Berichte und Kommentare

Traditional Symbols

in Ibibio Social Relations

The Case of nnuk eniin and eyei

Mkpisong James B. Ikpe and Ibanga B. Ikpe

Introduction

People in traditional cultures have been known to

have simple but highly effective systems of social

organisation, which enable them to live together

without the cumbersome superstructures of modern

bureaucracies. One of such groups are the Ibibios of

southeastern Nigeria who, prior to the incursion of

Westernisation into their traditional space had de-

veloped mechanisms of social control that helped

them in maintaining peace and harmony within their

society. Such mechanisms include the adoption of a

plethora of social symbols, sourced from their natu-

ral environment, which they use in maintaining an

intricate relationship with each other and other ob-

jects, ideas, and institutions, that have no physical

representation. A symbol is defined by C. S. Peirce

(in Firth 1973: 61) as "a sign determined by its ob-

ject only in the sense that it will be interpreted -

an allocation depending on habit, convention, ar-

rangement or natural disposition of the interpreter."

What this entails is that the meaning of a symbol

lies beyond its object and can only be fully real-

ised by those who have been inducted into the cul-

ture that produced the symbol. Since symbols pri-

marily communicate ideas beyond themselves, they

are only useful within social relationships where

its power of communication can be fully realised.

Thus, a symbol remains a symbol not because it has

been so ordained but because it continues to per-

form valuable social functions for the culture that

ordained it. According to Duncan (1968: 22), "if

symbols are to become and remain powerful in or-

ganizing social relationships, they must inspire be-

lief in their capacity to consecrate certain styles of

life as the 'true' source of order in society." Two

symbols which have served such a purpose for the

Ibibios are nnuk eniin and eyei.1

The word nnuk in Ibibio is used to refer to the

horn of an animal, while eniin is the Ibibio word for

an elephant. Thus, nnuk eniin literally interprets the

horn of an elephant, which is to say, elephant tusk.

On the other hand, eyei is the young palm frond

that has opened up displaying the single strands. In

classical Ibibio, the young strands or leaves, while

still folded and in full length, is called ekpin . But a

single strand plucked from the young folded foli-

age (ekpin) is called eyei. The entire stand of fold-

ed young strands, made loose into visible single

strands by forcefully waving it in the air or being

beaten against a solid object, is also called eyei and

it is this type that is commonly known and used as

a traditional symbol. Even though in classical Ibibio

there is a difference between ekpin and eyei , the two

words are often used interchangeably in everyday

parlance, especially among the younger generation

of Ibibio people. This confusion notwithstanding,

eyei continues to play an important role among the

Ibibio and together with nnuk eniin remain the two

most revered traditional symbols. This study is an

attempt to explicate their roles in traditional and

contemporary society as instruments of social con-

trol and arbitration.

Traditional Symbols and Social Control

among the Ibibio

Discussing the subject "deviance" and "social con-

trol" among the Ibibio, an acknowledged student

of the Ibibio culture, Ekong E. Ekong (1983: 84),

states that

[i]n a society with no formally written laws, criminal ac-

tions were determined mainly with reference to the mores

of the system. The mores of any society are generally de-

1 Preliminary data for this article was collected by late Mkpi-

song James B. Ikpe between June 1984 and November 1996.

Anthropos 110.2015

534 Berichte und Kommentare

vised to regulate and control those

fundamental human drives such a

love, desire for power, ambition to

mores are therefore regularized set

conducts which are judged to be

well-being and are maintained by

of uniformity. Thus for the Ibibio

iours are those considered as threate

chances of the individuals or group

is directed. Stealing, avarice, subve

acter assassination, dishonesty, wit

ered criminal!

