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4
Approaches to the
Study of Politics

DISTINCTION BETWEEN METHOD AND APPROACH

In the sphere of social sciences the terms 'method' and 'approach' are applied
rather loosely, and sometimes even interchangeably. To be precise, as far as
possible, in their usage, distinction may be drawn between the two. Method is a
more general term which denotes a particular way of doing something. In a
systematic study, method may be defined as the procedure of inquiry by which
reliable knowledge could be obtained and reliable conclusions could be drawn.
Examples of method are: scientific method, inductive method, deductive method,
comparative method, etc. On the other hand, approach is a wider term which
comprehends not only the method (i.e. how to inquire) but also the focus of our
study (i.e. what to inquire) in order to understand the given phenomenon. As
Vernon Van Dyke (Political Science: A Philosophical Analysis; 1960) has stated:
"An approach consists of criteria of selection—criteria employed in selecting the
problems or questions to consider and in selecting the data to bring to bear; it
consists of standards governing the inclusion and exclusion of questions and
data." Commenting on the distinction between approach and method, Dyke has
further pointed out: "In brief, approaches consist of criteria for selecting problems
and relevant data, whereas methods are procedures for getting and utilizing data."
It may, however, be observed that an approach is usually wedded to a particular
method while a method is not always wedded to a particular approach. That is
why an approach suggests the relevant method also. Thus behavioural approach
is wedded to scientific method (because behaviour of several actors in a political
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Approaches to the Study of Politics 95

situation is capable of scientific study) while the normative approach is wedded to

philosophical method (because norms and values can only be determined
philosophically, not through scientific method). Then, philosophical approach and
historical approach suggest the use of philosophical method and historical method
respectively although they also point to their respective focus of study. Again,
empirical approach to the study of politics leads us to 'political analysis', and several
models of political analysis (e.g. systems analysis, structural-functional analysis and
decision-making analysis) in fact point to several methods adopted under this
approach (although these are loosely referred to as 'political system approach',
'structural-functional approach' and 'decision-making approach' respectively).

TRADITIONAL VERSUS CONTEMPORARY APPROACHES The study of politics

has a very long tradition. Several approaches have been adopted for this purpose.
Broadly speaking, the approaches which remained largely in vogue till the end of the
Second World War (1939^5) are described as traditional approaches while those which
were developed thereafter are known to be contemporary approaches. As Alan Ball
(Modern Politics and Government; 1988) has rightly suggested, the use of the label
'traditional' is neither a criticism nor a refutation of the obvious fact that they still play
important role in modern political studies. In other words, the traditional approaches to
the study of politics have not become all outdated, but they are no longer favoured by
the champions of the contemporary approaches. It is not possible to furnish any
comprehensive lists of the traditional or contemporary approaches. Truly speaking, they
do not represent watertight compartments, although some of their distinctive features
might be identified. A few decades ago it was argued that the contemporary approaches
focus on facts while traditional approaches focus on values. This view is no longer
upheld. Hence the distinction between empirical and normative approaches cannot be
treated as coterminous with the distinction between traditional and contemporary
approaches.
However, it is true that the traditional study of politics was dominated by the study
of philosophy, history, law and institutions. Hence philosophical, historical, legal
and institutional approaches are usually identified as traditional approaches. On the
other hand, contemporary approaches are faced with the problem of the identity of the
discipline. They particularly focus on phenomenon of politics as a process as
manifested in the behaviour of different actors in a political situation which is sought
to be studied by scientific method. Hence 'behavioural approach' is a typically
contemporary approach. Then politics as a process is sought to be analysed by using
dfferent models of political analysis. All these models fall within the purview of the
contemporary approach. Moreover, contemporary political science seeks to enrich
itself by the relevant achievements of other social sciences which leads us to the
interdisciplinary approach. Hence interdisciplinary approach is also a contemporary
approach.
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96 An Introduction to Political Theory

