The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Faculty of Humanities

THE LEXICAL MODERNIZATION

OF SOUTHERN QUECHUA
Methodology and Efficiency

M.A. Thesis

Gregory Khaimovich

Thesis Advisers:
Dr. Aldina Quintana-Rodríguez and Prof. Jan Szemiński

08.11.2015
i

Subgroups of Quechua Language Family (Southern Quechua framed).

(from http://lingweb.eva.mpg.de/quechua/Eng/Cpv/Locations.htm).
ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I want to deeply thank here:

First of all, my tutors, Aldina Quintana-Rodríguez and Jan Szemiński (Yohanan Bar-Yafe),
who guided and supported me all the time during my work, providing me with plenty of
materials and sharing their precious advice, being always ready to listen to me and answer my
questions, if I felt stuck somewhere;
Mariusz Ziółkowski, who helped me to travel to the Andes for the first time in my life and
supervised my stay in Cuzco;
Ricardo Valderrama Fernández and Carmen Escalante Gutiérrez, at whose hospitable villa
in San-Jerónimo I was a frequent guest and who helped me greatly to make myself familiar with
the amazing world of Peruvian Andes, its history, its culture, and the most important, its people.
Vera Tyuleneva, ethnohistorian, who helped me with her advice in conducting my
fieldwork in Cuzco.
Claudia Cuba Huamani from the Centre "Bartolomé de Las Casas", the organizer of
Quechua charlas de martes ("Tuesday conversations").
Armando Becerra Cevallos, professor of the University of San Antonio de Abad, Cuzco,
and emeritus member of the Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua.
The Bureau for Academic Recognition and International Exchange of the Ministry of
Education of Poland, who provided me with the scholarship allowing me to spend year studying
in the University of Warsaw in 2013-14 academic year..
Justyna Olko, vice-dean of the Faculty of "Artes Liberales" of the University of Warsaw
and the head of the project "Europe and America in Contact", who supervised my work and
studies in Warsaw and helped me to proceed in the full sense of the word.
The other members of the project "Europe and America in Contact", my teachers, friends
and colleagues, who were always ready to share with me their experience: John Sullivan, Julia
Madajczak, Victoriano de la Cruz, Bartłomiej Chromik, Alexandra Bergier, Marcin Kilarski and
Agnieszka Bryliak.
My parents and my wife.
iii

THE LEXICAL MODERNIZATION OF SOUTHERN QUECHUA:

METHODOLOGY AND EFFECTIVENESS

Southern Quechua, or Quechua II-C, is the most widely spoken indigenous language of
both Americas, comprising up to six million speakers in Peru and Bolivia. It was long considered
as the main language of the Inca Empire, and played an exceptional role in the evangelization of
the Andean native population under the colonial rule. However, nowadays Southern Quechua
faces the same problems as any other native American language, these being marginalized social
status, aging of population of speakers, inaccessibility of education in first language – all what
provides a permanent shift of speakers towards the language of majority, which is Spanish.
In the past few decades there have been various attempts to promote the status of Quechua
both in Peru and Bolivia, and at the same time a number of institutions in the Andes and abroad
have been occupied in the corpus planning of Southern Quechua, proposing renewed solutions
for Quechua orthography, discussing possible models for the standardization of the language and
innovating the Quechua lexicon in order to widen the functionality of the language. At the same
time, these efforts have not yet achieved their goal, as the corpus planning of Southern Quechua
as an organized process suffers from disregard from without (that is, on behalf of both Spanish
and Quechua speakers) and from conflicts from within (among the planners themselves).
This work is aimed to examine the modern attempts of lexical elaboration of Southern
Quechua, undertaken in different places by different institutions. The purpose of my research is
not only to analyze the methods, which the agents of lexical modernization employ to produce
new Quechua terms, but also to evaluate the existing strategies of putting these new lexemes in
use. My work takes into account studies on the modern planning of Quechua, dictionaries and
textbooks of Southern Quechua, as well as non-educational books, periodicals and other printed
materials in the language, published in recent years. It also relies on the findings obtained during
my stay in the region of Cusco in August-September 2013.
‫‪iv‬‬

‫המודרניזציה הלקסיקלית של הקצ'ואה הדרומית‪:‬‬

‫מתודולוגיה ויעילות‬

‫הקצ'ואה הדרומית או קצ'ואה ‪ ,C-II‬היא שפה הרווחת בקרב הילידים של שתי האמריקות עם כמות‬
‫הדוברים בפרו ובבוליביה המגיעה לשישה מיליון‪ .‬משך תקופה ארוכה השפה נחשבה כשפה העיקרית של‬
‫אימפריית האינקה והיה לה תפקיד מרכזי בהתנצרות האוכלוסייה הילידית של האנדים תחת שלטון‬
‫הקולוניאלי‪ .‬למרות זאת כיום הקצ'ואה הדרומית מתמודדת עם אותן בעיות שפוגשת כל שפה ילידית של‬
‫אמריקה‪ ,‬ביניהן מעמד חברתי שולי‪ ,‬הזדקנות אוכלוסיית הדוברים וחוסר נגישות ההשכלה בשפת האם‪ .‬כל‬
‫זה מוביל את הדוברים למעבר תמידי לשפת הרוב שהיא ספרדית‪.‬‬
‫בעשורים האחרונים היו כמה ניסיונות לקדם מעמד של קצ'ואה בפרו ובבוליביה‪ .‬בנוסף מספר המוסדות‬
‫באנדים ובחו''ל עסקו בתכנון גוף השפה של קצ'ואה הדרומית והציעו פתרונות חדישים בתחום של‬
‫אורתוגרפיה של קצ'ואה‪ .‬הם דנו במודלים האפשריים של תיקנון קצ'ואה וחידוש הלקסיקון שלה במטרה‬
‫להרחיב שימושיות של השפה‪ .‬ניסיונות אלה עוד לא השיגו את תכליתם כי תכנון קורפוס של הקצ'ואה‬
‫הדרומית כתהליך מסודר נתקל בהתעלמות הן מבחוץ‪ ,‬מצד דוברי ספרדית וקצ'ואה‪ ,‬והן מבפנים בגין‬
‫הסכסוכים בקרב המתכנני השפה עצמם‪.‬‬
‫העבודה באה לבחון נסיונות מודרניים של שיכלול לקסיקלי של הקצ'ואה הדרומית שנערכו במקומות‬
‫שונים על ידי מוסדות שונים‪ .‬מטרת המחקר לא רק לנתח מתודות בהן משתמשים שחקנים של המודרניזציה‬
‫הלשונית על מנת לקבוע מונחים חדשים בשפת הקצ'ואה‪ ,‬אלה גם לערוך אסטרטגיות הקיימות של השמת‬
‫הלקסמות החדשות לשימוש‪ .‬העבודה בוחנת מחקרים בנושא של תכנון המודרני של הקצ'ואה‪ ,‬מילונות וספרי‬
‫לימוד של הקצ'ואה הדרומית‪ ,‬כמו כן ספרים לא חינוכיים‪ ,‬תקופונים וחומרים מודפסים אחרים בקצ'ואה‬
‫שיצאו לאור בשנים האחרונות‪ .‬בנוסף למקורות אלו המחקר מתבסס על ממצאים שהשגתי משך השהייה‬
‫באזור של קוסקו‪ ,‬פרו באוגוסט‪-‬ספטמבר ??‪.?M‬‬
v

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements.........................................................................................................................ii
Abstract...........................................................................................................................................iii
Abstract (Hebrew)...........................................................................................................................iv
Contents...........................................................................................................................................v
Abbreviations.................................................................................................................................vii
I. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................1
II. THEORY AND PRACTICE OF LEXICAL
MODERNIZATION IN THE CONTEMPORARY ERA..........................................................4
Formation of language planning as a field of studies. ‒ Elaboration or modernization in early theory of
language planning. ‒ Strategies of lexical modernization by Cooper. ‒ Lexical modernization and the
notion of "good" corpus. ‒ Terminology planning and neology: criteria of successful neologisms by Cabré.
‒ Towards a definition of neologism. ‒ Examples of lexical modernization of national languages. ‒ Theory
of language planning and implementation of neologisms. ‒ Improper implementation and its consequences.
‒ Minority languages in modern theory of language planning. ‒ Lexical modernization and the problem of
power. ‒ Purism in lexical modernization of indigenous minority languages. ‒ Examples of lexical
modernization of minority languages. ‒ Conclusions.
III. HISTORICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS
OF THE MODERNIZATION OF QUECHUA........................................................................15
Quechua as the "General Language of the Andes". ‒ Adaptation of Quechua to writing. ‒ Pastoral Quechua
and the problem of translation: the early stage of Quechua neology. ‒ Development of Quechua secular
literature in colonial epoch. ‒ Quechua as a tool for political propaganda. ‒ Experiments in Quechua corpus
planning in Peru at the end of nineteenth century. ‒ The discourse around the "indigenous" problem in
Peru: "educators" vs "indigenists". ‒ The rise of Qhapaq Simi in Cuzco. ‒ Revival of Quechua theatre in
Peru. ‒ Faustino Espinoza Navarro and the foundation of the Academy of Quechua Language. ‒ Goals and
achievements of the Academy in early years. ‒ Introduction of Quechua into Peruvian schools. ‒ Social
status of Quechua in Bolivia till the middle twentieth century. ‒ The first appearance of Quechua in
cinematography. ‒ Quechua in Bolivian radio broadcasting. ‒ The law of 27th of May: officialization of
Quechua in Peru. ‒ Immediate and far-going consequences of the law of 27th of May. ‒ The First Workshop
on Writing in Quechua and Aymara. ‒ The "vowel conflict" in Quechua corpus planning. ‒ The
development of intercultural bilingual education in Bolivia. ‒ Main agents of lexical modernization of
Southern Quechua in Peru. ‒ Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua. ‒ The "Linguistic" party. ‒ Summer
Institute of Linguistics. ‒ Main agents of lexical modernization of Southern Quechua in Bolivia. ‒ The role
of governmental agencies in Quechua corpus planning in Peru and Bolivia. ‒ Conclusions.
vi

IV. CREATING A TERM IN SOUTHERN QUECHUA:

SAMPLING ANALYSIS OF NEOLOGISMS.........................................................................32
Classification of analyzed neologisms. ‒ Overview of the main sources. ‒ Non-assimilated loan words and
phrases. ‒ Assimilated loan words and phrases. ‒ Loanblends. ‒ Loan translations and renditions. ‒
Semantic neologisms. ‒ Coined terms based on existing roots: derivations. ‒ Coined terms based on
existing roots: compounds. ‒ Coined terms based on invented roots. ‒ Common features of the main corpus
and conclusions.
V. IMPLEMENTING A TERM IN SOUTHERN QUECHUA:
FINDING A WAY TO THE SPEAKERS................................................................................54
Terminological diversity between the sources: reasons and consequences. ‒ The case of "medical Quechua"
as an illustration of the terminological disorder. ‒ Available and probable channels of implementation. ‒
Education and educational materials. ‒ Dictionaries. ‒ Books, periodicals and other printed materials. ‒
Radio. ‒ Information and communications technology (ICT). ‒ Other probable media: television in
Quechua? ‒ In attempt to evaluate the acceptance: the Musuq Tapuna experiment. ‒ Development and
application of the Musuq Tapuna. ‒ Characteristics of respondents. ‒ First and second section:
sociolinguistic properties. ‒ Third section: recognition of neologisms. ‒ Fourth section: choosing a
Quechua equivalent. ‒ Fifth section: applying memory and creativeness. ‒ Conclusions.
VI. CONCLUSIONS.....................................................................................................................72
BIBLIOGRAPHY..........................................................................................................................77
APPENDIX 1: Musuq Tapuna form.............................................................................................86
APPENDIX II: Musuq Tapuna results (screenshots)....................................................................92
vii

ABBREVIATIONS

ABOLENA – Academia Boliviana de Lenguas Nativas

ALQ ‒ Academia de la Lengua Quechua
AMLQ ‒ Academia Mayor de La Lengua Quechua
CENDA – Centro de Comunicación y Desarrollo Andino
CTE ‒ Coined terms based on existing roots
CTE-C ‒ Coined terms based on existing roots, compounds
CTE-D ‒ Coined terms based on existing roots, derivations
DMP ‒ "Diálogo Médico-Paciente"
GBE ‒ Gómez Bacarreza, "Diccionario especializado"
IBE ‒ Intercultural Bilingual Education
ICT ‒ Information and Communications Technologies
LM ‒ Lexical Modernization
LMSQ ‒ Lexical Modernization of Southern Quechua
LTR ‒ Loan translations and renditions
MAJ ‒ Manya Ambur, "Diccionario Jurídico Castellano – Quechua"
NGO – Non-Governmental Organizations
SENALEP – Servicio Nacional de Alfabetización y Educación Popular
SIL ‒ Summer Institute of Linguistics
UNFPA – United Nations Population Fund
WIN-QLP ‒ Quechua Language Pack, Windows 8.1
1

I. INTRODUCTION
The social inequality between human languages, the same as that between people, is an
integral feature of the modern world. And like the unequal distribution of wealth cannot be
explained by merely biological factors, the reasons for the disproportion of force between
different languages must be sought not in their syntax and lexicon, but in complex social,
political and economic processes that the societies of their speakers underwent. However, even
nowadays, when social Darwinism long became a marginalized ideology, we can still encounter
a point of view, which may be characterized as “sociolinguistic Darwinism”. Distinguishing
between ‘significant’ and ‘insignificant’ languages (as if their social status comes out of their
linguistic properties), this outlook serves for justifying not only the uneven status of languages,
but also the extinction of many of them.
Indeed, such extinction, at least in our epoch, in most of the cases results from the shift of
speakers towards a more prestigious and widely spoken language. In this case the language, in
favor of which the shift occurs, is frequently regarded as more "developed", as it serves as a
medium of education, commerce and mass media, while a language, which is being abandoned,
is considered too "backward" and confined mainly to the communal environment. Such a view,
often shared even by the speakers of the ‘backward’ language, does not take into account that so-
called "backwardness" usually results from prolonged marginalization of a minority language,
during which it becomes driven away from the public sphere and thus loses a virtual opportunity
to conform itself to various domains of use, unlike an official language of state.
This is the situation, in which almost all native languages of the New World reside until
now. The oppression, to which they have been exposed for the hundreds of years, combined with
deep cultural differences between European and Native American societies, brought great
numbers of the indigenous languages to extinction or close to it. Except the languages spoken by
a few of isolated ethnic groups, there is practically no native language of Americas, which would
not suffer from a shift, of different degree of intensity, towards English, Spanish or Portuguese.
Southern Quechua, or Quechua II-C, is considered the most widely spoken native language
of both Americas, comprising more than five millions of speakers1 in Peru and Bolivia. Quechua

1
This figure is based primarily on the comparison between the numbers of speakers of main Southern Quechua
dialects, provided by Ethnologue (http://www.ethnologue.com/language/que), and even with all its approximateness
cannot be considered fully reliable.
2

is now one of the official languages of Bolivia and held this status for a period of time in Peru.
However, these developments did not or have not yet reversed the common tendency of language
shift from Quechua to Spanish, a language whose hegemony in the Andean region is still
unshakeable. For hundreds of years, Quechua remained a language of the indigenous, lowest
social stratum of Andean society, and thus came to be firmly associated with poverty, lack of
education and lack of rights of its native speakers (Mannheim 1991:80-81). The recent
urbanization of indigenous masses in Peru and Bolivia did not raise the social status of the
language, but rather encouraged Quechua speakers to sever ties with their ancestral culture and
language, and to bring up their children in Spanish-environment, in order to give them a chance
to succeed. These circumstances eventually lead some scholars to regard Southern Quechua,
despite its great number of speakers, as endangered language (Adelaar 2014).
Since the early colonial era, Quechua obtained written form on the basis of Latin alphabet;
it was converted to the primary language of evangelization across the Andes and came to be used
in creation of poetry, short stories and theatrical plays. Nonetheless, the use of Quechua in
translation of foreign literature, in official documentation, in educative curriculum, in mass
media or business sphere is still scarce or virtually absent. The problem is that these forms of use
can only become accessible through the functional expansion of language, which necessarily
implies the introduction of new lexical terms for designation of multiple objects and activities,
which have been previously unattested in language's word-stock.
This work is aimed to examine the modern attempts of lexical modernization of Southern
Quechua (LMSQ), undertaken in different places by different institutions. The purpose of my
research is not only to analyze the methods, which the agents of lexical modernization employ to
produce new Quechua terms, but also to evaluate the existing strategies of putting these
neologisms in use. My work takes into account studies on the modern planning of Quechua,
dictionaries and textbooks of Southern Quechua, as well as non-educational books, periodicals
and other printed materials in the language, published in recent years. It also relies on the
findings obtained during my stay in the region of Cusco in August-September 2013.
The following, second chapter provides an inquiry into the field of lexical modernization or
neology, introducing a reader to theoretical discourse around the subject and to different
examples of how lexical modernization is implemented worldwide. The historical overview of
the modernization of Southern Quechua and formation of the linguistic ideologies that continue
3

to influence its corpus planning will be presented in the third chapter of my work; in the same
chapter, I will provide a list of principal agents of the modernization of Quechua in Peru and
Bolivia. The fourth chapter analyzes the methods of elaboration of neologisms of Southern
Quechua on the basis of four selected sources, published during last twenty-five years (two
specialized dictionaries, one medical guide and one language pack of electronic software). The
fifth chapter will examine the current situation with implementation of neologisms into Southern
Quechua; it will include an overview of media that serve or may serve for the introduction of
lexical innovations into the language and also will analyze the results of an experimental survey,
which I carried out in the region of Cusco in order to find out how new Quechua terms are
accepted by ordinary speakers. The conclusions, that will summarize the current state of LMSQ,
highlighting the main challenges of the process and throwing light upon its perspectives, will
constitute the final part of the work.
4

II. THEORY AND PRACTICE OF LEXICAL MODERNIZATION

IN THE CONTEMPORARY ERA
Language planning, a wide field of activity, to which lexical elaboration or modernization
(LM) is related, has been practiced throughout the human history, but only in the midst of 20th
century it came into the focus of scientific research. This development was largely a
consequence of the end of colonial era. Many of newly formed countries found themselves face-
to-face with language problems, which required fast and effective solutions, and the experience
of European nation-states regarding this issue could hardly be put in use in the extremely mixed
and contentious environment of post-colonial Asia and Africa. In the absence of prescriptive
methodology for language planning, in every state the authorities eventually chose their own way
to deal with sociolinguistic challenges, providing unique material and also training fields for
language scientists. Eventually, the practice that used to leave the theory behind, remained the
main problem of the research on language planning, and therefore the discipline as a whole has
maintained a descriptive rather than prescriptive character (Cooper 1989:41). However, since
this new field of studies emerged, there have been numerous attempts to develop if not
predictive, but evaluative models for different processed associated with language planning, in
order to assess costs and benefits of planning activities and on the other hand, to evaluate results
of such activities with respect to its initial objects.
The notion of LM as a separate activity within language planning took shape gradually and
on behalf of several scholars. First, Ferguson (1962), referring more precisely not to "language
planning" but to "language development" (a concurring term at that period), proposed two-scale
gradation for languages, where one of the scales measured a level of language standardization
and the second one a variability of language in written form. The latter scale mainly referred to a
number of settings, where language was used on regular basis; at the lower point there were
placed not only unwritten languages, but also the languages with written form, which were not
used in correspondence or mass media, and at the higher point the languages, in which any
scientific research could be published (Ferguson 1962:9). Haugen (1966a) saw in this scale not
only a mere classification, but also a path that theoretically could be passed by any vernacular, if
it was to become a language of modern nation. He then introduced a term "elaboration" for the
process of maximizing language functionality, the same as "codification" for minimizing its
form, according to Ferguson's standardization scale (Haugen 1966a:931). According to Haugen,
5

elaboration corresponded mainly to expansion of vocabulary, so that it could be adequate for the
wider use of language, and might be realized by two basic methods: borrowing and "making new
words from its own resources" (ibid:931). Later, Jernudd & Das Gupta (1971:205) specified that
such creation based on the "own resources" of a language may be accomplished through: a)
"derivations from existing… lexical entries", b) "new but possible lexical entries", and c)
"derivations after changes in the code"2.
Ferguson (1968), relying on the works of Haugen (1966a), Hymes (1961, in Ferguson
1968) and his own (1962), created a tripartite scheme of language development, which included
a) graphization, b) standardization and c) modernization. In his view, modernization largely
corresponded to Haugen's elaboration (Ferguson 1968:29)3. Ferguson emphasized that
modernization provides a language with a vital property of intertranslatability - the ability to
render any form of modern discourse (ibid: 32). He then distinguished between modernization of
lexicon and modernization of style; hence, it will be necessary to add the term "lexical" to either
modernization or elaboration, while referring to the subject of this work, in order to distinguish it
from any other aspect of language planning. Cooper (1989), combining theoretical propositions
of Ferguson with Kloss's differentiation between status planning and corpus planning, ascribed
Ferguson's triad to corpus planning and also marked the language codification as a part of its
standardization. Concerning the possible strategies of modernization, Cooper classifies them in
the following manner:

When language planners choose to coin a new term… they face two alternatives: (1) build the term
from indigenous sources, either by (a) giving a new meaning to an existing word, (b) creating a term based
on an indigenous root, or (c) translating a foreign term (creating a loan translation) or (2) borrow a word
from a foreign language. If the latter is done, a further decision must be made as to how far to indigenize
the loan, by modifying its pronunciation, its spelling, or its affixes to suit the structure of the borrowing
language (Cooper 1989:151).

