The cost of sexual selection: a study in pheasants

November 30, 2025 • 9:50 am

We’ve known for a long time that sexual selection—ultimately caused by differences in gamete size—can produce marked differences in the appearance and behavior of males versus females within a species. Often males are more ornamented than females, with bright colors and long feathers or ornaments on the head.  We also know that colors and ornamentation of males puts them at a disadvantage in certain respects, as they are more easily detected by predators than are the females, or have difficulty flying because of exaggerated feather displays. This disadvantage also applies to sexually-selected “weapons” like deer horns and moose antlers, which are shed and have to be regrown, at great metabolic expense, each year.

Perhaps the most famous of these features is the tail of the peacock, in which males have long, decorated, and spreadable tails that females lack.  We are pretty sure that this difference is due to sexual selection because experiments show that the “eyespots” on the male tails attract females: the more eyespots you have, the higher chance you have of reproducing. Thus the genes for exaggerated tails accumulate via sexual selection by females.

Of course female preference plays a key role here, as that preference has to exist to give more elaborate males a reproductive advantage.  We don’t fully understand, however, exactly why females prefer many exaggerated male traits. In some cases, like the orange-red color of the male house finch, we have an answer.  As I said, there are also costs of sexually-selected male traits like big bodies (elephant seals) or antlers (moose), who use them to directly fight for access to females. (Darwin called this the “law of combat”.)

But in most cases we don’t understand why females prefer certain bright colors or long tails, though we have theories that are largely untested. This difference in patterning and color was called “the law of beauty” by Darwin, who was the first person to suggest the idea of sexual selection (1871).

Both forms of sexual selection show that this type of selection—really a subset of natural selection—involves tradeoffs.  Males sacrifice flight ability, become more obvious to predators, and have to re-grow antlers and horns each year, which are considerable disadvantages. But those have to be more than compensated for by either the success in combat or the increased attractiveness to females of males with those traits—otherwise the exaggerated traits would not have evolved.

A new paper in Biology Letters (click title screenshot below) shows a novel form of tradeoff in pheasants, and the first such tradeoff known in any animal. In two species of pheasants, males have evolved “capes” around their neck that, when expanded, occlude the male’s visual field (but not the female’s), as well as head feathers that also appear to block the male’s vision.  These are sexually selected traits.  Noticing them, the five authors hypothesized the tradeoff: in the two species of pheasant with head and neck ornamentation (the Golden and Lady Amherst pheasant), they tested whether the male’s head feathers blocked part of his visual field compared to females in the same species.  As a control, they used two pheasant species (Silver pheasants and Green pheasants), in which males don’t have head ornamentation that would block the visual field.

The authors then measured the visual field of males and females of all four species, and, lo and behold, males of the Golden and Lady Amherst’s pheasants did have a considerable blockage of the vertical field of vision compared to conspecific females, while there was little or no difference between the sexes in the two control species.

Click the title below to read the original paper for free, or find the pdf here. There is also a brief précis piece in Science if you want the abridged version.  The quotes and figures below come from the original paper, while the six full-bodied photos of the pheasants come from Wikipedia (credits shown).

First, the birds.

A male Golden pheasant, Chrysolophus pictus:

Bjørn Christian Tørrissen, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons

. . . and a female Golden pheasant. The sexual dimorphism is bloody obvious.

Photo produced by David Castor (user:dcastor)

The heads of males (l) vs. females (r) of the Golden Pheasant, taken from the paper itself. You can see how the male’s head feathers could occlude its vision.

The one other “experimental” species with male vision-occluding feathers.

Male Lady Amherst’s pheasant, (Chrysolophus amherstiae):

Sylfred1977, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons

A female Lady Amherst’s pheasant:

Lencer, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons

And one of the two control species, the Green Pheasant, (Phasianus versicolor). First, a male, with vision not impeded by a crown. (The other control species, the Silver pheasant, Lophura nycthemera, isn’t shown.) Both of the control species show sexual dimorphism of color and plumage in the expected direction, but there are no feathers on the male’s head that could block his vision.

Alpsdake, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons

And a female:

Alpsdake, Alpsdake, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons, via Wikimedia Commons

How did they measure the visual field of males and females? They simply put the pheasants in a padded box and fixed their heads firmly so that they could not move. (No pheasants were harmed in this study, which is excellent.) Then, to measure whether an eye could see at a certain angle, they shined a light on the eye. If there was a reflection from the retina at the back of the eye, that meant the bird could see the light from that angle. By performing many tests at various angles around the head, the researchers were able to judge the field of vision of each bird. They could also do this in pheasants whose heads were tilted up or down (see below).

The differences were most pronounced in the vertical line of sight. For example, as shown below, when the head is horizontal or looking down,  the male of the Golden pheasant sees 30° less above his head than does the female.  This would be a problem because, as the authors say, “Sexually selected traits such as feather ornamentation of male birds can act as an impediment to movement and predator detection.”  When you’re a male pheasant busily foraging on the ground, which is how they eat, you may not see an approaching predator. That is the cost of the sexual selection that produced head and neck feathers. (The figure says this is a Lady Amherst’s pheasant but it is apparently a Golden pheasant.)

From the paper (Fig 1). Panels (C) and (D) show vertical cross-sections through the binocular fields in the mid-sagittal plane of the head. The head drawings represent typical resting postures for each species, based on photographs of birds observed in aviaries.Panels (I) and (J) display vertical sections of binocular fields when the birds focus on prey items on the ground during foraging

Here are all four species.  The Lady Amherst’s pheasant has an even more severe impediment of vision in the male: he can see vertically a full 40° less than do conspecific females.  In contrast, the sex difference in the control species is much less: a mere 5° reduction in males in the Silver pheasant and no difference in the green pheasant.

(From Fig. 2 of paper): Figure 2. Vertical sections through the binocular fields in the median sagittal plane of the head of four pheasant species. The line drawings of the heads of the birds show them in the approximate orientations typically adopted by the species when at rest, as determined from photographs of birds held in the hand in their aviaries. The left panel shows males and right panel females of (A,B) golden (Chrysolophus pictus), (C,D) Lady Amherst’s (C. amherstiae), (E,F) silver pheasants (Lophura nycthemera) and (G, H) green pheasants (Phasianus versicolor)

The figure below in the paper gives a three-dimensional depiction of a bird’s view, with males on the left and females on the right. You can see that the males are effectively blind (black area) over a much larger space than are the females, and that space is mostly above the bird’s head. Since pheasants are ground foragers, blacking-out of “down” vision would be a very serious impediment, making males unable to locate food. Blocking “up” vision would surely have a smaller cost.

(From paper, Fig. 1): Panels (K) and (L) provide perspective projections of retinal field boundaries from the bird’s own viewpoint, with blind sectors highlighted in black.

The upshot is that the authors’ hypothesis is supported: males but not females in the pheasants having feathers around their eyes appear to have occluded vision, mostly above their heads.  Now we don’t know whether this occluded vision translates into a loss of fitness at all, much less a loss that is outweighed by the gain in fitness caused by the head and neck ornamentation.  Trying to answer questions about fitness is nearly impossible, as you’d have to measure survival and offspring production of males who have bigger and smaller feathers within a species (would you have to give the birds a haircut?). But there is a period of moulting in which males lose their head and neck feathers, and at least researchers could measure the field of vision, and perhaps foraging efficiency, during that period.  Nevertheless, I do suspect that occluded vision reduces fitness, and that the head ornamentation more than compensates for it.

Besides these results, the paper does show how natural selection and adaptation involves tradeoffs.  There are usually no mutations that are “universally” adaptive in that they convey a benefit without any cost. As I said, natural selection will favor the increase in frequency of mutations that produce net reproductive benefits to the individual that outweigh the costs.