As part of these mores, the Ibibio devised a large

number of social control mechanisms to forestall

criminal acts and regulate social life within their so-

ciety. Apart from public punishment for various cat-

egories of crimes, the Ibibio had and still have cer-

tain institutionalised elements and symbols which

were, and where applicable still are, used in check-

ing or preventing criminal behaviour. "These in-

cluded the eyei (young palm fronds), mbritem (gin-

ger lily or bush cane - Costus afer Ker) and mkpatat

(ferns; Selaginella )" (Ekong 1983: 84). Nnuk eniin

belongs to this class of institutionalised elements

and symbols but in a much more superior position

and is "particularly useful in mediating feuds be-

tween two warring villages" (Udo 1983: 148) nay,

between larger communities like two warring clans.

Since nnuk eniin stands in a much superior position

than the other elements and symbols used in check-

ing or preventing crimes, it is only proper that it be

considered first.

Law, order, and harmony must exist among peo-

ple if life must be worth living. The Ibibio people

placed great premium on these and nnuk eniin (ele-

phant tusk) has been a visible instrument for en-

suring and enforcing them in their communities.

Samuel Akpabot (1977: 2), for instance, observes

"[eļlephant tusks are carried by royalty as a sym-

bol of power and played on ad libitum , all of which

substantiates Lomax's view, quoted earlier, that the

sound of music symbolises a social-psychological

pattern common to a given culture." Although Akpa-

bot was primarily concerned with the uses of nnuk

eniin within the context of music and musicology,

his associating it with Ibibio royalty attests to its im-

portance among the Ibibio. Akpabots's view is cor-

roborated by Edet A. Udo who points out that nnuk

eniin was the Obong (plural Mbong) Ikpaisong's 2

2 An Obong Ikpaisong is usually a respected elder who had

been chosen by his community to superintend over a village

as a chief or is otherwise chosen to sit in the elder's council

as an opinion leader. The appointment as an Obong Ikpaisong

is never complete without an official installation ceremony

which involves a lot of traditional rituals, aimed at imbuing

instrument of peace and law enforcement and was

kept by him in the throne room of his palace as one

of the most important items in his ekpurikpu (store

of relics, insignia, and paraphernalia of office). Udo

(1983: 148) vividly conveys the institutional use of

nnuk eniin when he observes that

[w]henever there was an inter- village dispute or fight, the

Obong Ikpaisong in council with the elders of the clan,

would send the Nnuk Eniin through his messengers to the

warring villages and order them to declare a ceasefire.

The messengers then fixed a day for the hearing of the

case. Such cases were generally heard in the parent vil-

lage of the clan.

Obong Ikpaisong and his council handled all

important state functions, occasions, and emergen-

cies like threats of war, murder cases, arson, and

thefts of a very serious nature. It was this council

that approved the fighting of wars or intercommu-

nity clashes "and from the Obong Ikpaisong came

orders for armistice, conveyed by the lieutenants by

the blowing of the elephant tusk and the carrying

of eyei (young palm frond) as an emblem of peace"

(Udo 1983: 148 f.). The association of nnuk eniin

and eyei with Ibibio royalty confirms Firth's (1973:

163) view that that "the power of symbols lies in

their symbolic content and in their association with

the modal institutions of the social structure, such

as kingship."

Nnuk eniin was also used in imposing an injunc-

tion over disputed land, especially between two

clans. A neutral clan or clans which have imaan 3

(blood brother) relationship would opt or be invited

to arbitrate on the matter for the benefit of the ag-

grieved communities. This symbol of armistice and

peace also provided the Obong Ikpaisong' s messen-

gers with a safe-passage throughout the clan and

beyond. Any disregard or disrespect of the elephant

tusk was tantamount to rebellion against the Obong

Ikpaisong and generally resulted in a serious case

against the culprit because the elephant tusk was

part of the symbol of the Obong' s authority (Udo

1983: 148)!