Are there any common criteria for defining the quality of a newly created lexicon? Haugen
(1966b) in one of the first attempts of evaluation research in language planning assumed three

2
The authors do not explain plainly, what "changes in the code" mean in that case, but they mention that it can refer
to "changes in semantic specifications of the lexicon" apart from everything else (Jernudd & Das Gupta 1971:213).
3
However, it would be somewhat inappropriate to use both terms as synonyms, particularly in this work, as
modernization refers not only to activity, but also to its purpose. In essence, lexical elaboration may serve other
purposes than modernization, as the examples brought by Tauli (1974:52) demonstrate.
6

criteria for evaluation of language decisions (apparently implying decisions on language corpus),
namely efficiency (innovations must be "easy to learn and easy to use"), adequacy (i.e. "the
capacity to meet the needs of the users") and acceptability (innovations "must be adopted or
adoptable" by speakers). Jernudd and Das Gupta (1971:199), however, argued that these
principles in certain contexts might contradict to each other, and that efficiency depended on the
values of two other criteria. In Prague school's recommendations for corpus planners of the
Czech language it was insisted that "terminology of practical and technological fields", being
created, must maintain structural difference from the words of everyday use, in order to avoid
undesirable "multiplicity of meaning" and "emotional coloring" (Prague school 1974:425).
Garvin (1974:72) called this principle "intellectualization", and considered it one of the features,
which distinguish standard language from folk speech.
Fishman (1983) in his turn warns from the dry, mechanical approach to corpus planning
and to lexical modernization in particular. He emphasizes the importance of local socio-cultural
context, in which modernization takes place, in both elaboration and subsequent implementation
of corpus. If this context, usually referred by society as tradition, is ignored, the new corpus can
hardly be legitimized in the eyes of speakers, no matter how rational the innovations may seem
for the planners themselves (Fishman 1983:111-113). This formula can be verified on the
example of the lexical modernization of Estonian in the beginning of 20th century. At that period
two different techniques of lexical elaboration were put in use by two prominent scholars,
Johannes Aavik and Johannes Veski. While Aavik invented words with completely new roots
with random consequence of syllables, Veski and his school preferred more historical approach,
deriving neologisms from already attested Estonian roots and occasionally resorting to
borrowing from Finnish and Russian. Eventually, it was Veski's approach, which succeeded the
most and the bulk of innovations created by him and his followers became the integral part of
Estonian lexicon, although some innovations (but minor part of them) made by Aavik also
gained such acceptance (Fishman 2006:48-50).
In the last decades, lexical modernization came to be associated with another new field of
studies, namely terminology planning. While there is a number of recent noteworthy works in
terminology studies, I would like to concentrate on the work of Maria Teresa Cabré (1999), as
there she examines in detail such aspect of terminology planning as neology, i.e. creation of
neologisms. Analyzing this issue from linguistic, sociolinguistic and pragmatic points of view,
7

basing on the studies of other specialists and her own experience as the head of Catalan Centre of
Terminology, the author also assumes to what criteria a neologism, especially a coined term,
must correspond in order to be more likely accepted by the speaking population:

• It has to designate an explicitly delimited, stable concept that already exists so that the new term is
unambiguous.
• It has to be as brief and concise as possible, even if phrasal forms are more prevalent in some fields.
• It has to conform to rules of grammar.
• It has to be as transparent as possible.
• It has to be able to be the basis for possible derived forms.
• It has to conform to the phonological and graphic systems of the language. (Cabré 1999:208)

In addition, Cabré expresses more linguistic view of possible patterns of the formation of
neologisms, distinguishing one more category of "functional neologisms" that can be manifested
in "lexicalization of an inflected form" or "syntactic conversion" (1999:207).
It should be noted that contemporary definitions of what neologism is are not deprived of
certain degree of ambiguity. However, the basic and common criterion, which distinguishes a
neologism from any other term, is that a neologism must not be referred in so-defined "reference
corpus" of a language, i.e. the documented lexical stock, compiled before the emergence of
neologism, where such a term is not attested (Petrovčič 2013:298). Cabré (1999:206) particularly
differentiates between lexical neologisms, which emerge occasionally in "general language" and
neonyms, or terminological neologisms, created for specific purposes.
Returning to language planning as a part of the nation-building in postcolonial world, it is
worth-mentioning how the problem of LM has been solved in different countries. In India, for
instance, the planners of Hindi, the new national language, mostly drew lexical material from the
rich ancient source of Sanskrit. However, in comparison to the revival of Hebrew, this decision
was conditioned not merely by the wish to embody the historical bound between tradition and
modernity, but to a great extent by necessity to demarcate it from Urdu, the counterpart of Hindi
in Pakistan, considering that both languages had been closely related to each other in linguistic
terms (Fishman 2006:65-69). In Indonesia, the Language Office during the Japanese occupation
established the order of preference for the sources of modern terminology for Indonesian: firstly,
Malay or Javanese, then Arabic or Sanskrit, and finally, borrowing of international terms
(Alisjahbana 1971:183); nonetheless, the borrowing, especially from English, eventually turned
8

to be the most productive strategy (Kaplan & Baldauf Jr. 2003:98). In Turkey under Ataturk, the
modernization of Turkish was aimed to clean it out of Arabic and Persian elements, which were
characteristic for the official language of the Ottoman Empire, and at the same time to westernize
its lexicon. However, this replacement of eastern influence by western one was surprisingly
presented as a purification of Turkish, as the Great Sun Theory propagated by the planners
described Turkish as ancestor of all modern European languages (Fishman 1971:11-12).
The examples brought above show us, how diverse the methods of lexical modernization
may be, and how complex may be the approaches directing its course. Fishman (2006) in one of
his latest works built a structuralist diagram, by which he tried to systemize all possible
directions of corpus planning, drawing oppositions, for example, between westernization and
uniqueness (may be also characterized as indigenization) or between classicization (as in the case
of Hindi) and "panification" (unification of planning policy on several languages belonging to
"common ancestor"). However, Fishman himself admits that in reality none of the trends can
actually exclude another, and in the course of planning activities opposite directions might even
be tightly combined (2006:114).
Implementation of deliberate changes in language corpus has been one of the major foci in
language planning research, although this subject obviously has more to do with social and
political science than with linguistics. Haugen (1966a), in his four-stage matrix of language
development (Fig. 1), firstly distinguished between elaboration, which he featured as a function
of language, and "acceptance" as a function of society. Jernudd and Das Gupta (1971), using
more instrumental approach, strengthened connections between what Haugen had called
language and society domains, proposing the terms initiation and implementation respectively.
Then they proposed a pyramidal model of language planning instead of Haugen's square, where
implementation was situated at the bottom of the pyramid as a lower-level administrative activity
(1971:200-203). Fishman (1983) regards creation and implementation as two indispensable and
interdependent parts of the corpus planning, united by one purpose, and particularly noted that
"acceptance and implementation of corpus planning are not to be heavy-handed ex post facto
impositions upon corpus planning but part and parcel of its ongoing activity from the very
outset" (1983:109).
In various works mass media and education are mentioned as two primary domains of the
implementation of corpus planning and neologisms in particular (Haugen 1966b, Ferguson 1968,
9

Jernudd and Das Gupta 1971, Spiess 1999:150). The importance of translation of literary works
in this respect (including both fiction and scientific literature) has also been emphasized
(Fishman 1974a:25, Antia 2000:29-30). Ferguson (1968:33) specifies that effective
implementation of innovations is likely to be better achieved by publication of "secondary school
textbooks" and "professional papers", rather than that of "carefully prepared glossaries of the
planners", as the new terminology turns to be put in action by those for whom it was invented
and who probably took part in its creation. Aloni-Fainberg (1974) did the first of its kind and
possibly the most thorough study of acceptance of neologisms, based on multidimensional
comparative analysis. Her research, concentrated on Hebrew neologisms in one specific
technological domain (parts of the car), examined, which of new terms are better accepted by
speakers, depending on their linguistic structure, through what channels they reach the speakers
most and what groups of speakers accept neologisms more readily.
It is also important to take into account potential consequences of improper implementation
of lexical modernization. Gumperz (1962) describes the case of a village in post-colonial India,
where the administration distributed pamphlets in modernized Hindi. Gumperz notes that even
fully literate villagers could not understand the main points of the pamphlets, as they were not
acquainted with the new terms elaborated for Hindi. He saw the solution of this problem
primarily in facilitation of the style, by which the authorities addressed villagers, and on the
other hand, in improvement of the situation with literacy in the periphery, through production of
lightened writing materials among its population (Gumperz 1962:88-89). Fellman (1974:434-
438) notes the difficulties experienced by new speakers of revived Hebrew, who read the first
newspaper in Hebrew language, "Ha-Tzvi", published by Ben Yehuda. They were frequently
unable to discern meanings of the new terms coined by the author and publisher, since Ben
Yehuda did not supply regularly his newspaper by a glossary, where these terms would have
been properly explained. The matter is that Ben Yehuda wanted his neologisms to be adopted
"unconsciously, almost naturally" (ibid: 436), yet in fact this approach met disapproval on behalf
of the readers and probably was one of the reasons why the newspaper eventually failed.
Massamba (1989:68-71) describes a situation with implementation of new terminology in
standard Kiswahili in Tanzania. BAKITA, the central organ, authorized to approve and publish
new terms, in effect failed to handle its tasks due to the bad organization and lack of
professionalism of its staff. As a result, there emerged a "terminology chaos", when every
10

institution or mass medium developed their own terminology or incorrectly applied the already
existing one. Dua (1991:119) recounts about the similar turmoil in India, which was an outcome
of the lack of concordance in the work of different official agencies. It caused the
implementation of many duplicated or useless terms, while other needed items of modern
terminology emerged in spontaneous manner or were not introduced at all.

Although initially a great share of theoretical work on language planning concerned the
development of national languages, the alongside process of acknowledgement of the rights of
ethnic minorities, including their language rights, raised the question, what sociolinguistic
strategies could and should be applied at the scale of such minorities. Concurrently, since the
beginning of 1990s there grew an awareness of the problem of endangered languages, which also
required a renewed approach in language planning (Sallabank 2011).
Tauli (1974:61) noted authority as a "most favorable factor" of the success of any language
planning project. However, ethnolinguistic minorities mostly lack such authority. Only in a few
countries they enjoy a kind of political autonomy, but even such autonomy does not always
imply that speakers of a minority language can themselves define its fortune and develop
independent language policy. Interestingly, modern studies of language policy also focus on the
role of power and particularly that of state in context of the problems of ethno-linguistic
minorities. The widespread point of view, especially within the critical, neo-Marxist approach to
language policy and planning, is that in the pursuit of favorable language policy, that can assure
the maintenance and functional expansion of their languages, ethnic minorities, and even
sociolinguists, inevitably become involved in political struggle (Tollefson 2006:47-48, 51).
However, in the case of LM the factor of political power may be not so crucial in achieving
successful outcome of the language planning. Antia (2000:29-33) brings an example of Cheikh
Anta Diop, a Senegalese educator, who stood against the public opinion that Wolof, one of
indigenous languages in Senegal, was initially unsuitable to express educational and scientific
concepts. In order to disprove this point of view, Diop himself translated a bulk of literature in
French, including fiction books and works in natural sciences, actively coining neologisms in the
course of his work. The ideas and work of Diop then gained recognition among the Western-
educated Senegalese, and as a result, Wolof became introduced into the formal education in
Senegal. The analysis of LM of Kaqchikel, provided by Fischer (2010:120-123) in his work on
11

modern Maya identity, shows that it is possible to organize LM for an indigenous minority
language and assure that neologisms are adopted by ordinary speakers of this language, even if it
is has loose presence in educational system.
As regards a minority language, the demand for uniqueness or indigenization of the corpus
visibly grows. It happens mainly because such languages are more exposed to the direct
influence from one certain language, a language of majority. In many cases this influence turns
into oppression, explicit or covert, of minority languages by official language of state.4 So in the
circumstances of sociolinguistic inequality a dominated language on the one hand systematically
loses its speakers in favor of a dominant one, and on the other hand, absorbs great bulk of the
lexicon from the latter; both processes eventually lead the dominated language to extinction.
Cerrón-Palomino (1990) in his reasoning about lexical elaboration called such order of
things "linguistic subjugation", and argued that a subjugated language, especially an endangered
one, must defend itself in this situation and not to solve the problem of modernization by the
means of borrowing, which already has devastating effect on a language. However, in the same
work Cerrón-Palomino still warns against thoughtless purification, even in the case of a long
marginalized vernacular like Quechua, considering that certain words borrowed long time ago
and well ingrained in the language better must not be uprooted (1990:381). Zimmermann (2006),
referring to the role of language modernization in raising its social status, refers to the problem
of purism in LM of minority indigenous languages in more detailed manner. He mentions such
dangers of purism as possible alienation of ordinary speakers from purified and modernized
version of their native language, and states that purification of an oppressed language cannot
guarantee its vitality and sometimes may even undermine it. Yet, in the author's view,
purification as LM strategy may prove successful if it departs from the identity of speakers, when
the latter in general oppose the merging with a dominant group and the shift to a dominant
language (Zimmermann 2006:520-521).
I have already referred of how the problem of LM was solved on a state level, so here it
will be important to concern how LM was practices within the framework of different minority
languages. The Academy of Basque Language declared in 1959 that those words, which had

4
It must be noticed that an official national language does not always represent a language of majority, but still
appears as socially dominant: moreover, that was a situation in Peru and Bolivia no more than several decades ago.
That is why the term "minority language" here is in fact conditional, and should be regarded in qualitative rather
than in quantitative sense.
12

originated from other languages, but became deeply rooted into Basque lexicon, must be
considered perfectly "Basque" (Euskaltzaindia 1959). At the same time, the phonological
accommodation of such words, most of which naturally came from Spanish, as well as their
adaptation to modern Basque orthography (for example, liburu instead of Spanish libro, teknika
instead of técnica), was maintained. At the same time, in 1970s and 1980s, after the
modernization of Basque was resumed, a number of neologisms, which represented technical
innovations and were based on "internal sources", were introduced by Basque lexicographers
(Azkarate 1988:469-470) and some of them later were successfully implemented (like igogailu
for elevator, hozkailu for refrigerator or zulagailu for electric drill).
It is though doubtful, whether the corpus planning of Basque could succeed, if the Basque-
speaking region had not gained a certain level of political and cultural autonomy in modern
Spain. However, we also know situations in modern history, when the planning of minority
languages was directed by central authorities of state, moreover, under a totalitarian regime as
that represented by the former USSR. The Soviet government itself decided which of ethnic
minorities deserved autonomy, an autonomy that carried rather formal character and was
manifested mainly in preservation of cultural legacy of ethnic group, including the language. The
level of functional spreading of a minority language depended on the level of autonomy a
minority received. So in certain cases professional linguists were called on to produce extensive
corpus planning. Initially, with respect to LM, those responsible for the process emphasized the
priority of "native sources" in the elaboration of new terminology, but in the long run it resulted
that in most of the cases 70-80 % of neologisms were borrowed from Russian (Lewis 1983:319-
320). Furthermore, the languages of Central Asia and Caucasus were intentionally "purified" of
the archaisms of Persian and Arabic origin, which symbolized the ties of vernacular languages
with Islamic and pre-Soviet culture (ibid: 318). Thus, while the influence of foreign languages on
Soviet minority languages was not welcomed, the contact with the Russian language, which
maintained its dominant social status, continued to affect the vernaculars of USSR, bringing
many of them close to extinction.
One more example concerns Navajo, the most widely spoken indigenous language of
United States. Navajo has always been remarkable for being reluctant to borrowing from English
and for linguistic consciousness of its speakers. Many native-root terms, denoting various
technical and cultural innovations, has been coined by the speakers of Navajo, either in
13

spontaneous manner or as a part of a planning process. The latter took beginning in 1930s and
was initially supervised by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, but at the same time gained active
support on behalf of the local Tribal Council, who carried out the modernization of their
language on the field, by the efforts of young interpreters of Navajo descent. An intriguing
feature, demonstrated in the course of Navajo LM, was that some of the terms introduced at that
period, which were mostly loan translations from English, passed a kind of natural modification
after years of their usage, and rooted themselves in altered form in the modern spoken Navajo.
Noticing this tendency, in 1970s other planners already introduced neologisms, which also
represented loan translations, but at the same time included morphological reduction, imitating
the historical process (Spolsky & Boomer 1983:242, 246). A replacement of earlier borrowed
and phonologically accommodated terms by native-based ones also took place (ibid: 243).
The implementation of Navajo neologisms, however, involved certain problems. The
authority of the Tribal Council, which promoted the ideas of modernization among native
speakers, was rather considerable, but its material resources were limited. The only newspaper in
Navajo language, Ádahooníłígíí, whose role in the dissemination of new terms in comprehensive
form could be crucial, had been published only till 1957. Another problem, at least a few decades
ago, was the lack of commitment on behalf of local school teachers to participate in the programs
of bilingual education, thus taking important part in the implementation of new terminology
(Spolsky & Boomer 1983:246-247).
Troy & Walsh (2008) present one more specific context of LM of minority languages,
namely of heavily endangered aboriginal languages of Australia. The work shows different
examples of how the speakers of aboriginal languages are engaged in lexical elaboration,
sometimes by themselves, but generally (and more effectively) when provided the help of
professionals, like in the cases of Wembawemba or Murrinhpatha. In many of the described
situations native speakers are those who initiate LM and define for themselves, in what semantic
domain they mostly need new terms based on the indigenous lexicon.
The theory and international experience of language planning actually demonstrate that LM
can be exercised on any language in the world, and every language can use its own native
resources to produce neologisms (although even in such a case the influence of a dominant
language on new terminology may be visible enough). It is also remarkable that in known cases
of LM of minority indigenous languages the preference of modernizers was given to coining
14

from native sources as a principal strategy. Eventually, the implementation of neologisms thus
represents the main problem of the process in the case of minority languages, whose planners are
frequently deprived of the resources, which state apparatus usually has at its disposal.
15

III. HISTORICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS

OF THE MODERNIZATION OF QUECHUA
This chapter serves as a necessary overview, without which the actual practices of LMSQ
cannot be apprehended. Here I refer to the term "modernization" in a wider sense, implying not
only the lexical elaboration in particular, but the functional expansion of Quechua as a whole,
which included its adaptation to writing and new domains of use, like education, literary genres
or mass media. It is also especially important to consider the formation of the linguistic
ideologies in the Andean countries, which have been influencing the corpus planning of Quechua
and keep affecting its social status.
The first Europeans, who mastered Quechua, called it La Lengua General, "The Common
Language", since they recognized it as the most widespread and thus the most prestigious
language among multitude of others spoken in Central Andes. Southern Quechua, particularly
the variety spoken in Cuzco, obtained then an image of the official language of the Inca Empire.
In fact, Quechua represented a multi-branch language family long before the Spanish conquest,
and the credit for its spreading across Central Andes by no means could be given solely to the
Incas (Heggarty & Beresford-Jones 2010). Furthermore, Quechua apparently played a role of
lingua franca in the Inca Empire and served as a working language of the Inca administration,
but it hardly was an official language in European sense of this term, as it was highly
unstandardized and was not used to oppress other vernaculars of the state (Mannheim 1991: 33-
34). Besides, there is still a discussion, which variety of Quechua functioned as lingua franca of
the Inca Empire (Durston 2007:188).
It is generally accepted that before the Spanish conquest Quechua was unwritten, as the rest
of the indigenous languages of South America. The world-known khipu well served for records
management, and their handling required certain mastery, but it was not possible to record a
speech or poetry in khipu. There are, however, assumptions that t'uqapu, the colored piece of
ornament on Inca textiles, or qillqa, the legendary signs used by Andean priests, may be
compared by form and function to Chinese hieroglyphs (Salcedo-Salcedo 2007, Szemiński
2010), but there is still not enough evidence to prove these hypotheses.
In any case, none of these sign systems were perceived as writing by the conquerors.
Thereupon, they chose to record Quechua and neighboring languages by the means of familiar
Latin alphabet, more precisely, of its Castilian variety. However, it was clear even to the authors
16

of first colonial Quechua texts that their manner of writing is not able to render the Quechua
phonology properly. Neither Spanish nor Latin did have ejective and aspirated consonants, the
same as Romance languages did not make the difference between velar and uvular voiceless
stops, characteristic for the most of Quechua varieties. Thus, Spanish c/qu in Quechua texts of
the early colonial period could correspond to six different phonemes and constitute a part of a
number of lexemes. For example, Guaman Poma could write one word in three different ways on
one and the same page (1615:192[194])5.
Initially, the graphization of Quechua was aimed to serve the interests of colonial powers
and particularly of Catholic Church, who strived to effectively propagate the new faith in the
Andes, and for that purpose the Church was in need of translations of doctrinal texts to the most
widely spoken vernaculars. So it is not surprising that the first Quechua dictionaries were the
work of clerics and the first known Quechua written texts were of ecclesiastical nature.
Undoubtedly, the graphization of the language of the Incas solved only a part of the bigger
problem, which was an inconsistence of the Quechua lexicon with respect to the Christian
worldview. In his Lexicon o Vocabulario de la lengua general del Peru (1560) fray Domingo de
Santo-Tomás lamented that despite all the richness and exquisiteness of Quechua language, it did
not contain any equivalents for known Christian concepts (Estenssoro-Fuchs 1998:84). However,
at the same time Santo-Tomás in practice demonstrated the way out of this problem, providing a
number of Spanish religious terms with Quechua translations, which were most likely the
inventions of his own or other missioners. For example, "church" was translated as Diospa
wasin, literally "the house of God", "saint" as Diospa yanan, "God's servant", and "angel" as alli
çupay, "the good spirit".
Later, when the Third Council of Lima (1582-83) authorized the publication of the unified
trilingual (Spanish-Quechua-Aymara) Doctrina Christiana y Catecismo para instruccion de los
Indios (1584), these innovations were replaced by Spanish loanwords. Çupay, which, according
to the works of Santo-Tomás, could correspond either to angel or demon, depending on an
epithet adjusted to this word, lost its neutral value and started to denote "devil". On the whole,
the Third Council largely discarded the lexical elaboration of Quechua ecclesiastical terms in
favor of borrowings (Durston 2007:92), but at the same time, its work also introduced one more

5
"Yten: Mandamos que los barberos y seruxanos, hambi camayoc, circac, quichicauan y curan con yeruas. A estos
dichos les llamauan hanbi camayoc y a las dichas parteras beatas comadres llamauan uaua uachachic, uicza allichac
hanpi camayoc."
17

neologism, not mentioned by Santo-Tomás, for designation of the verb "believe" (Spanish creer)
in religious sense: the verb iñiy, commonly used to denote the concepts of faith and religion in
modern Quechua. As regards to the modernization of Quechua in the colonial period out of the
need of evangelization, it is also worth mentioning the voluminous Ritual formulario of Juan
Pérez Bocanegra (1631), known for its lexical and stylistic richness, and also containing a
number of Quechua ecclesiastic terms, elaborated by the author, such as, for example,
chuyanchana for "purgatory" and armakuy or mayllakuy for "baptism" (Durston 2007: 208, 219).
The dissemination and implementation of Quechua pastoral texts, especially the Doctrina
Christiana y Catecismo, from the end of the sixteenth century, also carried much significance for
standardization of Quechua. The preference for the Cuzco-Collao dialect as true "language of the
Incas" on behalf of the colonial authorities resulted in the suppression of other, less widely
spoken languages of the region, and other varieties of Quechua in particular. For instance, the
authors of the Doctrina Christiana y Catecismo in their annotations about the Quechua language
in the end of the book characterized the manner, by which Quechua was spoken in Central Peru
and modern Bolivia as "barbaric" and "corrupt", opposing those varieties to the "pure" Quechua
of Cuzco (DCC: 73). Next, economical migrations of the indigenous population, most of all
forceful migration to the silver mines of Potosí, also contributed to the expansion of Southern
Quechua much beyond its pre-conquest area of distribution, and to its absorption of other
languages, both kindred and non-kindred ones.
The implementation of the written form of Quechua also stimulated the development of a
secular Quechua literature in the seventeenth‒sixteenth centuries. The Manuscript of Huarochiri
(c. 1600) was probably the first literary work of an indigenous author and contained a large
collection of pre-colonial legends, originated in Central Peruvian Andes eastwards of Lima. The
works of Cristobal de Molina (1575/76), Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui (c. 1615) and Guaman
Poma (1615) also included considerable pieces of Quechua folklore. The late seventeenth
century gave birth to such a phenomenon as Quechua drama. There are only three theatrical
plays in Quechua of the late colonial period that reached our days: Usca Paucar, Ollanta (both
anonymous) and El pobre más rico (by Gabriel Centeno), all written in accordance with the
canons of the Spanish drama of the Golden Age and notable by their romanticization of the Inca
past (Mannheim 1991:72). As regards the Quechua theatre, it is also necessary to mention a
cycle of plays, similar in plot, known under the common name of Tragedia del fin de Atahuallpa
18

