "a dance, echoes and manifests bodily a situation in contempo-
hidden grandmother," suggesting that most Cubans have a rary Cuba where values have not entirely changed, but are
profoundly intimate African heritage. This segment of the slowly changing.

6 Dance Research Journal 2312 (Fall 1991)

NOTES

1. I was privileged to live in Cuba in 1986-87 and am grateful doubtedly other central African peoples in what is now Congo,
to the Cuban Ministry of Culture, International Relations Angola, and Zaire (cf. Lopez-Valdes 1989; Fu-kiau 1990;
Department, for its assistance during fieldwork. Despite the Daniel 1989:85-91, 355-356). Touching or bumping of the
strained political relations between the United States and thighs, navel, or pelvic areas among male and female dancers
Cuba, I was invited to study and to document Cuban dance. I is characteristic of yuka and makuta and is also prominent in
am also particularly indebted to Professors Percy Hintzen and rumba.
Michel Laguerre, University of California at Berkeley, whose
ideas have shaped my understanding of the Caribbean. Both 6. Male dancing could also be interpreted as an outlet for the
read earlier drafts of the manuscript and offered suggestions; expression of homosexuality, however, homosexuality is not
however, neither is responsible for the present analysis. a prominent feature nor an apparent issue when viewing this
particular dance.
2. "Folkloric" in Cuba refers to traditional items, particularly
music, dance, art, furniture, costume, and so on, that come 7. In this essay, "Creole" is used to identify a new entity born
from a combination of European, African, and Haitian her- or exhibited in Cuba from the mixture of African and Euro-
itages which comprise the matrix of Cuban culture. Addi- pean influence, but which is decidedly Cuban.
tionally, it refers to more recent patterns and material items,
all of which strongly emphasize a Cuban identity. Maria 8. The danzdn complex includes danza, danzonete, and
Teresa Linaris (1989:1-7) uses the term as both the products danzdn.
and legacies of people which are transmitted orally and
through imitation. Fernando Ortiz (1951:29-36) defines it as 9. This particular weaving of separate complexes, that is,
the products and behaviors of ordinary people, as well as those rumba complex and Yoruba complex, is attributed to Pedro
of the more privileged strata of society. Both Cuban research- Tapanes (Pello) and Francisco Zamora of Afro-Cuba, a
ers emphasize that folklore comes from the higher as well as traditional rumba group. It follows other rumba develop-
the lower classes, from the cities as well as the rural areas, and ments by combining elements of secular and sacred material.
from contemporary times as well as antiquity. Here, however, both the dance and the music systems are fully
combined. Both types of drums are used simultaneously
3. I am avoiding the use of "form," which would ordinarily (congas and bata), both types of songs (rumba songs and
be used to designate the three basic categories of rumba. For Yoruba chants) and lyrics are sung alternately, and three types
example, when the term "guaguancd form" (a form of rumba) of dance are integrated alternately—rumba, Yoruba, and
is used, Cubans immediately understand: 1) specific instru- casino (a dance similar to what is known in the United States
mentation, 2) a differentiated musical structure (best exempli- as salsa dancing). Videotapes of this dance and other ex-
fied in the clave or key rhythmic unit that holds both the music amples of Cuban dance are available through Images,
and dance activity together), 3) a specialized movement Northampton, MA 01060.
pattern for both male and female dancers, and 4) a reference
to a particular ethnic legacy in Cuba. 10. Son is a complex that comprises many twentieth century
social, popular dances, including mambo, chachachd, mozam-
4. Dances related to rumba and the rumba complex are found bique, casino, etc. Casino is the most recent of son examples.
throughout the Caribbean and Latin America, e.g., samba of Related to salsa, it is often danced in a square or circle of
Brazil, bamba of Mexico, malambo of Peru, zembra of Ar- couples with a caller for specific steps (for example, rueda de
gentina, Columbia of Colombia, bandamban of Suriname, as casino).
well as cumbia of Puerto Rico. These dances generally
involve flirtation, a chase, and/or the approaching, thrusting, 11. At the time of my research, this variation of rumba was
or bumping of the pelvic area. All stem from Kongo-Angolan not danced nor discussed frequently. Many informants did not
culture in Central Africa. recognize the term and others said that it was so fast that
practically no one could dance it; only musicians could play
5. According to Fernando Ortiz, the foremost authority on it. Still others said it was more typical of Santiago de Cuba.
Afro-Cuban folkloric traditions (1951:433), and Rogelio
Martinez-Fure\ ethnologist for the National Folkloric Ensem- 12. The Ministry of Culture differentiates between profes-
ble (1980:114-115), it is possible that rumba began in Cuba as sional and amateur dancers, but includes traditional perform-
remembered fragments of songs and steps from the Ganga or ers as amateurs. "Traditional" in this sense refers to dancers
Kisi people in Cuba. Janheinz Jahn (1961:82) suggests that and musicians who have not trained formally in schools. I
the dance came from the Sara peoples of Northern Nigeria consider these traditional dancers to be professionals who are
where rows of boys dance in front of rows of girls, getting often masters in particular dance complexes and who serve as
closer and closer until they touch and then separate from one models and informantes for professional company members
another. In Cuba, however, yuka and makuta are rumba's (see Daniel 1989:4-7, 175).
antecedent dances. These are dances of Kongo-Angolan
ancestry, that is, from the BaKongo, Luba, Lunda, and un- 13. I spoke with five Ministry officials, several directors of