EMPIRICAL AND NORMATIVE APPROACHES

Although contemporary political science gives prominence to empirical approach
and traditional study of politics was dominated by normative approach, it cannot
be assumed that the distinction between empirical and normative approaches
reflects the distinction between contemporary and traditional approaches. In fact
some features of empirical as well as normative approaches are found both in the
traditional and contemporary approaches. For instance, when we turn to traditional
political theory, we find that Aristotle's analysis of the causes of revolution (or
rebellion), Montesquieu's theory of separation of powers and Marx's analysis of
the exploitation of the working classes are rich in empirical content. Then, in
contemporary political theory Karl Popper's advocacy of incremental change,
F.A. Hayek's defence of libertarianism, C.B. Macpherson's concept of creative
freedom and Rawls's theory of justice are very rich in their normative content.
What is the distinction between empirical and normative approaches?
Broadly speaking, the empirical approach seeks to discover and describe/ac?s
whereas the normative approach seeks to determine and prescribe values. The
empirical approach aims at making an empirical statement which is concerned
with 'is' whereas the normative approach aims at making a normative statement
which is concerned with what 'ought to be' or 'should be'. However, these
forms of expression cannot be followed literally as the criterion of distinction
between the two approaches. The crucial point is that an empirical statement is
concerned with a situation which can be observed by our sense-experience,
which can be verified by repeated observation and whose accuracy can be tested.
On the other hand, a normative statement tends to express preference for a
particular type of order as dictated by a sense of duty or universal need or by
commitment to a moral principle or ideal. While strong arguments may be advanced
in support of a normative statement, it is not capable of being discovered, described
or verified by our sense-experience. For example, 'what is justice'—this question
may be answered in several ways, such as 'justice is treating equals equally and
unequals unequally', or 'justice is giving equal freedom and equal opportunity to
all provided any departure from equal distribution will prove beneficial to the least
advantaged', etc. Now all such answers purporting to define what is justice
express a variety of value preferences; none of them is based on empirical
observation or is capable of empirical verification. So in spite of using the 'is'
form they are by no means empirical statements.
Then there could be a statement requiring something to be done for the
fulfilment of a definite purpose or condition. For instance, we may say, 'everybody
ought to vote in election in order to make democracy work' (fulfilment of a
purpose) or 'if democracy is to work, everybody ought to (or should, or must)
vote in election'. Now these types of statements are certainly empirical statements
in spite of using the 'ought to' form, because their contents can be empirically
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Approaches to the Study of Politics 97

verified or repudiated. To be sure, a normative statement requires something to

be done in order to serve an intrinsic value—which is an end-in-itself (e.g. the
truth, the good, the beautiful). On the other hand, an empirical statement requiring
something to be done is intended to serve an instrumental value—which is a
means to some higher end (e.g. 'do regular exercise to improve your health' or
'grow more trees to reduce environmental pollution'). In short, it is the content
of a statement, not its form, which makes it empirical or normative.
Critics of the normative approach argue that the empirical approach is objective
whereas the normative approach is subjective. T.D. Weldon, in his Vocabulary of
Politics (1953) pointed out that a political philosophy is like a matter of taste; one
can only state one's taste and go away—there is no point in arguing. This is a
biased view. While there may exist several schools of thought upholding different
interpretations of, say, freedom, equality and justice, a dialogue between these
schools can always be opened. Those holding different viewpoints can always
come together to evolve or arrive at certain basic principles of reasoning by
which they can prove or disprove different points. It is not like a matter of
individual taste which can be stated but which cannot be defended.
The terminology adopted by empirical and normative approaches for approval
or disapproval of any proposition creates confusion at times. The categories
'true or false', 'right or wrong' may have different meanings in the contexts of,
say, mathematical and moral questions. It is sometimes assumed that empirical
approach refers to 'true or false', 'right or wrong' as absolute categories while
normative approach treats them as conditional. However, it is now widely accepted
that even scientific principles are largely tentative. Nobody can claim to have
found the final truth in the realm of matter, not to speak of the realm of mind.
Scientific principles in the sphere of nature as well as society can be treated as
valid until they are repudiated by some new discovery. In politics, particularly,
we cannot afford to abstain from acting until a very high level of scientific validity
is achieved. As Robert Dahl has rightly pointed out: "in politics, 'refusing to
decide' is simply deciding to allow others to decide for you" (Modern Political
Analysis; 1991).
Finally, the empirical approach remains largely descriptive while the normative
approach is mainly prescriptive. Empirical approach seeks to discover laws that
are unalterable (e.g. law of gravitational force). Hence, they are beyond man's
control; one can discover and describe them. Normative approach is concerned
with laws and conditions largely created or adopted by human society, which are
alterable (e.g. laws governing property and public order). One can examine how
far they are morally right or wrong and then prescribe the right course. Incidentally,
in the normative approach prescription may be preceded by description. For
instance, Plato and Aristotle had given description of their experience before
prescribing their respective solutions. On the other hand, in the empirical approach
description may be followed by prescription for the achievement of some obvious
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98 An Introduction to Political Theory