("Tragedy of Atahuallpa´s death"). Distinct versions of the Tragedia were staged on high days
throughout the colonial and republican period in Peru and Bolivia, while the evidence of the play
goes back to the early colonial period (Arzáns 1965[XVIII c.]: 98).
In the nineteenth century, after the short period when the use of Quechua was officially
banned (as a result of the failed rebellion of Tupaq Amaru II), "the language of the Incas" was
adopted by a new field of political propaganda. During the wars of independence, which
embraced the Andean region in the beginning of the century, both rival parties used to address
the indigenous masses in their native languages, trying to employ all the richness of the
contemporary literary Quechua. In addition, the wartime agitators actively revoked old forgotten
terms and expressions, providing them with new meanings, and even produced some neologisms
of their own, such as mamaquchapi pawaq wasikuna (literally "houses flying in the sea") for
"ships" (Durston 2011:169). In this manner the authors of the propaganda tried to appeal to
indigenous sentiments, associated with Inca past, yet the fanciful and purist language of many of
their proclamations could hardly be adequately understood by ordinary native speakers of
Quechua, whose speech was already heavily affected by the influence of Spanish (ibid).
Generally, during the period lasting from the foundation of republic till the middle
twentieth century, the Peruvian authorities did not come to decelop some specific policies
towards Quechua and other indigenous languages. A probable exception was a short period
under the presidency of Manuel Pardo (1872-1876), the ruler of a liberal party Partido Civil,
whose members intended to confront the political and socioeconomic marginalization of the
native population of Peru and considered Quechua as a useful tool in realization of their
intentions. A new Quechua grammar was written for the purpose to motivate the Spanish-
speaking elites to learn "the language of the Incas"; the national anthem and Constitution were
translated to Quechua and several booklets, initiating Quechua speakers into the republican
legislation, were also published. However, both quechuists, who took these tasks upon
themselves, José Fernández Nodal and José Dionisio Anchorena, fell into the same trap that the
authors of republican wartime propaganda: their Quechua was bookish up to artificial, what also
raised legitimate doubts in their proficiency in the language (Durston 2011: 177-178). The works
of Anchorena, particularly his translations of the municipal legislation, are remarkable not only
19

by extensive use of archaisms and neologisms, but also by introduction of the terms, which
Anchorena apparently "invented from scratch" including the root6 (ibid: 178).
Although the policies undertaken by the government of Pardo did not reach their goal, they
embodied the first attempts to overcome the deep social and racial dichotomy, prevailing in the
Andean countries in that epoch, and foreran the sharp dispute over the "indigenous problem",
which broke out a few decades later.7 In the beginning of the twentieth century there were
several leading points of view in Peru of what the state should have done to de-marginalize that
thick social stratum of poor and illiterate indigenous people of the highlands. A position of many
Limean intellectuals was that the Indians must have been "civilized" by the means of education
(implying, of course, an education conformable to European standards), so that in future they
could merge with Creole elites into one nation (De la Cadena 2000: 16-18). Thus, the
abandonment of native traditions and languages by the Indians in this respect was seen as clearly
positive. The opposing point of view, associated with the intellectual circles of Cuzco, praised
the maintenance of "Inca" tradition and Quechua language and abhorred a mestizaje, the process
of urbanization of the indigenous people and their assimilation into Creole culture. The adepts of
this view, characterized as liberal indigenism, asserted that the well-being of highland Indians
was historically based on the rural lifestyle, and could be guaranteed only on conditions that their
basic rights and needs would be satisfied, with no need to change drastically the existing social
order (De la Cadena 2000: 66-67). In essence, both ideologies were not compatible with
modernization of Quechua. From the educationalist point of view, such process was of no use,
since only Spanish, in this view, could represent a language of "high culture", while Quechua
was seen as inevitably backward (Itier 1995:29). The liberal indigenists, on their part, believed
that Quechua initially had all the richness, adequate within the scope of traditional Andean
culture, and what was necessary, was to reconstruct and preserve this richness, purifying
Quechua from deleterious hispanisms.8

6
Durston (2011:185) gives a few examples of such roots in endnotes, using Anchorena's spelling: hiyuta-
("approve"), mayru- ("administer"), racpa- ("resolve"), pircu ("complaint") and pake ("ordinary, common"). Even
considering a possible phonetic range of these words, there could not be found any evidence of them in earlier
sources. For example, there are roots p'aki and phaqi, attested by Santo-Tomás (1560: 147, 158), but they in fact
correspond to "break sth" and "wave [of water]" respectively.
7
For the substantial information about the ideological dispute on culture and race in Peru in that period see De la
Cadena (2000), particularly Introduction (1-43) and Chapter 2 (86-130).
8
1920s marked the boost of one more socio-political tendency, defined as "radical indigenism", whose followers
advocated the education of indigenous masses, especially in a form of campaigns of literacy, but without
propagation of the "white" way of life among the native people. Not much is known about the views of the radical
20

At that time, the city of Cuzco was still a stronghold of the Quechua language in Peru. In
the beginning of the twentieth century, few Spanish monolinguals could be found among the
residents of the city (Itier 1995: 28-29). The symbolic status of ex-capital of the Inca Empire and
prolonged ennobling of the Cuzco dialect above the rest of Quechua varieties also played their
role. Therefore, it was not surprising that in the beginning of twentieth century Cuzco turned into
the center of Quechua language planning. The liberal indigenists, who represented the city elite
and were at least culturally Creole, were eager to declare themselves "guardians of the language
of the Incas" and promote their purist views on Quechua among the local population. To this
purpose, they decided to elaborate a variety of Cuzco Quechua, which would be cleansed from
all possible hispanisms and instead enriched by the words and expressions drawn from the
sources of colonial epoch, primarily the missionary literature (Itier 1992:26-29). The indigenists
gave to this semi-artificial variety a name of Qhapaq Simi ("great language"), emphasizing that it
was a direct descendant of "the Imperial Quechua of Cuzco", the language of the Inca nobility,
praised by Inca Garcilaso de la Vega (1609). As opposed to Qhapaq Simi, the liberal indigenists
identified degraded and vulgar Runa Simi ("people language"), the ordinary multi-dialectal
Quechua, heavily affected by the enduring influence of Spanish (De la Cadena 2000: 76).
Qhapaq Simi came to be exercised in Cuzco primarily as a language of art. It included
refined poetry, composed by the members of the indigenist circle of Cuzco, and dramatic plays,
written by them or taken from the earlier sources (like the plays of the late colonial period, which
served as a model of Qhapaq Simi) and staged with the help of the same representatives of
Cuzco elite. The performances of the indigenist company, known under the name of Compañía
Peruana de Arte Incáico (Peruvian Company of Inca Art) not only gathered large audiences in
Cuzco and other provincial towns (including the speakers of Runa Simi, whom the indigenists
strived to educate by the means of art), but also were held with great success in other countries of
South America (De la Cadena 2000:73-74, Itier 1995:35-36). However, the popularity of the
Compañía Peruana among the indigenous public was inferior to that of Nemesio Zúñiga Cazorla
(1895-1964) and his troupe. Nemesio Zúñiga Cazorla was a priest of indigenous origin from the
province of Urubamba, who wrote religiously biased dramas in Quechua, but the language and
staging style of his plays radically differed from those of the "Inca theatre" of the cuzqueño elite

indigenists as regards to the planning of Quechua, but generally they had positive attitudes towards its use in
different spheres, and spoke Quechua proudly on their congregations (De la Cadena 2000: 89-92).
21

(De la Cadena 2000:77). Unlike the latter, Zúñiga Cazorla preferred to communicate with the
common public in its own language, not refined one, but then more vivid and intelligible.
Moreover, he was more inventive with respect to the enrichment of literary Quechua; Zúniga
Cazorla did not only exploit old colonial sources, but also introduced in his texts many
uncommon words and expressions, collected by him in rural highland areas of Peru, sometimes
changing their meaning or creating on their basis his own new terms (Itier 1995:65).
The revival of the "Inca" culture and language, initiated in Cuzco, also led to a
reconstruction of such major pre-conquest feasts as Inti Raymi ("Festival of the Sun"). Faustino
Espinoza Navarro (1905-2000), who came to act as the Great Inca in this festival since 1944 and
wrote his own speech and the speech of his co-players in Quechua, was not affiliated either with
the indigenist circle or with the group of Zúñiga Cazorla, 9 yet he was undoubtedly influenced by
their ideologies and activities concerning language matters. Espinoza Navarro added to his
armory the rhetoric of his contemporaries and declared himself a speaker of Qhapaq Simi,
although the cuzqueño intellectuals certainly did not provide him with such a mandate (De la
Cadena 2000:163). On the other hand, Espinoza Navarro is known to employ the same methods
as Zúñiga Cazorla, as he had an extensive knowledge of peripheral Quechua and actively
collected rare vocables, not familiar to the decent cuzqueño public (Hornberger & King 2001:
172-173). Although his theatrical career ended in undesirable fashion after his Inti Raymi
performance was excoriated on its tour in Lima, in 1953 Espinoza Navarro used his reputation of
"quechuologist" to found in Cuzco the Academy of the Quechua Language (ALQ), on the basis
of the Department of Language of the Inti Raymi Cultural Center.
The Academy announced as its principal aims the struggle for purity of Quechua and the
promotion of teaching and research of the language (Niño-Murcia 1995:272). The first aim,
therefore, fully corresponded to the views propagated earlier by liberal indigenists, since the only
model for "pure" Quechua was identified in Qhapaq Simi of Cuzco. The practical aims of ALQ,
namely the compilation and publication of Quechua grammar and dictionary, as well as
translation of the Peruvian constitution to Quechua, however, were not fulfilled until the
beginning of 1990s because of "the lack of funds" (ibid). In general, during the first decades of
its existence the results of the work of the Academy were hardly visible to the general public,

9
Although De la Cadena (2000:163) notices that Espinoza Navarro belonged to a theatrical company, "repeatedly
scorned in public" by the liberal indigenists, she does not make a connection between that company and the
company of Zúñiga Cazorla, which enjoyed the same reception.
22

except perhaps the publication in 1963 of a single volume of Inka Rimay, the official organ of
ALQ. Other activities primarily included the travels of Faustino Espinoza Navarro and his
colleagues into remote Andean villages in search for and collection of rare Quechua vocables.
Meanwhile, in the middle twentieth century the authorities of Peru launched first programs
of bilingual education, both in highland and jungle regions east of the Andes. In many respects,
these programs were brought to life due to the efforts of Luis Valcárcel, one of the most
prominent figures of cuzqueño indigenism in the past, who held the position of Minister of
Education in 1945-1947 (De la Cadena 2000:324). However, only in 1964 the first Quechua-
Spanish bilingual program was implemented in a number of schools in the regions of Ayacucho,
Apurimac and Huancavelica. Being planned for the monolingual Quechua-speaking students of
elementary school, this program was still more aimed to ensure a mild transition to Spanish-
language curriculum rather than to create a full-weight form of education in Quechua (Jung
1992:284). The evidence provided by Donald H. Burns, who was appointed to supervise this
educational project by the Summer Institute of Linguistics (at that period closely cooperating
with the Ministry of Education of Peru), makes assume that the problem of the lack of Quechua
terminology in basic disciplines was resolved mostly by the means of Spanish loans, and the
topics chosen for reading in Quechua were intentionally "autochthonous to the monolingual
Quechua-speaking communities of the zone" (Burns 1968:404-405).
There is a scarcity of materials concerning the planning of indigenous languages in Bolivia
during the period from its independence till the middle twentieth century. Unlike in Peru, where
the concern of authorities has always been directed at Quechua in the first place, as the most
widely spoken vernacular, in Bolivia Quechua had to compete with Aymara in terms of social
importance. Although Aymara in Bolivia hardly ever outnumbered Quechua by a number of
speakers10, it was more visible to authorities due to the area of its distribution, as it has been
spoken in and around the capital La Paz and throughout altiplano, a vast territory between two
main Andean ridges, where the eastern part of Bolivia is situated. The presence of Quechua has
been featuring the provinces of Cochabamba, Chuquisaca and Potosí, to the south and south-east
of La Paz (Southern Bolivian variety of Southern Quechua) and to the north of the Lake Titicaca,
close to the border with Peru (North Bolivian variety). Furthermore, Aymara culture and

10
The census of 1950 gave 36.5% for Quechua as a "main language" and 24.6% for Aymara. There is no earlier
statistical data on linguistic situation in Bolivia, but in any case it would be odd to assume any overturn in numbers
between the two groups of speakers (Albó 1995:23).
23

language has been used to construct a special Bolivian identity and legendary past,
distinguishable of those of Peru.11
After the long period of political turmoil, culminated in the rebellion of Pablo Zarate
Willka, in 1899 the power in Bolivia was assumed by the Liberal Party, whose members, as
Peruvian authorities of the same period, strived to resolve "the indigenous problem". Withal, in
Bolivia the educationalist view turned to be predominant, finding support not only among the
Creole elite, but among the indigenous masses as well (Mendieta 2010: 280-289). Even the
newly founded Academy of Aymara, which united Bolivian intellectuals of indigenist trend,
wholeheartedly endorsed the idea of "civilizing" the Aymara people, and making them "blend
with the white population and become indistinguishable"12.
Although the revolution of 1952 and the reforms followed thereafter played crucial role in
the improvement of social status and well-being of the indigenous population of Bolivia, the new
authorities still displayed indifference towards the promotion of indigenous languages in public
spheres, preferring to adhere to the assimilationist policies carried out by their predecessors.
However, the social changes prepared a good ground for private initiatives in the language
planning of Aymara and Quechua. These initiatives could be hardly labeled as "bottom-up",
since they were mainly launched by foreign organizations or by representatives of higher,
Spanish-speaking social strata. First, they included the organization of bilingual programs in
Bolivian schools, similar to those operating in the same period and with the same scarcity in Peru
(Albó 1974:91). Next, for the first time Aymara and Quechua found their way to the big screen,
when Jorge Sanjinés and his Grupo Ukamau staged two full-length movies, Ukamau (1966), or
"And So It Is", and Yawar Mallku (1968), literally "Bloody Condor", what in figurative sense
corresponded to "Desperate Leader"; the first movie was dubbed entirely in Aymara, and the
second one, almost entirely, in North Bolivian Quechua. Both movies showed a real life of the
indigenous people with all its harshness (the Marxist agenda of the director had certain influence
on the development of movie's plot, especially in the case of Yawar Mallku) and the characters
there spoke generally natural Quechua and Aymara, which could be heard in highland Bolivia in

11
See Kuenzli (2013: 57-85) on this subject.
12
Nicanor Aranzaes, “Sesión ordinaria 27 de Julio de 1902,” Academia Aymara 1, no. 2 (July 20, 1902): 39–40,
ANB, in Kuenzli 2013:75.
24

that time.13 Yet it took a long time before the mentioned Yawar Mallku could reach the
indigenous audience, even including the community where it was filmed, since at that time most
of rural Bolivia lacked electricity (Albó 1974:106).
Even the more considerable development in comparison to the situation in Peru in 1960s
was the widening presence of Quechua and Aymara on radio waves. Although a full-time
broadcast in Quechua was not an issue in those years, peasants of the highland provinces could
enjoy up to four hours of programs in their native tongue. Most of the time of Quechua
broadcasting was occupied by Andean folk music and, when a radio was managed by some
protestant organization, of religious programs. However, news round-ups, field reportages and
even sport reviews in Quechua also occasionally appeared out of the broadcast grid (Albó
1974:120). Moreover, some Bolivian radio stations began to contribute to the planning of
Quechua lexicon, modernizing the meaning of old words and creating neologisms of their own
(ibid: 121). The province of Cochabamba in central Bolivia, particularly the city of Cochabamba,
remarkable for its well-established Quechua-Spanish bilingualism, became then a center of
Quechua planning activities in the country, both in the spheres of education and mass media.
In 1975 Quechua experienced a crucial event in its modern history. In 27th of May by a
decree №21156 the government of Juan Velasco Alvarado announced Quechua the official
language of Peru, equal to Spanish. It was the first occasion, when an indigenous language of
America received a status of national language. But revolutionary and unprecedented as it was,
to the same extent the officialization of Quechua was poorly formulated and alienated from
reality.14 First of all, there was no clarity, which variety of Quechua acquired the official status:
the law did not make difference between Quechua of Cuzco (II-C), Quechua of Ancash (I) or
Quechua of Cajamarca (II-A). Next, the authorities did not prepare a ground for such a radical
step. Quechua became a national language, while still being associated with the inferior social
status of its speakers and only sporadically represented in the educational system. However, this
drastic officialization provoked a real alarm among Creole elites, who started to tell grim
fortunes about the future eradication of Spanish in Peru (Marr 2011:218).

13
Albó (1974: 106-107) points out some inconsistencies in the Quechua spoken by the characters of Yawar Mallku,
but these are related more to phonological aspects than to lexical ones.
14
The law №21156 was actually the last major reform of those undertaken by the left-wing dictatorship of Velasco
Alvarado, among which the cardinal one was the Agrarian reform (1969), which ended the hegemony of landlords
over indigenous peasants. However, the populist policy of Velasco Alvarado eventually led Peru to the brink of
economic collapse.
25

One of the first steps for implementation of the law of 27th of May was the compilation of
six grammars and dictionaries of the principal Quechua varieties spoken in Peru. The translation
of official paperwork to Quechua ‒ a process that naturally asked to be organized in such a case
‒ was hardly even planned. The law also obliged all the courts to carry proceedings in Quechua,
in the event if native speakers were involved, but this demand was left unfulfilled (Hornberger &
King 2001:183). It seems that the functional development of Quechua as a task was
overshadowed at that point, as if it was assumed that it could happen by itself. Escobar, Matos
Mar & Alberti (1975), for instance, expressed confidence that, when the written use of Quechua
would spread, permitting it to enter new domains of communication, and when, "as a
consequence", the discrimination of Quechua would end, the speakers "themselves will enrich
the lexical stock" of their native tongue in accordance with undefined "universal rules"
(1975:73)15. In other words, the authors saw the modernization of Quechua lexicon and a growth
of the language's prestige as natural results of Quechua functional development and not as
conditions for it. Such a view actually rejected the multidimensional character of language
planning, considering it a process, whose success could be ensured due to a chain reaction.
Although Quechua did not start to "be taught at all levels of education", as it was initially
demanded (Hornberger & King 2001:183), the law №21156 in combination with the large-scale
educational reform, started several years earlier, gave boost to a further development of the
bilingual education, which then obtained a title "intercultural", in order to emphasize that the
hispanization of indigenous students was no more seen as a goal. The first experimental program
designated as EIB (Educación Intercultural Bilingüe) was launched in Peru in the region of Puno
in 1977 and operated for several years. It urged the creation of Quechua terminology for
educational needs and, as a pioneering project, provided all subsequent IBE programs with
valuable experience.
The Constitution of 1979 already reversed in fact the position of Quechua as a national
language, but stated that Quechua and Aymara would be used officially in certain zones.
Nonetheless, this change did not lead to an automatic reduction of the ongoing activities in
Quechua language planning (Hornberger 1993:240). In October 1983, one more key event, the

15
"En la medida que se difunda y acepte su uso escrito, que se incorpore al circuito de comunicación extensa y que,
por lo mismo, desaparezca la minusvalía y discrimen que proscribía o cuando menos relegaba su uso, de acuerdo a
las reglas que han operado en todos los puntos del universo y en todas las épocas, los propios hablantes del quechua
enriquecerán el campo léxico de este idioma".
26

First Workshop on Quechua and Aymara writing, took place in the University of San Marcos in
Lima. It was the first gathering that managed to unite all the agents of Quechua language
planning, visible in that period in Peru. At the same time, it highlighted serious controversies
between the most influential of them. Although the discussions during the workshop concerned
such topics as standardization and lexical elaboration of Quechua, most of its time was spent on
the bitter debates around the alphabetization of Quechua and Aymara.16
The main division in these debates lied between those who insisted that unified Quechua
alphabet must include only three vowels, a, i and u, and those who argued that Quechua must be
written with five vowels, namely a, e, i, o and u, as it was in the last officially approved Quechua
alphabet of 1975. The trivocalista camp consisted primarily of the linguists from the Lima
universities, such as San Marcos or Pontífica Católica (PUCP), who at that time took active part
in the development of IBE in Puno. The members of the Academy of the Quechua Language in
Cuzco (ALQ) led the camp of pentavocalistas, as they had long practiced the writing of five
vowels in their works. The representatives of the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) chose an
intermediate position, admitting that Quechua varieties generally and historically had no more
than three vowels, but also asserting that there were some inclusions, when o and e represent
separate phonemes, and not simple allophones, conditioned by their proximity to the uvular q
(Cerrón-Palomino 1992:143). The ALQ members, who were not professional linguists, refused
to admit the difference between allophones and phonemes at all, rather insisting that Quechua
should have been written the same way as it was spoken by native speakers, i.e. with five
vowels. Interestingly, every of the agents mentioned above stated that their position was based
on the field experience, including firm trivocalistas, who argued that "children reading Quechua
have no trouble reading the three vowels and pronouncing e and o near q, whether they are just
learning to read for the first time or already know how to read in Spanish" (Hornberger & King
1998:396).
The "vowel conflict", as it can be seen, had in fact more ideological than linguistic
background. Although the new, three-vowel version of Quechua alphabet was approved by
majority of votes in the end of the First Workshop, this decision only worsened the relations

16
Until 1975, no institution had managed to implement any strict norms of how Quechua should have been written,
although different versions of a unified Quechua alphabet had been proposed since 1930s. Throughout the twentieth
century, there maintained a high diversity in the ways of writing Quechua, including such extreme solutions as an
alphabet Mayo Ñan, invented in San Jerónimo, Cuzco (Howard 2007:337-339).
27

between the main agents of Quechua language planning in Peru, and made a collaboration
between them even less possible than earlier. It is remarkable that every institution continued to
use its own version of Quechua alphabet, while managing educational projects and publishing
textbooks, dictionaries or fine literature in Quechua (Cerrón-Palomino 1992).
In Bolivia, Quechua language planning was stimulated by the rise of IBE in this country
since the beginning of 1980s. In 1984, the Bolivian authorities officialized the unified Quechua
and Aymara alphabet of the First Workshop, a year before the Peruvian government made so
(Hornberger 1993:252), although slight variations between the versions practiced in Bolivia and
in Peru still maintain. In October 1989, in Santa Cruz, UNESCO and the Ministry of Education
of Bolivia organized a seminar dedicated to the "normalization of pedagogical language for
Andean languages", which then gathered many personalities engaged in IBE from Ecuador,
Bolivia and Peru, and resulted in coining and approval of many Quechua and Aymara terms for
educational domain. In total, the scope and achievements of IBE in Bolivia in 1990s surpassed
those of Peruvian IBE, due to the presence of "bottom-up" activism and the more tangible
support on the part of authorities (Godenzzi 2008:318).
At the end of this chapter, I would like to provide a short overview of the main institutions
in Peru and Bolivia, occupied in LMSQ. Referring to the "main institutions", it must not be
forgotten that there are also many other agents of Quechua modernization in both countries,
including individuals, whose industry may be not widely known or recognized, but nonetheless
must deserve attention, as it will be shown in next chapters.
The ALQ, whose origins were related above, was titled in 1990 by federal law as Academia
Mayor de la Lengua Quechua (AMLQ): the title Mayor was apparently long sought by the
Academy members, as it symbolized the dominance of AMLQ above all other organizations
dealing with Quechua. Furthermore, it embodied the views of the members of AMLQ, who
consider the Cuzco variety of Quechua as the most correct one (just the way the liberal
indigenists before them did) and insist that Quechua originated in Cuzco and all non-Cuzco
varieties are actually descendants of the "Imperial Quechua", an idea, which comes into a sharp
conflict with recent studies in Andean historical linguistics (Heggarty & Beresford-Jones 2010).
Coronel-Molina (2009:325-327) points out that the views of AMLQ members go beyond simple
linguistic nationalism and approximate to political nationalism, considering their desire "to see
(re)created" version of the Inca Empire with capital in Cuzco; in this view, the allusions made by
28

