CRY OF

PUGADLAWIN
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THE CRY OF PUGAD LAWIN

The start of the revolution against Spain has been officially commemorated in recent years as
“The Cry of Pugad Lawin.”

  The supposed site of “Pugad Lawin” is situated in Brgy. Bahay Toro, Quezon City,
and is memorialized with a
tableau of life-sized, oddly rigid Katipuneros tearing their cedulas.
BAHAY TORO, QUEZON CITY
• “Cry” took place on August 23, 1896; at a site
known as Pugad Lawin, situated in what today is
Bahay Toro, Quezon City; which in 1896 had been
the house and yard of Juan Ramos.
• the name “Pugad Lawin” came to be used in the twentieth century to
refer not just to one of the contending “Cry” sites, but to two.  First
one site, and then another. Today, the Pugad Lawin marker is in
Bahay Toro, where Juan Ramos had supposedly lived. But in
previous decades, as will be discussed later, Pugad Lawin was said
to have been three kilometers or so to the northeast, where Ramos’s
mother Melchora Aquino (“Tandang Sora”) had lived near Pasong
Tamo in barrio Banlat.  
DEFINITIONS OF “CRY”
• Pasya, Pagpupunit and Unang Labanan
•
The debate has long been clouded by a lack of consensus on exactly what is
meant by the “Cry”. The term has been applied to three related but distinct
events – 
• the “pasya”  – the decision to revolt; 
• the “pagpupunit” – the tearing of cedulas; and
• the “unang labanan” – the first encounter with Spanish forces.  

• These three events, to state the obvious, did not all happen at the same time and
place.  When and where the “Cry” should be commemorated thus depends on
how it is defined.
HISTORIAN’S INSIGHTS: TERMS
• Teodoro A. Agoncillo equates the term with the pagpupunit, which
he says happened immediately after the pasya. 

• Isagani R. Medina also takes the “Cry” to mean the pagpupunit, but
says it happened before the decision to revolt had been taken.  