Readers’ wildlife photos

June 9, 2025 • 8:15 am

Today we have two photographs from crack bird photographer and retired medical entomologist Scott Ritchie, who lives in Cairns, Australia. His captions are indented and you can enlarge the photos by clicking on them. Note: the bower is not a nest, though many people think it is. In fact it is simply a structure designed to attract female bowerbirds—an “extended phenotype” of sexual display, as Richard Dawkins might call it. As Scott notes below, the nest is built separately—by the female.

Here’s another couple of photos that might interest your readers. Picture one. The bower of the Golden Bowerbird [Prionodura newtoniana].  Photographed in the tropical rainforest in the Atherton Tablelands southwest of Cairns, Queensland Australia, this bower is a bachelor’s pad where he swoons females. The male builds this extravagant stick structure, decorating it with lichens and flowers. Females come and inspect the bower and give it (or not) her seal of approval. He always displays for her at the bower, and makes the most unusual metallic calls. If she likes it enough, the good old boy gets lucky. A brief cloacal kiss at the bower and off she goes. The male of course, keeps tidying up his bower, putting more extravagant displays up to an almost Mar-a-Lago structure. They last for years.  The female, of course, is left to do the heavy lifting of building the proper nest and raising the chicks.

Picture number two entitled.” Are you free for dinner tonight?”  Here the male Golden Bowerbird brings an inflorescence  of the Melicope tree to decorate his bower.  This “flower” is highly valued by Golden Bowerbirds, and this fellow hopes these red roses will win the day—or rather the night—for him.

Colin Wright gives a history of the gametic definition of biological sex

April 3, 2025 • 12:00 pm

As everyone knows, I adhere to the gametic definition of sex, in which individuals are classified as male or female (or, as in hermaphroditic plants, both sexes in one individual) based on whether their bodies are set up to produce small, mobile gametes (the “males”) or large, immobile gametes (the “females”).  I’ve explained why I adhere to this definition, because it is not only universal in animals and vascular plants, but also because the difference between males and females in investment in gametes, which leads in general to females having a greater overall investment in reproduction, explains a lot of puzzles in evolution. One of them is why sexual selection creates males and females who are often so different in color, size, weaponry, and so on. Just remember: universality and utility.

Here’s a more formal definition given by Colin Wright write in his new post on his website, Reality’s Last Stand.

In biology, the definition of male and female has never been arbitrary or culturally relative. It is grounded in the concept of anisogamy: the existence of two distinct types of gametes—sperm and ova. This fundamental reproductive asymmetry defines the two sexes across all sexually reproducing anisogamous species. An individual that has the function to produce small, motile gametes (sperm) is male; one that has the function to produce large, immobile gametes (ova) is female. This is not a social construct or a philosophical preference—it is a basic principle of evolutionary biology, established long before today’s cultural debates.

Now of course this definition wasn’t pulled out of thin air: it is an a posteriori conclusion about how nature is set up. It is a truth that all animals and vascular plants have only two sexes, male and female, though in some species, as I said, individuals can be of both sexes. (And some individuals, like clownfish, can change their gametic sex.) But there is no third sex, no matter how hard the ideologues squeal about seahorses, clownfish, and hyenas. There is no third type of gamete in any species.  In fact, the opposition to the binary nature of sex by gender ideologues have led some of them to argue that the gametic definition of sex is a recent confection sneakily devised by “transphobic” biologists who want to shoehorn all people (and animals and plants, apparently) into two categories. Colin wrote the piece below to show that this claim is false. The gametic definition has been around for about 140 years.

Click on the screenshot below to read the piece (Colin’s bolding).

Now I make no claim that the gametic definition of sex is universal among evolutionary biologists, much less all biologists. I haven’t taken a poll! But the biologists I’ve encountered in my own field almost universally adhere to that definition. At any rate, Colin goes way back in the past to show a passel of biologists (I know many of the more recent ones) who adhere to and have presented the gametic definition of sex. As Colin says:

The historical and scientific record is clear: from the 19th century to the present day, biologists, medical professionals, philosophers of science, and evolutionary theorists have used gamete type as the defining criterion for sex. This document compiles citations from that record, providing a reference point for students, scientists, educators, and anyone interested in understanding what “male” and “female” mean in biological terms.

These citations span more than a century of scientific literature, showing that the gamete-based definition of sex is not a recent invention or a reactionary response, but a longstanding, fundamental biological principle. While sex roles and secondary sex characteristics can vary, the definition of the sexes does not: male and female are reproductive categories rooted in the type of gamete an individual has the function to produce.

This document is a work in progress. If you are aware of additional scholarly references—especially historical ones—that clearly depict the gametic definition of sex, please share them in the comments so I can continue to expand and improve this resource. I encourage readers to bookmark this page and return to it often as a reference in conversations, research, and advocacy.]]

I think I sent him the Futuyma reference (not below), but I can’t remember. At any rate, you can read them all yourself, but I’ll put up five of them spaced apart, starting with the first one in 1888. These are from Colin’s piece:

1888 – Charles Sedgwick Minot. “Sex,” in A Reference Handbook of the Medical Sciences Embracing the Entire Range of Scientific and Practical Medicine and Allied Science, Vol. 6, Alfred H. Buck (ed.) (New York: William Wood and Company), 436-438

As evolution continued hermaphroditism was replaced by a new differentiation, in consequence of which the individuals of a species were, some, capable of producing ova only; others of producing spermatozoa only. Individuals of the former kind we call females, of the latter males, and they are said to have sex.

1929 – Horatio Hackett Newman. Outlines of General Zoölogy (New York, The Macmillan Company), p. 448.

Any individual, then, is sexual if it produces gametes—ova or spermatozoa, or their equivalents. Thus we would be justified in calling any individual that produces ova a female, and one that produces spermatozoa a male. One that produces both kinds of gametes is a male-female or, more technically, a HERMAPHRODITE. Thus we may say that the PRIMARY SEXUAL CHARACTERS of individuals are the ova or the spermatozoa, and that maleness or femaleness is determined by the possession of one or other of these two types of gametes.

A ringer: Simone de Beauvoir!

1949 – de Beauvoir, Simone. The Second Sex, translated by H.M. Parshley (New York: Vintage Books), 39

In the vast majority of species male and female individuals co-operate in reproduction. They are defined primarily as male and female by the gametes which they produce—sperms and eggs respectively.

2013 – Roughgarden, Joan. Evolution’s Rainbow: Diversity, Gender, and Sexuality in Nature and People. University of California Press. [Note: Roughgarden is a trans-identifying male]

To a biologist, “male” means making small gametes and “female” means making large gametes. Period! By definition, the smaller of the two gametes is called a sperm, and the larger an egg. Beyond gamete size, biologists don’t recognize any other universal difference between male and female.

2021 – Bhargava, Aditi, et al. “Considering sex as a biological variable in basic and clinical studies: an endocrine society scientific statement.” Endocrine Reviews 42.3: 219-258.

The classical biological definition of the 2 sexes is that females have ovaries and make larger female gametes (eggs), whereas males have testes and make smaller male gametes (sperm); the 2 gametes fertilize to form the zygote, which has the potential to become a new individual. The advantage of this simple definition is first that it can be applied universally to any species of sexually reproducing organism. Second, it is a bedrock concept of evolution, because selection of traits may differ in the 2 sexes. Thirdly, the definition can be extended to the ovaries and testes, and in this way the categories—female and male—can be applied also to individuals who have gonads but do not make gametes.

So much for those chowderheads who say that, using the gametic definition, neither a pre-puberty human, a postmenopausal woman, or a sterile person can be male or female. If you see this argument, you know you’re dealing with someone who’s intellectually dishonest.