AMLQ members between their Academy and the Royal Academy of Spanish language in
Madrid (ibid) obtain a special sense.
Such an ideology causes a quite egocentric behavior of AMLQ within the field of Quechua
language planning. The Academy regards with animosity any language activists, either foreign or
Peruvian, if they do not coordinate their plans and actions with AMLQ (and in most of the cases
they do not). The members of AMLQ are used to perceive them as invaders or traitors, who try
to spoil their beloved Qhapaq Simi, while considering themselves as its only legitimate keepers
(Coronel-Molina 2009:331-333). At the same time, the members of AMLQ usually complain
about the lack of consideration and funding from the Peruvian government. In certain periods
AMLQ enjoyed support from the Ministry of Culture of Peru or the municipal authorities of the
Cuzco region, but changing political reality prevented these partnerships to become stable. As
regards LMSQ, AMLQ maintains uncompromising purist approach, considering widely used
hispanisms as "barbarisms", which must be eradicated from the language. Instead, AMLQ is
actively engaged in the coining of Quechua neologisms, which then find their place in the
dictionaries published by the Academy.
Another large and somewhat diverse group involved in the modernization of Quechua in
Peru consists of professional linguists, both foreign and Peruvian, who have been engaged in IBE
projects in the country, and thus their activity in the field of lexical elaboration concern
educational needs in the first place. They also contribute to the promotion of the language in
digital sphere, for example, by elaboration of educational and entertaining software in Quechua
(Coronel-Molina 2005:40-44). The majority of these linguists recognize that Quechua, including
Southern Quechua, is oppressed and endangered to a considerable degree, and therefore the
planning of its corpus must conform to the maintenance of Quechua, preventing a further shift of
its speakers to Spanish (Hornberger & Coronel-Molina 2004). Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino (b.
1937), one of the leading personalities of the "linguistic" party, argues that coining neologisms
using the native sources must be the more preferred strategy of modernization in the case of
Quechua than employing loanwords; when, however, certain terms are borrowed from Spanish
or other languages, they should be at least accommodated to the Quechua phonotactics, as for
example, hacienda > asinta (Cerrón-Palomino 1990:388-389).
The Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), already referred above, became active in Peru
and Bolivia in the middle of the twentieth century. The main field of inquiry of SIL in both
29

countries was bilingual education, which the institute helped to develop from the very beginning.
For a long time SIL worked in close collaboration with governmental agencies in Peru, but
recently it started to lose support of the authorities (Cleary & Steigenga 2004:36); in Bolivia, SIL
was expelled as far back as in 1980. This happened mostly due to the fact that SIL originally was
not an educational or scientific organization, but a missionary one, affiliated with certain
protestant circles in United States. Although its aims include the development of writing systems
for the indigenous languages of Latin America and forms of bilingual education for their
speakers, the prime goal of the institute has always been the translation of the Bible to
indigenous languages, for the purpose of more effective preaching. The majority of population in
the Andes define themselves as catholic, so it is not surprising that SIL is perceived by many as
an agent of foreign influence, both in ideological and political terms. Withal, the workers of SIL
are known to receive substantial linguistic training; the debate, to what extent SIL is indeed
religiously biased, concerning precisely its activities in educational sphere, is still an opened one.
Unlike AMLQ and the majority of Quechua linguists, SIL has a rather tolerant attitude
towards the use of loanwords in the Quechua materials, produced by this organization.
Moreover, the policy of SIL does not view the orthographical adaptation of loanwords to the
phonetic norms of indigenous languages, particularly in the case of Quechua, as something
necessary (Coronel-Molina 1996:18). Interestingly, the similar anti-purist viewpoint was attested
by Howard (2007:347) from one of the teachers of the Asociación Pukllasunchis, an educational
organization formed in the end of 1990s. The teacher justified the active use of loanwords by
pursuing full mutual understanding in communication with native Quechua speakers, without
reference to any planning goals. It brings forth an assumption that SIL's approach to the corpus
planning may be conditioned more by immediate practical needs than by far-reaching goals of
language maintenance, which may be of less concern.
The Bolivian agents of the lexical modernization of Quechua are mostly associated with
IBE initiatives. Among them it is necessary to mention the National Service of Alphabetization
and Popular Education (SENALEP), founded in 1983, thus being one of the first organizations in
the country engaged in the planning of indigenous languages for the educational purposes. The
University of San Simón in Cochabamba, the leading Bolivian university till nowadays, also
took considerable part in the development of curriculum for Quechua IBE. It is on its grounds
that a multinational project PROEIB-Andes was established in 1997. PROEIB-Andes was aimed
30

to provide professional training in IBE, with the development of corresponding MA program,

which in its turn produced young specialists, mainly native speakers of indigenous languages,
who could take LMSQ onto entirely new domains (Howard 2007:358). It is also worth-
mentioning the Centre of Andean Communication and Development (CENDA), also based in
Cochabamba, which since 1986 has been publishing a bilingual Quechua-Spanish periodical
CONOSUR Ñawpaqman17. Although the members of CENDA are not known as adepts of
Quechua purification, they tried to avoid the extensive use of hispanisms in the Quechua version
of CONOSUR Ñawpaqman, instead recovering and supplying with new meanings the Quechua
words that were not already widely used, but nonetheless could be properly understood by an
indigenous reader (Garcés V. 2005: 21, 91-93).
In 1986, there was founded the Academy of Quechua Language of Cochabamba, which
recognized the supremacy of the Academy in Cuzco and shared its ideology. The works of Angel
Herbas Sandoval, a senior member of the Academy of Cochabamba, an author of a number of
books and dictionaries in Quechua, can be regarded as the most notable achievements of the
institution. ALQ of Cochabamba also participates in the "World Congresses" of Quechua
organized by AMLQ. Generally speaking, in Bolivia there were not observed any hostilities of
principle between different organizations engaged in Quechua language planning, by way of
those still existing in Peru, what eases the way to a joint productive work in this field.
In this description of the agents of LMSQ I have not referred to such governmental
agencies as ministries of education, culture or social development, either of Peru or Bolivia,
although they undoubtedly made and keep making their contribution to the process. In the
majority of cases, however, ministries are not involved to LMSQ directly: they may prompt the
elaboration of lexicon in that domain or another, or support the projects that are already carried
on, by financing them or publishing relevant materials, but the governmental agencies rarely, if
ever, tend to produce new terminology in indigenous languages without an outside help, mainly
due to the lack of linguists and/or native speakers among their own staff. Furthermore, as
governmental units, ministries can hardly been considered as independent agents of language
planning, since their actions are determined by general policy of state, which constantly changes.

17
Ñawpaqman in Quechua generally means "ahead", but also "to the past", as within the Andean spatial-temporal
categories the past is perceived as if it stands before people and not behind them, a feature that marks a phenomenal
difference between the Andean culture and the cultures of the Old World.
31

In this chapter I also deliberately do not include the developments in Quechua language
planning of the last twenty-five years, as they mostly will present material for the next two
chapters. Summing up, it is important to emphasize the role, which the twisted history of
Southern Quechua and linguistic ideologies emerged in the Andean countries played in the
formation of different approaches towards its lexical modernization. The diversity of agents of
LMSQ and competition between them, which in certain cases leads to enduring hostilities,
should therefore be seen as a social phenomenon, whose origins can be traced back to the
beginning of twentieth century, if not earlier.
32

IV. CREATING A TERM IN SOUTHERN QUECHUA:

SAMPLING ANALYSIS OF NEOLOGISMS
In this chapter I will provide the analysis of modern terminology in Southern Quechua
from the linguistic point of view. Certainly, it is not possible to embrace all recently produced
Quechua neologisms within the scope of this work. Therefore, I decided to choose four principal
sources as the main corpus, from which the sampling of terms will be done. These sources
contain neologisms pertaining to different semantic domains, such as law, medicine, basic
mathematics and others (more detailed description of the sources see below). The terms will be
divided into a number of categories, based on the classifications of neologisms proposed by
Cooper (1989:151), Cabré (1999:207) and Becker Batto et al. (2009:33). The Southern Quechua
neologisms are classified here in the following manner:
1. Non-assimilated loanwords and loan phrases.
2. Assimilated loanwords and loan phrases.
3. Loanblends or hybrid compounds.
4. Loan translations and loan renditions.
5. Semantic borrowings (traditional lexical units with new meaning).
6. Coined terms based on known Quechua roots.
7. Coined terms based on invented roots.
Although Cabré (1999:207) distinguishes a group of functional neologisms, "cases of
lexicalization of an inflected form and those formed by syntactic conversion", it was decided to
divide this category between semantic neologisms and coined neologisms in the case of Southern
Quechua. First of all, in such a perfectly agglutinative language as Quechua, it is quite
problematic to differentiate coined compound and phrasal forms (characterized by Cabré as
"neologisms by form") and forms resulted from syntactic conversion. There are still no strict and
conventional rules of word separation in Quechua, and even when we meet a compound term
written as one word, if we separate the elements of such a compound, its meaning would almost
never change. On the other hand, there can be no clear boundary between lexicalized forms and
semantic neologisms or coined derivations, as lexicalization of certain forms, especially
substantivized verbal forms, is an uniform pattern of word formation in Quechua, so even when
meet a lexicalization as a new term, it is impossible to ascertain that such a lexicalization was
affected by the author, but it frequently can be ascertained that it existed in the language before.
33

The category 7 is mentioned as a conventional method of lexical modernization only by

Becker Batto (2009:33), with an important note that such a term still has to obey the traditional
phonotactics of an indigenous language. Since the method of the invention of terms from scratch
was applied a number of times in the history of LM, and in the history of Southern Quechua in
particular, it would be necessary at least to examine, if such "invented" terms can be determined
within the main corpus.

OVERVIEW OF THE PRINCIPAL SOURCES

1. Gómez Bacarreza, Donato. 1992. Diccionario Quechua especializado. 222 pp. La
Paz, Bolivia: Teddy Libros. [GBE]
This "specialized" dictionary of Southern Quechua was compiled by Donato Gómez
Bacarreza, one of the most prominent Bolivian linguists, during his work in the Autonomous
University Tomas Frias (UATF) in Potosí. Gómez Bacarreza later headed the SENALEP and the
Bolivian Academy of Native Languages (ABOLENA) in La Paz, also one of the institutions
actively engaged in the development of IBE in Bolivia. GBE, according to the introduction of
Alfredo Lenis Pórcel, also is primarily aimed to serve the needs of bilingual education. The small
folio is divided into four sections, each one corresponding to a certain semantic domain:
linguistics, mathematics, social sciences and natural sciences. However, no section has clear
semantic boundaries, so that here and there a reader can meet the words that cannot be
considered a part of math or linguistic terminology and do not actually represent neologisms;
such words are naturally omitted from this study. The dictionary is written in the version of
three-vowel alphabet, approved in Bolivia in 1984. Every Quechua translation of Spanish term is
supplied by a short explanation, also in Southern Quechua.
2. Manya Ambur, Juan Antonio. 1993. Paqtay Rimayqelqawa: Diccionario Jurídico
Castellano ‒ Quechua. 256 pp. Cuzco, Peru: Cultura Inca de América. [MAJ]
This dictionary, which includes not only an exhaustive translation of Spanish juridical
terms, but also many modern concepts from other semantic domains, is a work of the president
of AMLQ of that period, Juan Antonio Manya Ambur (1926-1996), who was also known as a
poet and the head of secular clergy in Cuzco. He was an author of many works on Quechua
linguistics, as well as a collector of Andean folk poetry and a translator of the Peruvian
Constitution of 1992 to Quechua. The juridical dictionary of Manya Ambur conforms perfectly
34

to the views of AMLQ on Quechua: it is written in five-vowel alphabet and steadily avoids the
use of loanwords. As far as I can judge, it is one of the finest works carrying a brand of AMLQ,
whose many other dictionaries are not remarkable for their quality (see more on this subject in
next chapter). Besides a rich compilation of coined terminology, the book also provides a reader
with the translation of the fundamentals of Roman law to Southern Quechua. The prologue to the
dictionary is written by the president of Superior Court of Cuzco, as if giving a hope that Manya
Ambur's solid work would not be in vain; however, the reality dictated the opposite.
3. Pan-American Health Organization, World Health Organization. 2013. Diálogo
Médico Paciente en Quechua, review of translation by Diether Flores Chumacero. 96 pp. La
Paz, Bolivia: PAHO/WHO. [DMP]
This guide was prepared and published by Bolivian branches of two international health
organizations. It is available in open access on the website of Pan-American Health
Organization, Bolivian section, alongside the similar guides in Aymara and Guaraní, and a
number of health-related materials in Spanish. As the majority of medical literature in Quechua,
DMP is addressed to professional medics, who are not native speakers of Quechua, but endeavor
to work for the benefit of Quechua-speaking communities, where health and sanitation problems
have always been a burning issue. The modernization of Quechua in this case is not a direct goal
of the guide, but nonetheless appears to be a productive side effect, since the communication
between doctor and patient also enriches latter's knowledge by new concepts and terms. It is
worth-mentioning that the guide obliges a medic to explain every new term to a Quechua speaker
and make certain that it is perfectly understood. The topics of DMP are not limited by issues of
medical aid, but also concern such vital problems as hygiene, domestic violence and
contraceptive methods.
4. Microsoft, Inc. 2013. Windows 8.1 Quechua Language Pack. [WIN-QLP]
The first Quechua language pack (QLP) for Microsoft Windows platform was presented in
2006 as a supplement to Windows Vista operating system. Since then, QLP has been included in
all subsequent versions of Windows. In the development of WIN-QLP, Microsoft Local
Language Program (MLLP) used the assistance of experts from three leading Peruvian
universities. Unfortunately, I could not obtain more precise information about the participants of
MLLP in Peru, but it is most likely that they were Quechua scholars from three Limean
universities (San Marcos, San Martin and PUCP), thus representing one of the parties of
35

Quechua language planners, referred in the previous chapter. Although the language preferences
of Windows 8.1 distinguish between Quechua of Peru and Quechua of Bolivia, the terminology
and orthography of the two language packs are virtually performed in the same standardized
Southern Quechua, what is also conformed by other sources.18 WIN-QLP is made in three-vowel
alphabet, while the Ayacucho-Chanka dialect was assumed as a basis for the WIN-QLP
orthography, so that all plosive and aspirated consonants existing in other dialects of Southern
Quechua are omitted. However, sometimes a user can notice interference of the five-vowel
orthography and plosive consonants; for example, in desktop mode there are saywasiq'ikuna,
"maps", and willakuykuna qelqana, "notepad".

CATEGORIZED ANALYSIS OF NEOLOGISMS

1. Non-assimilated loan words and phrases
This category is referred to the lexical borrowings not accommodated to the Quechua
phonology and/or conventional orthography. These lexical borrowings mostly come from
Spanish or represent internationalisms; there are, however, many English terms encountered in
WIN-QLP, but it is more likely that they appear there due to an impossibility or reluctance to
provide more or less complete translation of the terminology to Quechua, than being introduced
as deliberate English loans. This incompleteness often leads to a certain clumsiness, which can
be illustrated by such phrases as Maskay My Computerpi, "Seek in My Computer".
A special kind of loanwords, which can be attested in GBE and MAJ, are loanwords from
Aymara. It is not certain, however, whether Aymara lexemes, which enter the new Quechua
terminology, should be regarded in the same manner as borrowings from Spanish and English.
Quechua and Aymara historically have an abundant common vocabulary. Both language families
were spoken in the same Andean regions for hundreds of years, and influenced each other's
lexicon and phonology long before the arrival of first Europeans (what caused an assumption that
Quechua and Aymara may be genetically related). Therefore, the division of Aymara elements to
"assimilated" and "non-assimilated" will hardly make any sense, and I would prefer to mention
certain examples in next subsections, when assimilation or blending look more evident

18
Emol, August 25, 2006. http://www.emol.com/noticias/internacional/2006/08/25/229238/evo-morales-y-
microsoft-lanzan-en-bolivia-version-quechua-de-windows.html: "La traducción fue lograda por el trabajo conjunto
de expertos peruanos en lengua quechua y ejecutivos de Microsoft." Accessed 05.10.2015.
36

The greatest concentration of non-assimilated loanwords is observed in DMP. They include

not only specific medical terms, like illnesses (diabetes, neumonia), health-related tools (pildora,
"pill", sonda, "probe", condón, "condom") or technical procedures (tomografía, vasectomía), but
also the words of wider use (resultado, "result", hora, "hour", piso, "floor"), for which it is
possible to find analogs in the core Quechua lexicon (which does not originate from either
Spanish influence or planners' efforts), or use neologisms already coined by other corpus
planners. WIN-QLP also contains a number of non-assimilated Spanish loans, alongside the
assimilated ones, such as computadora, "computer", dispositivo, "device", impresora, "printer",
mosaico, "mosaic" or icono, "icon". A rare example of non-assimilated loanword in MAJ is
aduana, "customs". Another is the internationalism boikot; a replacement of Spanish c by k hrdly
makes it an assimilated loan. GBE apparently lacks this type of loans completely; I could not
find any neither among proposed neologisms, nor in the Quechua explanations to them.
The use of non-assimilated loanwords does not mean, however, that they are not inclined in
DMP and WIN-QLP as regular Quechua verbs and nouns, acquiring authentic morphological
markers; this happens in the majority of cases. The usage of Spanish endings is quite rare: for
example, in WIN-QLP in "File Explorer" panel the term Contactos can be noticed side by side
with Videokuna, "videos".

2. Assimilated loan words and phrases

Cerrón-Palomino (1990: 388-389) once argued that all lexical borrowings to Quechua must
be adjusted to Quechua phonology and consequently to the representation of Quechua
pronunciation in writing; for example, the voiced consonants b, d, g, or the middle vowels e and
o should not be represented in writing. Spanish diphthongs also should be converted to regular
Quechua light syllables and represented as simple vowels. Interestingly, recent sociolinguistic
inquiries showed that this method of loanwords conceals in itself another problem: many
Quechua speakers, who became literate through learning Spanish, perceive such adaptations as
errors and do not appreciate them positively (Becker Batto et al, 2009:34). In any case, the
assimilation of lexical borrowings is still considered as a legitimate methodology by many
Quechua corpus planners, including those more inclined to purism than active borrowing.
GBE contains a small amount of assimilated loans that were absorbed by Quechua upon the
early stage of contact between Europeans and native Andeans, and assimilated apparently in the
37

same period: for example, uwija, from Spanish oveja, "sheep", and arus, from arróz, "rice".
DMP is also not rich in assimilated loanwords, preferring the use of non-assimilated ones. The
exceptions are the words ratu and its affectionate-diminutive ratitu, from Spanish rato,
"moment", "while"; these words are frequently used in the modern daily Quechua speech. In
MAJ loans of this kind are practically absent.
WIN-QLP does not visibly contain any assimilated borrowings, only non-assimilated ones.
It is somehow unexpected, since Quechua planners from the Peruvian universities, who were
associated with the development of IBE, mostly defended the idea of "rephonologization" of
loanwords (Cerrón Palomino 1990, Howard 2007: 340-341, 345). However, it is also possible
that the views within this camp of planners have changed since 1990s, probably owing to the
reactions on the part of native speakers, described by Becker Batto et al. (2009:34).19

3. Loanblends or hybrid compounds

Loanblends or hybrid compounds correspond to forms of lexical borrowing, which contain
both borrowed and indigenous part. Each part, according to Weinreich (1953:52), may be a root
or an affix. Within the main corpus, hybrid compounds, consisting of Spanish root and Quechua
suffixes, find their presence mostly in DMP. A Spanish root in this case, what is significant,
remains non-assimilated. For example, this is the verb opera-chi-ku-, literally "to make oneself
operated", consists of the Spanish verbal stem opera- and Quechua suffixes chi (causative) and
ku (reflexive/mediopassive). It is used in recommendations to patient, such as operachikunayki
tiyan, verbatim "you should make yourself operated". From the functional point of view, the verb
is perfectly constructed, as it indicates that a patient must prompt other people to carry out the
operation for her/his own sake. The same refers to the verb inyecta-chi-ku-, "to make [a doctor]
inoculate you".
Since the noun phrases waka puñuna and uwija puñuna, encountered in GBE, translate
single entries in the dictionary ("cattle corral" and "sheep corral" respectively), they also may be
considered loanblends.20 The term aduanapaq willay (MAJ: 61), "custom entry", corresponds to
the same criteria. There is one more curious loanblend, included in GBE, namely ni ima, of

19
Actually, the changes in WIN-QLP terminology since its first launch in 2006, which are well documented on the
site http://www.microsoft.com/Language/en-US/Search.aspx, show that assimilated loans have been applied many
times as a part of the Microsoft software terminology, and only recently their use has become marginal.
20
In addition, it is somewhat strange that the author uses the term puñuna ("bed", "place for sleeping"= instead of
traditional term kancha, which generally means the same as the Spanish corral.
38

Spanish ni, "neither", and Quechua indefinite pronoun ima, "what", which serves as an
equivalent for Spanish nada, "nothing". The matter is that ni ima is hardly a neologism, but
rather a contact-induced term, which largely replaced the authentic mana imapas of the same
meaning in everyday Quechua lexicon. While GBE clearly adheres to the purist tendency, it is
uncertain why the author decided to include the common phrase into his "specialized" dictionary.
It is, however, a question, when in the case of a verb we deal with a loanblend, and when
with a simple loanword. I prefer to rely on the grammar of Ayacucho-Chanka dialect of Southern
Quechua written by Parker (1969), who made clear distinction between inflective and derivative
verbal suffixes, the latter being included in verbal stem, like in operachiku- and inyectachiku-.
From this point of view, such words as imprimiy, imperative from "print" (WIN-QLP) and
internasqa, from internado, "admitted [patient]" (DMP: 22), are not loanblends but loanwords.

4. Loan translations and loan renditions (LTR)

Loan translations, which serve primarily for literal translation of compound terms, are a
worldwide phenomenon of language contact. Weinreich (1953:51) distinguished between loan
translations and loan renditions, which translate a foreign compound term only approximately.
Nonetheless, since Cooper (1989), Cabré (1999) and Becker Batto (2009) do not refer to loan
renditions as a separate method of lexical modernization, I decided to unite these two phenomena
into one category (LTR). Furthermore, it is more difficult to draw a clear boundary between loan
translations and loan renditions, when they connect the lexicons of languages that were formed
in so different environment. The "reproduction in terms of equivalent native words" (Weinreich
1953:50) from English to German will be inevitably more accurate than the same reproduction
from Spanish to Quechua, since the degree of lexico-semantic equivalence in the first case is
considerably higher.
For example, in GBE there is an equivalent Quechua term for "bilabial". In Southern
Quechua there are two different lexemes for upper lip and lower lip, so it is practically
impossible to translate "bilabial" verbatim, so the author chose to render the term as sirp'i
wirpha, that is, "[of] upper lip [and] lower lip". On the contrary, bicicleta is translated more
39

literally, as iskay muyuyux", "of two wheels".21 Two terms from the "social studies" domain,
alcalde municipal, "mayor" and autoridad comunal, "communal authority", are both translated
as llaxta kamachix, literally "community governor". While the Quechua term matches the
Spanish ones rather accurately, it nonetheless raises a question, why the author decided to treat
two different administrative positions as one in Quechua: if the equivalent of "city" is jatun
llaxta (GBE: 172), would not it be more logical to translate alcalde municipal as jatun llaxta
kamachix? In general, there are multiple cases, when two or more terms within one source
receive the same equivalent in Quechua, and, on the other hand, one and the same term is
interpreted in Quechua in two different ways (mainly in WIN-QLP).
Bienestar, "well-being", is interpreted as sumax kawsana, literally "good life". According
to Gómez Bacarreza himself, kawsana should mean "life" (GBE: 220), however, the majority of
other dictionaries, including pre-modern ones, translate "life" to Quechua as kawsay, which is
also an infinitive of the verb "live"; such nominalization of verbs is common in Quechua.
Therefore, it is likely that kawsana as equivalent to "life" could also be the author's invention,
and in this respect acquires signs of a calque from Spanish, where there is a distinction between
the noun vida and the verb vivir.22
GBE contains one more curious example, more exactly, a series of examples of elaborate
LTR, these being names of the days of week (cited in the "math" section). In this particular case
LTR closely remind the ancient interpretatio germanica (Lindow 2002:202). This is the list of
the Quechua days of week, according to GBE, with their analogs in Latin, Spanish and English:

Table 1. Days of week in Southern Quechua (GBE: 81-107).