Dance Research Journal 2312 (Fall 1991) 7

dance and theater companies, many dancers and musicians, 15. I lived in Havana among tourists and predominantly light-
and the common people to ascertain whether the selection of skinned Cubans for one month in 1985. In 1986 I returned to
rumba was from the top down or bottom up. The vast majority Cuba for one year of study, living for four months in Havana
cited the National Folkloric Company as the initiator of among light-skinned Cubans while working with mostly dark-
professional rumba performance. I have concluded that this skinned Cubans. I then began alternating between Havana
came about in both ways: from the administrative level down, and Matanzas, living and working among predominantly
but also from the people/workers' level up (see Daniel 1990 dark-skinned families. During that year, I travelled to Santiago
for evidence of the influence of tourism in promoting rumba). de Cuba, Camagiiey, and Holguin for short visits (1-2 weeks
There is tremendous participation in ground level organiza- at a time) living among light-skinned Cubans and working
tion, that is people/workers (asembleas), by Cuban dancers among dark-skinned Cubans. On these shorter trips my
and musicians where consensus must be obtained for efforts, accommodations were often in tourist hotels, but my steady
trends, and programs to go forward. The workers are con- household arrangements in Cuba for that year were my Ha-
strained, nevertheless, by national ideology, mass communication vana apartment (in a building for long-term foreign workers)
programming, and peer pressure towards uniformity with and my second family's household in the Matanzas marina, a
official statements. The emphasis to promote rumba particu- predominantly Afro-Cuban area. On subsequent visits in
larly began at the administrative level of the National Folk- 1988 and 1990, I lived in tourist accommodations while
loric Dance Ensemble, specifically with Rogelio Martinez- travelling between my Cuban families, both dark- and light-
Fure and Teresa Gonzalez, the ethnologist and director re- skinned Cubans in Havana, Matanzas, and Santiago.
spectively. Their affinity for Afro-Cuban traditions and their
professional interests in generally improving the National 16. My comments are guarded relative to young, light-
Folkloric Ensemble matched national objectives in cultural skinned Cubans. I lived much of my field experince among
terms. Their suggestions and plans are approved by Ministry dark-skinned Cubans or within the folkloric dance commu-
officals at the programming level of organization. nity, which is predominantly dark-skinned. I did not spend
much time specifically among younger Cubans, particularly
14. In this paper I follow the methods of Allegra Fuller Snyder light-skinned ones. Cuban society, however, is not so highly
(1988) in analyzing rumba, but at only two levels; the structured in terms of generational groups; all age groups are
complete analysis, including seven levels, is the basis of a usually represented at most social events.
dissertation (Daniel 1989) and a forthcoming book (Indiana
University Press).

8 Dance Research Journal 23/2 (Fall 1991)

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10 Dance Research Journal 23/2 (Fall 1991)