Again, this is not a vote to see how many biologists (or feminists!) would define biological sex. It is meant, as Colin said, to show that the gametic definition of sex has been around for well over a hundred years.

Scientific American is back to distorting the facts to buttress its ideology

October 24, 2023 • 11:00 am

It’s been a while since Scientific American has published misleading and distorted articles to buttress its “progressive” Left ideology, and I hoped they had shaped up. (To be honest, I haven’t followed the magazine, and got the following link from a reader.) My hope was dashed yesterday when I read this new article claiming that women constituted a high proportion of hunters in early hunter-gatherer societies.  It is full of misconceptions and distortions (some of which must be deliberate), neglects contrary data, is replete with tendentious ideological claims, and even misrepresents the claim they’re debunking.  You can read it for free by clicking on the screenshot below or by going here:

First, the idea that they’re trying to debunk is that women were “second class citizens” in early societies, forced to gather food because they were tied to childcare duties, while men did all the hunting. This is apparently an attempt to buttress the editors’ and authors’ feminism. But feminism doesn’t need buttressing with data on hunting; women’s equality is a moral proposition that doesn’t depend on observations about hunting. In other words, women have equal moral rights and should not be treated unfairly because fair treatment is the moral thing to do. If women never hunted, would we then be justified in treating them as second-class citizens? Hell, no!  Here’s their thesis:

Even if you’re not an anthropologist, you’ve probably encountered one of this field’s most influential notions, known as Man the Hunter. The theory proposes that hunting was a major driver of human evolution and that men carried this activity out to the exclusion of women. It holds that human ancestors had a division of labor, rooted in biological differences between males and females, in which males evolved to hunt and provide, and females tended to children and domestic duties. It assumes that males are physically superior to females and that pregnancy and child-rearing reduce or eliminate a female’s ability to hunt.

Man the Hunter has dominated the study of human evolution for nearly half a century and pervaded popular culture. It is represented in museum dioramas and textbook figures, Saturday morning cartoons and feature films. The thing is, it’s wrong.

The story is in fact the cover story of the November issue, so the magazine will never, ever issue a correction or clarification:

Click to read for yourself:

First, note that I’ve written at least five pieces on the “woman hunter” hypothesis: here, here, here, here, and here. The source of the hypothesis was a PLOS One paper arguing the following (from the PLOS One paper):

Of the 63 different foraging societies, 50 (79%) of the groups had documentation on women hunting. Of the 50 societies that had documentation on women hunting, 41 societies had data on whether women hunting was intentional or opportunistic. Of the latter, 36 (87%) of the foraging societies described women’s hunting as intentional, as opposed to the 5 (12%) societies that described hunting as opportunistic. In societies where hunting is considered the most important subsistence activity, women actively participated in hunting 100% of the time.

According to the authors’ data, then, 36 out of 50 societies in which there were data on women hunting (72%), the hunting was intentional.  That is the important result: in most societies, women participated in hunting.  The present paper also implies that this was not rare participation—say a few women included in a big hunting party—but that women constituted a substantial proportion of those engaged in hunting, and that a substantial proportion of hunter-gatherer societies had women hunting.  Here’s how the new Sci Am paper ends:

Now when you think of “cave people,” we hope, you will imagine a mixed-sex group of hunters encircling an errant reindeer or knapping stone tools together rather than a heavy-browed man with a club over one shoulder and a trailing bride. Hunting may have been remade as a masculine activity in recent times, but for most of human history, it belonged to everyone.

“Hunting. . .  belonged to everyone” clearly implies, as the paper does throughout, that women’s hunting was nearly as frequent and important as men’s hunting. This is an essential part of the authors’ ideological contention, for if women hunted only rarely, or constituted only a small fraction of hunting groups, that would imply intolerable hunting inequity.

But the authors’ defense of their hypothesis is deeply flawed. Here are six reasons, and I’ll try to be brief:

1.)  Nobody maintains that, as the authors assert, “men carried this activity out to the exclusion of women”. This may have been a trope in the past, but even those rebutting Obocock and Lacy’s (henceforth O&L’s) data these days do not claim that women never hunted. Of course they did, and no scientist would say that “no women ever hunted” because we cannot document that. The question, which the authors don’t address, is how frequently they hunted and what proportion of hunters did they constitute?  (See below for more.)

2.) I don’t know anyone (I may have missed some) who argues that men evolved to hunt: that is, natural selection acting on hunting behavior itself caused a difference in the sexes in their propensity to hunt. The alternative hypothesis—and one that is far more credible—is that sexual selection based on male-male competition and female choice led, in our ancestors, to the evolution of greater size, strength, musculature, and physiology in men than in women. Once that had evolved, then men would obviously be the sex that would participate in hunting. (And yes, childcare by women is also a possible reason.) The authors’ claim that “males evolved to hunt and provide, and females tended to children and domestic duties” is thus misleading in that males probably got their generally superior athletic abilities (see below) as a result of selection, and their hunting then became a byproduct of that. Similarly, women tend to their children more because that’s another result of sexual selection (women have greater reproductive investment in children), and their lower participation in hunting could also be a byproduct of that.

O&L don’t mention this alternative hypothesis in their paper.

3). The authors neglect important data casting doubt on O&L’s conclusions. Soon after the original paper by Anderson et al. appeared, other anthropologists began to find fault with it. To see examples of how Anderson et al.’s data is dubious,  see my posts here, here and here giving other people’s rebuttals.

Here are the conclusions from one critique, which does recognize women’s value in hunting small animals:

100% of the societies had a sexual division of labor in hunting. Women may have participated with men in some hunting contexts, typically capturing small game with nets, but participated much less in large game hunting with weapons or by persistence. Even within these contexts, it was usually the case that the role of women during the communal hunt was different. For example, women flushed wild game into nets while men dispatched the game.

These are my subjective ratings based on the papers I read in Anderson et al. (2023) and the supporting literature I cited. You may disagree and assign some different ratings. The point is that there is substantial variation across cultures in sex-based hunting roles. Additionally, none of the societies truly have an absence of these roles.

. . . Why did the perception of “man the hunter” arise? It’s likely because we see many sex-segregated hunting practices, particularly in hunting large game with weapons. Additionally, when you think of hunting, the first thing that comes to mind may not be chasing birds into nets. You probably think of a man with a spear — usually a man, not a woman, with a spear.

Here are tweets from another anthropologist looking at many societies, about which I wrote this:

Before I go, I’ll call your attention to a series of tweets by Vivek Venkataraman (start here on Twitter), an assistant professor in the Department of Anthropology and Archaeology of the University of Calgary. His university webpage describes his interests:

Dr. Venkataraman is an evolutionary anthropologist who is broadly interested in the evolution of the human diet and food systems, and their relation to life history and behavior. He is assistant director of the Guassa Gelada Research Project ,and also the co-founder and co-PI of the Orang Asli Health and Lifeways Project (OAHeLP)

Venkataraman is somewhat dubious about some of the PLOS One paper’s results, especially the 80% frequency of women hunting among all hunter-gather societies. On the other hand, like me, he applauds any new data that can change our views of biology, and thinks the frequency of hunter-gatherer societies in which women hunt is somewhere between 13% and 80%; but he also thinks that women’s hunting was even more frequent in the past than it is now (see below)

Have a look at these. . . .  tweets, which involve examining many more “forager” societies:

 

The O&L paper does not mention these criticisms, and therefore does not answer them.  They are relying on data that has come into severe question because of its incompleteness and possible cherry-picking. They simply cannot be unaware of these data; they just ignored them.  (Note: I haven’t looked for more recent data addressing O&L’s claim,)

4.) The authors repeatedly imply that, in effect, males and females are equal in athletic performance, undercutting the idea that men hunted because they were athletically better equipped to hunt. But O&L’s claim of “athletic equity” is false. The authors note that women outcompete men in some endurance sports, citing this:

Females are more regularly dominating ultraendurance events such as the more than 260-mile Montane Spine foot race through England and Scotland, the 21-mile swim across the English Channel and the 4,300-mile Trans Am cycling race across the U.S.