QUECHUA VERBATIM TRANSLATION ROMAN SPANISH ENGLISH
Intichaw day of the Sun dies Solis Domingo Sunday
Killachaw day of the Moon dies Lunae Lunes Monday
Antichaw day of the Andes dies Martis Martes Tuesday
Quyllurchaw day of the Star(s) dies Mercurii Miércoles Wednesday

21
Muyu is mentioned as equivalent for rueda, "wheel", even by Gonçalez-Holguín (1952[1607]:663), but not vice
versa, as the pre-colonial meaning of this word more corresponded to simply "circle" or "round object" (as it is
known, the Incas were not acquainted with wheel technology before the Spanish invasion).
22
From now on, I prefer to omit from this category those of LTR, which contain newly coined Quechua terms or
words with already altered meaning, intending to examine them within the next categories.
40

Illapachaw day of the Thunder dies Iovis Jueves Thursday

Ch'askachaw day of the Morning Star (Venus?) dies Veneris Viernes Friday
K'uyuchichaw day of the Rainbow dies Saturni Sábado Saturday

Here we see that the author re-interpreted the Roman/Spanish names for days of week in
the similar manner it was done by ancient Germans: by replacing most of the planet names by
the objects (mostly celestial) worshipped in pre-conquest Andean culture. Thursday is associated
here with thunder, an attribute of both Jupiter and Thor, with whom this day was associated in
Roman and Germanic tradition respectively. -Chaw is most likely an artificial abbreviation of
p'unchaw, "day" in Quechua.23
In MAJ, Precio nominal (MAJ: 159), "nominal price", is interpreted as qelqasqa chani,
"written/recorded price/value". While this term more corresponds to a loan rendition, it
nevertheless communicates the sense of the original term quite exactly. Trabajador a domicilio,
"domestic worker", in its turn has a Quechua equivalent wasinpi llank'aq, literally "one who
works at home". There are also some "covert" LTR, which deserve particular attention, as in the
case of fiscal, "prosecutor". The Quechua equivalent of this key juridical position in MAJ is
llaqta amachaqe, what is actually a loan translation from abogado del Estado, another official
denomination of prosecutor. Although MAJ uses llaqta for "state" or "country", the traditional
meaning of this word is "settlement" or "community"; amachaq(e) in its turn generally means
"defender" ("lawyer" in MAJ). Thus, the use of this term may cause a serious misinterpretation,
since a person not acquainted with official terminology may confuse a prosecutor with a lawyer,
especially when a person is a defendant, who may think that a prosecutor is a sort of public
defender, employed by his/her native community.
A more peculiar example of loan translation is t'aqa, used in certain contexts for corte,
"court". The matter that the Spanish corte has other meanings that are "cut" or "section", and this
is what the Quechua t'aqa also originally corresponded to; thus, a new meaning is obtained due
to the semantic calque from Spanish.24 The same phenomenon can be observed on the example
of the word allauka, denoting one of the key legal concepts ‒ the concept of "right". Allauka is a

23
These terms were found to significantly predate the work of Gómez Bacarreza, as they were attested as far back as
in the grammar of José David Berrios (1919:21).
24
Weinreich did not include semantic calques, which take place within single words, in his analysis of LTR, but
more modern sources, such as Campbell (2013:71), do characterize examples identical to t'aqa as loan translations.
41

rare lexeme, attested in the corpus of Northern Peruvian Quechua varieties, but not anywhere in
Southern Quechua, and originally it meant "the right side", with no moral, but strictly physical
connotation. Thus, a calque from Spanish derecho in effect made from allauka a juridical term.
I have not found any LTR in DMP. WIN-QLP, on the contrary, includes a considerable
number of LTR, but due to the innovativeness of its terminology as a whole, it turns to be more
problematic to distinguish between LTR and other types of neologisms, such as semantic and
coined neologisms. Among compound LTR next examples are worth-mentioning: ruwasqakuna
rikuq, "event viewer", literally "who sees what was done"; llika tinkichiykuna for "network
connections (tinkichiy, substantivized infinitive of the verb "connect", -kuna is plural, llika
means the same what the English "web" or "net" meant before the age of internet"); ruwana
chawpi, "action center", literally "the center of what shall/must be done", can be characterized as
LTR in a strained interpretation, as chawpi originally corresponded to "middle", mostly of linear
entities, but not to "center".

5. Semantic neologisms
This section refers to a very long list of terms, which can be examined here only partially,
in attempt to mark out the most interesting and distinctive examples. The semantic neologisms
may be expressed in the broadening of an original meaning, more rarely in its narrowing, and
also in its complete replacement by a new one (Cabré 1999:207). There are many lexical items
within the main corpus, which experienced a shift of meaning as far back as in the times of the
first evangelization, as it was in the case of hucha (Taylor 1987:29-30) or p'inqay (DMP:13).
The latter word, for example, initially signified "shame", but then, being affected by a calque
from ecclesiastical language, eventually came to mean "genitals", and in this sense it entered the
modern vocabulary of medical Quechua. It was decided to consider in this section only those
semantic borrowings, which most likely took place during the modern era. There are two criteria
that can help us to determine, whether a semantic borrowing has modern origins or not: a) it has
to convey a modern concept, associated primarily with scientific and technological progress of
the last two-three centuries, and b) a meaning attested in the main corpus is not attested in the
reference corpus, i.e. in the dictionaries and other sources that preceded the main corpus of the
analysis (beginning with the dictionaries of the early colonial period and ending with the modern
ones, where the discussed meaning is not mentioned as neologism).
42

GBE contains a significant number of semantic neologisms within each of its domains, but
most of them are characterized by being based on too widespread elements of the core lexicon.
Actually, it is the first entry in the dictionary which deserves attention: Quechua sasa for Spanish
abstracto, "abstract" (adjective). The problem that sasa traditionally means "difficult",
"complex", and there is a question, whether it was farsighted on the part of the author to merge
two obviously different concepts into one. One may even detect here a sign of cultural racism,
for such a merge may indicate that any abstract thought or concept would entail difficulties for a
native Quechua speaker. Next, we can notice a word qhaparichix, the agentive participle of the
verb q(h)aparichiy, "to provoke screaming".25 In "language" domain it serves for interpretation
of two terms, aparato fonador, "the speech apparatus" and acento prosódico, "prosodic accent".
Although both of the new meanings concern human speech, there is a deep semantic difference
between them, what seriously complicates the intelligibility of the neologism(s). The similar case
is sananpa, a word with an original meaning of "sign", used in the dictionary as equivalent for
both "letter/grapheme" and "phoneme". The crucial difference between these two concepts
within the field of linguistics apparently was not taken into account by the author. There are
many other examples, and not only in GBE, when a core Quechua term, after changing its
meaning, comes to interpret two or even more new concepts simultaneously.
In the "math" section of GBE we can encounter two more character examples of semantic
neologisms: qhawasqa for "[geometrical] form" and kikin for "homogeneous". Actually, both
words accentuate the problem exemplified above by sasa. The first one is an attempt to lexicalize
the past participle of the verb qhaway, "watch/look", i.e. "something watched", while kikin
originally means "same" or "itself". Both forms are used so widely in their original sense that it
is difficult to imagine how they would start to be associated with the stable and complete
concepts, which only slightly reflect the core meanings of the introduced lexemes (qhawasqa in
this case may be regarded as a narrowing of meaning, whereas kikin may be considered a
broadening of one). There are also such cases from the "social" section, as mikhuchix, an
equivalent for mantención, "provision" and tukuy uyarix for "democracy". The final x (generally
written as q) makes an agentive participle from a verb, as in qhaparichix; so it results that
"provision" is literally interpreted as "what makes [us] eat", and "democracy" as "what

25
In Gonçalez-Holguín (1952[1608]:128) it is translated as "ayudar a bien morir" ("to help to die piously"),
indicating about a ritual when someone should have helped a dying person to make her/his last cry to God.
43

listens/hears everything". In the latter case the lack of correlation between the root concept in
Quechua and the modern political term adds to the ill-founded choice of substantivizing
morpheme.
MAJ can be distinguished by more responsible and diverse choice of roots and inflective
forms for semantic neologisms in comparison to GBE. A widespread method is a narrowing of
traditional meanings of words, for the purpose of their adjustment to specific legal concepts. For
example, tatiy, originally "break"/"be interrupted", is chosen as an equivalent for huelga,
"strike"; rescisión, "cancellation" is interpreted as qolluchiy (originally "exterminate") or
chinkachiy (originally "loose" or "make something lost"); reprimenda, "reproof/reprimand" is
translated as anyay, originally "curse" or "scold" (not to be confused with añay, which means
"admiration" or gratitude"). At the same time, there are also examples of a broadening of the
traditional meaning, like qechuy for usurpar, which originally means "rob", "deprive".
There are also remarkable cases, when a Quechua word maintains (or almost maintains) its
original sense, which may be also applied as a juridical term, but, on the other hand, obtains
another, new meaning, just in order to interpret an additional concept. This creates the ambiguity
of a term, similar to the described examples from GBE. Chanin, for example, is used an
equivalent for valor, "value", what more or less conforms to its original meaning ("valuable"),
but at the same time interprets the term "legal", and mana chanin ("not valuable") is accordingly
reinterpreted as "illegal" (MAJ: 101, 115, 215). In the same manner, chirmay, "harm/damage", is
used as an equivalent for both daño, "damage" and perjuicio, which can mean both "damage"
and "prejudice", so a calque from Spanish took place here as well.
The semantic neologisms of MAJ are also not deprived of the ambiguity that arises
between the widely used traditional meaning and the new one, related to a specific semantic
domain. Such is, for example, the word rimanakuy, "talk", "negotiate", which in MAJ is applied
in the sense of "contract" or "pact". For a native speaker it may create a false impression, that
contract is something that is usually concluded orally, not on paper. A curious example of
unexpected shift of meaning is also represented by a word combination sumaq wañuy, which
was picked by the author to interpret the term "euthanasia" (MAJ: 85). Sumaq wañuy literally
means "beautiful death" or "pleasant death", so it seems that the author wanted to impart a
positive image to the procedure of euthanasia. However, such an image strongly opposes to the
attitude towards euthanasia on the part of the Catholic Church, whose role in the modern Andean
44

culture must not be underestimated. Bien morir, a literal translation of sumaq wañuy, in the
Catholic sense of this term is an honest death of a Christian, who humbly endures suffering,
receives the extreme unction, and by no means accelerates his/her death or asks to do it from
his/her neighbor. This ideological conflict between the new interpretation of sumaq wañuy and
the traditional, ecclesiastical one, looks even odder if we recall that Juan Manya Ambur himself
was a high-ranking member of the secular clergy.
Semantic borrowings are very scarce in DMP and mostly reflect the natural effect of
language contact between Quechua and Spanish, like the above-mentioned word p'inqay. Before
the arrival of Europeans, the Incas had substantial knowledge of human anatomy and carried out
complex surgical operations, so they were not inferior to Spaniards in the field of medicine at
that period. But of course, the progress in medicine during the last centuries enriched Spanish by
many terms that remained absent in Quechua, especially since medical services in the Central
Andes were always poorly developed. There are some examples from other sources, when an old
Quechua term received a new meaning related to the modern medicine, as hank'u or anku started
to mean "nerve(s)" (AMLQ 2005:134), but in this case the shift of meaning was conditioned by
the same shift in the Spanish nervio (as well as in the English "nerve"), which previously meant
"sinew", just like hank'u/anku did in the pre-conquest period.26
WIN-QLP contains many interesting examples of semantic neologisms that do not raise
doubts about their recent emergence. Some of them may be considered quite successful, as they
are compact and recognizable, and at the same time can give a new life to words that went out or
start to go out of use; there are other terms, however, that arouse questions concerning their
functionality. Among the successful cases (although I assume that my evaluation may be
subjective), these are worth-mentioning: kipu, an "information knot" in Inca culture, for "file";
hanpara, Quechua word for "table", which is not widely used already (Howard 2007:347), for
"desktop"; qata, a kind of traditional wool blanket, for "panel" (in different contexts); laqay, "to
cover with mud", in WIN-QLP means "paste", thus revealing a calque from English rather than
from Spanish, which uses the verb pegar, "insert", for this purpose. A less appropriate example
of semantic neologism, in my opinion, is the use of the verb wañuchiy for "shut down".

26
In the Quechua Wikipedia, Wikipidiya, there is an attempt to distinguish between anku, which is "sinew", and a
coined neologism ankucha, which corresponds to "nerve" in its modern sense: https://qu.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Ankucha?veaction=edit., accessed 18.10.2015. About the role of medical Quechua and Wikipidiya in the
modernization of Southern Quechua see more in the next chapter.
45

Wañuchiy in Quechua has always meant "to kill". In this view, such a command may cause a
misunderstanding that a user is prompted to do something irreparable with his/her computer.
Thus, even in the case of the most advanced source, developed by collective professional efforts,
we can see that undesirable semantic ambiguity sometimes still may show itself.

6. Coined terms based on existing Quechua roots (CTE)

Considering a diversity of neologisms observed within this category and Cabré's division of
"neologisms in form" into a number of subgroups (1999:207), it was decided to divide CTE into
two subclasses: derivations (6.1) and word compounds (6.2). These two subclasses, however,
may coincide, and in such a case the relevant coined terms will be ascribed to word compounds,
not to a separate group. "Coined term" commonly means that it is new both in form and meaning
(Sayadi 2011), so in order to find out, whether such a term was created recently or not, we must
rely on the same criteria, mentioned in the previous section: the novelty of a concept a term
entails and its absence in the reference corpus. However, in the case of semantic neologisms the
novelty of a concept has a primary significance, whereas in the case of CTE the absence or
presence of a term in the reference corpus is the more important criterion, since CTE first and
foremost must not be attested in the reference corpus by form.
6.1. CTE: Derivations
The Quechua language family unites agglutinative languages with strongly suffixing
morphotactics. With a considerable number of functionally diverse derivative suffixes, which in
their turn are able to combine with each other, a Quechua root can constitute a basis for a
multitude of words ‒ verbs, nouns and participles, whose total semantic range may be
inexhaustible. At first sight this property of the language creates a perfect strategy for coining
new words (see, for example, Carreño 2006:5-7). But for investigator the easiness, by which new
lexemes can be created in Quechua, conceals another problem: in the case of derivations it is
almost impossible to identify words that never came into existence before, as they might be
occasionally created and used by native speakers, and thus the boundary between coined
derivations and semantic neologisms turns to be extremely vague. The comprehensive reference
corpus obviously can help us to grope for this boundary, but it may also submerge certain
pitfalls, especially if it has relatively modern origin. A coined term from the main corpus may
appear in different meaning in the modern reference corpus, but it does not refute the very fact of
46

coinage: the author of such a term might "create" it without being aware that the lexeme was
already in use, either it had "folk" origin or was coined by another expert. If CTE-D is not
attested in pre-modern reference corpus and there is no direct semantic correlation between two
meanings of CTE-D, attested by different modern sources (that is, it is unclear how one meaning
could emerge from another), this will likely be the case of "double coinage", and thus a term
cannot be defined as semantic neologism.
This is probably a case of the verb uma-cha-ku-y (uma ‒ "head", cha ‒ verbalizer, ku ‒
reflexive) (GBE: 27). It is not encountered in colonial dictionaries, but in modern ones it
corresponds either to "press for" (AMLQ 2005:682) or "be guided" (Laime Ajacopa 2007:123)
or "learn" (Calvo Pérez 2009:2357). However, GBE provides the fourth meaning of the verb,
namely "create". Which of all four meanings appeared earlier, and in which case a term had
"expert" or "folk" origin, remains a mystery. Unlike umachakuy, qilqa-rqu-y, "edit" (literally
"write rapidly and/or courteously") is not attested elsewhere as stable lexeme, so it was more
likely coined personally by the author.
In general, in GBE there are much more compound CTE than derivations based on one
root. Derivations, which interpret modern concepts and are more likely to be the author's
innovations, do not demonstrate much of morphological inventiveness; they are mostly formed
from well-known Quechua verbs by the means of substantivizing suffix -na (in modern Southern
Quechua corresponds to instrument or place of an action). For example, rikhuri-chi-na,
"foundation", comes from rik(h)urichiy, "discover" or "make appear", and qulqi-cha-na,
"economy", from qullqichay, "accumulate", "save up". It is remarkable that the infinitives of
both verbs (ending to -y) may correspond to "foundation" and "economy" in the sense of process
or quality (English terms here semantically correlate with their Spanish analogs), but -na was
required to derive the terms, which would interpret "foundation" as institution and "economy" as
life support system. Examples of a little more elaborate, but nonetheless compact and potentially
efficient coined derivations can be also found in GBE sometimes, as, for instance, yacha-ri-na
for "test" (yacha ‒ "know", ri ‒ inchoative, literally "what serves to get to know").
MAJ does not include as many coined derivations as it might be expected, giving total
preference to word and root compounds as regards the introduction of CTE. As in the case of
GBE, the detected coined derivations are not notable by diversity of the suffixes involved. Ati-
pa-na-chi-kuq, "contentious", is apparently formed from the old verb ati-pa-na-ku-y, "contend
47

someone persistently" (Santo-Tomás 1560:32), by addition of the causative marker chi. There
are also verbs or substantivized verbal forms, formed from nouns or adjectives by the means of
verbalizer cha, like in the case of umachakuy. There is a verb hanan-cha-mu-y for avocar ("call
on [a case to a superior court]"), where hanan is "above" and mu is a ventive suffix, which
generally denotes a motion realized towards a speaker; another example is a substantivized
infinitive hilli‒cha-y, "substance", from hilli, "broth" or "juice".
WIN-QLP is also not so abundant in coined derivations, preferring compound Quechua
neologisms as equivalents for compound Windows terms. Aklla-na (from akllay, "choose"),
which means "settings" or "options", is probably the most noticeable example. However, there
are other, more sophisticated derivations, like llinpi-ri-chi-q for "contrast" (from llinp(')iy,
"paint") or kallpa-n-cha-chi-y for "optimize" (from kallpa, "force"; n is nominally a marker of
3sg., but is frequently combined with cha to mark a specific type of verbalization). No coined
derivations were found in DMP; none of morphologically complex Quechua words used there is
absent from the core vocabulary.
6.2. CTE: Compounds
This subcategory unites all the neologisms constructed on the basis of two or more
Quechua roots, except those related to LTR. These neologisms represent mainly noun phrases or
compound words. Although the traditional Quechua word formation favors derivations more
than compounds, in the main corpus we can witness the opposite situation ‒ there are much more
coined compounds than coined terms based on only one root. As in the case of derivations, the
reference corpus cannot give an exact answer, whether a certain form already existed earlier or
not, but it can indicate about the stability of a form. At the same time, compound forms may
reveal their modern, "expert" origin through the very combination of certain lexical elements, a
combination, which could hardly emerge naturally in pre-modern, all the more in pre-contact
period, as in those times it would have been devoid of sense.27 In other words, in a compound
CTE form and meaning are bound very tightly. An author of neologism, willing to create a term
with a certain meaning, in the case of compound is able to resort to much more lexical elements
in order to make the meaning as accurate as possible ‒ after all, a number of available roots is
always greater than a number of productive bound morphemes (at least in the case of modern

27
This is what distinguishes between compound CTE and such expressions as sumaq wañuy and tukuy uyariq,
ascribed to the category 5. Both are attested in the reference corpus in their traditional, literal sense (du Authier
2008:124, Rasnake 1988:9).
48

Quechua). This probably explains that the number of compound CTE exceeds considerably that
of derived CTE: because coining a compound of new meaning is easier than coining a derivation,
especially when the general task is to provide the language with a whole bulk of new
terminology.
In GBE compound CTE consist no more than of two lexemes and are used rather widely. In
"language" section, for example, there is sutichasqata junt'achix, "predicate"; junt'achix literally
means "one who fills" and sutichasqata "something named" (where ta is a marker of accusative
case), while sutichasqa denotes "subject" (as a part of a sentence). "Adverb" is interpreted as
waxjina ruwachix, literally "what makes [sth/sb] do as another [does]" (compare to
waxjinayachix for "adjective", literally "what makes [sth/sb] become another"). Ñawpa k'askax,
"what sticks from the front", denotes "prefix" (while k'askax, "what sticks"/"sticking" is an
equivalent for "suffix"). The names of science disciplines are also denoted by compound CTE,
but here we can notice a certain inconsistency: while "linguistics" is translated as simi yachana,
literally "what should/may be known about language", "anatomy" is interpreted as ukhu yachax
("what knows [about] body"), using the agentive x/q. In "math" section, both "vertical" and
"horizontal" are interpreted by the means of compounds, chiqan sayax ("truly straightened") and
chiqan winkusqa ("truly lying") respectively. It is possible to encounter a compound Quechua
term put in plural form, whereas the term it designates has a singular form, as in the case of
juch'uy riqhisqakuna, "small thickenings (?)" for "intersection"; the opposite situation, when an
original pluralized term is translated in singular, for example, "signs of punctuation" are
interpreted as rimaykunata sut'inchax, literally "what marks sentences".
CTE-C is a primary strategy of creating neologisms in MAJ, so their number in this source
is really immense. Unlike in GBE, where the intention for compactness of the compounds is
quite visible, MAJ freely uses compounds formed from three or even four lexemes or roots,
which in many cases oppose their much more solid Spanish analogs. For example, "legitimation"
is translated as paqtaypi wawa reqsipay, which means verbatim "recognize child in justice",
what sounds unnatural as applied to the original term and in regular Quechua as well, so it is
likely that a calque or a citation taken out of context took place here. A term ley orgánica,
"organic law" has more comprehensible, but at the same time more cumbersome equivalent of a
compound consisting of five lexemes, suyu paqtay qelqamanta kamasqa apusimi, which means
literally "a law created from the writing [about] country's justice"; "the writing about country's
49

justice" is actually a Constitution. Clearly, such translations look more as explanations of

Spanish terms to the uneducated.
There is, however, a number of relatively compact and potentially convenient Quechua
terms among CTE-C of MAJ, which serve to interpret many key concepts related to modern
bureaucracy and legal proceedings. For example, such is an equivalent of "law", apusimi, written
as one word, which may be translated as "order from on high" or "the most important order" (one
of the meanings of simi is "order/command", and apu is traditionally associated with high
authorities);28 the term "judge" receives a somewhat longer, but meaningful equivalent of paqtay
kamayuq, literally "master of justice". Impuesto, "income", is interpreted as qolqe churay,
literally "put money"; "cheque" is rendered simply as qolqe qelqa, "money writing"; formulario,
"[printed] form" is translated as hunt'ana rap'a, "paper for filling".
Only one compound CTE was detected in DMP, this being an analogous term for
"tuberculosis", ch'aki ch'ujuwan unqu[y]. Literally it can be translated as "dry cough disease"; as
this is the only item of its class in DMP, it may be assumed that it was not coined by the authors
of the medical guide, but rather taken by them from another source. Interestingly, the same
illness in GBE has a Quechua equivalent surka unquy, "lung disease".
As it was said earlier, most of the WIN-QLP compound terms, even those close to LTR by
their properties, consist of lexemes, which already passed shift of meaning, being applied to the
semantic domain of computer technology. At the same time, WIN-QLP compounds are intended
to render the meaning of original Windows terms as accurately as possible. Many CTE-C seem
to cope with this task quite successfully without getting too ponderous, but in certain cases the
pursuit of maximum comprehensiveness turns to harm the solidity of Quechua terminology.
Among the most adequate compounds (what does not mean that they render the meaning of an
original term literally), it is possible to mention llamkanakuna sananpa, "command prompt",
which is in effect a translation of the Spanish Windows term símbolo del sistema, but can hardly
be considered a LTR, since llamkanakuna (plural of llamkana, "task" or "working tool") started
to mean "system" only in WIN-QLP. Another example, kamarinakuna patachaq, "device
manager", might as well include a coined derivation, namely kamarina for "device", formed
from the verb kamariy, "prepare" or "equip"; patachaq, "manager" is an agentive from the verb

28
Before the conquest of the Inca Empire, a similar term by meaning probably was kamachikusqan simin, applied
later in the pastoral Quechua as an equivalent for "commandment" (Doctrina Christiana y Catecismo… 1584).
50

patachay, "organize" or "select". The more cumbersome compound terms, in comparison with
their English and Spanish analogs are, for example, saywasiq'ikuna for "maps", which literally
means "borders and lines"; willakuykuna qelqana for "notepad", literally "place/tool for writing
news", although here willakuykuna apparently is reinterpreted from "news" to "notes"; a back-to-
front term, qillqa willakuqkuna (hardly coherently translatable) serves as an equivalent for
"documents". Interestingly, the majority of WIN-QLP compound terms contain words in plural
form, even if (and often so) identical terms in Spanish or English version lack plural forms. In
Quechua grammar the plural marker kuna has no ubiquitous use, and usually is not attached to an
object, whose plural number is known by default. This actually raises doubts about the
proficiency in Quechua of the authors of WIN-QLP neologisms.