On the use of nnuk eniin in restoring order in an

atmosphere of disorder and pandemonium, this au-

thor is privileged to narrate an occasion he person-

ally witnessed and clearly remembers, among many

the Obong with the protection and wisdom of the ancestors

as well as preventing him from using his office to oppress and

perform such acts, which are inimical to the health and pro-

gress of the community. All traditional officeholders in Ibibio

land start out as Mbong Ikpaisong before being elevated to

positions as clan head, lineage head, group head, etc.

3 For a more extensive discussion of this relationship see

Charles (2005).
Anthropos 110.2015

Berichte und Kommentare 535

others. In November 1971, t

Council of Chiefs in Etinan Local Government Area

had a matter involving Mbioto village and some

other villages in northern Iman to settle. Since it

was necessary that as many village heads as pos-

sible in northern Iman and other distinguished citi-

zens be present, the meeting was hosted in Lutheran

School, Ikot Ekan, which was convenient for most

of those expected at the meeting. At 1 1 a.m. when

the meeting was supposed to start, barely only one

third of those expected had arrived. The clan head

(author's father) and some members of his council

arrived quite on time and were seated in the section

of the hall arranged to serve as the traditional itak

efe (base of the gathering). On a brief visit home

from Ogoja where he was serving as an Assistant

Divisional Officer, the author had been specially in-

vited to the meeting by the clan head as an observer

and his personal assistant.

As members arrived, there were warm exchanges

of handshakes and cordial but rather too loud pleas-

antries and conversation which were free for all.

These were necessary so that time could be allowed

for more members to arrive. Chiefs and other per-

sonalities found it convenient to move up to the high

table and do obeisance to the clan head, respectful-

ly take his hand, and use that opportunity to chat

on one issue or the other with him. At a convenient

time when most of those expected had arrived, one

of the clan head's close lieutenants, Obong Ekanem

Udofot of Edem Ekpat village, rose from his seat,

exchanged nods with the clan head and stretched

out his arm for a medium size nnuk eniin which had

been stored in the raffia handbag he carried. He held

this in both hands and took a few stately and digni-

fied steps to place the instrument on the floor about

a yard away from where the clan head sat. No word

was uttered and the chief returned to his seat. The

message was clear. "Silence, order, the meeting is

about to commence." That was the clan head's order

by the unspoken words of the nnuk eniin. Dignitar-

ies quickly returned to their seats, some scuttling

across the hall; the loud conversation died down to

perfect silence and the house was formally and tra-

ditionally called to order for commencement of the

day's business.

But why the nnuk eniin and why does this sim-

ple symbol command so much respect among the

Ibibio? Daniel A. Offiong (1984: 104 f.) attempts to

answer this question while discussing the judicial

functions of Ibibio chiefs. According to him,

[i]n matters concerning murder, killing some other person

through witchcraft and so on, the elders council consti-

tuted itself into a special court known as Isong. . . . Isong

is the highest court and once any person has appealed to

Isong for any reason all lineages must send their repre-

sentatives (elders). Once an individual had appealed to

Isong the traditional symbol of the court - an elephant

tusk (nuk enirì) - must be blown. The elephant is a huge

and powerful animal with the capability of trampling any

challenger under its feet. Such is the implication of the

tusk for it symbolizes the strength of this supreme court

and its power to enforce its decisions. If the Isong de-

cided that the guilty should be executed, this was carried

out by Ekpo.

The above should not be taken to mean that the

elders' council is independent of the Obong Ikpai-

song or that it can use the nnuk eniin without his

authorization. On the contrary, Isong only has ac-

cess to and uses the nnuk eniin through the Obong

Ikpaisong who is also the chairman of the Isong. In

reality, it is the Obong Ikpaisong and his council

that constitutes itself into the judicial body for the

purpose of settling disputes of a judicial nature. The

efficacy of nnuk eniin as an instrument of supreme

authority in Ibibio land is recorded by Monday E.