I looked up the Montane Spine Foot race, and the Wikipedia tables for summer and winter events give the results of 17 races, one of which was won by women. (I presume they compete together; if not, the women’s times are still slower.)

Likewise, in all English Channel crossings in which there are men’s and women’s records (there are two- and three-way crossings in addition to single crossings), the men have faster times.

Finally, in all the Trans Am Bike Race results given on Wikipedia (11 are shown), a woman won only once: Lael Wilcox in the 2016 eastbound race. In all other races save one, in which a woman finished third, no women ever placed in the top three.

I conclude that O&L’s claim that women “regularly dominate” in these events is at best a distortion, at worst a lie. There is no “dominance” evident if a woman only had the fastest time in a single event.

Further, while it may be the case (I didn’t look it up) that women more often win events in archery, shooting, and badminton, in every other competitive sport I know of, men do better than women. Here is a table from Duke Law’s Center for Sports Law and Policy giving men’s and women’s best performances in 11 track and field events, as well as boys’ and girls’ best performances. In every case, not only was the record held by a man, but the best boy’s performance was better than the best women’s performance.

There is no doubt that, across nearly all sports, men perform better than women. That’s expected because of men’s greater upper-body strength, bone strength, athletic-related physiology, and grip strength. I didn’t look up sports like tennis, but we all know that the best men outcompete the best women by a long shot, something Serena Williams has admitted.  And. . .

She and her sister Venus were both thrashed by Germany’s world No.203 Karsten Braasch at the Australian Open in 1998 while trying to prove they could beat any man outside the top 200.

If I erred here, please correct me!

Here’s a quote by O&L (my bolding)

The inequity between male and female athletes is a result not of inherent biological differences between the sexes but of biases in how they are treated in sports. As an example, some endurance-running events allow the use of professional runners called pacesetters to help competitors perform their best. Men are not permitted to act as pacesetters in many women’s events because of the belief that they will make the women “artificially faster,” as though women were not actually doing the running themselves.

Here the authors are wading into quicksand. In fact, the entire quote is offensive to reason, for it implies that, if women were treated the same as men in sports, they would do as well. Given the differences between the sexes in morphology and physiology, such a claim flies in the face of everything we know.  The “pacesetters” argument is purely hypothetical, and I’m betting that women who had pacesetter men (note: not pacesetter women), would not turn women into winners. But of course it’s worth a try if O&L are right.

5.) O&L claim that both sex and gender are a spectrum, and sex is not binary. Here’s their quote (emphasis is mine):

For the purpose of describing anatomical and physiological evidence, most of the literature uses “female” and “male,” so we use those words here when discussing the results of such studies. For ethnographic and archaeological evidence, we are attempting to reconstruct social roles, for which the terms “woman” and “man” are usually used. Unfortunately, both these word sets assume a binary, which does not exist biologically, psychologically or socially. Sex and gender both exist as a spectrum, but when citing the work of others, it is difficult to add that nuance.

No, Scientific American: I know your editor thinks that biological sex is a spectrum, but she’s wrong and so are you. The “sex is a spectrum” mantra is another ideological tactic mistakenly used to buttress trans people or people of non-standard genders. But Mother Nature doesn’t care about ideology, and, as Luana Maroja and I showed in our paper on “The Ideological Subversion of Biology” (see point #1, about sex), sex is binary in all animals. In humans, for example, the frequency of exceptions to the binary is only 0.018%, or 1 person in 5600. That is about the same probability of flipping a nickel and having it land on its edge, but we don’t say “heads, tail, or edge?” when calling a coin toss.  For all practical purposes, sex is binary, and if you want to argue about it, don’t do so here. And, as Luana and I emphasized, whether or not sex is binary has no bearing on the treatment (or nearly all rights) of trans and non-standard-gender folks.

6.) Whether or how often women hunted is irrelevant to our views of men and women. Really, why does ideology push Scientific American, and in this case O&L, to distort the facts and to leave out contrary data, when the rights of women don’t depend in the least on whether they hunted or on their relative athletic performance?  Women’s rights rest on morality, not on observations of nature. Yes, there are some trivial exceptions, like those of us who don’t think that transwomen should be allowed to compete athletically against biological women, but there are many feminists who agree with that.  The real feminist program of equal rights and opportunities for women has nothing to do with whether they hunted as much as men in ancient (or in modern) hunter-gatherer societies.

In the end, we have still more evidence that Scientific American is no longer circling the drain, but is now in the drain, headed for, well, the sewers. It used to have scientists writing about their field, with no ideological bias, but now has ideologues (these authors happen to be scientist-ideologues) writing about science in a biased and misleading way.

Apparently this trend will continue, and apparently the publishers won’t do anything about it. So it goes. But those of you who want your science untainted by “progressive” ideology had best look elsewhere.

Trilobite “horns” may have been used as weapons in male-male combat

January 19, 2023 • 9:15 am

Years ago I met Richard Fortey at the inaugural meeting of Spain’s new evolution society, and found him an affable and lovely guy. He’s a paleontologist and writer, and I had the pleasure of reading and giving a positive review to his first book, Life:  A Natural History of the first Four Billion Years on Earthwhich is well worth reading (he’s written several other books, including Trilobite: Eyewitness to Evolution (also a good read).

And it’s four trilobite species that are the subject of Fortey’s new paper coauthored with Alan D. Gishlick, a geophysical sciences professor at Bloomsburg University, in PNAS, a paper you can read for free by clicking the title below (it’s free with the legal Unpaywall app., the pdf is here, the reference is at bottom, and judicious inquiry might yield a pdf if you can’t see the paper). Trilobites are common fossils, and were marine arthropods that went extinct without leaving descendants.

The upshot is that Gishlick and Fortey analyzed fossils of one species of trilobite found in Morocco, deriving from the Devonian (400 million years ago). This species, Walliserops trifurcatus, had a long trident attached to the front of their bodies, and tried to figure out what it was for. They also found one adult individual whose trident was a bit deformed (see below). Their conclusion is that these were weapons used by males to fight with other males, almost surely to compete for females. They are, posit the authors, the arthropod equivalent of reindeer horns. The other possible functions (feeding, digging, etc.) were largely ruled out.

Read on:

Here are four species of Walliserops, shown below. All specimens bear a rigid cephalic trident. W. trifurcatus has a slightly recurved trident that bends upwards, while the other species have tridents more flush with the surface of the sediment (all captions come from the paper):

Four recognized species of Walliserops: A. trifurcatus, UA 13447 (topotype); B. hammi, UA 13446 (holotype); C. tridens UA 13451 (holotype); D. lindoei ROMIP 56997. Images taken from photogrammetric models. (Scale bar, 10 mm.)

The obvious question is: what is this damn thing for?  And there are several hypotheses, all assuming that the structure was molded by natural selection (which includes sexual selection). The authors find evidence against all but one possible function. Here are the alternatives (of course, it could have been used for several things, but it’s likely that selection was wholly or largely on one function). Indented bits are quotes from the paper. The rest of the discussion concerns W. trifurcatus:

A.) Defense. Perhaps the structure could have been used to ward off predators, like the spines found on other trilobites.  Here’s how the authors rule this out:

However, such a function would have been difficult given the overall anatomy of the trident and the trilobite. The trident is rigidly attached and cannot be moved independently from the cephalon; it could only be flexed in a dorsal-ventral plane by the trilobite raising and lowering its cephalon. This would create further difficulties since the long genal spines limit how high the head could be angled without lifting the entire body. The trident, therefore, could not be employed in a versatile way, nor be presented as to defend from a predator attacking from above or behind. This morphology is not consistent with a defensive structure.