goals, such as economy and efficiency, or some specified goals, such as health
and stability. Moreover, empirical approach can render immense help in examining
the grounds of a normative argument. For example, Aristotle prescribed harsher
punishment to a slave than to a freeman for the same crime, on the ground that a
slave is less sensitive to punishment. Empirical approach has now established
beyond doubt that men are not more or less sensitive to punishment because of
their status as freemen or slaves. This is a sufficient reason to reject Aristotle's
prescription in this behalf.
The champions of empirical approach have been very vocal in criticizing the
normative approach on the ground that there is no 'scientifically valid' or reliable
method of determining what is morally right or wrong. The supporters of normative
approach do not condemn the empirical approach as such, but they criticize its
indifference toward values, particularly its ignorance of discrimination between
higher and lower values. As Leo Strauss has emphatically stated: "By teaching
the equality of values, by denying that there are things which are intrinsically high
and others which are intrinsically low as well as by denying that there is an
essential diffrence between men and brutes, it unwittingly contributes to the
victory of the gutter" (Essays on the Scientific Study of Politics, edited by Herbert
Strong; 1962).
The state of estrangement between empirical and normative approaches,
wherever it exists, will prove disastrous. There is an urgent need to build a bridge
between the two approaches which will be beneficial not only for their respective
upholders, but also for the human civilization itself.

Distinction between Empirical and Normative Approaches

The Issue Empirical Approach Normative Approach

Chief Concern Facts Values

(It is so.) (It ought to be so.)
Nature Scientific and Descriptive Critical and Prescriptive
Based on Sense-Experience and Logic Speculation and Logic
Criterion of Validity True or False Right or Wrong

Philosophical, historical, legal and institutional approaches to the study of politics

may be taken to represent the main traditional approaches.

PHILOSOPHICAL APPROACH
In the first place, the philosophical approach is concerned with the clarification
of concepts used in a particular discipline. As Vernon Van Dyke (Political Science:
A Philosophical Analysis; 1960) has significantly observed:
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A philosophical analysis is an effort to clarify thought about the nature of
the subject and about ends and means in studying it. Put more generally, a
person who takes a philosophical approach to a subject aims to enhance
linguistic clarity and to reduce linguistic confusion; he assumes that the
language used in descriptions reflects conceptions of reality, and he wants
to make conceptions of reality as clear, consistent, coherent, and helpful
as possible.
Secondly, the philosophical approach aims at evolving "standards of right and
wrong" for the purpose of a critical evaluation of the existing institutions, laws
and policies. As Dyke has further noted:
It may denote efforts to arrive at truth through the use of reason. The truth
sought may be normative, descriptive, or prescriptive. The object of philosophic
inquiry in this sense is to establish standards of the good, the right, and the just,
and to appraise or prescribe political institutions and practices in the light of
these standards, (ibid.) Most of the classical political theory represents
philosophical approach. Its themes are generally concerned with moral reasoning
which cannot be subjected to scientific test although the empirical aspect of such
reasoning can always be questioned. Moreover, the moral aspect of such reasoning
can also be questioned from the viewpoint of our 'modern consciousness'. For
instance, Kant's concept of 'human dignity' which rules out any type of slavery,
is closer to modern consciousness than Aristotle's defence of slavery. Then most
of the political thinkers proceeded on some notion of 'human nature' which can now be
questioned in the light of the findings of the contemporary psychology and social
sciences. Hence the philosophical approach does not simply rely on the political
thought of the past; it is a subject of current and continuous debate.
Most of the classical thinkers, proceeding from a hypothesis about human
nature, dwelled on two main themes: 'art of government' and 'grounds of political
obligation'. Aristotle postulated: 'man is by nature a political animal and then
elaborated his views on these two subjects. Machiavelli mainly dwelled on 'art of
government' on the assumption of the very selfish and ungrateful nature of man.
Thereafter, 'art of government' ceased to be a part of mainstream political theory.
Hobbes mainly focused on the grounds of political obligation; his absolutist view of
political obligation was carried on by Rousseau and Hegel on different grounds.
Locke was probably the first thinker to repudiate this absolutist view and to
postulate 'rights' of the individual against the state. That is why Locke is regarded as
the pioneer of individualism which later developed into liberalism. Kant
proceeding from different premises evolved the concept of 'human dignity'. J.S.
Mill sought to explore the limits of political obligation by defining the conditions of
state intervention. T.H. Green developed his theory of rights on moral grounds and
sought to limit the authority of the state. Laski similarly tried to build an
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100 An Introduction to Political Theory

