Finno-Ugric studies

Символом Удмуртии стали родники. В прошлые времена удмурты охотно участвовали в православных обрядах водосвятия. Мифологические водные «хозяева» издавна были весьма значимы у финно-угорских народов, и, соответственно, природные водоёмы имели большое значение в их жизни и религии. А у русского населения горнозаводского Урала записаны легенды и предания о человеческих жертвах, которые якобы приносились при строительстве плотин и заводов. Здесь очевиден распространённый фольклорный мотив «строительной жертвы». Но на сходных мифологемах, поверьях, преданиях выстраивались улики против удмуртских крестьян из с. Мултан Вятской губернии, обвинённых в 1892 г. в ритуальном убийстве. Один из важных аспектов Мултанского дела оказался связан с представлениями удмуртов об опасных для людей водных «хозяевах».

Hvilke konsekvenser har 70 dr med sovjetiske reformer hatt for de russiske samenes etnopolitiske organisering etter 1989? F0rste del av denne artikkelen tar for seg utviklingen av de russiske samenes etnopolitiske organisasjoner og lederskap pa 1990-tallet. I andre del belyses sammenhengen mellom dennepostsovjetiske utviklingen og politikken i sovjettiden.

Szép, hosszú és tartalmas életút után, életének kilencvenegyedik évében eltávozott közülünk Paul Kokla észt származású finnugor nyel-vész, akiről elmondható, hogy igazi poliglott volt, hét nyelven tudott bárkivel folyékonyan kommunikálni: az észt mellett jól tudott finnül, svédül, németül, oroszul, magyarul és mari nyelven is.
Paul Kokla nemcsak kiváló tudós volt, aki jelentős mértékben hagyta ott a „keze nyomát” a finnugor tudományokon, hanem szerethető kolléga, emberséges vezető, jó kedélyű barát, igaz ember volt.
Az elmúlása miatt érzett fájdalomban és szomorúságban az észtországi hivatalos intézmények: az Eesti Keele Instituut, az Emakeele Selts, a Tallinna Ülikool, a Tartu Ülikool, a Linguistica Uralica, a Fenno-Ugria Asutus és az Eesti Ungari Selts mellett mi is, egykori magyar ismerősei, munkatársai, barátai is fájó szívvel osztozunk.

Электронное издание содержит материалы I ревизии (1722 г.) Каринского стана Хлыновского уезда Сибирской губернии, описывающие мужское удмуртское, бесермянское, татарское и русское население в рамках его 12 малых административно-территориальных единиц. К публикации прилагается географический указатель. Рекомендовано научным работникам, краеведам, исследователям родословных и всем, интересующимся историей родного края.
Скачать по ссылке - http://fayloobmennik.cloud/7119565

Эта в некоторой степени провокационная статья направлена на развенчание мифа о том, что известные исследователи финно-угорских языков при помощи фонетической транскрипции аккуратно передавали особенности звучащей речи. В статье представлено небольшое исследование, сделанное на основе опубликованных текстов водских плачей. Примечательность этого материала состоит в том, что в нем содержатся плачи, записанные примерно в одно и то же время, на одну и ту же тематику от одного и того же носителя языка, но разными исследователями. Какие результаты получились, вы узнаете из этой небольшой статьи.
This paper discusses the use of folklore collections for linguistic research in minor unwritten languages. In particular, we examine the case of the Votic language. As with many other minor languages, the earliest texts in Votic date from the middle of the 19th century, and mostly come from folklore materials. The focus of our research is the influence of a particular collector on the system of transcription. In this paper, we investigate variation in the spelling of forms, and show that there is an apparent correlation between different ways of transcribing the same forms and the individual researchers responsible for the transcription. It is clear that the written form of Votic folklore texts cannot be fully relied upon for the analysis of Votic phonetics and phonology.

Владимир Сергеевич Чураков, УИИЯЛ УрО РАН, к.и.н. г. Ижевск Каринский стан -основной район расселения нерусского населения Вятской земли. Данная административно-территориальная единица начала формироваться во второй половине XV в. и просуществовала до губернской реформы 1775-1780 гг. В статье рассматривается история развития сети сельских поселений на территории современной Удмуртии по данным переписей XVII в. Автор приходит к выводу, что подавляющее большинство удмуртских, бесермянских и татарских селений в этот период было основано выходцами с низовий Чепцы, где располагался изначальный центр Каринского стана.