B.) A feeding structure.  Doesn’t seem likely:

A second possible function for the trident would be as an aid to feeding. Like all members of the Phacopida, Walliserops was probably a scavenger/predator, and it might be considered as a possibility that the trident was a comparatively sophisticated sensory device concerned with early detection of prey species—such as buried annelid worms—which could then be grasped by the endopods of the ventral limbs.

C.) Sensory detection of the environment.  This is also deemed unlikely from inspection of the structure:

However, examination of the trident in optical and scanning electron microscopy failed to find the arrays of cuticular pits or tubercles usually indicative of the presence of sensilla in fossil arthropods. Most groups of trilobites include species with exterior exoskeletal pitting that is preserved even if the intracuticular canals have been removed by calcite reorganization—and there is no evidence of such exterior pitting on the trident of Walliserops. The absence of evidence for specialized organs on the tines makes it unlikely that it was primarily a sensory apparatus.

D.) A spear to pierce prey:  Unlikely because the structure was inflexible, so the animal would have no way of accessing speared prey.

E.) An apparatus to dig, perhaps for prey.  The way it’s shaped and angled seems to preclude this (remember, it’s slightly recurved upward; see below):

Another possibility is that the trident may have been used to agitate sediment to disturb prey items, which could then be trapped by the limbs. It is difficult to conceive of W. trifurcatus digging into sediment because to engage sufficiently with the substrate the cephalon would have to tilt at an angle greater than would be allowed by movement on the posterior occipital margin. Equally, if the thorax was arched, the pygidial spines themselves would dig into the sediment.

F.) A combat device on males molded by sexual selection mediated by male-male competition for mates.  The authors consider this most likely, especially because the tridents resemble the structure of male dynastine (rhinoceros) beetles, which use them to fight for females.

Here’s a picture of three of those beetles which have similar projections as do the Walliserops trilobites (the one at the extreme right).

(From the Natural History Museum): An image comparing the different beetle morphologies as they relate to fighting mode compared to Walliserops. © Alan Gishlick

The authors did a complex morphometric analysis of body and horn shape of W. trifurcatus, comparing it with living rhinoceros beetles to see if the trident could have been used for shoveling/prying, grasping, or fencing—the three types of male-male combat seen in living beetles. The analysis puts the trilobite in the group of living rhinoceros beetles whose males fight by fencing/shoveling: jousting with the structure in front and then trying to shovel the opponent over onto its back. I won’t go into the gory statistical details, which involve principal-components analysis, but the recurved structure of the trilobite’s “trident” is similar to that of shoveling, prying, and fencing beetles (left column: observed means of fighting of living beetles; center: the cephalic structures used; right: the species name [trilobite at the bottom]).

Cephalic structures of taxa treated in this research in lateral view showing the nature of the curvature and orientation of the tip of the active weapon and how it relates to its employment in combat.

 

As you see, and as the statistical groupings show, W. trifurcatus is similar to the structures used in rhinoceros beetles for fencing, prying and shoveling. Here is Gishlick and Fortey’s scenario of how the males battled it out in the competition to pass on their genes:

We would hypothesize a fighting scenario in Walliserops similar to that of Trypoxylus. The trilobites would meet and at first spar with their forks, pushing and poking. At some point, they would shift to trying to slide the fork under the other, in an attempt to flip them over. Given the morphology of Walliserops, flipping would be a very effective combat technique. Although the appendages of Walliserops are unknown, it is likely that they were like those of other phacopids in not extending beyond the carapace. This is seen in the Devonian Chotecops, asteropygines Asteropyge, and Rhenops, and recently described in three-dimensional material from the Silurian Dalmanites. Once the trilobite was inverted, righting would not be a simple matter, especially if the dorsally directed spines had snagged in the sediment. An upended trilobite would probably be even more helpless than a beetle in this position and thus excluded from sexual competition.

It might also be dead!

Now the first thing that struck me when I saw this paper was the question that would have occurred to many of you: WHERE ARE THE BLOODY FEMALES??  One of the signs of male-male competition is that the structures used to compete are present in males but almost never in females, as they’re of no use in that sex—and detrimental to fitness if you don’t use them. Male deer have antlers, females do not. Body size, used for combat in elephant seals, is huge in the males, and much, much smaller in females.  So if these trilobite horns really were tools used for the “combat” form of sexual selection (the other form, as pointed out by Darwin, is female preference), the females should be around but lack the ornaments. Where are they?

Gislick and Fortey suggest that the females were indeed around, but because they lack the tridents they have not been identified as females of Walliserops trifurcata:

Since the diagnostic synapomorphy [JAC: shared derived trait] for Walliserops is the anterior trident, it would be likely that the female of the species has been classified in a different genus. That leaves two possibilities: either the females of the relevant species are at present unknown, or they are known but placed in another trilobite genus within Asteropyginae.

That mandates a search for trilobites that resemble the males but lack the horns.  The authors raise another possibility: the females weren’t preserved or were offstage, living elsewhere, but this seems less likely:

If we extend the beetle analogy further, it is possible that the females are not preserved if some trilobites, like many dynastines, engaged in sex-specific aggregations; in this case, the females were not always present in the same locations as the males, although it is difficult to explain why the latter were selectively caught up in obrution events. [JAC: “Obrution” is rapid burial in the sediments, the way these creatures must have died and been preserved.]

I favor the “females not yet found” hypothesis. There’s one more hypothesis, which is mine: both males and females have tridents.  I don’t know why this would be the case, although you could think that it’s used to take other individuals out of action in conspecific competition for food. But that makes little sense.

Finally, the authors found one example of W. trifurcatus with a deformed trident, having an extra spike (a “quadent”?). Here it is on the right. Note that the branching pattern can be asymmetrical in the normal three-pronged structure).

Examples of branching patterns for the middle tines in W. trifurcatus; A. left branching (HMNS 2020-001); B. right branching (HMNS PI 1810); C. teratological example (HMNS PI 1811) showing a secondary branching of the left-branching middle tine. Images taken from photogrammetric models. (Scale bar, 10 mm.)

Because the individual on the right was an adult, Gishlick and Fortey suggest that the deformed structure did not prevent the bearer from growing up and thriving, and thus was unlikely to be used for some vital function like feeding. This adds a little more weight to the sexual-selection hypothesis.

The Upshot:  The authors’ analyses and explanations seem plausible to me, though they’d be even stronger if they could find the females. That might be tough: in living species you could find them by looking at mating pairs or even seeing that the DNA was nearly identical, but this isn’t possible with fossilized trilobites, especially because in some living and sexually dimorphic species the females look very different from males.  If the authors are right, and I think they are, then this quote from the paper is correct:

Walliserops provides the earliest example in the fossil record of combat behavior, very likely ritualized in competition for mates. Although fossil life habits are difficult to prove, the consilience of morphology, teratology, and biometric data all point to the same interpretation, making it one of the more robust examples of paleoecological speculation.

h/t: Matthew

_________________

Gishlick, A. D. and R. A. Fortey. 2023. Trilobite tridents demonstrate sexual combat 400 Mya. Proc. Nat. Acad. Sci. USA 120 (4) e2119970120 (in press).

Another dismissal of biological facts that go against ideology: The NYT claims that “maternal instinct” is a misogynistic myth.

August 28, 2022 • 11:00 am

UPDATE: In a comment below, Randolph Nesse, one of the founders of “Darwinian medicine,” cites a book I’d forgotten:

If only everyone interested in this topic could read “Mother Nature: Maternal Instincts and How They Shape the Human Species”, Sarah Hrdy’s 2020 book on the topic. And if only the NY Times would review such excellent science books so people would know about them! I am tempted to send Conaboy a copy.