elaborate system of individual rights. John Rawls revived Kant's notion of'rational
negotiators' to build his theory of justice. On the other hand, Marx sought to
demolish political obligation by identifying man's position in a social class, and
projected the working class as an instrument of revolution. Neo-Marxists have
been looking for alternative instruments as well as alternative strategies of
revolution.
In a nutshell, political philosophy mainly dwelled on the logic of the grounds
and limits of political obligation. Concepts of individual rights and revolution are
by-products of this debate. Conceptions of freedom, equality and justice are
extensions of the theories of rights. The concept of democracy denotes an effort
to translate the concept of individual rights into concrete political institutions.
Again, concepts of authoritarianism, totalitarianism and fascism, etc. largely
represent the negative side of this effort.
Of the contemporary champions of the philosophical approach to the study of
politics, Leo Strauss is the most outstanding. According to Strauss, political
science and political philosophy are coterminous. They denote an attempt to
obtain true knowledge of political things as well as the standards of the right and
the good. Political philosophy is a product of our quest for good life and good
society. Values as well as facts are indispensable part of political philosophy
which enable us to undertake a critical and coherent analysis of political institutions
and activities. Without such analysis, assumptions regarding the political things
take the character of opinions. Political philosophy seeks to replace opinion by
knowledge, as originally postulated by Socrates. Strauss has severely criticized
the contemporary behavioural approach which insists on 'value-free analysis'
and thus destroys the essence of true knowledge of politics.

HISTORICAL APPROACH
The term 'historical approach' to politics may be used in two senses. Firstly, it
may denote the process of arriving at the laws governing politics through an
analysis of historical events, that is events of the past, as exemplified by the
theories propounded by Hegel and Marx. Karl Popper has described this approach
as 'historicism'. It implies that historical processes are determined by their inherent
necessity which are beyond the control of human ingenuity. Popper has criticized
historicism because it insists on discovering what is inevitable, and then advocates
totalitarian methods for its realization, as Hegel and Marx have done for the
realization of their respective visions of future society. In the second place,
historical approach stands for an attempt at understanding politics through a
historical account of political thought of the past, as exemplied by George H.
Sabine's 'A History of Political Theory'.
According to Sabine, the subject-matter of political science coincides with the
major themes of discussion in the writings of the well-known political
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philosophers—Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Bentham, Mill, Green,

Marx and others. Leading examples of the questions raised by these philosophers
are: what ideals are sought to be realized through the state; what is the meaning
of freedom and equality; what are the grounds and limits of political obligation,
etc.? Sabine points out that each political theory is advanced in response to some
specific situation. It is necessary to recapitulate the circumstances under which
a particular theory was produced, for understanding its relevance to the present
situation. Moreover, any political theory is not only a product of history, it also
served as an instrument of moulding history by its ideological force. However, all
great political theories are valid for all times.
Critics of the historical approach point out that it is not possible to understand
ideas of the past ages in terms of the contemporary ideas and concepts. Moreover,
ideas of the past are hardly any guide for resolving the crises of the present-day
world which were beyond comprehension of the past thinkers. David Easton has
warned against living 'parasitically on ideas a century old' and failing to develop
a 'new political synthesis'. This challenge to historical approach of course
encouraged the development of the 'behavioural approach'. However, the recent
revival of interest in values has led to a renewed interest in the rich heritage of
political thought for evolving guiding principles for our own age. For instance,
John Rawls has built his celebrated theory of justice by drawing on the
methodology of Locke and Kant and by rejecting the utilitarian philosophy of
Bentham and Mill. Herbert Marcuse has built his neo-Marxist theory of freedom
by reverting to Hegel's concept of'civil society'. Again, C.B. Macpherson has
built his theory of democracy by reverting to Aristotle and J.S. Mill while rejecting
Bentham's utilitarianism and the contemporary elitism of Schumpeter and Dahl.

LEGAL APPROACH

Legal approach stands for an attempt to understand politics in terms of law. It

focuses its attention on the legal and constitutional framework in which different
organs of government have to function, inquires into their respective legal position,
their powers and the procedure which makes their actions legally valid. For
instance, legal approach to Indian politics will proceed to analyse legal implications
of various provisions of the Indian Constitution, duly documented by the decisions
of the Supreme Court of India as well as by the opinions of legal luminaries,
procedure of formation and legal position of the two Houses of the Indian
Parliament and State legislatures, procedure of election or appointment, powers
and position of the President, Prime Minister, Governors, Chief Ministers, Central
and State Cabinets, etc., role and powers of the Supreme Court of India and High
Courts, full legal implications of the federal set up, position of Fundamental Rights
and Directive Principles of State Policy, etc. Similarly, legal approach to international
politics will largely tend to analyse it in terms of the requirements of international
law.
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102 An Introduction to Political Theory