7. Coined terms based on invented roots (CTI)

Although few of terminology planners would regard this method as legitimate, it cannot be
rejected that modernizers of certain languages sometimes applied such a strategy (Fishman
2006:48); moreover, experiments of this sort were also performed on Quechua in the past
(Durston 2011:178). Yet in order to detect an item, which could be characterized as CTI, one
must be even more attentive than in the case of ordinarily coined terms. Even the absence of a
root in all known Quechua and Spanish dictionaries, including the most comprehensive and
recent work of Calvo Pérez (2009), does not constitute an absolute proof that a term was created
from scratch. Till nowadays, Southern Quechua remains a highly unstandardized language, and
until recently had almost no manifestation in writing on regular basis, being a predominantly oral
means of communication. In such conditions, lexical variability of a language turns to be a
matter, which is extremely hard to embrace, so there is always an option that a seemingly
invented root in fact represents a localism, a remnant from a substratum of an extinct language
once spoken in certain area, or simply a highly modified dialectal form of a known root.
For example, in GBE there is a term t'iriqispa purix, an equivalent for "motorcycle". Purix
means "what goes/moves" and is not of interest here, but t'iriqi-spa, a part of speech, which may
be characterized as adverbial participle, deserves attention, as it must have been formed from a
verb t'iriqiy, but this verb (or any verb similar to it phonetically) is absent from the most
comprehensive Quechua dictionaries. One may suspect that the author invented an onomatopoeic
verbal root in attempt to reproduce a roar made by motorcycle. Yet another possibility is that the
51

unusual verb comes from the Aymara word t'iri-t'iri (De Lucca 1983:424), "cricket" (insect).
GBE contains a number of lexemes that pertain to Aymara lexicon more than to that of Southern
Quechua, for example, in the term chillpa rimana, "preposition", chillpa is an Aymara word
meaning "branch", so the whole term can be characterized as loanblend.29
In MAJ, we can meet a bizarre term kusmanqo, equivalent for "commune". In the core
lexicon there are words kusma, a kind of women's shirt, and kusmayllu, a plant species, but both
can hardly be correlated with kusmanqu, which also does not reveal a presence of any known
bound morpheme. There is one more example, qaqe, a word corresponding in MAJ to renta
("income", "rent"). Qaqi o q'aq'i is also a Quechua name for ibis, but other meanings were not
found in the reference corpus preceding MAJ. In AMLQ (2005) qaqe is connected to kaqnin, of
the similar sense, so it might be assumed that a new word was caused by a simple error in
writing, but it is easy to see that Manya Ambur distinguishes qaqe and kaqnin (or kaqi) both
orthographically and semantically. If it was a deliberate disunity on the part of the author, then it
can be stated that CTI does show itself here; otherwise, Manya Ambur could apply one of
vernacular pronunciations of kaqnin and transform it to a separate lexeme.
The examination of DMP and WIN-QLP has not detected any terms, whose origins could
not be found in the reference corpus. Considering how DMP favors the use of loanwords, it
would be absolutely unexpected to encounter any CTI on its pages; in the case of Windows, the
regulated collective process of lexical elaboration might put a constraint on the creativeness of
participants. After all, the more lexical modernization moves away from simple copying of
foreignisms, and the deeper it goes for resources that coining can provide, the more creativity it
eventually requires from a planner.

In this chapter, I have analyzed four sources with different approaches to lexical
modernization, from that favoring the use of loanwords at all opportunity (DMP) to that
pretending to incarnate the ideology of purism (MAJ). However, summarizing the evidence
drawn in the course of the analysis, I would like to identify some tendencies in the lexical
elaboration of Southern Quechua that appear to be common for all the sources constituting the
main corpus.

29
However, it is necessary to take into consideration that the author of the dictionary, who was most likely from
Southern Bolivia, from the zone where Quechua and Aymara have equally wide distribution, might treat certain
Aymara words as Quechua ones; in addition, his own mother tongue might be Aymara as well.
52

a. Lack of system. The disorder in the elaborated terminology does not concern here the
differences between its sources (this subject will be discussed in the beginning of the next
chapter), but the numerous inconsistencies that exist within every source. The unsystematic and
sometimes illogical application of Quechua substantivizing suffixes in GBE was already referred
above, as well as the use of one word or compound for designation of two different concepts.
The latter is also typical for MAJ, but in MAJ the problem turns to be double, as frequently one
(and not so complicated Spanish term) has a whole set of Quechua equivalents. For example, a
word plazo, "date/term", in different contexts is translated as hunt'ana p'unchay, hunt'akuy,
hunt'akuq, mink'ay and unay. DMP may be less liable to similar disarray in comparison to other
sources, but is also remarkable for the large number of misprints and generally imperfect
Quechua; for instance, the use of Quechua evidential markers in DMP is omitted completely.
WIN-QLP has lack of system primarily in orthography, which suddenly turns to be five-vowel
and Cuzco-Collao (instead of general three-vowel Ayacucho-Chanka) in desktop regime and
while clicking right button of mouse on the taskbar. The unexpected code-switching between
Quechua and secondary language (Spanish or English) during a regular PC usage also does not
add to the orderliness of the software terminology.30
b. Simplistic approach. Even the more purist sources, namely GBE and MAJ, with their
rich variation of coined terms, do not avoid this tendency. The attempts to describe two or more
different concepts by the means of one Quechua word or compound illustrate this phenomenon
quite well. The mentioned preference towards CTE-C instead of CTE-D, whereas the latter
strategy corresponds more to the Quechua word formation in historical terms, also oversimplifies
the elaboration of new Quechua terminology. DMP with its massive use of Spanish borrowings
cannot serve as an example of intricate modernization (although it must be remembered that
modernization of Southern Quechua is not a primary goal of this guide). WIN-QLP might be
considered as the most elaborate and balanced compilation of Quechua neologisms, if it would
not be so incomplete, leaving many important fields empty.
There is one more feature that is more characteristic for the "purist" dictionaries of GBE
and MAJ, and this is a noticeable use of calques from Spanish in coining neologisms. It looks as

30
In addition, the development of many WIN-QLP terms as demonstrated on http://www.microsoft.com/
Language/en-US/Search.aspx (accessed 31.10.2015), shows a great divergence throughout different versions of
Windows and other Microsoft programs, what might seriously undermine the ability of Quechua-speaking users to
absorb the new computer terminology in their native language.
53

if the authors were more proficient in Spanish than in Quechua, and while combining new terms,
departed more from Spanish semantics than from Quechua lexico-morphological inventory.
In general, the main corpus is notably rich by its diversity of the methods of lexical
elaboration, what indicates that from a technical point of view, LMSQ may be extremely
productive. However, if we turn to a pragmatic side of the process, we can find that much of the
new terminology fails to correspond to a number the principles of effective neology related by
Cabré (1999:208), as cited in the chapter 2 (p. 7). The neologisms frequently are not "as brief
and concise as possible", especially in MAJ; the principles of grammar sometimes are also
neglected, as in GBE; the capacity of many neologisms to constitute a basis for derived forms ia
also questionable, the more complex a term appears to be. Yet the most significant problem in
this respect by far is the lack of transparency of a great number of new terms, and this problem is
visible in any source of the main corpus. Obviously, the creativeness of the authors cannot hide
this disadvantage, which must have manifested (or has already manifested) itself when it comes
to be implemented and accepted by the target population.
54

V. IMPLEMENTING A TERM IN SOUTHERN QUECHUA:

FINDING A WAY TO THE SPEAKERS
In the end of the previous chapter I referred to such a problem as intersample diversity of
the new terminology, but abstained from discussing it there, since this problem has more to do
with implementation than elaboration of neologisms, and should be examined within a social
rather than a linguistic dimension. What is true, that there are many identical concepts that can be
encountered in two or three sources of the main corpus, but in each source they receive a
different interpretation in Southern Quechua. For example, in GBE "table" (in the sense of
database) is translated as tapana, in WIN-QLP as wachuchasqa (tawla in earlier versions), and
MAJ provides total three equivalents, namely maru, qelqa maru and willaq maru. The authors of
GBE and MAJ apparently were compiling their dictionaries in the same period, and at the same
time lived in different countries and likely drew their inspiration from different sources, so it is
not surprising that a little, if any correlaltion, can be found between the contents in this case.
However, the same lack of correlation between WIN-QLP and MAJ or GBE already illustrates a
more disturbing phenomenon: that the authors of neologisms rarely take into consideration or
possibly do not want to take into consideration the experience of their colleagues in the field.31
This phenomenon includes not only a diachronic, but also a synchronic dimension of the
modernization of Southern Quechua; the ideological conflicts between different agents of
Quechua corpus planning certainly reinforce the terminological disorder. The neologisms
proposed in GBE can still be found in the second edition of Diccionario Bilingüe of Laime
Ajacopa (2007), and a number of terms (not so extensive) introduced by Manya Ambur,
sometimes modified, appear in the second edition of Diccionario Quechua-Español-Quechua of
AMLQ (2005). However, for example, a highly purist work of another Bolivian Quechua expert,
Ángel Herbas Sandoval, called Tukuy Imamanta Juj Chhikata Rimaspa ("A Few Words About
Everything") and published in 1996, contains very few of the terms encountered in GBE,
although both works were aimed to contribute to the development of IBE and included many
new coinages related to the field of mathematics and natural sciences.
There are situations, when the divergence of new terminology may be not only
inconvenient, but even harmful, as in the case of the use of Quechua in health services. While the

31
An unawareness of such an experience is also possible here; however, a minimal inquisitiveness on the part of an
author can prevent this problem.
55

recent implementation of Quechua in the sphere of modern medicine is undoubtedly a positive

development, a quality of materials, which teach doctors how to communicate with Quechua
speakers and teach Quechua speakers the basics of physiology, still leaves much to be desired.
DMP with all its imperfectness was by far the most scrupulous example of medical literature in
Quechua that I could find in open access. For example, Palabras Clave para la Atención en
Salud (UNFPA 2011), a guide published under the supervision of the Ministry of Health of Peru,
contains so many errors (from misprints to completely ungrammatical Quechua phrases) that it
turns to be practically unreadable. Another manual, Quechua Médico (Cadillo Agüero 2012),
prepared by the University of San Martin in Lima, being intended for Quechua-speaking areas in
general, is written in one of the little spoken varieties of Quechua I subgroup, without any
reference to this fact. The University of San Antonio Abad in Cuzco is also known for
organizing independent courses of medical Quechua, which are prepared and taught by the
members of AMLQ. Not surprising, the terminological disarray in this situation acquires a really
frightening scale. In the previous chapter I already referred to the two names of tuberculosis in
GBE and DMP respectively, but Quechua Médico (2012) in this respect encompasses all
expectations, citing three (!) names for this illness in Quechua text: tuberculosis, tuwirkuluusis
and tiisiku.32 Generally speaking, the majority of the names of human diseases vary from source
to source, and so do the names of treatments. It is anybody's guess, what consequences this
diversification may have in real life.
In view of these developments such government bodies as Ministries of Health
theoretically could take care of the problem and become a "standardization body" (Cabré
1999:209) at least within the field of activity they are officially responsible for. But it seems that
either they do not have a necessary will or resources to handle the problem or they simply do not
recognize it at all. As in the past, the concern of civil servants in this sphere lies first of all with
the Spanish-speaking population, since it constitutes majority both in Peru and Bolivia. As a
result, the modernization of Southern Quechua remains in the state of heavy disorder even in that
of modern domains, where it is demanded the most and can be most successfully implemented.
Medical Quechua illustrates here the fundamental problem of the lexical modernization of
Southern Quechua ‒ the anarchical character of both elaboration and implementation process. In

32
Interestingly, all three are loanwords from Spanish, the first of which is non-assimilated, and two others are
assimilated ones.
56

the case of elaboration of neologisms, however, the lack of regulation may not yet reveal any
crucial disadvantages; as regards to an oppressed language like Southern Quechua, the
manifestation of initiative in lexical elaboration is valuable by itself. But since we also concern a
language still spoken by millions of people and across the vast region, which includes territories
of few countries and a number of political, economic and cultural centers, each of the initiatives,
being promoted to the stage of implementation, manages to affect only a limited area and a
number of speakers. Even if we omit such circumstances as ideological conflicts between
different institutions engaged in the Quechua corpus planning (considering that in Bolivia these
conflicts are less evident), the implementation of new Southern Quechua vocables still faces
significant technical problems. Certainly, the age of advanced forms of communication may
facilitate the implementation of corpus planning, but this raises a new question: through what
media can Quechua neologisms be introduced and popularized among native speakers of the
language, and how effective can these media be in realization of this task?
Thereupon, I would like to provide here an overview of the media, which are used or may
be used by those who seek to modernize Southern Quechua. Trying to evaluate the modern state
of these media, I have to reckon that their quantity and quality have been changing constantly, so
it will not be surprising if I do not mention here some recent enterprises, obviously worth-
mentioning; however, I will also concern possible perspectives for LMSQ in this dimension.
1. Education and educational materials
It is the role of Southern Quechua as a language of instruction, which primarily deserves
our attention here, not its role as a taught language, as in the latter case the introduction of
neologisms is mostly out of the concern of educators. The development of IBE in Peru and
Bolivia was already discussed in chapter 2. It is worth-mentioning that in Bolivia IBE has
eventually been adopted much wider than in Peru. Firstly, the considerable bottom-up activity in
this field since the end of 1980s and the launching of such ambitious projects as PROEIB-Andes,
obviously played its role. Another key factor is a pro-indigenous language policy of the
government of Evo Morales (in office since 2006). In January 2009 the new Constitution of
Bolivia declared 36 indigenous languages of the country, among them Quechua, as official
languages of the state, which must have been implemented in education at all levels.
However, assuming that IBE itself is promoted in Bolivia more or less successfully, its
quality requires a closer examination. The improper preparation of teachers and teaching
57

materials has been typical for the Bolivian system of education in general, and it was not
unexpected that these disadvantages passed onto IBE (Godenzzi 2008:325). Furthermore, it is a
question how Quechua functions within the daily practices of IBE, is it represented in curriculum
to the extent as planned. For example, the observations made in IBE schools in the region of
Puno about fifteen years ago showed that even during the classes, which must have been taught
in Quechua, a teacher, communicating with his/her students, could use a language overloaded
with Spanish words and phrases (Tapia-Fernandez 2002). In these conditions Quechua-speaking
students are more likely to forget or remain unaware of the words that already exist in the
traditional lexicon, than to learn any recently introduced terms.
As regards the new Quechua terminology, produced by the planners of IBE in Bolivia or
elsewhere, it largely reflects the same simplistic approach discussed in the previous chapter. It
can be exemplified by the terms approved during the seminar Normalización del lenguaje
pedagógico in 1989 (Coronel-Molina 1996:27) and by the new terminology for social studies
coined within the framework of PROEIB (Howard 2007:358). The implementation of
unsophisticated neologisms appears to be problematic, since new coinages are formed on the
basis of so common words and expressions, that they may be simply not regarded as legitimate
new terms by the target population, as they lack minimal "intellectualization" (Garvin 1974:72).
In Peru, despite the modest success of the Puno project and occasionally arising local
initiatives, IBE experiences hard times. In my conversation with the director of the school
Pukllasunchis in San Sebastian, Cuzco (September 2013), I was told that there were no schools
with IBE in the city of Cuzco or its surroundings, and in the whole region there were only few of
them, maintained by TAREA,33 which is a private organization (the same as Pukllasunchis
Association, which works to promote more intercultural than bilingual form of education).
According to his words, the regional authorities do not support the development of IBE at all,
openly regarding it as "a failure" (although it is not well understood, how such a categorical
judgment could emerge, since IBE has always been poorly represented in the Cuzco region).
Another problem of IBE, specific for Peru, is that the educational materials in Southern Quechua
approved by the Ministry of Education are all prepared in the dialect of Ayacucho-Chanka
(favored by the linguists from Lima universities), which may not differ so radically from the

33
http://tarea.org.pe/, accessed 20.10.2015
58

dialect of Cuzco-Collao, but being applied in the curriculum, makes the students cope with
unnecessary difficulties.
In general, textbooks in Southern Quechua, in whatever dialect written, are primarily
destined for elementary school and tend to concentrate on traditional subjects, as local nature,
agriculture, family and school life, where a minimum of new terminology is required and
therefore used. The same generally occurs in the case of textbooks for learning Quechua. A
remarkable exception is the magazine Wiñay Pacha, published by the Ministry of Education of
Bolivia and available on-line in PDF format,34 which promotes a purified version of Quechua,
but does it in a smooth and intelligent manner, with Quechua-Spanish glossary and thorough
explanations of any newly introduced term. Popular science books, which can also be considered
educational materials, as the above-mentioned work of Herbas Sandoval (1996), are published in
Quechua very rarely.
2. Dictionaries
Although dictionaries are generally used to serve as tools for lexicography (i.e. for the
documentation of neologisms and not their implementation), the majority of Quechua language
planners apparently keep attaching great importance to the use of this kind of media. AMLQ is
particularly well-known for publishing dictionaries and textbooks, where the neologisms coined
by its members are introduced alongside the core Quechua lexicon. However, the first edition of
big Quechua-Spanish-Quechua dictionary of AMLQ (1995) of 928 pages was heavily criticized
by prominent Quechua linguists (Cerrón-Palomino 1997:151-152). Not only its numerous errors
and inadequate formatting were the reason; Cerrón-Palomino (1997: 157, 163-164) also noted
that while the dictionary included many specific Quechua agricultural terms and extensive
descriptions of Andean historical personalities and archaeological sites (more suitable for an
encyclopedia), the Spanish-Quechua section of the dictionary was unforgivably short in
comparison to Quechua-Spanish one (the ratio of 1 to 5) and lacked translations of plenty of key
concepts, especially abstract ones. While the second edition of the same dictionary (2005) was
published with somewhat improved technical characteristics, it still maintains the defects
mentioned by Cerrón-Palomino, what indicates that the activity of AMLQ in the field of lexical
elaboration remained rather limited.

34
http://www.minedu.gob.bo/index.php/prensa/publi/ category/23-impresiones-quechua, last accessed 23.10.2015.
59

The bidirectional dictionaries published in Bolivia are largely compiled with more
responsible attitude, but their Spanish-Quechua part is still considerably shorter than Quechua-
Spanish (Laime Ajacopa 2007). Among the attempts to compile an adequate contemporary
Spanish-Quechua dictionary, the most substantial work undoubtedly appears to be the Nuevo
Diccionario of Julio Calvo Pérez (2009), of five volumes, three of which pertain to Spanish-
Quechua section. The author himself acknowledges that the adaptation of Quechua lexicon to the
demands of modernity was his primary goal and with that end in view the dictionary includes a
vast number of neologisms, collected by Calvo Pérez from multiple sources (Calvo Pérez 2009:
xv-xvii, xxxiii). Unfortunately, the Nuevo Diccionario does not evade a disadvantage, which is
common for the majority of works on or in Quechua, published in the Andes: it has a very small
number of copies, totally 400. If there is no intention to put the dictionary into open web access,
it is hard to imagine how the work of Calvo Pérez can be disseminated across the Quechua-
speaking region, implemented in schools and cultural centers, in order to serve the cause of
maintenance and revitalization of Southern Quechua.
3. Books, periodicals and other printed materials
Apart from textbooks, grammars and dictionaries, the literary production in Southern
Quechua is represented very scarcely. The majority of it consists of compilations of Andean
folktales, at least in Peru (Hayes 2010:14-15). Very few pieces of the world literature are
translated to Quechua, although the plans to realize such translations on massive scale are
announced from time to time.35 Till now, the most remarkable achievement in this sphere has
been the translation of Don Quijote to Quechua by Demetrio Tupac Yupanqui (the first part was
published in 2005, and the second one ten years later).36
While staying in the city of Cuzco in August 2013, I dedicated about two days to look for
books or periodicals in Quechua that could be accessible for a common customer. After long
searches I found one Quechua manual published by AMLQ (not of a great quality) in one of the
outdoors stores selling books and office supplies opposite the university campus, and two
colorful editions of fairy tales in Quechua found in an expensive bookstore on Tullumayu street,
in the historical centre of the city. On one unusual occasion I received as a gift a luxurious

35
Perú21, 28 August 2015. http://peru21.pe/cultura/obras-mario-vargas-llosa-y-gabriel-garcia-marquez-seran-
traducidas-al-quechua-2226275, accessed 23.10.2015
36
Living in Peru, 29 June 2015. http://www.peruthisweek.com/news-91-year-old-peruvian-finishes-translating-don-
quijote-to-quechua-106854, accessed 23.10.2015
60

edition called Antología Quechua del Cuzco, published by the municipal government. It was said
to have 5,000 copies, but I could not find it on sale in any place in Cuzco. In addition, Dr.
Ricardo Valderrama once provided me with a copy of Atuqpa Chupan ("Fox's Tail"), a unique
Peruvian Quechua magazine. The magazine is published by the Institute Raul Porras
Barrenechea in Lima, it is performed in Ayacucho-Chanka dialect and contains numerous texts
in Southern Quechua on very different subjects (including articles on ethnohistory and
linguistics), so that many neologisms find their place on its pages. However, the magazine,
published in 500 copies, seems to be circulated exclusively among the linguist circles of Lima,
without a possibility (or even intention) to reach the native speakers in Peruvian highlands.
In any case, this is possibly the first attempt to publish Quechua periodical since
Cronicawan, a supplement to the governmental diary Crónica, published during a short period
after the officialization of Quechua in 1975. Unfortunately, even during its short existence
Cronicawan experienced problems with readership, probably because it was not properly
disseminated (Hornberger & King 2001:183). Bolivia, notwithstanding the recent changes in
language policy, still cannot boast an abundance of printed media in Quechua. The bilingual
newspaper CONOSUR-Ñawpaqman is still being published, once in two months, it acquired
more colorful front page, and its Quechua texts are still remarkable for the high percent of
hispanisms.37 Concurrently, since 1995 CENDA publishes a supplement to CONOSUR-
Ñawpaqman for children, called Añaskitu ("Skunky"), which has more educational and
entertaining orientation.
I would like to add here a description of two more sources that I have at my disposal,38 in
order to demonstrate, how diverse the printed media in Quechua may be. The first is a paperback
bilingual publication, which analyzes the results of twenty years (1980-2000) of the internal
warfare in Peru, a painful subject for many native Quechua speakers, who suffered most
casualties during the long and bloody conflict between Sendero Luminoso and governmental
forces. The document was prepared in 2003 by the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation,
who launched an independent investigation of the atrocities committed by all sides of the
conflict, so the publication seems to be deprived of any ideological bias. Its Quechua part
contains many hispanisms, which sometimes seem to be unnecessary, as the text is parallel