Hrdy is a highly respected anthropologist, and you can order her book by clicking on this screenshot:

I highly doubt that Hrdy sees maternal instincts as pure social constructs designed to hold women down. I’m going to read it, and I hope Conaboy does, too.  Then we can expect her to retract her article (LOL).

______________________

Lately there have been a lot of articles trying to deny scientific evidence because, the authors claim, that evidence buttresses inequality. (One example is the widespread denial that sex in humans is a binary.)

The recent article below, from the New York Times (of course), is one of the worst of the lot. It bespeaks a lack of judgment on the part of the author—who ignores biology because of her ideology—as well as on the part of the newspaper, which failed to hold the author’s feet to the scientific fire. Let this post be my rebuttal.

Click on the screenshot to read.

Author Conaboy, who apparently hasn’t done enough scientific research, maintains that “maternal instinct” doesn’t exist, but is a social construct devised by men to keep women subordinate.

The immediate problem is that Conaboy never defines “maternal instinct”. It could mean any number of things, including a greater desire of women than men to have children, a greater desire of women than of men to care for those offspring, the fact that in animals mothers spend more time caring for offspring than do fathers, a greater emotional affinity of women than of men towards children (including offspring), or the demonstration of such a mental difference by observing a difference in caring behavior.

I will define “maternal instinct” as not only the greater average tendency of females than males to care for offspring, but also a greater behavioral affinity towards offspring in females than in males. The term involves behavioral response, not “feelings”, which are demonstrable only in humans. Thus one can look for difference in “parental instincts” across various species of animals. 

But even in this sense, Conoboy is partly (but far from wholly) correct when she discusses humans. It’s undoubtedly true that women were socialized into the sex role as offspring breeders and caretakers, with men assuming the “breadwinning” role. It’s also true that women were often denied access to work or education because their vocation was seen as “reproducer”, or out of fear that they would spend less time working and more on children, or even that they’d get pregnant and would leave jobs. Further, it’s also true that this role difference was justified by being seen as hard-wired” (i.e., largely the result of genes, which, I argue below, is true), and that “hard-wired” was conceived as “unable to be changed.” The latter construal, however, is wrong, and that is what really held back women. The socialization of sex roles, which still occurs, goes on from early ages, with girls given dolls and boys toy cars, though, as society has matured, we’re increasingly allowing girls to choose their own toys and their own path through life. I of course applaud such “equal opportunity.”

But to claim that women don’t have a greater desire than men to care for offspring, or have a greater emotional affinity towards offspring, is to deny biology, and evolution in particular. (I freely admit that many men love their kids deeply, and that some men care for them as much or more as do mothers, but I’m talking about averages here, not anecdotes.)

There are two reasons why Conaboy is wrong, and both involve evolution.

The first is theoretical, but derived from empirical observations. It thus explains the second, which is wholly empirical and predictive.  How do we explain the fact that, across the animal kingdom, when members of only one sex do most of the childrearing, it’s almost invariably the females? (Yes, in many species males share the duties, and in a very few, like seahorses, males provide more parental care; and there are evolutionary reasons for that.)

The reasons for the statement in bold above involves the biology of reproduction. It is the female who must lay the eggs or give birth, and there is no way she can leave her genes behind unless she does that. It’s easier for males to take off after insemination and let the females care for offspring. Given that females are constrained to stick with the fertilized eggs, their best strategy is to take care of the gestation and resultant offspring, which of course allows males to seek other mates. Not only must females carry the fetuses, lay the eggs, and so on, but they are also constrained to see out the pregnancy until offspring are produced and then suckle or tend them in other ways.  In some cases it’s the best evolutionary strategy for a male to stick around and share the child-rearing, but often it’s not.

This disparity in behavior holds not just in humans, of course, but in many animals: it’s a prediction—largely verified—of evolutionary psychology.

The difference in the amount of parental care given by females and males is seen throughout the vertebrates, as well as in many invertebrates (squid and some insects come to mind; see here for a summary in the latter group).

It is the female lion who takes care of the cubs (and hunts for them) while the males are indolent; most often it is the female bird who not only incubates the eggs but feeds the offspring; it is the mother elephant who tends to her young; it is the female primate who holds, cares for, and nurtures her offspring. This difference alone, caused by the constraints of different reproductive roles, will, over time, select for mothers to be more attentive to offspring than are the fathers, more worried about them, and more attached to them. As all of us know, it’s the mother bear who tends her young, and woe to those who get between a mother and her cubs! But where is Papa Bear? Well, he’s long gone. In my ducks, if you approach a young brood, the mother will attack you, but the father, even if he’s around, does nothing.

Note that I am just talking about behavior, not “feelings” here, as we can’t really know what a mother bear or a mother duck experiences in her brain. But these behaviors are clearly seen in primates like gorillas and chimpanzees, and here we can start advancing hypotheses about emotions.  Since I’m using maternal instinct as a behavioral phenomenon, it doesn’t really matter. What matters is that there is a strong regularity of behavior across the animal kingdom, one so pervasive that it demands explanation. And since animals don’t have humanlike culture, you can’t explain it by socialization. But can you deny, watching a female chimp cradle her young, that she feels something akin to love?

Of course to claim that a difference in sex and sex roles can cause a difference in behavior or emotions is anathema to “blank slaters” and those on the Left who flatly reject evolutionary psychology. And although Conaboy doesn’t go into the biology, this appears to be her view: there is no evolved difference in caregiving between men and women. Rather, differences in maternal and paternal behaviors must be the result of socialization.

And this brings us to the empirical point. Why, if “maternal instinct” is due entirely to socialization, is it is nearly ubiquitous among animals, causing female-specific nurturing and protective behaviors of offspring? Why, if Conoboy be right, are we the only species of animal in which those sex differences are due entirely to socialization? The parallels between humans and other animal species—especially other primates—is so strong that it would be foolish to deny that it says something about evolution. What it says is that human “maternal instincts” are partly hard-wired, and only partly socialized. As far as human emotionality is concerned, there are plenty of studies showing a difference in maternal vs paternal care due to hormones (here is one example), and they’re in the direction that evolution predicts.

Another example are studies showing that, when given a choice of toys, young female rhesus monkeys have a significantly greater preference for human “female” toys than do young male rhesus monkeys. (The toys are dolls vs trucks.) This preference of course is seen in human children, yet that could be, and has been, dismissed as a result of socialization. But rhesus monkeys don’t have that kind of socialization! The most parsimonious explanation is that monkeys, like us, have an evolved sex bias towards maternal instincts.

As I said, there are good evolutionary reasons to expect differences in maternal and paternal behavior, and we see those differences. While we can’t suss out “feelings”, it is likely that these behavioral differences are due to hormones, and in other apes we can guess that their “feelings” are not completely different from ours.

Conaboy, however, cavalierly dismisses the Darwinian explanation because of Darwin’s own sexism, as well as that of other evolutionists. Yes, it’s true that Darwin shared the sexism of his time, as have other evolutionists, but do we dismiss phenomena completely because of this? That would be foolish. Nonetheless, Conaboy does:

In the 1800s, Charles Darwin and other evolutionary theorists upended how we thought about human nature, shifting the focus from faith to biology.

And while one might have expected such a shift to dispel longstanding chauvinistic ideas about women and motherhood, the very opposite happened. Within his revolutionary work, Darwin codified biblical notions of the inferiority of women and reaffirmed the idea that their primary function is to bear and care for children.

“What a strong feeling of inward satisfaction must impel a bird, so full of activity, to brood day after day over her eggs,” Darwin wrote in “The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex” in 1871Observant as he was, Darwin apparently ignored the hunger of the mother bird and the angst of having mouths to feed and predators to fend off. He didn’t notice her wasting where wing meets body, from her own unending stillness.