• Soledad Borromeo-Buehler takes the view – the traditional view

that KKK veterans took, she says - that the “Cry” should mean the
unang labanan.
• It was the unang labanan, as
Borromeo-Buehler points out,
that was commemorated by the
first monument to the events of
August 1896. The main
inscription on the plinth read
“Homenaje del Pueblo Filipino a
los Heroes de ’96 / Ala-ala ng
Bayang Pilipino sa mga Bayani
ng ‘96”, and a smaller plaque
bore the date “26 Agosto 1896” . 
• the statue was erected in
Balintawak, the largest and best-
known barrio in the general area
where the Katipuneros had
congregated in August 1896.
The name Balintawak was often
used as shorthand to denote that
general area, and the “Cry” had
become popularly known as the
“Cry of Balintawak” even
before the monument was
erected. 
• Nobody professed in 1911,
though, that the statue
marked the “exact spot”
where the first battle had
been fought.  It was simply
in Balintawak, on a plot
donated by a local
landowner, Tomas
Arguelles.
EVIDENCES
• The first battle, an encounter with a detachment of the
Guardia Civil, was fought on the date inscribed on the
Balintawak monument - August 26 – at a place about five
kilometers north-east of Balintawak, between the
settlements of Banlat and Pasong Tamo.  A few sources
give the date as August 25 but, as both Borromeo-Buehler
and Encarnacion have shown, the most solid, contemporary
sources confirm August 26 to be correct.  
• The Balintawak monument continued to be the focus of the yearly
“Cry” celebrations, held on August 26, for decades.  In the 1960s,
however, the official definition of the “Cry” changed.  Officially, the
“Cry” ceased to mean the unang labanan and was defined instead as
“that part of the Revolution when the Katipunan decided to launch a
revolution against Spain.  This event culminated with the tearing of
the cedula”.  This definition, which is more or less in line with
Agoncillo’s, thus embraces both the pasya and pagpupunit, but
excludes the unang labanan.   
•  A number of sources, however, indicate that cedulas were torn on
more than one occasion, in different places, presumably because
Katipuneros were arriving to join their embryonic army over the
course of a number of days, and many wanted to proclaim their
rebellion, their commitment to fight Spanish rule, in the same way. 
It is even possible (as Medina believes) that the main pagpupunit
preceded the pasya. But then it would have been premature, because
the revolt might have been deferred.  It seems more likely, as the
official definition of the “Cry” assumes, that the largest, best
remembered act of defiant cedula-tearing happened soon after the
pasya had been taken, and in the same vicinity.  
DECISION TO REVOLT: WHEN?
• It is almost certain that the decision to revolt was taken on
Monday, August 24, 1896, after a lengthy meeting (or
series of meetings) that had begun on Sunday, August 23. 
Many veterans later recalled August 23 as the historic day
(see the Appendix to these notes), but others specifically
remembered the decision had not been taken until the early
hours of August 24, and this latter date is given by at least
four important sources, namely:  
• The Biak-na-Bato constitution of November 1897, which
mentions “the current war, initiated on August 24, 1896.”
The constitution’s signatories included at least one
participant in the “Cry” (Cipriano Pacheco) and several
others who would have read circulars and messages from
the revolutionists in Caloocan in August 1896.
• Carlos Ronquillo, in the first chronicle of the revolt
against Spain by a Filipino, written in 1898. His
work begins with the words “Sa isang araw ng
pagpupulong sa Balintawak (24 Agosto 1896)
kaarawan nang pasimulan ang Revolucion….” 
•
The Liga Filipina memorial erected in Tondo in 1903 by
the Samahan ng May pag-asa, a patriotic society named in
Bonifacio’s honor whose members included several KKK
veterans. The inscription on the memorial lists many of
those who attended the famous meeting addressed by Rizal
on July 3, 1892, and alongside Bonifacio’s name it records
that he was “Supremo  del ‘Katipunan’ que dió el 1er grito
de Guerra contra la tiranía el 24 de Agosto de 1896.” 
• Santiago Alvarez, in his memoirs Ang Katipunan at
Paghihimagsik, written in 1927 but based, he said,
on records entrusted to him by the Katipunan’s first
leaders and fighters.  Internal evidence suggests that
Alvarez’s account of the meeting on August 24 is
based on information he obtained from Ramon
Bernardo, a Katipunan leader from Pandacan who
was a participant in the “Cry.” 
CONCLUSION: WHEN?
• August 24 has now been confirmed as the date of the formal
decision by the discovery of a contemporary document - a page
from what Medina calls the “borador ng pulong ng Kataastaasang
Sangunian,” or rough copy book of the Katipunan Supreme
Council.  Since a proper borador was not to hand in Caloocan at
this tumultuous moment, the Supreme Council’s communications
were drafted in some kind of farm ledger, used under normal
circumstances to record crop yields or sales.  The text is therefore
written across printed columns that are headed “Maiz,” “Mani,”
“Camote” and so on.  
• The document is dated “Kalookan, Maynila ika 26 ng
Agosto ng taong 1896,” and it begins as follows:-

          “Ayon sa pinagkaisahan sa ginanap […?]

pulong ng Kataastaasang Kapisanan […?]
ikadalawang puo’t apat nitong umiiral na buan tungkol
sa paghihimagsik (revolucion) at sa pagkakailangang
[…?] maghalal ng magsisipamahala ng bayan at mag
aakay ng Hukbo…….” [In accordance with the decision
taken by the meeting of the Supreme Assembly held on
the twenty-fourth of the present month regarding the
revolution, and given the necessity to elect leaders of
the people and directors of the Army…..”]
WHO DECIDED TO TAKE REVOLT?

• The decision to revolt, says the “borador” document, was

taken by the KKK’s Supreme Assembly.  First constituted
in December 1895, the Assembly was described by Emilio
Jacinto as the primary and paramount body within the
Katipunan (“ang una at lubos na kapangyarihang ay
hahawakan ng Kataastaasang Kapisanan”
WHO DECIDED TO TAKE REVOLT?

• Milagros Guerrero has suggested that the Supreme

Assembly’s decision needed to be confirmed or ratified by
the KKK Supreme Council.  Such a “two-stage pasya,”
however, is not corroborated by the “borador” document,
which indicates the Supreme Assembly’s decision was
final.
REVOLT: WHERE?
•  Bonifacio and the members of the Katipunan Supreme Assembly were on
August 25 or 26.  We only need to establish where the Assembly met on August
23 and 24. Unfortunately, this is not a great help.  The sources are still
conflicting. They broadly agree that the leading revolutionists went first to
Caloocan (población) after leaving Manila, and then headed eastwards via
Kangkong towards Pasong Tamo and eventually Balara. The sources still offer
no accord, however, as to the whereabouts of the leading revolutionists on the
critical dates of August 23 and 24.  Some sources say they left Kangkong as
early as August 23, whereas others say they were still in Kangkong as late as
August 26
POSSIBLY, WHERE?