D. G. Messerschmidts wotjakische Materialien.
Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, Dezember 1726.

Der deutsche Gelehrte Daniel Gottlieb Messerschmidt (1685-1735), war der erste westeuropäische Erforscher Sibiriens, des Urals und des europäischen Nordostens Rußlands. Er hatte diese Regionen auf einer sieben Jahre dauernden Forschungsreise in den Jahren 1719-1727  durchquert und im Auftrag Peter des Großen erforscht. Seine Tagebücher werden im Archiv der Russischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Sankt Petersburg aufbewahrt. Ihr Hauptteil (die Reise durch Sibirien bis zur Ankunft in Solikamsk/Ural 1726) wurde 1962–1977 in fünf Bänden in Berlin veröffentlicht. Der Teil über das Ende seiner Reise von Solikamsk nach Wjatka im Dezember 1726 – Januar 1727 waren bis heute unveröffentlicht geblieben.
In jener Zeit bereiste D.G.Messerschmidt den Norden des wotjakischen Siedlungsgebietes am Tschepza-Fluß (nördlicher Teil der heutigen Udmurtischen Republik). In seinem Tagebuch finden sich erste wissenschaftliche Beobachtungen zur Religion und den Bestattungsgebräuchen der Wotjaken, Beschreibungen ihrer Tracht und Wohnungen, die früheste heutzutage bekannte Bilddarstellung einer Wotjakin und das erste große wotjakische Wörterverzeichnis mit mehr als 300 Wörtern.

Благодаря работе Удмуртской республиканской библиотеки могу выложить скан своей монографии и диссертации 1991.

Reconstruction of a fragment of Proto-Uralic cosmogony, its origin amd evolution as a source for North-Eurasiatic prehistory (dissertation, 1991).

The discussion of Uralic theonyms in this 2012 conference paper have been significantlu developed and discussed in more detail in "Language and Mythology" (2017): https://www.academia.edu/35369652/Language_and_Mythology_Semantic_Correlation_and_Disambiguation_of_Gods_as_Iconic_Signs

The discussion of internal developments in Finnic mythology are discussed with emphasis on the epic Sampo-Cycle in "Confluence, Continuity and Change in the Evolution of Mythology" (2012): https://www.academia.edu/3687105/Confluence_Continuity_and_Change_in_the_Evolution_of_Mythology_The_Case_of_the_Finno-Karelian_Sampo-Cycle
and with emphasis on the role of the ritual specialist in "Shamans, Christians and Things in between":
https://www.academia.edu/4049431/Shamans_Christians_and_Things_in_between_From_Finnic_Germanic_Contacts_to_the_Conversion_of_Karelia

An introduction to the Lutsi (Ludza Estonian) language, which includes a grammatical sketch of Lutsi, example sentences, examples of connected speech, a Latvian-Lutsi-Latgalian topical dictionary (~600 words), descriptions of the history of the Lutsi speech community and the last villages where Lutsi was spoken in daily life in the 20th century, archival and new photos of these communities, transcriptions of the last fragments of Lutsi still remembered by descendants in 2020. This book is written in Latvian and uses the new standardized orthography developed by the author for writing all of the Lutsi text in the book. Lutsi is one of the language island varieties of South Estonian, which was spoken and developed independently for at least three centuries in several dozen villages around Ludza in eastern Latvia (Latgale). Publishers: University of Latvia Livonian Institute and the Ludza City Main Library.

В Свердловской области марийцы компактно проживают в Артинском, Ачитском, Красноуфимском, Нижнесергинском районах и Екатеринбурге и насчитывают, согласно переписи 2010 г., 23801 человек (по переписи 2002 года - 28957 человек). Свердловские марийцы определяют себя как «йепоныш» – уфимские марийцы, проживавшие ранее в Бирском уезде Уфимской губернии, и «кенгыр» – кунгурские марийцы, в прошлом жители Кунгурского уезда Пермской губернии. В Свердловской области насчитывается 39 сельских поселений марийцев, которые компактно проживают в Артинском, Ачитском, Красноуфинском, Нижнесергинском районах и Екатеринбурге.
До сих пор марицы на Урале сохраниют язык, фольклор, древние верования и обычаи.