Women are specialized to care for other humans and men to compete with them, he explained. By that basic fact, he argued, men achieve “higher eminence” in virtually all things, from the use of their senses to reason and imagination.

As more women demanded their own identities under the law, social Darwinists seized on this idea as justification for continued male dominance. Among them was the English philosopher Herbert Spencer, who wrote that childbearing extracts “vital power” from women, stunting them emotionally and intellectually.

Note that Conaboy challenges Darwin by pointing out the travails that beset a mother as opposed to a father (this is also a big part of her objection to “maternal instincts” in humans). But she fails to point out that there are costs to child-rearing, but there are also costs to abandoning or ignoring children, and the former costs are greater than the latter. Yes, a mallard hen loses up to 30% of her body weight while incubating her eggs over a month, but she gets a healthy brood from that behavior. If she leaves the nest to eat and drink, she loses her brood entirely.  Genes that favor maternal care and concern will be favored. The notion of evolutionary tradeoffs—that a behavior can have costs and benefits, but will evolve if the reproductive benefits outweigh the costs—is something that apparently didn’t cross Conoboy’s mind.

Why is Conaboy so dead set against the idea of a “hard wired” (i.e., partly genetic) difference between men and women? For the expected reasons: she sees such differences as buttressing sexism, and so biological facts must take second place to her ideology. And, as I said, it is the case that scientists and others have used biology to justify sexism. But that doesn’t mean that the facts are wrong, or don’t give us insight into the evolution of sex-role differences.

Here are a couple of Conaboy’s statements showing the ideological basis of her objection to biologically based maternal instincts:

Where did the idea that motherhood is hard-wired for women come from? Is there a man behind the curtain?

In a sense, there is a man behind the curtain. Many of them, actually.

The notion that the selflessness and tenderness babies require is uniquely ingrained in the biology of women, ready to go at the flip of a switch, is a relatively modern — and pernicious — one. It was constructed over decades by men selling an image of what a mother should be, diverting our attention from what she actually is and calling it science.

Yes, sex role differences and behaviors, like the existence of two sexes themselves, must be dismissed because they go against what is an antiscientific, liberal, blank-slate ideology. When the facts are inconvenient, deny them and invoke bigotry.

Conaboy brings in religion, too, which of course has buttressed sex-role differences:

Modern Christian archetypes of motherhood were shaped by two women. There was Eve, who ate the forbidden fruit and in doing so caused the suffering of every human to come. And there was the Virgin Mary, the vessel for a great miracle, who became the most virtue-laden symbol of motherhood there is, her identity entirely eclipsed by the glory of her maternal love. Mary’s story, combined with Eve’s — unattainable goodness, perpetual servitude — created a moral model for motherhood that has proved, for many, stifling and unforgiving.

But religion’s own stereotypes aren’t independently contrived, but themselves come from sexism built by humans into a faith that is seen to create a harmonious society.

Others to blame for the “myth” of the maternal instinct are conservatives, another reason to dismiss the reality of that instinct:

Today, many proclaim that motherhood is neither duty nor destiny, that a woman is not left unfulfilled or incomplete without children. But even as I write those words, I doubt them. Do we, collectively, believe that? Maternal instinct is still frequently invoked in science writing, parenting advice and common conversation. And whether we call maternal instinct by its name or not, its influence is everywhere.

Belief in maternal instinct and the deterministic value of mother love has fueled “pro-family” conservative politicians for decades. The United States, to its shame, still lacks even a modest paid leave policy, and universal child-care remains far out of reach.

. . . Belief in maternal instinct may also play a role in driving opposition to birth control and abortion, for why should women limit the number of children they have if it is in their very nature to find joy in motherhood? A 2019 article published by the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention, a Christian anti-abortion policy group, claimed that “the ultrasound machine has been the pro-life movement’s strongest asset in recent years” because once a woman is informed of her pregnancy, “her maternal instinct will often overpower any other instinct to terminate her pregnancy.” Why, then, should the law consider the impact of pregnancy on the life of a person who has the full force of an instinct stronger than “even fear itself” to gird her in the task?

I am course am not defending these statements, which do derive from sexism and misogyny. What I am saying is that Conaboy uses this kind of ideological and political argument to dismiss biological explanations for maternal instincts.

I won’t go into Conaboy’s description of the difficulties attending human childbirth, including postpartum depression, physical pain, and sleeplessness. Every mother knows what Conaboy is talking about. But it has no bearing on whether maternal instincts are a myth or a social construct of the patriarchy.

Finally, I want to bring up one other misrepresentation by Conoboy: the idea that there’s a big difference between “hard-wired” differences between the sexes versus differences that emerge later, after life experience. Here’s what she says:

The science of the parental brain — much of it now the work of female scientists who are mothers themselves — has the potential to pull back the curtain, exposing old biases and outdated norms, revealing how they are woven throughout our individual and societal definitions of mother or parent or family, and offering something new.

Using brain imaging technology and other tools, and building on extensive animal literature, researchers around the globe have found that the adaptation of the human parental brain takes time, driven as much by experience — by exposure to the powerful stimuli babies provide — as by the hormonal shifts of pregnancy and childbirth.

But surely environmental cues, like exposure to one’s own child, which is “experience,” can also activate hard-wired genetic differences between male and female behavior. (Let me emphasize that by “hard-wired” I do not mean that a behavior is always seen in one sex or the other; what I mean is that there are influences of genes on an average behavioral difference between men and women.)  It is entirely possible that the sight of one’s own infant can activate other evolved pathways that produce “maternal instincts”. (See here for one paper on this topic.) This is similar to human children born with the genetic ability to learn semantic language, but they can’t express that ability until they actually hear spoken language. Thus we have an evolved trait that requires experience to be expressed.

In the end, in her attack on sexism and its attendant limitation of women’s opportunities (a view I share), Conoboy is forced to deny all the facts of biology, even dragging in the much beleaguered Darwin for a good drubbing. But she hasn’t done her homework. If she had, she’d see that maternal instincts are not limited to humans, but are widespread among animals. And she’d see that there are good evolutionary reasons for such instincts—reasons that, in our species, could lead to a difference in feelings towards infants.

I’m sick to death of people either ignoring or denying the facts of biology when they’re ideologically inconvenient.  But that whole strategy fails for two reasons. First, the truth will out. In fact, we already know that Conaboy is wrong.

Second, it’s a terrible strategy to dismiss empirical data on ideological grounds. Far better for Conaboy to admit that sexism plays a role, but so does biology. There is nothing shameful in admitting that much of the “maternal instinct” is evolved. That admission does not force us to view women as inferior, nor to treat them as inferiors.

Finally every woman who chooses not to have a child because she has other priorities demonstrates that evolved tendencies need not compel our behavior. They can explain it, but that’s different from making it into an “ought”.

How Darwin caused global warming with his theory of sexual selection

July 9, 2022 • 12:00 pm

Yet another letter has appeared in the Guardian about Stephen Buranyi’s misleading “long read” on the site, “Do we need a new theory of evolution?” (Buranyi says “yes”). I’ve mentioned the problems with Buranyi’s article before, and three of us even wrote a letter about the article’s flaws that the Guardian published.

Apparently, though, the fracas hasn’t died down, because another one just appeared, this time on sexual selection. The letter is by anthropologist Heather Remoff, who wrote a book on sexual selection mentioned at the bottom of her letter.

Here’s the letter (click to go to the Guardian site), and my take on it is below:

There’s a lot to “unpack” here, and I’ll try to be brief.