• Apolonio Samson’s place in bo. Kangkong, Caloocan

• Melchora Aquino’s place near Pasong Tamo in bo. Banlat,
Caloocan 
• Juan Ramos’s place in bo. Bahay Toro, Caloocan
CALOOCAN OR BALINTAWAK?

• They referred in vaguer terms to “Caloocan,” meaning “somewhere

in the municipality of Caloocan,” or to “Balintawak,” meaning
“some distance to the east of Caloocan población, in the general
area where Balintawak is the best-known place.” For the present
purpose, these vaguer sources must be put to one side in favor of
those that are more specific. 
KANGKONG – APOLONIO SAMSON

In 1917 a Katipunan veterans’ association, the Labi ng

Katipunan, erected a memorial on the site where they
remembered the decision to revolt had been taken, at Apolonio
Samson’s house on the Kaingin Road in barrio Kangkong. 

“Sa pook na ito,” the inscription stated, plainly and simply,

“...ipinasya ng KKKNMANB ang paghihimagsik noong ika-23
ng Agosto 1896”
WHY KANGKONG: EVIDENCES

• The writer Nick Joaquin described the spot in the early 1960s, a
time when it was still:
 
   “lonely, obscure, isolated, and very hard to find.  It’s in an ‘interior’
reached by no street; you have to use a footpath.  And the place itself
is pure provincial countryside: giant thick-boughed mango and
tamarind and santol trees keep guard over the marker, which is always
in shadow, and one guesses that this was deep woods in those days.”
VETERAN TESTIMONIES: KANGKONG

• Kangkong, Pasong Tamo (in bo. Banlat), and Bahay Toro.

• 8 out of the 10 individuals who mentioned either Kangkong, Pasong Tamo, or

Bahay Toro - recalled the decisive meeting and/or the “grito” as having taken
place in Kangkong. 

• This was the location specified by Tomas Remigio, Julio Nakpil, Sinforoso San
Pedro, Guillermo Masangkay, Cipriano Pacheco, Briccio Pantas, Francisco
Carreon and Vicente Samson
VETERAN TESTIMONIES:
MELCHORA AQUINO’S (P. TAMO)
• Only one veteran – Pio Valenzuela – ever maintained that the
decisive meeting took place at Melchora Aquino’s place near
Pasong Tamo. 

• He also once recalled (in 1911) that the pasya had been taken in
Kangkong. If his testimony on that occasion is counted, the tally for
Kangkong would be 9 out of 10.
VETERAN TESTIMONIES:
JUAN RAMOS’S (BAHAY TORO)
• One other veteran – probably Ramon Bernardo – remembered the
decision as having been taken in Bahay Toro, but he did not say
“Juan Ramos’s place in Bahay Toro.”  He said it had been taken at
Melchora Aquino’s place, “sa pook ng Sampalukan, Bahay Toro.” It
therefore seems his recollection was simply mistaken, because
Melchora Aquino’s place was near Pasong Tamo, in bo. Banlat
CONCLUSION:
WHERE ‘PASYA’ TOOK PLACE?
• Unless and until any solid evidence is found to the contrary,
therefore, the only possible conclusion to be drawn from the
veterans’ testimony is that “pasya” was taken by the Supreme
Assembly at the house of Apolonio Samson in Kangkong.  
VETERAN TESTIMONIES:
PAGPUPUNIT SA KANGKONG
• veteran Cipriano Pacheco later recalled. 

• Whilst the Supreme Assembly was meeting at Samson’s house

(crowd ~ 2,000)

• Bonifacio wanted to announce the momentous decision somewhere

everyone could gather around and hear him.  He led the crowd from
Samson’s house to a place nearby (“malapit pa doon”) where there
was an open field (“malaking kaparangan”)
PAGPUPUNIT SA KANGKONG:
HOW DID IT HAPPEN?
• He told them the momentous news: “Brothers,” he shouted, “The decision is to
go ahead with the revolution.” (“Mga kapatid, ang pinagkaisahan ay
ipagpatuloy ang paghihimagsik.”)  
• It was the decision the crowd wanted, and they cheered. “Do you swear,”
Bonifacio asked them, “to reject the government that oppresses us?”  “Yes!” the
crowd roared. “In that case,” Bonifacio urged them, “bring out your cedulas
and rip them up, as a symbol of defiance!” (“Kung gayon, ilabas ninyo ang
inyong mga sedula personal at punitin, tanda ng pagtalikod sa
kapangyarihan!”)
• The Katipuneros fervently heeded his call, weeping with emotion as they
ripped their cedulas to shreds.  Bonifacio raised the cry “Mabuhay ang
• Two decades after the revolution, the celebration of the
“Cry” was not a contentious issue.  Ceremonies were held
both in Kangkong, where KKK veterans agreed the pasya
had been taken, and in