37
The volume 155 (March-April 2015) is available through the link https://www.scribd.com/doc/267300255/
Revista-rural-bilingue-Conosur-Nawpaqman-155, accessed 24.10.2015
38
I would like to thank Prof. Szemiński for providing me with these materials.
61

bilingual after all. Yet the most remarkable and praiseworthy feature of the publication is its
number of copies, namely 595,000. Almost certainly, no other Quechua printed material has ever
been produced in such quantity.
The second source is a bilingual booklet destined for the passengers of the Peruvian
domestic airline LC Busre. It is performed in Cuzco-Collao dialect and five-vowel orthography,
what suggests the hand of AMLQ. At the same time, the booklet is quite elaborate, tends not to
leave any fragments untranslated and combines neologisms and Spanish loanwords (non-
assimilated) in rather balanced manner. If a native speaker of Southern Quechua, who has some
difficulties with Spanish, may afford himself to buy an air ticket, then this booklet will obviously
be of good use.
4. Radio
The distribution of Southern Quechua on radio waves is much more visible than in printed
media, both in Bolivia and Peru. In Bolivia, the tradition of communal radio stations, trying to
speak to the indigenous listeners in their native language, has only strengthened over the years.
Now there are stations that provide fulltime broadcast in Quechua, but only one of them is
known to do it on short waves, that is, with opportunity to cover the territory of the whole
country. This is an evangelical radio Mosoj Chaski ("New Message"), based in Cochabamba.
Actually, the overwhelming majority of Bolivian radio stations broadcasting in Quechua,
partially or full-time, are based in the city or in the region of Cochabamba.
As forty-fifty years ago, the Quechua broadcast in Bolivia is primarily dedicated either to
folk music or religious inculcation. None of the radio stations, which provide Quechua broadcast
in Bolivia, manages to play such a role in language planning as Radio San Gabriel plays in the
case of Aymara (Swinehart 2009). However, some examples show that even a small communal
radio may serve as an agent of lexical modernization for local Quechua speakers, as in the case
of Radio Ecológica from the town of Cliza, Cochabamba region. The indigenous women leaders,
who operate this station, elaborated a number of Quechua terms corresponding to the basic
modern concepts in the sphere of human rights, in order to propagate democratic values, gender
equality in particular, among their compatriots (Cartagena-Torrico 2012). Thus Radio Ecológica
represents a perfect example of language modernization on a micro level: lexical elaboration
motivated by actual demand and subsequent implementation of elaborated forms by the means of
available medium of communication.
62

In Peru, there is also a number of stations providing partial broadcast in Quechua, including
news round-ups, programs for children and chatting with listeners who are able to get through.
The majority of time on Peruvian radio stations, however, is inevitably allocated to Spanish-
language content. In Cuzco, there are two main stations, which broadcast in Quechua, namely
Radio Santa Mónica and Radio Tawantinsuyu; the latter is largely affiliated with AMLQ and
thus also transmits lessons in Southern Quechua (in its "academic" variety, of course). Among
the stations of Cuzco region, there are also Radio Quechua from Sicuani, Radio Pachamama
from Puno and Radio Soberana from Calca, where I for the first time heard a genuine Quechua
commercial, ordered by a local cargo firm. As in Bolivia, folk songs usually occupy most of the
Quechua broadcast on any of these stations.39
As the example of Radio San Gabriel and perhaps Radio Ecológica can demonstrate, radio
broadcasting in the Andes has immense opportunities as regards the modernization of indigenous
languages, and it seems that the majority of agents of language planning regrettably neglect this
channel, through which they could effectively transmit their works and ideas, since radio plays a
much more significant role in the daily life of Quechua-speaking population than any of printed
materials. As mentioned above, the only radio affiliated with an institution engaged in Quechua
language planning, is Radio Tawantinsuyu, but even there AMLQ does not bring out its presence
beyond simple language lessons. Obviously, the diversification of Quechua radio programming
would not only be a suitable field for implementation of coined terminology, but would also
boost the prestige of the language.
5. Information and communications technology (ICT)
The computerization in the Andes became apparent much later then in Western developed
countries, but recently its tempo has accelerated. A number of remote villages in Peru and
Bolivia possibly still remain unelectrified, but in general, the growing pace of urbanization of the
indigenous population implies that more and more Quechua speakers get acquainted with
innovations in digital sphere and can afford themselves to buy a smartphone or even PC.40 On
the one hand, the exposure to ICT, especially in the case of younger generation, causes them to
39
As a late remark, I have to mention here the Radio Andahuaylas from the Apurimac region, which sometimes
broadcasts whole reportages and interviews in Quechua, thus siding with the most advanced Bolivian counterparts.
40
If in 2007 the percentage of households with computer in Peru was about 26 % in Lima, 16 % in the rest of urban
zones and only 1,5 % in rural zones, seven years later these figures reached 59,8 %, 37,6 % and 5,5 % respectively
(http://laeducacionhitos.over-blog.com/pages/Hito_El_proyecto_educativo_Huascaran-2949077.html, accessed
25.10.2015, http://rpp.pe/economia/economia/inei-el-598-de-hogares-de-lima-tiene-una-computadora-noticia-
728921, accessed 25.10.2015).
63

lose contact with their ancestral culture and language in the face of so diverse media content in
Spanish and English; but on the other hand, ICT provided with appropriate content in Quechua
or whichever indigenous language may promote it among youths and prompt them to take part in
revalorization and planning of their ancestral language (Coronel-Molina 2005:63-64).
5.1. Electronic software
The adaptation of Quechua as a language of Microsoft Windows platform was widely
discussed above. In addition, a Quechua language pack was elaborated for Microsoft Office
(2003, 2007 and 2010 versions). In 2006, the government of Evo Morales purchased 5,000
computers, already provided with WIN-QLP,41 but it is not known, how many of these
computers then reached Quechua-speaking communities and users. In 2012, according to the
report of the National Census of Population and Housing of Bolivia, there were 23,36 % of
households with at least one computer and only 9,45% with access to internet;42 in rural zones
these figures must have been considerably lower. Therefore, the main problem seems to be not
the absence of demand for software in Southern Quechua, provided the supply does exist, but the
poor distribution of ICT in the Quechua-speaking areas.
Quechua is not yet known to become a language widely applied in software for cell phones
and smartphones, but certain advances in this respect were made a few years ago. Movistar was
the first Peruvian mobile operator, which designed a service center and then an interface in
Quechua and Aymara in 2008;43 Howard (2007:305) attests that telephone service in both
languages existed in Bolivia even earlier, before the introduction of cell phones. Unfortunately,
there are no indications that Apple, Google or any other significant developer of software for
smartphones are going to present Quechua interface in the visible future. Recently there appeared
some applications for learning Quechua, for example, Habla Quechua for Android systems,
developed by PromPeru with the help of AMLQ.44
Obviously, such an effective channel of LMSQ as ICT software, which prompts the
elaboration of neologisms and at the same time constitutes a perfect field for their
implementation, could be introduced nowadays much wider, thus keeping pace with the

41
http://www.emol.com/noticias/internacional/2006/08/25/229238/evo-morales-y-microsoft-lanzan-en-bolivia-
version-quechua-de-windows.html, accessed 25.10.2015
42
http://www.tynmagazine.com/en-bolivia-el-23-de-los-hogares-cuentan-con-una-pc/, accessed 25.10.2015
43
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UtCie4VHNdY, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BFVnyHiljYg, accessed
25.10.2015
44
https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=info.peru.habla.quechua, accessed 25.10.2015
64

urbanization and computerization of the indigenous people of the Andes. The developers of ICT
software might be encouraged that by adding Southern Quechua to their linguistic armory, they
can potentially obtain hundreds of thousands of loyal customers.
5.2. Internet
There are many web sites that offer content in Southern Quechua, but most of this content
consists either of materials for learning the language (grammars, dictionaries, lessons, etc.) or of
Quechua texts written in the "pre-information" epoch. Although such manifestation of Southern
Quechua in internet provokes interest to it and contributes to its prestige and maintenance, it can
hardly be associated with the modernization of the language. Again, an exception from this rule
can be the above-mentioned Bolivian periodical Wiñay Pacha, which tries to teach and
modernize the language simultaneously.
There is a number of groups in Facebook dedicated to learning and promotion of Quechua;
the largest of them, Admiradores del Idioma Quechua (Runasimi), counts more than 22,000
members.45 However, most of the content posted on these groups' pages is performed in Spanish,
including the users' comments. There are noticeable activities that take place on Facebook, like
"Quechua word of the day" or a signature-gathering campaign for the obligatory teaching of
Quechua in all the schools of Peru, but I could not identify any initiative relating to lexical
elaboration. There are a few blogs in (not about) Southern Quechua that I have found till now,
but none of them seems currently active or at least regularly renewed. For example, once there
was a blog of Miguel Angel Pinto, dedicated to children's literature, which contains, besides
common folk tales, a translation of "Red Riding Hood" to Quechua and of UN Declaration of
Rights, the latter with a short list of Quechua neologisms.46 The Quechua blog renewed most
lately, in August 2015, belongs to a Bolivian woman by the nickname Chhullunka Sunqitu
Warmi ("A Girl with the Icicle Heart"),47 who moved to New York and reported from there in
her native language, which does not seem to be affected by any planning ideology, but then looks
deprived of any artificialness. Still, there is only one post, what can only leave a hope that the
online diary of the Girl with the Icicle Heart will not share the fate of the rest of blogs in
Southern Quechua.

45
https://www.facebook.com/groups/admiradores.quechua/, accessed 25.10.2015.
46
http://miguelangelpinto.blogspot.co.il/, last updated 27.07.2006, accessed 25.10.2015.
47
https://chhullunkasunqituwarmi.wordpress.com/, last updated 17.08.2015, accessed 25.10.2015.
65

Probably the most significant sanctuary of Quechua in internet, at least by its capacity, is
Wikipidiya ‒ the Quechua segment of the popular free web encyclopedia. Currently it includes
about 20,000 articles on very different subjects, but of course, Andean history and geography are
predominant ones. Most of the articles on Wikipidiya, however, are quite short, even symbolic
(about two or three lines). Hayes (2010:13) mentions young Peruvian activists, who "claim to
write an article on the Quechua Wikipedia each day", but according to my own observations, the
most active contributor to Wikipidiya is a language activist from Germany, who writes under the
nickname AlimanRuna. The language of his articles somehow conforms to the views of the
Limean linguists' party, that is, it is rather purist and loanwords are almost always assimilated.
On the whole, the Quechua language of Wikipidiya undoubtedly offers a subject for a separate
research. It should only be added that the Quechua interface of Wikipidiya seems to be elaborated
in more detailed and complete manner than WIN-QLP.
6. Other probable media: television in Quechua?
Speculating about perspectives of Southern Quechua in mass media, it is important to note
that it has not properly manifested itself on a broadcast medium with the most mass coverage ‒
television. Several Bolivian TV channels provide news blocks in Quechua and Aymara in early
morning (Coronel-Molina 2013:286); ATB, for example, recently declared plans to transmit
news programs in these languages twice a day,48 but the realization of these plans needs yet to be
verified. About a year ago, Evo Morales also called for the wider use of Quechua and Aymara on
South American TV, but since then, only few Quechua political commercials appeared on
Venezuela-based TeleSUR, where an anchorwoman praised the president Morales for his
achievements in defending the rights of indigenous people.49
In Peru, Quechua TV broadcasting is totally absent and there are no preconditions for its
development. However, there were attempts to create Quechua online television on YouTube. A
group of youth activists from the association Tarpurisunchis ("Let's Sow")50, based in Apurimac
region, launched in 2010 a 10-minute program Saqrakuna, performed completely in Southern
Quechua, whose recordings were uploaded to the most popular video-sharing website. The

48
http://www.fmbolivia.tv/atb-estrenara-noticieros-en-aymara-y-quechua/, March 16, 2012; accessed 26.10.2015.
49
http://www.pulzo.com/mundo/maduro-anuncia-telesur-en-ingles-mientras-morales-pide-mas-quechua-y-aymara-
en/157211, June 15, 2014, accessed 26.10.2015. http://www.telesurtv.net/telesuragenda/Noticiero-en-Quechua-
20141012-0057.html, accessed 26.10.2015.
50
Tarpurisunchis shows a noticeable analogy by name and ideology with another, longer active educational
association Pukllasunchis ("Let's Play"), which might indicate about affiliation between the two.
66

anchorpersons of Saqrakuna, boy and girl of university age, speak very dynamic Quechua, which
at the same time contains a minimum of hispanisms.51 Unfortunately, only three releases of
Saqrakuna were published in 2010, but in 2014 the YouTube channel of Tarpurisunchis
published a series of even more refined 15-minute programs in Southern Quechua, under the
common name of Chaynam Karqa ("So It Was"), dedicated to the history and culture of
Apurimac. The only pitiful fact is that each of the Chaynam Karqa videos has collected only a
few hundred views (the first release of Saqrakuna has about 3,000 views, which is also not a
high figure). Obviously, if Quechua television in Peru is ever to be developed, the programs
created by the association Tarpurisunchis can make a perfect content for it.
Notably, all Quechua programs of Tarpurisunchis have Spanish subtitles, preventing the
problem of misunderstanding both on the part of Spanish speakers and Quechua speakers, who
could have had difficulties with too purified speech. Moreover, the implementation of new
coinings, that characterize the "pure" Quechua, may be realized more effectively in this case, as
neologisms are introduced through familiar topics, in gradual and transparent manner.
In addition to television, a new medium of LM can be a news website in Quechua, although
the development of such enterprise may require more efforts and resources than production of
half-amateur video programs. Eventually, the vitality of any medium of communication in
Quechua heavily depends on financial support, since it is not yet in sight how such media can
become break-even: the principal income item of mass media of today is advertising, whereas
the low purchase power of Quechua-speaking population apparently does not make potential
investors hope that their costs will be repaid. At the same time, neither governments nor foreign
NGO demonstrate a will to assist in the development of mass media in Amerindian languages.

Having discussed, through what means the implementation of LMSQ is being or may be
realized, it is also necessary to address an issue directly related to the evaluation of corpus
planning, but frequently less concerned in researches on this subject: the acceptance of
neologisms by population of speakers. There have been no Quechua language planners, who
displayed such a responsible attitude to LM as did Comunidad Lingüística Kaqchikel (Fischer
2010:120-123), and I have not found information that someone ever undertook a study about the

51
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w5wD3QN5rps, accessed 26.10.2015. Interestingly, the word saqra in
Quechua has a primarily negative sense, meaning "devil", but in this context Saqrakuna should apparently be
translated as "The Restless Ones".
67

acceptance of neologisms in Southern Quechua. However, when I was in Cuzco two years ago, I
tried to launch a kind of survey in order to learn, to what extent native Quechua speakers are
aware of neologisms elaborated by different agents of Quechua language planning.52
At that time I could imagine only approximately the structure of this work, and I did not
even define the research questions exactly. With the help of my tutors, I designed a bilingual
Quechua-Spanish questionnaire called Musuq Tapuna ("The New Questionnaire"). Since I
sought to collect by the means of this questionnaire as much data as possible (I stayed in Cuzco
for about a month and a half and wanted to take maximum advantage of the time I had), the final
version of the Musuq Tapuna came out to be rather cumbersome: it was divided into five
sections and stretched for seven pages. As a result, I spent much time to find those of Quechua
speakers, who would agree to sit with me and fill the questionnaire; as many of respondents were
at work when I approached them, the whole process could take about an hour. Since the majority
of native Quechua speakers work hard and all day long to support themselves and their families,
it was not easy to find someone who would agree to spend her/his time for answering questions
of a foreigner. However, I was also glad to notice that many persons, whom I asked to participate
and answer the questions from the Musuq Tapuna, were fascinated by the fact that somebody
wanted to interview them about the issues concerning their mother tongue; most of them have
never had such an experience, and, as one old woman, an owner of a confectionary, told me, she
had not thought that Quechua could have been of interest for a gringo. 53
Ultimately, I managed to obtain only 19 valid and completed forms of the Musuq Tapuna;
certainly, it was much less that I initially had hoped to collect. The respondents were men and
women of different age groups and, as far as possible, from different socioeconomic background.
The majority of them lived in the district of Cuzco (which includes the city with suburbs), but
there were also a few respondents from different corners of the region and two from other
regions (namely from Apurimac and Arequipa). The respondents could choose, whether they
wanted to be asked and to answer the questions orally, or read the questions and write or mark
answers themselves under my assistance.

52
See Appendix I for the questionnaire form and Appendix II for the results of the survey.
53
I have to note that almost everyone who answered the questions of Musuq Tapuna, made it for free; I largely
relied on my own limited resources while being in Peru, and could not provide my respondents with a payment for
filling the questionnaire.
68

The first section of the Musuq Taouna inquired about basic personal data of an informant:
name, age, residence and level of education. The second part included questions of
sociolinguistic character; it found out informant's proficiency in Spanish, where, with whom and
how often he/she spoke Quechua, if an informant knew to read and write in Quechua and how
often he/she had an occasion to do so. Due to the small total number of respondents, it is almost
impossible to establish any reliable connection between the answers received within the second
section or between the results collected from this section and from other parts of the
questionnaire. However, there was one striking feature, resulted from the answers of respondents
to the last question of this section, as 18 to 19 answered it positively, and only one respondent
left this field empty. The question was, if there were more Quechua on radio, internet and TV,
would the respondents comprise audience of these new media. The general approval in this case
demonstrates that the demand for mass media in Quechua does exist; it is then a question, when
and from where will come the supply. It is also worth-mentioning that all the respondents were
in one way or another regularly exposed to the media content in Spanish, either through TV/radio
(older people or rural inhabitants) or internet (younger people from the urban zone).
The three last sections were particularly aimed to analyze the effects of LM on common
speakers. The first one of them contained the list of ten terms, randomly taken from AMLQ
(2005) and Calvo Pérez (2009), which corresponded to modern, post-contact concepts, and were
either newly coined or semantic neologisms.54 However, the results provided by this section,
could already show certain regularities. There were terms not recognized by anyone of the
respondents or recognized only by one of them, and on the other hand, there were some terms
identified by the majority of respondents or at least by almost a half of them. The terms, which
turned to be completely unrecognized, were taripay wasi (literally "home of judgment")55 for
"court [of justice]", lirp'u (or rirpu)56 for "mirror" and aranwaq for "actor". All three terms are
attested in AMLQ (2005), while taripay wasi also appears in MAJ (and possibly does so there

54
I had to exclude one of these words later, during the processing, as I understood that I made a mistake in its
spelling, what made the perception of this word by respondents not valid, and finally I decided to omit it from both
appendices.
55
The verb taripay also has an interesting history. In pre-contact times it supposedly meant "interrogate, find out"
(Santo-Tomás 1560:174), but in the early colonial missionary texts turned to be associated with Last Judgment, and
then it could pass into MAJ in this altered meaning.
56
This term was the only one that I found later in the dictionary of Gonçalez-Holguín (1952[1608]:318) with the
same meaning, but originally it hardly signified mirror as an artificial object, as the Incas did not know glass before
the contact with Europeans. AMLQ (2005:256) gives the meaning of "reflection of water", which looks more
genuine, but the respondents did not mention it either, so it is likely that the word itself is now largely forgotten.
69

for the first time). The terms identified only once were llinp'ina for "painting" and yarqhana for
"sewage". Both words were formed from well-known roots, llinp(')i ("paint") and yarqha
(irrigation canal), although many respondents associated yarqhana with yarq'a, "hunger", though
I was trying to pronounce the aspirate consonant as clearly as possible.
The most recognizable term turned to be hank'ukuna, "nerves" in the modern sense. This
might happen due to the spread of "medical Quechua", but not necessarily: after all, nervio in
Andean Spanish seemingly maintains both meanings, so the choice of word in this case could be
simply wrong. The words identified by 9 of 19 speakers were sayana for "bus stop" and qillqana
for "pen". What is remarkable in both words, that they represent plain and easily understood
morphological constructions, even if they had "expert" origin. As the root saya corresponds to
"stop", a native speaker might easily guess what is meant even if he/she had not heard the term
before; as for qillqana, this word could be discerned both as "pen"/"pencil" with no relation to
the role of implementation activities. However, the fact that these neologisms were identified
more readily than others implies that they can be considered successful examples. At the same
time, it is impossible to regard them as implemented; for that, they must have been recognized by
the overwhelming majority of respondents. Unfortunately, I did not record the respondents'
wrong surmises about most of neologisms, although now I understand that this data would have
been definitely valuable.
The next section included ten terms in Spanish (not all of them reflected modern concepts).
A respondent had to decide how each one of them should be translated to Quechua, choosing
from 3-4 options given under a Spanish word. The options were Quechua terms selected from
AMLQ (2005), Calvo Pérez (2009), GBE and early colonial sources (Santo-Tomás 1560,
Gonçález-Holguín 1608 and Guaman Poma 1615). If a respondent did not find any of the options
suitable, he/she could propose his/her own translation of the term (although it was rarely done).
Here it was planned to find out, to which option in each case respondents will give preference,
and which will be rejected by (almost) everybody.
The majority of terms demonstrated a surprising unanimity of respondents in their choice
of a Quechua equivalent. For letra, "letter", most of them chose qillqa, for libro, "book", ‒ qillqa
mayt'u ("bundle of writing"), for carcel, "prison", ‒ watay wasi ("house of capture", Gonçález-
Holguín 1952[1608]:186), for tijeras, "scissors" ‒ k'utuchina ("what serves for cutting"), for
"functionary" ‒ istadu llank'aq ("state worker", loanblend), for "science" ‒ hatun yachay ("big
70

knowledge"), while yachana of GBE was mostly ignored. Serio, "serious" was translated equally
either as mana asikuq ("not cheery") or phiña uya ("sad face"); the choice for reloj, "clock" was
also equally distributed between ura qhawana ("X for looking [at] hours") and pacha yupaq
("one that counts time"). The term, which provoked the most variety of opinions, was avión,
"plane". Besides the offered options, like lata pisqu ("tin bird") or lata urpi ("tin pigeon"), a
number of respondents also proposed lata pichinchu (pichinchu is Quechua name for rufous-
collared sparrow), and certain individuals proposed lata kuntur ("tin condor") and even lata
pichinchu altunta phawan (¨tin sparrow flying above"). In the end, I noticed that assimilated
loanwords were largely rejected, although I included them as options of translation under 8 of 10
terms and did not make any hint that "the most Quechua" variant was preferable. The options,
which I had taken from GBE, also were chosen very rarely; only sut'inchakuy for "signify",
semantically bound with GBE's sut'inchana, "meaning", was approved by the majority of
respondents.
The last section also consisted of ten Spanish terms, but no options for translation were
given. This was probably the most experimental part of the Musuq Tapuna, as here I asked the
respondents to apply not only their memory and sense of language, but also their creativity. If a
respondent could not recall any translation of a Spanish term to Quechua, he/she was encouraged
to coin a necessary equivalent by him-/herself. In such a manner I tried to ascertain, if an
ordinary native speaker of Southern Quechua could create a neat neologism in his/her own
language, and if there would be a qualitative difference between neologisms invented by
planners and those spontaneously invented by ordinary speakers.
I recorded various Quechua interpretations of Spanish terms, some of which had truly
unexpected etymology. Although Spanish terms consisted only of a single lexeme each one, the
Quechua equivalents sometimes stretched up to three or even four words (for example, the word
"art" in one of the cases had an analogue chay runa sumaq simiyuq, "that man who has beautiful
speech"). Many cells, however, were left blank, as respondents could not think of any
appropriate translation. A few terms were, in my opinion, excellent coined derivations, such as
apu-lla-cha-chi-y for "religion", but as it was proposed by a young man, who was more regularly
exposed to the communication in Spanish than in Quechua, I now doubt that it was his own
invention and that he understood, what the chain of suffixes attached to apu ("lord") expressed
precisely. It is also probably, that the equivalents, proposed by respondents but not found in any
71

dictionary, nonetheless had been heard by them somewhere before or that they misrepresented
the words or expressions that they had heard before, so it was even hardly possible to find out, to
what extent an equivalent was really "coined". Obviously, experiments of this sort do not
conform well to languages with such a long and rich history of LM as Southern Quechua.