First, the letter doesn’t address Burayni’s claims, which was that the modern theory of evolution was incomplete and perhaps obsolete. He was not referring to Darwin’s theory of evolution but to Darwin’s theory as it has been updated and expanded in light of modern research. Darwin’s failure to understand everything does not mean that the modern theory of evolution is woefully lacking, for we’ve had more than a century and a half of work on evolution since The Origin.

Ergo, showing that Darwin’s theory of sexual selection was incomplete—and yes, it was his theory, rejected even by A. R. Wallace (except in humans!)—does not support Buranyi’s thesis. That theory was published in 1871, and now it’s 150 years on. Modern evolutionary biology has added tons of knowledge and theory about sexual selection. There are entire books on the topic (here’s one) that go far beyond Darwin’s ideas. But showing that “Darwin’s theory was incomplete” doesn’t say anything about the modern theory of evolution, which is what this whole controversy is about.

Darwin actually had two theories of sexual selection, one involving male-male combat for females, and the other involving female preference for “beauty”. The former theory, which Darwin called the “law of combat”, explains the evolution of weapons like antlers in male deer—weapons far less developed in females because they’re not used.  Darwin’s second theory is that females have an aesthetic sense that males appeal to with ornaments, striking colors, extreme behaviors, or lovely calls. This causes female-imposed natural selection on males, which, thought Darwin, explains sexual dimorphism in appearance, behavior, calls, and so on.

Note first that, contra Remoff, female preference was already a crucial part of Darwin’s theory, for without that preference we wouldn’t have the striking sexual dimorphism we see in many animals. Even though male-male competition remains an important explanation for male-limited weapons or competitive behaviors, Darwin had already diagnosed a large portion of the sexually dimorphic world using the lens of female preference.

But Darwin’s theory was incomplete in a way Remoff fails to mention. Exactly why do males compete for females? Darwin had no answer, and you don’t find an answer simply by viewing the issue through the female lens. In general, biologists agree that sexual selection results from this:  female investment in offspring is often much larger than that of males. When females have to do the hard work of gestation and rearing of offspring, as well as contributing metabolically expensive large gametes (eggs), while male investment is often limited only to a small amount of tiny sperm, an asymmetry in the interests of the sexes arises. Evolutionarily, males can leave more of their genes by copulating with any female they can, while it pays for females to be choosy about her mates, since once she mates, she’s made a huge investment that has to be tended. A good choice by a female often means her offspring have a better change of surviving, ergo it pays to be picky.  A male fly can mate with 20 females in a few days and have 20 batches of offspring, but a female fly who mates with 20 males within a few days doesn’t have many more offspring than if she copulated only once. It thus pays the males to be profligate and the females to be choosy.

I often use this example in evolution class to show the asymmetry (see this page for the records). This is what your body is capable of producing if you’re a woman or a man:

Record number of children produced by one mother: 69 (many twins and triplets birthed by a Russian woman)

Record number of children produced by one father: 1000-2000 by Genghis Khan (estimated) or, in more modern times, over 868 fathered by Moulay Ismail Ibn Sharif, a Sultan of Morocco, in the 18th century.

A male can have more than ten times as many offspring over his life than can a woman! Of course the average number of offspring has to be the same for men and women (after all, each child has one mother and one father), but the variation is such that while women produce relatively comparable numbers of offspring, a lot of males produce just a few and a few males produce many. That is, males have a much higher variance in offspring number. And that is the basis for sexual selection. (This difference in variance is seen in humans as well as in many other species.)

The asymmetry between the sexes, then, rests on the best way to choose. For males it’s not evolutionarily “wise” to be choosy (I am generalizing here, for of course there are cases in which males should also be choosy), while for female it pays to make sure you choose well, as you don’t have as many shots as being a parent. As I said, this is a short explanation for sexual selection that has exceptions, but it’s the going explanation for why, when the sexes differ in ornamentation, behavior, or calls, it is males who show elaborated traits.

This asymmetry is critical in understanding the whole process of sexual selection, and it rests not on seeing it through a female lens, but seeing it through a lens that looks at what both sexes have to gain from behaving in various ways. In the end, it’s largely based on gamete size. That was what Darwin missed, but we understand it now and can test it.

Further, since Darwin’s time we have new theories of sexual selection that have been mathematically elaborated: the runaway model (Richard Prum has used this to update Darwin’s “beauty” hypothesis), the “honest signalling” model, the “sexy son” hypothesis, and so on. Some of these models overlap.  All of them consider female preference.

Now I’ve said in the past that, in my view, one of the contributions of the “female view” of biology has been an increased emphasis on female choice in sexual selection, for the process involves an interaction between males and females. Some women (but not solely women) helped direct research by emphasizing female preference. And that’s understandable; you don’t want your sex and its importance in evolution to be overlooked.

That said, though, both men and women have made important contributions to the modern theory of sexual selection; it was not incomplete because the “female lens” was totally overlooked by patriarchal male biologists. And, as I said, female behavior—aesthetic preference—was absolutely critical for the “beauty” aspect of Darwin’s original theory.

As for the “genetic breakthoughs” that have led to a new understanding of sexual selection, particularly when viewed through that female lens, I am stymied. I don’t know what breakthroughs Remoff is talking about. Perhaps she’s referring to this:

The evolutionary moonshot that enabled Homo sapiens to go where other species have failed to follow has its roots in a reproductive mutation – concealed ovulation and continuous sexual receptivity – that dramatically increased the strategic agency employed by females.

Concealed ovulation and continuous sexual receptivity (the latter is possessed by many animals) are not “mutations”; they are traits, likely ones that arose via many mutations of small effect. And yes, these traits have obviously changed the playing field for sexual selection. But whether they have been  “moonshot” that has enabled us to go where other species have not, well, other species have had their own “moonshots”, like hypodermic insemination in some invertebrates, the “pseudopenis” of the female hyena,”and the male pouches of pipefish and seahorses.

The last trait gives male seahorses most of the investment in offspring (males, in effect, get “pregnant”, and females, who can produce lots of eggs, must compete for limited male pouch space). The result that in this group it’s most often females rather than males who are ornamented. This reversal of investment, coupled with a reversal of the sexual dimorphism, is striking support for the “differential investment” theory of sexual selection.

Sexual selection operates in different ways in different species, and, truth be told, we don’t understand the details that have led to the evolution of most sexually dimorphic traits. not involved in male-male competition. We know the basis for the evolutionary process—differential investment in offspring—but we don’t know why particular traits are chosen and whether they are indicators of fitness or of something else. If you ask me why the peacock has a long tail instead of a big head crest, and what information that elaborate tail conveys to females, I wouldn’t be able to tell you. We do know that the more spots a male peacock has on his tail, the more likely he is to be chosen as a mate, but we don’t know the advantage accruing to females that have such a preference.

And no, sexual selection does not “establish the origins of everything that defines human exceptionalism”. Semantic language? Bipedality and manual dexterity? Our remarkably complex brain? Did all those traits rest on sexual selection? I think not.

Remoff ends with a paragraph that is pure hyperbole:

Why does all this matter? Because humans are facing an environmental disaster of our own making. Only by developing an accurate understanding of the factors that shaped human species-specific behaviour will we be able to avert the rapidly approaching climate apocalypse. Sexual selection may have shaped us, but our failure to take an unbiased look at ourselves could be handing natural selection the power to eliminate us.

Will understanding sexual selection, or human evolution in general, help us stave off climate change? Again I think not. Only by limiting carbon emissions will we be able to avert climate change. And that does not depend on understanding human evolution, much less sexual selection.

In the end, Remoff is tilting at two windmills that have already fallen. Her attack on Darwin is wrongheaded since Darwin’s correctness is not the issue in Buranyi’s piece and because female preference was already a crucial part of Darwin’s theory. And her claim that it was only the “female lens”, used recently, that helped us understand sexual selection, is also misleading. Female preference has been considered by evolutionists since 1871.