Balintawak, where the famous statue of a bolo-waving,

flag-holding Katipunero stood to commemorate the unang
labanan, fought a few kilometers to the north-east.
WHY PUGAD LAWIN, BALINTAWAK?
• Balintawak, they insisted, in the strict, narrow sense – a particular
barrio to the east of Caloocan, with delineated boundaries – was not
where the “Cry” had occurred.  The “Cry” had occurred, they said,
at a place known as Pugad Lawin.

• In contemporary records, alas, and on contemporary maps, the name

Pugad Lawin cannot be found anywhere. “Isa[ng] ... pagkakamali...
ang sabihing mayroong Pugad Lawin sa Kalookan,” the scholar
Sofronio G. Calderon decided after a fruitless search way back in
the 1920s.
DR PIO VALENZUELA – NOT VALID?
• The foremost proponent of this argument was Dr Pio Valenzuela, who had been
the Vice-President of the Katipunan at the outbreak of the revolution and who
had latterly, in the early 1920s, been the provincial governor of Bulacan.  He
was a prestigious figure, but not a good witness to history. He changed his
story, more than once. In 1911, as we noted, he had said the decision to revolt
had been taken at Apolonio Samson’s house in Kangkong. In 1917, he had
testified in court that it had been taken at Melchora Aquino’s house on the road
known as Daan Malalim, in Pasong Tamo, “also known as Pacpac-lawin.”  But
in his “Memoirs,” which Agoncillo says date from the early 1920s, he said it
had been taken at the place of Melchora Aquino’s son, Juan Ramos, in “Pugad
Lawin”.
PUGAD LAWIN EVIDENCES

• Valenzuela recalled that Pugad Lawin was in Pasong Tamo – “sa

loob ng nayong Pasong Tamo”.  In 1928, Valenzuela went to Pasong
Tamo to commemorate the “Cry” together with four other well-
known KKK veterans – Gregoria de Jesus (Bonifacio’s widow),
Briccio Pantas and the brothers Alfonso and Cipriano Pacheco.

  The newspaper La Opinion carried this photograph of the group,

who according to the caption were standing around the exact spot
(marked with an “X”) where 1,000 bolos had been stored just before
they were used in “el famoso grito”.
•

On this occasion, it therefore seems, “the Cry”