The goal of the thesis is to provide new approaches for the interpretation of the elaborate Finnish and Karelian bear ceremonial’s songs, which were intensively collected in the 19th Century and in the early 20th Century. The study aims to furnish a better understanding of the meanings of the ceremonial taking in consideration the context of folk beliefs at the time. The chapters will cover all the ritual phases, adapting the classic Hallowell’s typology to the Finno-Karelian case. However, each chapter aims to provide some answers to the main research questions. Why did the bear hunt require such a complex ritualized reciprocity? How were the passages of borders between the village and the forest ritualized? How and why were the forest, its spirits and the bruin personalized? Why do many Bear Songs contain references to wedding songs? How did the Christian faith and the rich cattle holders’ beliefs communicate with the hunter’s rituals, forming a historically stratified tradition? The study reveals that the vernacular definitions of the bear’s personhood changed often in the ritual phases: it was the offspring of the forest spirits or a hunter’s relative; a bride or a groom; a boy or a respected elder. On a general level, the bear had a shifting double identity: it was strictly bounded to the family of the forest spirits, but at the same time the hunter emphasized its human features to make the ritual communication easier and to transform the bruin into the guest of honor of the village feast, in which the bear meat was consumed. The hunter’s self could also change in the ritual: in the songs, he presented himself as a mighty man protected by mythic iron belts and shirts; as a handsome and mimetic seducer of female forest spirits, or as a humble orphan who needed their guidance. During the feast, the roles of the women toward the bear also varied: the mistress warmly welcomed the bruin as a guest or groom, but the women were also guided to protect the cattle. The landscapes acquired mythic features and they could be presented as welcoming or dangerous. These apparently kaleidoscopic changes followed a precise ritual logic: they were elaborate rhetorical devices to make the 'guests' – the bruin and the forest spirits – behave or react in certain ways in different ritual phases and to influence their perception of the hunters’ actions.

(Abstract) Prehistoric migrations and geographical origins of language families has been subject of fascination ever since the dawn of recorded history. Earlier it has been subject of ancient myths and legends, and later much researched by scholars and scientists. Recently archaeogenetics offers additional clues to the issue. This paper attempts to build up a consistent model of the geographic origins of the language families of Eurasia since the Neolithic, combining archaeogenetic data with results of archaeology and genetic linguistics in a multidisciplinary synthesis.

It must have been in my very prime of collecting, at least 15 years ago, that I saw a fibula on Ebay, said to have been found in the area of Staraya Ladoga and described as being 'Viking/from the Viking Age'. Now, as I have said in the first part of this article, some years ago: 'the Viking Age' is a somewhat strange concept within itself as nobody at the time knew he or she was living "in the Viking Age". It is a modern concept. The other thing is that-of course-not every object found "from the Viking Age" is 'viking' or 'Scandinavian'. Elisabeth Voges-keep an eye on that woman on www.academia.edu and elsewhere on the internet, because she knows what she is doing, pointed out to me that a certain fibula in my collection wasn't 'viking', let alone 'Baltic'.

Collection of published and unpublished articles newly elaborated and composed in a sort of a monograph devoted to the problems of prehistory of Uralic and North-Eurasiatic peoples. The book contains chapters: "Prehistory of the Uralic peoples", "Uralo-Indogermanica", "Onomastics and prehistory", Wörter und Sachen", Mythology and folklore", "History and etymology of the Udmurt language". MOst articles are in Russian, some in German.

The Uralic language family has often been hypothesized to be related to Yukaghir, even though no widely accepted evidence for this theory has been presented so far. The study of Uralic-Yukaghir relations has in part been held back by the scarcity of basic documentary and comparative work on the Yukaghir languages. The publication of A Historical Dictionary of Yukaghir (2006) by Irina Nikolaeva, however, has raised Yukaghir lexicology and historical phonology to a level that allows systematic comparison of Proto-Yukaghir and (Proto-)Uralic to be easily carried out. This paper discusses the lexical correspondences between Uralic and Yukaghir languages, and examines to what extent they can be explained as evidence of genetic relationship, products of language contact, or mere chance resemblances. It is argued that there is no clear lexical evidence supporting a genetic connection between the two families, and that no regular sound correspondences between the two proto-languages can be established. A majority of the Uralic-Yukaghir lexical comparisons suggested in earlier references seem to be chance resemblances, but a smaller corpus of probable loanwords supporting contacts between (Pre-)Proto-Samoyed and Proto-Yukaghir can be established.

6 важный период истории Древней Руси и финно-угорского населения Волго-Камья. На территориях, где зафиксированы наибольшие скопления орнито-и зооморфных находок, характер происходивших процессов и культурных изменений во многом определяется земледельческой колонизацией.