The legal approach may prove inadequate in understanding the complex political
forces, processes and behaviour which might operate outside legal-formal
framework, yet it is not entirely insignificant. As Vernon Van Dyke has rightly
observed:
Nor is a legal approach to be disparaged. After all, both the procedures and
the substance of political action at every level are often controlled by law.
In the field of both domestic and international politics, law frequently
prescribes the action to be taken in given contingencies; it also forbids
action or fixes the limits of permissible action. (Political Science: A
Philosophical Analysis; 1960)
Moreover, all political processes to become effective and stable must culminate
in legal provisions whether it is an independence movement in a colonized country
or an agitation for civil rights or certain concessions for any sections of society.
Besides, the study of constitutional law and international law, etc. in spite of its
limited use in understanding politics, continues to play a pivotal role in the social
and political life of almost every country.

INSTITUTIONAL APPROACH
Institutional approach is closely related to legal approach, yet it is different.
Significantly, this approach does not solely bank on other disciplines—philosophy,
history or law—for understanding politics. Amongst the traditional approaches it
alone gives independent identity to the systematic study of politics.
Traditionally politics has been defined as the study of the state and government.
Government itself is an institution, and its various organs, such as Parliament
(legislature), Cabinet (executive), and Supreme Court (judiciary), etc. may also be
recognized as institutions. Political parties—which exist separately—are also
institutions in their own right. There are lots of other institutions in society, such as
family, school, church, or club. A student of politics will be interested only in those
institutions which have a direct bearing on politics. What is an institution?
In short, an institution is a set of offices and agencies arranged in a hierarchy,
where each office or agency has certain functions and powers. Each office or
agency is manned by persons with definite status and role; other persons also
expect them to perform this role. The activities of an institution are not confined to
its office-holders. For instance, ordinary voters who participate in the process of
setting up a legislature through election are not themselves office-holders therein.
As Vernon Van Dyke has aptly summed up:
An institution is any persistent system of activities and expectations, or any
stable pattern of group behaviour. (Political Science: A Philosophical
Analysis; 1960)
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Accordingly the upholders of the institutional approach proceed to study the

organization and functioning of government, its various organs, political parties
and other institutions affecting politics. Classification of governments, starting
from Aristotle (monarchy, tyranny, aristocracy, oligarchy, polity and democracy)
to modern classification (democracy and dictatorship, parliamentary and
presidential, unitary and federal, etc.), identification of levels of government
(federal, state and local) as well as branches of government (executive, legislative,
judicial), composition and powers of each of these and their interrelationships
(largely in legal terms), etc. are the chief concerns of this approach. It aims at
giving an elaborate description of facts. Hence it exemplifies a shift from normative
to empirical approach, and from a historical to a contemporary concern within
the sphere of traditional approaches. However, it relies heavily on description
rather than explanation. Hence it fails to qualify as a contemporary approach.
Other drawbacks of the institutional approach are: (a) with its preoccupation
with the institutions, it neglected the individual; hence during the ascendancy of
this approach, the study of voting behaviour and political attitudes of the individual
was left to sociologists; (b) in the absence of overarching institutions governing
international politics, it practically neglected the study of international politics; it
confined its attention to international relations and description of the United Nations
and its associated agencies and left the study of international politics to historians
and students of international law; (c) being concerned with the established
institutions alone, it neglected the role of violence or threat of violence, political
movements and agitations, war and revolutions, etc.; and finally (d) it neglected
the role of informal groups and processes in shaping politics.
However, it should not be forgotten that institutions form a very important
part of politics. Any discussion of politics without reference to the corresponding
institutions will lead us nowhere. Moreover, in the present-day turmoil, particularly
in the developing countries, constitution-making and institution-building is the
order of the day. Institutional approach is inadequate in itself. But any other
approach will also be incomplete without paying due attention to institutions.

III. CONfEMPORARY APPROACHES

Broadly speaking, contemporary approaches to the study of politics signify a
departure from traditional approaches in two respects: (a) they attempt to establish
a separate identity of political science by focusing on the real character of politics;
and (b) they try to understand politics in totality, transcending its formal aspects
and looking for those aspects of social life which influence and are influenced by
it. Contemporary approaches are legion, and all of them may not fulfil these
conditions. The following may be regarded as the most important: (a) behavioural
approach; (b) post-behavioural approach; and (c) some important models of
political analysis. '