was taken to mean the unang labanan,
which had indeed taken place near Pasong Tamo.
PHILIPPINE FREE PRESS 1930
• At around the same time as this
commemoration, in either 1928 or
1929, Pio Valenzuela, Briccio Pantas
and Cipriano Pacheco issued a joint
statement to the effect that the “Cry”
had taken place not in Balintawak,
where the monument had been erected,
but in “the place known by the name of
Pugad Lawin”.  This is the statement,
as published in the Philippines Free
Press in November 1930
MELCHORA AQUINO’S ??
• But it was. Any doubt that Pio Valenzuela identified Pugad Lawin
with Pasong Tamo, and specifically with Melchora Aquino’s place,
was dispelled in August 1940, when together with two other
Katipunan veterans (Genaro de los Reyes and Sinforoso San Pedro)
he returned there with Eulogio B. Rodriguez and Luis Serrano of the
Philippine Historical Committee (a forerunner of the NHCP) to
verify the location. Before posing for photographs, the party marked
the site of Melchora Aquino’s house with a thin wooden stake on
which somebody placed their hat.   
• The photograph’s caption is not contemporaneous, because
Caloocan did not attain the status of a city until 1963.  It is possible
the description of the site – “Sitio Gulod, Banlat, Caloocan City” –
reflects how the location was known in the 1960s rather than in
1940. Fortunately, though, Luis Serrano wrote a detailed account of
the 1940 expedition which makes it absolutely clear not only that
Valenzuela and his companions believed the “Cry” took place at or
near Melchora Aquino’s place, a spot they remembered as Pugad
Lawin, but also that their geographical point of reference, their
starting point for locating the exact spot, was Pasong Tamo.
• The trip to Pugad Lawin in 1940, Serrano recalls, was organized by
Eulogio B. Rodriguez in his capacity as chairman of the Philippine
Historical Committee “for the purpose of first, verifying the date of
the ‘Cry,’ second, ascertaining the truth of a report that Bonifacio
and some members of the Katipunan had buried certain important
documents of the Katipunan there, and third, locating the exact spot
where the house of Tandang Sora stood.”  After picking up the three
veterans, Serrano relates, the party “negotiated the distance by car
up to Pasong-tamo and hiked about an hour to Pugad-lawin.”
•  “We found that Pugad-lawin was a knoll of about 30 or 40
feet higher than the surrounding territory.  As the remaining
vegetation indicated, it must have been well covered with
trees during the revolution.  It was a good observation point
from a military point of view because it commanded an
excellent view of the whole country to the south and west,
the only directions from where the Spanish forces could be
expected to come. Some of the big trees which formed
landmarks of the place were still recognized by Dr.
Valenzuela.”
• Two local men, Serrano continues, aided the party in digging around an ancient
tree stump in an attempt to find the buried Katipunan records, but their efforts
were in vain.  Otherwise, though, the expedition had been highly successful,
because it confirmed:
•
          “first, the so-called First Cry took place at Pugad-lawin on August 23,
and second, it was from the house of Tandang Sora that Katipunan members
sallied forth to challenge the might of Spain... [Bonifacio and his followers
arrived] at the house of Tandang Sora in Pugad-lawin in the afternoon of
August 22.  Tandang Sora’s son, Juan A. Ramos, was a member of the secret
organization; hence it was natural for the Katipuneros to seek refuge there.”
[Note: The dates given here are wrong – as Valenzuela had correctly
remembered in 1911, the Katipuneros arrived at Tandang Sora’s house on
August 24, not August 22.]  
• Serrano’s account does not mention Bahay Toro, where the
site of Pugad Lawin is now officially marked.  If
Valenzuela had directed the expedition in 1940 to Bahay
Toro, they would not have started their hike at Pasong
Tamo. They would have parked somewhere much closer.  
• In his “Memoirs,” as already mentioned, in a single line that has muddied the whole issue,
Valenzuela relates that the decision to revolt was taken at the “house, storehouse and yard of
Juan Ramos, son of Melchora Aquino, in Pugad Lawin”. 
•
In recent decades, as we shall see shortly, Teodoro Agoncillo and Isagani Medina have argued
that this means the pasya site was not at Melchora Aquino’s place, but at a completely different
location, in Bahay Toro, three kilometers to the south west of Pasong Tamo.  And yet Luis
Serrano, who personally went with Valenzuela to Pasong Tamo in 1940, and who later
translated the veteran’s “Memoirs,” did not draw such an inference. The crux of the matter,
Serrano doubtless believed, was that Valenzuela specified in his “Memoirs,” as elsewhere, that
the pasya site was at Pugad Lawin, meaning the wooded knoll (a likely place for a hawk’s nest)
to which they had hiked together from Pasong Tamo. 
PUGAD LAWIN, IT IS.
• Official recognition of “Pugad Lawin, wherever it was”

• Agoncillo was the pre-eminent historian of the day, and the 1896 revolution
was among his special fields.  It was mainly upon his advice, it is commonly
said, that the Philippine government ruled that the term “Cry of Balintawak”
should be discarded in favor of “Cry of Pugad Lawin.”  This change was
signaled formally in 1963 by President Macapagal, whose Proclamation 149
declared that the 67th anniversary of the “Cry of Pugad Lawin” on August 23
would be a special public holiday in Quezon City, “where the event took
place.” 

• By “the event” of August 23, Proclamation 149 meant the pasya, not the unang
labanan.  Agoncillo’s definition of the “Cry” had become the official
BALINTAWAK TO PUGAD LAWIN

• The “Cry,” therefore, was officially redefined, and the “Cry” site
was officially removed from Balintawak, but it was reassigned to
“Pugad Lawin, wherever it was,” not to a particular designated spot.
The problem this presented to the organizers of the annual “Cry”
commemorations was solved by the simple expedient of sticking to
what was familiar. The crowds gathered, rites were observed, and
politicos delivered their speeches at Balintawak, as before, as if
nothing had happened
RECOGNITION TO PUGAD LAWIN

• The Committee, that is to say, accepted his position that Pugad Lawin was a considerable distance from Pasong Tamo,
and that the yard where cedulas were shredded had belonged to Juan Ramos, not to his mother, Melchora Aquino.  The
search for Pugad Lawin thus boiled down to a search for where Juan Ramos had lived. 