UNDER CONSTRUCTION - TOO MANY TYPOS - Please cite ONLY with permission


"This is the text of an oral presentation made at the symposium "Altaique ou pas?", organized by Guillaume Jacques and Anton Antonov on 10 Dec 2011 in Paris.Part of this symposium was an invited exchange of ideas on the "Altaic hypothesis" between the undersigned and Martine Robbeets. I left the text by and large as read at the symposium, with minor edits (nor of which reflects anything which was said at the venue), and, thus preserved its character as an oral presentation, including direct addresses to members of the audience ("Martine" and, in most cases, "you" refers to Martine Robbeets, whom I wish to thank again for agreeing to participate in this journée, as of course, again, to its organizers and all participants in the discussion.The first part, "Avant-propos", is a short text which I prepared for distribution before the event. Bibliographical references were kept to a minimum, and it is clear that some statements would require them.The paper is not thoroughly proofread, my apologies for the plethora of typos still contained."

Note, 13. July 2013:
In a recently published paper (Genealogically motivated grammaticalization, in: M. Robbeets/H. Cuyckens (edd.): Shared Grammaticalization, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins 2013), M. Robbeets, speaking about the morphological comparanda between he languages in question she presents in several publications of hers, claims (p. 148) that, in this paper, I (St. G.) "have attempted to explain these correspondences in terms of borrowing".
A careful reading of the relevant passages of this paper (towards the end) will reveal to the attentive reader that this is not the case, and that the wording and the line of thought I use here does not lend itself to such an interpretation.


Note 6 July 2020 (sigh)

As of today, the opening remarks on Pallas and Abel-Remusat as "precursors" of something which was *later* to develop into the critique of Altaic as a genealogical (and linguistic) concept came under heavy shelling in some draft on academia.edu. While each and every correction of factual errors contained in this passage (which was also used in a few other public lectures) is of course justified and welcome, but I should add that this *ornamental* introduction is fully aware of the fact (and says so!) that Pallas' early words predate any coherent formulation of the Altaic hypothesis (while I am accused of precisely *not* saying this or, possibly, not even understanding this - there is more which I'm accused of "not mentioning", while I actually *do* mention it). Any careful reading of my passage will quickly reveal that (while everything could still be made and said better and clearer) the recent "criticism" is null and void, since it (I have ample reason to assume, deliberately) misstates content and intent of my words. I am, furthermore, repatedly, not to say constantly, accused of perpetuating a false view on Abel-Rémusat's position  and, an unforgivable sin, not to cite some paper from 1996 in which the record allegedly was set straight on this one. The author of these allegations should still remeber that he, in 2016, received a quite verbose private message from me, which states my reasons for viewing his opinions on Abel-Rémusat as insufficient and *not* dictating to cease repeating what I repeat here, to which the only answer I ever received was a kind of grunt (I am still in the possession of this exchange).

It seems to be spring-time for Nostratic. The question whether the well-established and well-explored Indo-European family of languages might after all form part of a greater linguistic phylum, with relatives scattered all over Eurasia and parts of Africa, seems to

In this article, I introduce the terms and concepts semantic correlation and semantic disambiguation as tools for examining aspects of mythological thinking that interface with the lexicon. Semantic correlation describes a phenomenon whereby the name of the god and of the phenomenon become the same. In other words, a change in the theonym affects a change in the common noun or vice versa. In a culture where semantic correlation is a basic principle of mythological thinking, theonym and noun co-vary so that the god ‘Thunder’ is always called the same thing as ‘thunder’, the god ‘Sky’ and phenomenon ‘sky’ are called the same thing, and so on. Semantic correlation reflects the iconicity of the god, which becomes built into the lexicon. Semantic disambiguation describes the change from a theonym and corresponding noun being the same to becoming lexically distinct: either the name of the god or the noun for the phenomenon change independent of the other. Semantic disambiguation is an indicator that the god is no longer iconic of a natural phenomenon per se: a god may be identified with the sky as a location or be identified as producing thunder by, for example, driving a chariot, but the agent does not converge with the phenomenon. Recognizing semantic disambiguation can be significant because it is an indicator of change in a fundamental principle of mythological thinking.