These rather superficial observations on the acceptance of neologisms nevertheless can

demonstrate that the lexical modernization of Southern Quechua does not reach its primary goal:
it is barely noticed by ordinary native speakers. As the general quantity of neologisms, produced
by language planners, is immense and even too diverse, it is obvious that the main problem lies
within the implementation of these neologisms. On the one hand, the media, through which the
agents of lexical modernization could disseminate the fruits of their work, are absent or poorly
developed; on the other hand, it seems that many of these agents do not realize enough, how the
new terminology should be effectively implemented. Neither publication of dictionaries
(AMLQ) nor publication of refined expensive magazines (Limean linguists) can get the native
speakers acquainted with the innovations, as all this production has limited number of copies and
is not distributed in the areas where they live and work. Even the introduction of neologisms
through the system of education will not be effective until Southern Quechua is so poorly
represented in education, as in the case of Peru. This situation is especially regrettable, since
according to my observations, ordinary speakers can readily adopt the new terms and probably
use them in their daily speech.
72

VI. CONCLUSIONS
I remember, when I made a presentation in the Casa Campesina of the Centre of Bartolomé
de Las Casas in Cusco, in front of Quechua-speaking visitors, about the goals of my research and
lexical modernization in general57, one of the indigenous peasants, an old but energetic person,
shared his vision of the efforts for alphabetization of Quechua. He told (as I can roughly
reproduce), that at first, one group of wiraquchas58 came to them and told them to write Quechua
with five vowels; then another group of wiraquchas came and told them to write with three
vowels; and then the first group comes again, and so on. As a native speaker, he did not want to
sort out, which group of wiraquchas was more right and why. All that he wanted (and other
peasants, who were sitting near, agreed with him), was a certainty; without such certainty, i.e.
without basic reconciliation between the planners, the alphabetization of Quechua in his eyes did
not have sense.
This case, although it actually describes the current situation with the graphization of
Quechua, well illustrates two main problems of the Quechua corpus planning as a whole, and of
LMSQ in particular: firstly, this is a decentralization, or more exactly, fragmentation of
activities, and secondly, this is a remaining gap between language planners and ordinary native
speakers.
In Peru, none of the agents of LMSQ currently enjoy sensible governmental support,
including AMLQ and the linguists from Lima universities. Only single initiatives of Quechua
language planning from time to time may receive recognition and some modest funding on the
part of the state, but such cases cannot turn the situation to one's advantage. In Bolivia, the
government of Evo Morales provides more tangible support to the planning of indigenous
languages, but Bolivia is still the poorest country of South America59 and likely has limited funds
for this field of activities. Furthermore, the problem of unification of corpus planning on
Quechua and Aymara seemingly has not noticed attention of Bolivian authorities yet.
The problem of fragmentation manifests itself at both principal stages of the lexical
modernization: elaboration and implementation. The authors of neologisms in most cases either
are in conflict with each other or do not wish to consider the work of their predecessors and

57
I want to particularly thank Claudia Cuba-Huamani for making such a presentation possible and for translating my
words to accessible Quechua from my outlandish and imperfect Spanish.
58
Wiraqucha is a common Quechua term for denomination of Creole population.
59
http://www.richestlifestyle.com/poorest-countries-in-south-america/2/, accessed 07.11.2015
73

contemporaries, or may even do not know about existence of each other's work. Afterwards, as
there are no common channels for implementation of neologisms, every author or institution
chooses to use its own available media (IBE in cooperating schools, dictionaries and other
printed materials, radio broadcasting, etc.) that mostly have rather limited area of influence. The
fragmentation also puts an obstacle to financial support, about the lack of which Quechua
language activists usually complain: when there are so many agents engaged in the same field
and conflicting with each other, any investor would hesitate to whom to give preference.
Fushman (1974b:94) once noted about "unexpected consequence" of counter-planning and
a serious obstacle, which it constitutes to the success of language policy; Dua (1991) shows how
even in the case of official language the lack of coordination between agencies can brings to a
heavy disorder and thus inability to accomplish tasks of language planning, and in particular
elaboration and implementation of new terminology (1991:119). As regards Southern Quechua,
here the absence of a central authority, which would take responsibility and control over the
corpus planning of the language, makes decentralization come to its extreme. In this situation
there is always a probability that certain agents of corpus planning would leave the field (as it
largely happened to SIL) and new activists with new ideology would enter it and fill the empty
space (as it may happen to the Association Tarpurisunchis).
Therefore, it is only possible to anticipate that the existing disorder in Quechua language
planning, preventing from the lexical modernization to become truly efficient, will remain,
unless there emerges an authoritative organ, whose supremacy would be recognized by the
majority of those involved in the planning efforts; or at least unless the governments of Peru and
Bolivia start to care for the unification of Quechua language planning, assuming control over the
process. Theoretically, the fragmentation could be overcome, if the major institutions involved in
the Quechua language planning displayed enough will and reason to establish contacts between
themselves and, possibly, organized a kind of supreme committee, which would include
representatives of different organizations, so that it could guide the activities of all the rest.
However, there are no indications that such collaboration may suddenly emerge in the nearest
future, especially in Peru, where the divisions between the parties result from profound
ideological disagreements.
The above-mentioned gap between the language innovators and ordinary speakers is by no
means unique for Southern Quechua. However, in conditions, when both these groups comprise
74

a linguistic majority, the innovators are officially empowered to make changes in language's
lexicon and the implementation is carried out under the control of central authorities, that is, in
the conditions of vertical language policy, this gap does not form a significant obstacle to
policy's realization. Yet in the conditions of fragmented and thus mostly horizontal language
policies such a gap turns into a serious problem, and corpus planners are required to make a
proper effort to overcome it.
In reality, in the case of Southern Quechua the agents of language modernization do not
seem to try hard enough to advance in this direction. Spanish may be not the first language of an
innovator, i.e. not a first language learnt in childhood, but in the majority of cases it is
undoubtedly his/her principal language. This becomes apparent when Quechua neologisms turn
to abound in calques from Spanish, as in the examples of t'aqa, allauka, chawpi and other above-
mentioned lexemes. Furthermore, a loss of the contact with live language undermines the lexical
and morphological inventiveness of an author, what can be demonstrated by long ponderous
compounds and over-exploitation of widely used roots in order to cover a maximum of concepts.
In addition, the lack of basic training in terminology planning causes situations, when one term
comes to denote two different concepts, and one concept is interpreted in two different ways
within the same source, without a consideration, how an ordinary speaker would react to such
inconsistencies.
This is how the gap between innovators and their target population shows itself in the
dimension of elaboration. When it comes to implementation, the problem becomes even more
obvious. Corpus planners in their majority either do not have at their disposal appropriate media
to disseminate their work among the native speakers, or cannot recognize what media would be
most efficient for this purpose, continuing to adhere to the tools they are accustomed to, although
these tools could long prove their inefficiency. In extreme cases, as in the case of AMLQ, instead
of directing their energy to share their achievements with broad population of speakers, the
corpus planners form an inner circle, where they use their own manner of writing and speak their
own artificial sociolect, hardly comprehensible for an ordinary speaker.
It should be noted, however, that purification of Quechua, which is a cornerstone of the
ideology of AMLQ, is not necessarily a policy ultimately doomed to failure, how it may seem
considering the sociolinguistic profile of Southern Quechua. Yet creating opposition between the
"pure" language (even if it is truly pure and not abundant with misspelled old and poorly formed
75

new vocables) and "deranged" language of daily use will only deepen the existing gap, as the
speakers will most likely accept the opposition without submitting to the purist cause, especially
if there is no vertical authoritative connection between purifiers and ordinary speakers.
If we return to Zimmermann's statements (2006:520-521) about the crucial role of speakers'
identity in the success of purist policy, it would be appropriate to add, that the identity of purists
themselves probably carry here even more significance, more precisely, how the propagators of
purism are identified by the general population of speakers. The Quechua speaker, cited in the
beginning of this chapter, not occasionally characterized the members of AMLQ as wiraquchas,
although the latter could consider themselves descendants of the Inca nobility (if not by blood,
then by spirit), who have a mandate to enlighten their less educated congeners. Hayes (2010)
particularly specifies this difference between modernizers' vision of self and their real status (as
opposed to that of the ordinary speakers) as a strong restricting factor of Quechua revitalization.
Howard (2007), on the example of Quechua educators in Ecuador shows, however, how
this dangerous gap between the planners and rest of the speakers can be overcome in practice.
When elaborate media are not available for modernizers, they try to achieve an understanding of
their purist ideology by physically coming to ordinary speakers and explaining them the meaning
and structure of a coined term, which the latter at first could find incomprehensible or too
complex. The planners thus hope that such personal contact will provide a chain effect and a
term will be eventually implemented (Howard 2007:355-356). Such an attentive approach would
undoubtedly prove more efficient, if modernizers of Quechua could be able to explain
neologisms by the means of mass media, an opportunity which they are largely deprived of.
The two main factors, which hamper the modernization of Southern Quechua, conceal one
more, deeper problem that nourishes and replenishes them ‒ that Southern Quechua is a language
of millions of people, but almost all of these people share low socioeconomic status and have
little ability to influence the policies of the countries they live in. This may give us a better
understanding, why governments of either Peru or Bolivia have still not contributed to a
formation of agency that would centralize and support the efforts of Quechua corpus planning in
their countries, despite the attempts to boost the status of Southern Quechua. This can explain,
why there are so few educated Quechua speakers, who could effectively modernize their
language without losing ties with their land and culture, who would be more inventive both in
76

coining neologisms, would know how to get the broad population acquainted with them and who
would have proper means to organize such a process.
But can the improvement of the socioeconomic status of Quechua speakers solve the
problems of modernization of Quechua? Or such an improvement will still mean the automatic
creolization of indigenous people? I suppose that the answer lies somewhere in the middle.
Therefore, in order to turn the scales in favor of the maintenance and development of Quechua,
the modernization process must be carried simultaneously with the economic growth among the
native speakers and struggle for the improvement of the real status of the language ‒ its wider
use in education, mass media, commerce and other spheres.
Probably, what is required to overcome the problems of horizontal fragmentation and
vertical disunity is an initiative and direct action, similar to those demonstrated by Cheikh Anta
Diop in the case of Wolof. Yet such an action, if it is to yield fruits, must be based on the
profound knowledge of the language, culture and social reality, on the modern comprehension of
language planning and terminology planning in particular. An ideal initiative devoted to the
lexical modernization of a language like Southern Quechua should combine elaboration and
implementation of neologisms within one institution, and thus it would have a good opportunity
to stand out against a background of other agents, attract public attention and, likely, also funds.
Such an institution could be an educational organization or a mass medium, or even include these
two highly important domains into a one scope of activity. What is the most important is that
such an institution, in order to advance the lexical modernization, must be itself modernized,
both in technological and ideological terms. Therefore, hopefully, technological progress and
economic growth of the Andes will not cut the ground under Southern Quechua, but instead will
give this language a new life.
77

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86

APPENDIX I
MUSUQ TAPUNA / EL NUEVO CUESTIONARIO
I
Nombre

Residencia

Edad

Educación

II
1. Imaynatan qan kastillanu simiq yachayniykita chaninchanki? / ¿Cómo Ud valora su dominio
del español?
a) manan yachanichu / no lo sé,
b) pisillatan yachani / lo sé poco
c) chikallatan yachani / lo sé más o menos
d) allintan yachani / lo sé bién
e) ancha allintan yachani / lo sé perfectamente

2. Hayk’a kuti runasimita rimanki? / ¿Con qué frecuencia Ud habla Quechua (promedio)?
a) tukuy p’unchay / todo el día,
b) p’unchaypi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al día,
c) simanapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces por la semana,
d) killapi maynillanpin/ cuantas veces al mes,
e) mayni maynillanpin / más raramente

3. Maypin, piwanmi runasimita rimanki? / ¿Dónde y con quién Ud habla Quechua?

a) wasiypin aylluywan / en mi casa con mi familia
b) runa masiywan / con amigos
87

c) llank’aspa istudiaspa / en el trabajo o el lugar de estudios

d) waqpin (ñiy maypin) / en otros lugares (hay que indicarlos)
4. Yachankichu runasimi ñawinchayta? /¿Sabe Ud leer en Quechua?
a) manan yachanichu / no sé,
b) pisillatan yachani / sé poco,
c) chikallatan yachani / sé más o menos,
d) allintan yachani / sé bién,
e) kusa allintan yachani / sé perfectamente

5. Hayk’a kutin runasimita ñawinchanki? /¿Con qué frecuencia Ud lee en Quechua?

a) sapa p’unchay / cada día,
b) simanapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces por la semana,
c) killapi maynillanpin/ cuantas veces al mes,
d) watapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al año
e) mayni maynillanpin / más raramente

6. Yachankichu runasimi qillqayta? /¿Sabe Ud escribir en Quechua?

a) manan yachanichu / no sé,
b) pisillatan yachani / sé poco,
c) chikallatan yachani / sé más o menos,
d) allintan yachani / sé bién,
e) kusa allintan yachani / sé perfectamente

6. Hayk’a kutin runasimita qillqanki? / ¿Con qué frecuencia Ud escribe en Quechua?

a) sapa p’unchay / cada día,
b) simanapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces por la semana,
c) killapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al mes,
d) watapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al año
e) mayni maynillanpin / más raramente
88

7. Kastillanu simipi tiliwisiyunta qhawankichu radiuta uyarinkichu? / ¿Ve Ud TV o escucha

radio en español?
a) sapa p’unchay / cada día,
b) simanapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces por la semana,
c) killapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al mes,
d) watapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al año
e) mayni maynillanpin / más raramente

8. Kastillanu simipi intirniqta qhawankichu? /¿Usa Ud. internet en español?

a) sapa p’unchay / cada día,
b) simanapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces por la semana,
c) killapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al mes,
d) watapi maynillanpin / cuantas veces al año
e) mayni maynillanpin / más raramente

9. Sichus ancha tiliwisiyun, radiu, periodico, intirnit runasimipi kanman, qan qhawawaqchu/
uyariwaqchu/ñawinchawaqchu? / ¿Si hubiera MÁS medios de comunicación en quechua (TV,
periodicos, radios, internet), Ud los vería/escucharía/leería?
89

III
Yachankichu qan, ima ninmi kay rimay kastillanu simipi? / ¿Sabe Ud qué significa esta
palabra en castellano?
Taripay wasi

_________________________________________
Llinp’ina

_________________________________________
Yarqhana

_________________________________________
Kamachiqkuna

_________________________________________
Aranwaq

_________________________________________
Hank’ukuna

_________________________________________
Sayana

_________________________________________
Qillqana

_________________________________________
Lirp’u

_________________________________________

Mayqin rimay kaykunamanta runasimipi ancha allinta nin? /

¿Cual de las palabras quechuas de la lista traduce mejor esta palabra castellana?
90

M ─ wakin rimaykunaqa manan allinchu / ninguna palabra conviene

Sichus hinantin rimaykunaqa mana allin, hukniykita niyyá. / Si Ud cree que ninguna de estas
traducciones conviene, proponga su propia traducción.
Letra
a) qillqa b) siq’i c) sananpa d) litra M

____________________________________________
Libro
a) qillqa b) qillqa mayt’u c) qarachu d) patara e) liwru M

____________________________________________
Significar
a) unanchay b) niy c) sut’inchakuy M

____________________________________________
Carcel
a) watay wasi b) ukhu c) karsil M

____________________________________________
Funcionario
a) llank’aq b) istadu llank’aq c) apu suyu d) surqukuq M

_____________________________________________
Reloj
a) watana b) ura qhawana c) pacha yupaq d) riluq M

_______________________________________________

Tijeras
a) rutuna b) k’utuchina c) lapiyaku d) tihiras M
91

________________________________________________
Ciencia
a) yachay b) hatun yachay c) yachana d) siyinsiya M

_________________________________________________
Avión
a) lata pisqu b) lata urpi c) awiyun d) maraq M

_________________________________________________
Serio (humor)
a) mana asikuq b) phiña uya c) k’akcha d) chiqaq M

__________________________________________________

Imaynatan kay rimayta runasimiman tikrawaq? / ¿Cómo Ud traduciría esta palabra al

quechua?

Arte

______________________________________________
Versión (variante)

______________________________________________
Multiplicar

_______________________________________________
92

Dividir

__________________________________________________
Rueda

__________________________________________________
Juez

__________________________________________________
Tienda

__________________________________________________
Proponer

__________________________________________________
Religión

__________________________________________________
Calidad

__________________________________________________
93

APPENDIX II
RESULTS OF THE MUSUQ TAPUNA SURVEY
(tables copied from MS Excel file)

Ricardo Valderrama home, friends,

Fernandez San Jeronimo, Cuzco 68 4 5 1 work
home, friends,
Juana Molina Rojas Pisaq, Cuzco 32 2 3 3 work
Ruben Quispe Cusco, Cuzco 25 3 4 5 home
Hida Bautista Paravecino Cusco, Cuzco 31 3 3 4 home
Delia Caballero San Sebastian, Cuzco 30 3 5 1 friends, work
home, friends,
Ruben Paucar San Sebastian, Cuzco 53 2 3 2 work
Miluska Huaman Tumile Ccatca, Cuzco 18 5 1 home
home, friends,
Flora Huillca Torres Anta, Cuzco 56 1 2 1 work
home, friends,
Catalina Quispe Tupi Cusco, Cuzco 60 1 2 2 work
home, friends,
Crisologo Huallpa Huaman San Jeronimo, Cuzco 50 2 2 1 work
home, friends,
Gennaro Manotapa Zarate Ampay, Apurimac 65 1 2 1 work
Dominga Ata Yupanqui San Jeronimo, Cuzco 72 3 4 1 home, friends
Ayahuirinca(?), home, friends,
Leonardo Jananpa Torres Arequipa 56 1 5 2 work
Froilan Yapo Jura Colquepata, Cuzco 27 1 4 1 home
Julia Villafuerte Cahuascanco Checacupe, Cuzco 17 2 3 4 home
Ladislao Valderrama
Fernandes San Jeronimo, Cuzco 73 3 4 1 home, friends
home, friends,
Claudia Cuba Huamani Cusco, Cuzco 48 3 5 1 work
home, friends,
Edgar Usca Diaz San Jeronimo, Cuzco 38 2 4 2 work
home, friends,
Yeni Ccoyori Yauri Acco(?), Cuzco 19 2 4 1 work

Table 1. Questions I, II: 1-3.

94

5 1 5 1 1 1 1
2 3 2 5 1 5 1
3 5 2 5 1 2 1
3 3 3 3 5 2 1
5 1 5 1 1 2 1
2 2 2 4 1 3 1
4 5 2 2 1 2 1
2 1 1 5 2 5 1
4 2 1 5 1 5 1
3 1 1 5 1 5 1
4 3 4 2 2 5 1
4 3 4 3 1 5 1
4 1 2 4 1 5 1
4 3 3 2 1 2
3 3 2 5 5 1 1
3 5 4 5 1 5 1
5 1 5 2 5 1 1
3 2 2 4 1 2 1
4 5 4 5 1 5 1

Table 2. Questions II: 4-9.

0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0
0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0
0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0
0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0
0 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 1
0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0
0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 0

Table 3. Questions III: 1-9.

95

qillqa qillqa ñiy karsil istadupi llank'aq

sananpa patara unanchay karsil istadu llank'aq
litra qillqa sut'inchakuy ukhu parayuq
litra qillqa unanchay watay wasi istadu llank'aq
siq'i liwru sut'inchakuy karsil istadu llank'aq
qillqa qillqa mayt'u sut'inchakuy watay wasi istadu llank'aq
qillqa qillqa mayt'u unanchay karsil istadu llank'aq
qillqa patara ñiy karsil istadu llank'aq
qillqa liwru sut'inchakuy watay wasi istadu llank'aq
qillqa qillqa mayt'u ñiy watay wasi apu suyu
qillqa qillqa mayt'u sut'inchakuy apu suyu
qillqa qarachu sut'inchakuy watay wasi istadu llank'aq
qillqa qillqa mayt'u sut'inchakuy ukhu llank'aq
qillqa qillqa mayt'u unanchay watay wasi llank'aq
qillqa qillqa mayt'u unanchay watay wasi apu suyu
qillqa,
siq'i patara sut'inchakuy karsil istadu llank'aq
qillqa qillqa mayt'u sut'inchakuy watay wasi istadu llank'aq
qillqa qillqa mayt'u sut'inchakuy watay wasi istadu llank'aq
qillqa qillqa mayt'u sut'inchakuy watay wasi istadu llank'aq

Table 4. Questions IV: 1-5.

riluq k'utuchina hatun yachay lata pichinku mana asikuq

riluq tihiras yachana awiyun chiqaq
watana rutuna hatun yachay phiña uya
watana rutuna hatun yachay lata pisqu mana asikuq
ura qhawana k'utuchina hatun yachay awiyun phiña uya
watana k'utuchina hatun yachay lata pisqu phiña uya
ura qhawana rutuna yachay awiyun
lata pichinchu
ura qhawana k'utuchina yuyay altunta phawan mana asikuq
pacha yupaq rutuna hatun yachay awiyun mana asikuq
watana k'utuchina hatun yachay lata kuntur phiña uya
umapi
ura qhawana k'utuchina llank'anki lata pichinchu mana asikuq
pacha yupaq k'utuchina hatun yachay lata pichinchu phiña uya
pacha yupaq k'utuchina yachay lata urpi mana asikuq
ura qhawana k'utuchina lata pisqu phiña uya
pacha yupaq k'utuchina hatun yachay lata pisqu phiña uya
ura qhawana rutuna hatun yachay lata pisqu phiña uya
pacha yupaq k'utuchina hatun yachay phiña uya
ura qhawana k'utuchina hatun yachay lata urpi mana asikuq
ura qhawana rutuna yachay awiyun mana asikuq

Table 5. Questions IV: 6-10.

96

sumaq llank'asqa ñiy mirachiy p'akiy muyu

munay ruwasqa llapay
allin ruwaq
munay qillqay allin qillqay wachanay muyu
imaymanakuna
limpisqa ñisqanchis askha qallarinta(?) muyucha
makiwan llank'ana pantay unanchay t'aqay muyu

yachani brillata(?) yupay karruq llanta

chay runa sumaq
simiyuq anchay chaninchay muyucha
yachay yupay ch'aqichiy muyu
llapanta yachashani mirachiy p'akiy muyun
allin yuyayniyuq
imaymanapaq rakinakuy
allin yachay ashka rimay paq'arichiy t'aqay chuwiykuq
munay hatun pisillamanta
ruwaykuna huq yachaykuna kuenta hurquna asqaman tukuchiy muyu
asqhaman
paqarichiy tukuchiy t'aqay
asqhaman
sumaq ruwana rimay wachachiy t'aqay muyuna
rakiy
maña rimay igualta t'aqay llanta
munay ruwasqa tawanpay t'aqay llanta

Table 6. Questions V: 1-5.

97

huis tinda rantina wasi ñimuy rilihiyun [allin] ruwasqa

risakuna allin / mana allin
rantiq wasi churay apullachachiy
hatun runa
huis rantina wasi chaninchakuy [allin] kayninta
chaninchaq ñiy allin / mana allin

hustisiya ruwaq qhatuna wasi Diospi kriyiy

allin pacha huq wasi rantikuna Diosninchismanta
yachayniyuq hunt'asqa rimanchis allin / mana allin
qhatuna wasi umallichiy kriyiy [allin] ruway
llaqta kamachiq rantikuna wasi huq rimayta rimay katuliku [allin] ruwanqayku
hustisiya ruwaq imaymana chalana yuyaychay
[yachasqaykita]
allchaq qhatuna churay iñiy allin / mana allin
waq
qisa hallcha(?) qhatuna wasi ñuqapis ñisaq ibangiliukuna akllakuy
rantina wasi
imaymana negocio churay taytachapi yuyay [allin] ruwasqa
chaninchaq iñiy allin / chanin
imaymana vendeq rimariy allin / mana allin
hatun kamachiq qhatuna wasi ñuqa ñiyman iñiy allin / mana allin

Table 7. Questions V: 6-10.