• The Pugad Lawin Historical Committee did not discover any fresh documentary evidence in its 1983 investigation, but
claimed to have identified the former site of Ramos’s place (then amidst a squatter settlement) on the basis, it seems, of
oral testimony from one of Juan Ramos’s grandsons, Escolastico Ramos.  

• The Committee relayed its findings to the government’s historical agency (then called the National Historical Institute),
which despatched someone to visit the site, deliberated on the matter, and declared the Committee to be right.  On the
occasion of the next commemoration of the “Cry,” on August 23, 1984, the NHI placed its marker at the site in
Seminary Road, Bahay Toro where it has since remained.
ISAGANI’S
• The foremost proponent of “Pugad Lawin in Bahay Toro” in this renewed debate was Isagani
R. Medina.  He presented the case for Bahay Toro more fully, and with more documentation,
than anybody else has before or since, first in a paper he delivered at a conference in 1993 and
then in his annotations to Ronquillo’s memoirs.  He patently wished to make his case as
forceful and persuasive as he could, and it seems unlikely he omitted any evidence he felt to be
significant.  We now need to examine the case he makes.
•
Medina found official documents from 1896, the vecindarios or lists of residents for the
municipality of Caloocan, which show that Melchora Aquino and Juan Ramos, mother and son,
were listed under different cabecerías.  This strongly suggests they resided (officially at least,
in terms of registration) in different places.  Melchora Aquino lived with her youngest
daughter, Juana Ramos. Another of her daughters, Estefania Ramos, was living with her family
nearby. Her son Juan Ramos, however, was registered in another cabecería, of which he was
himself the cabeza de barangay, and was living with his wife, Alejandra Alcantara, and two
young children, Filomena and Canuta.
• Today, the “Cry” continues to be officially marked in
Bahay Toro almost by default, by the force of inertia. 
“Pugad Lawin in Bahay Toro” retains its official status not
because there is any supporting evidence for that site, but
because nobody has pushed the case for the actual site, the
site that Katipunan veterans marked a century ago, the site
of Apolonio Samson’s house in Kangkong. 
• 23 aug 1896 – 500 people sa pugad lawin • Kangkong aug 22 ; apolonio Samson (katipunero)
• Laban sa kastila • Pugad lawin aug 23 ; juan ramos (son of melchora)
• Sigaw sa pugad lawin • Aug 24 – bahay toro ; melchora aquino
• (sigaw – espanypol elgrito de rebelyon = disiyon ng himagsikan)
• Symbolic Cedula – pag aalsa against spanish
• Milagros, Incarnation, Villegas et al
• Hudyat ng rebolusyon agaist spain
• Lahat ng lugar Balintawak / kalookan – palipat lipat ng places
• Monumento 1908 balintawak bonifacio iwasan ang espanyol
• Aug 23 celebration •  
• Hen Santiago Alvarez – ambon non stop ; bukid ; basa damit ;
pagal at walang imik
• Aug 19 1896 – mabuking ang katipunan = hulian sinalakay ang
bahay • 2mn aug 22 – 300 and Bonifacio – Apolonio Samson house
Kangkong = itak sulira balara rebolber ang nandoon
• Hen Ramon blanco – hues de kutsilyo – total assassination
anahilation • Aug 23 – Bonifacio papunta kina Tandang Sora sa Bahay Toro –
kamalig madami bigas - for house pinapatay hayop pinakain sa
500 tao (fiest)
= unang sigaw = kamalig boni and kkk hacinto Valenzuela =
• Andres meeting punit cedula – pagkaalipin sa espanya itatag KKK at pres boni
• Sigawan ng Mabuhay ang kalayaan – unang sigaw ng • 1000 kinabukasan – pulong sa kamalig KKK – itatag na unang
himagsikan pangulo
 
• Hating gabi himagsikan sa maynila Aug 29-30 = pagtatatag ng
• Aug 26 – balintawak pamahalaan ; pagsilang ng bayan estado
• Bonifacio – kalayaan o kaalipinan / Kamatayan o kabuhayan =
mga kapatid baril at kanyon para sa kalayaan
•