Discussion is organized in three case studies. The first is of Uralic sky-gods. This study by language family includes discussion of the development spread of a Finnic theonym Ilma-ri to Udmurt, Sámi and probably Chuvash, and also addresses the problem of Finnic juma-la ['god']. The second case study explores an isogloss of changes in the Mari and Mordvin branches of Uralic and the Baltic and Germanic branches of Indo-European, as well as probably an Indo-Iranian language which was in contact with Finnic as well as potentially other languages subsumed by Finnic language spread. In these languages, the inherited theonym 'Sky' disappears as does the corresponding noun, and in its place appears a common noun 'God' as a theonym. This process is proposed to derive from a spread of religious change that moved across languages, quite possibly already in the Bronze Age. The third case examines names of the thunder-god in the Circum-Baltic area, revealing an isogloss in which the theonym underwent semantic disambiguation in some, but not all, branches of Finnic, Germanic and Sámi languages.

Many readers may only be superficially familiar with the history of some of the languages discussed, and even readers familiar with these languages may not be aware of the transformations in understanding that have developed during the past decade in particular. In order to make the discussion accessible to a wider range of readers, information on the historical spread and change of these languages is introduced as it becomes relevant. Although the individual case studies may each stand on their own merits, the overarching aim here is to illustrate the phenomena of semantic correlation and disambiguation and to illustrate their value as tools for examining historical changes encoded in a lexicon.

On the History of the Concepts 'salt' and 'salty' in Finno-Ugric Languages After reconsidering the existing Finno-Ugric etymologies for taste and smell terms (such as 'salty', 'sour', 'bitter', 'spoiled', 'rancid' etc.), two FU etyma for taste (and smell) of food are reconstructed: *k É cɜ(rɜ/-kɜ) 'sour, salty, bitter' (in a positive sense), denoting, in its optimal sense, the sour-salty taste of fermented food, and in its maximum expression (mainly in derivatives) the taste of too sour or too salty (up to unpleasant) food (in modern Udmurt the meaning is 'salty'); and *kačke 'spoiled, rancid, uneatable' with derivatives (suffix *-mз) meaning 'smoke, burning' or 'mould'. Possibly, the two reconstructed roots could represent cases of Proto-Finno-Ugric palatal-velar alternation similar to the Hungarian döböz 'small box' ~ doboz 'box'. From the historical point of view it is important that these reconstructions demonstrate the absence of the use of salt in the dietary and food-preservation tradition among the speakers of Proto-Finno-Ugrian, which relates to hunting and fishing being the base of their economy and accounts for the later borrowings of words for salt from different sources.

Takasisäkansi Suomensukuisten kielten levinneisyys. Kuva Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. isbn 978-952-222-013-4 issn 0355-1768 Ulkoasu, taitto ja kuvankäsittely Anna Kurvinen Kuvatoimitus Ildikó Lehtinen WS Bookwell Oy, Juva 2008 www.fi nlit.fi /kirjat Sisällys Lukijalle 9

This paper aims to establish three new sound laws regarding the development of specific consonant clusters in Hungarian: 1) Proto-Uralic *nč > Hungarian r; 2) Proto-Uralic *jŋ > Hungarian gy; 3) Proto-Uralic *ŋt > Hungarian ld. To validate these sound laws, new Uralic etymologies for the words köröm ‘nail’, far ‘buttocks, ass’, and vágy ‘desire, wish’ are proposed, and previous etymologies of agy ‘brain’, old ‘untie, unfasten’, and oldal ‘side’ are corroborated by new phonological arguments.

M. A. Castrén 1853: Föreläsningar i finsk mytologi. Helsingfors: Finska Litteratur-Sällskapet.

Matthias Alexander Castrénin (1813-1852) Luentoja suomalaisesta mytologiasta on avainteos suomalaisen mytologian tutkimuksen historiassa. Teos ilmestyy nyt ensimmäisen kerran suomeksi käännettynä.

M. A. Castrén tunnetaan siperialaisten kansojen parissa työskennelleenä kielitieteilijänä ja tutkimusmatkailijana, mutta hän oli erityisen kiinnostunut suomalaisuudesta. Luentoja suomalaisesta mytologiasta pohjautuu vahvasti Castrénin omiin kenttätyökokemuksiin.

Castrénin mytologialuennot ovat tärkeä osa suomalaisen uskontotieteen, kielitieteen ja etnologian historiaa. Yleistajuinen ja elävästi kirjoitettu teos avaa kiinnostavan näkökulman mytologiantutkimuksen pioneerivaiheisiin, ja se soveltuu sekä tutkijoiden että muiden aiheesta kiinnostuneiden käyttöön.

The name Ötükän is mentioned as the geographical place name in the Orkhon inscriptions and the Terhin (Taryat) and Šinä Usu Inscriptions. Apart from this, it is seen that the same place name is also mentioned in the form of Ötükän Yıš in the Orkhon Inscriptions. Until today, different ideas have been put forward about what the word Ötükän and Yıš mean. In this study, the word Ötükän will be handled and explained in a different way, on the other hand, it will be shown for the first time that the word Yıš has a different meaning over its Chuvash equivalent.

Издание приурочено к 130-летию со дня рождения известного отечественного этнографа-финно-угроведа Василия Петровича Налимова (1879–1939). Книга является первым собранием научных работ ученого по этнографии, фольклору и мифологии коми-зырян, коми-пермяков и удмуртов. Большая часть статей, вошедших в настоящий сборник, ранее были опубликованы в различных российских научных сериях в первой четверти ХХ в. и в настоящее время стали библиографической редкостью. Статьи и полевые материалы В.П. Налимова публикуются в авторской редакции. В книгу включены историографические работы современных исследователей научной деятельности В.П. Налимова.

The article deals with the anthroponyms of Balto-Fennic origin of the southeastern Lake Onega region. Focusing on the region’s historical anthroponymy, the author provides an etymological, areal and chronological analysis of the Balto-Fennic personal names, surnames and nicknames as attested in the 15th–16th centuries Russian and Swedish cadastres. The author also analyses typologically relevant data: personal names and deanthroponymic place names known within the large area of distribution of modern and substrate Balto-Fennic toponymy — from Finland to the eastern part of the Russian North. On this basis, the author divides the historical anthroponyms of the southeastern Lake Onega region into three language types: Karelian names, Veps names, and nondifferentiable Balto-Fennic names. The analysis leads to conclude that in the 15th–16th centuries the southeastern Lake Onega area was populated by Veps and Karelians and that the active migration of Karelians to this territory from the northeastern Lake Ladoga region began at the end of the 15th century. The author establishes that in the 15th–16th centuries most of the Balto-Fennic anthroponyms of the region were patronyms of Karelian type derived from Christian calendar personal names, though Russian nicknames and non-calendar personal names were also in use among the Balto-Fennic population. Many of the bearers of those names sought to settle down on the underdeveloped lands for the reason of being landless or dependent, which proves their forced migration from the southeastern Lake Onega region. The reliability of the conclusions made by the author is ensured by the wide use of historical sources relating to the Balto-Fennic peoples’ contemporary and historical habitat, the use of the open databases of contemporary names, as well as by their comparison with the results obtained in earlier studies.

Статья посвящена антропонимам прибалтийско-финского происхождения на территории Юго-Восточного Обонежья. Уделяя основное внимание исторической антропонимии региона, автор проводит этимологический, лингвогеографический и хронологический анализ прибалтийско-финских имен, отчеств и прозвищ, зафиксированных в русских и шведских писцовых книгах XV–XVI вв.; при этом к анализу широко привлекаются типологические данные: фамилии и отантропонимные географические названия, известные в ареале распространения современной и субстратной прибалтийско-финской топонимии — от Финляндии до восточной части Русского Севера. На этой основе автор подразделяет исторические антропонимы Юго-Восточного Обонежья на три языковых типа: карельский, вепсский и недифференцируемый прибалтийско-финский. Проведенное исследование позволяет заключить, что в XV–XVI вв. на территории Юго-Восточного Обонежья проживало вепсское и карельское население, а активное переселение карелов на данную территорию из Северо-Западного Приладожья происходило с конца XV в. Автор выяснил, что в XV–XVI вв. прибалтийско-финские антропонимы исследуемого региона большей частью представляли собой патронимы карельского типа, восходящие к календарным христианским именам, хотя прибалтийско-финское население использовало также русские прозвища и некалендарные имена. Многие носители этих имен, будучи безземельными или находясь в зависимом положении, селились на малоосвоенных землях, что говорит об их вынужденном переселении с территории Северо-Западного Приладожья. Достоверность выводов исследования обеспечивается широким привлечением письменных источников по современной и исторической территории проживания прибалтийско-финских народов, использованием общедоступных баз данных для поиска современных онимов, соотнесением результатов анализа с уже имеющимися фактами.