Noah in relation to the alternative judicial system

set up by the Man-Leopard Society. Citizens who

did not find justice in the formal courts would usu-

ally approach the society for redress and this lead to

a number of murders that were initially attributed to

wild animals. According to Noah (1987: 49),

[t]he colonial government's initial response included the

issuing of gun permits authorizing certain individuals to

hunt and kill leopards in the affected Ibibio areas; but as

it became increasingly clear that the killings were com-

mitted by human beings, the government then banned the

Idiong society, imposed a curfew, and billeted troops in

the area. None of the government measures proved useful

until the Ibibio State Union stepped in. Colonial officials

were invited to a number of meetings with the leaders of

the Ibibio State Union, and it was agreed that the Union

should arrange tours of the areas involved and help stamp

out the Man Leopard menace. The authorities provided

transportation and a police escort for the delegates who

toured the areas and, according to Chief Okon Udo Ndok,

by using elephant tusks (nnuk enin) and fresh oil palm

leaves (eyei), the Ibibio State Union was able to bring

these murders to an end.

In an interview, Obong Udo James Ekpo Itam,

clan head of Okon Clan, Eket Local Government

Area, in 1988 said that mme nnuk eniin (plural for

nnuk eniin ) were used more commonly before the

coming of the white men and some years after their

arrival. He was emphatic that it was when the white

men started appropriating nnuk eniin placed on dis-

puted parcels of land as souvenirs that eyei was up-

graded to serve the purpose where in ancient days

only the nnuk eniin would have been used. Elabo-

Anthropos 110.2015

536 Berichte und Kommentare

rating further on this point, th

was the white man and his religi

desecration and raping of nwoom

the valuable relics and household items that were

usually deposited there. They [the white men] usu-

ally prayed and cut off the eyei at the nwoomo be-

fore taking away what they wanted. This also led

to the gradual disrespect for eyei by Christians on

traditional matters"5 Thus in later years, for fear of

the nnuk eniin being stolen by missionaries or their

converts, an Obong Ikpaisong would place an in-

junction over land disputed between two clans or

villages by having the eyei symbolism displayed on

such parcel of land.

The eyei symbolism that later replaced nnuk eni-

in as signature of an injunction over a piece of land

is called placed ofuud. Ofuud is usually shaped as

a giant question sign and is made of eyei, stuffed

with a handful of leaves and adorned peculiarly with

mkpatat (ferns; Selaginella). It is usually prepared

in such a way that a good length is left of the leg of

the ofuud so that it is staffed, in an appropriate num-

ber, to the disputed parcel of land at appropriate in-

tervals. Where there are overhanging tree branches

on the plot that are within reach, some would be

tied unto them so that they hang down like swal-

lows' nests. Obong Ekpo Itam took time to explain

that " ofuud as an Ibibio word in this context means,

that which compresses, that which brings together,

that which pulls together from the outer limits to the

centre. In effect, therefore, ofuud is an element or

symbol of bringing together again parties that had

been pulled apart, viz., an instrument of reconcilia-

tion." Ntisong S. J. Umořen agrees with him but pre-

ferred to sum up his definition of ofuud as "signal

to withdraw hostility and come forward for peaceful

settlement."6 Therefore, in many circumstances the

eyei now plays its traditional role as well as the role

of the nnuk eniin of old.

Where two villages or clans were involved in a

serious but low-level conflict that has the potential

of escalating into a violent conflict, a peace settle-

ment can be forced upon them by the combined ac-

tion of other villages. This is especially so where

the intervention of a friendly village or the Obong

Ikpaisong had been spurned, perhaps because each

party believed it would overrun the other. Where

4 Nwoomo is a funeral house, usually about a meter in height

and shaped as a triangle with all but one side closed, where
the properties meant for use in the ancestral world by the de-

ceased were kept. See Tolbert (1923: 158).

5 Udo James Ekpo Itam, in a discussion with the author on 9th

July, 1994.

6 Ntisong S. J. Umořen in a discussion with the author on 14th

July, 1994.

violent conflict is already ragging or threatening

and the eyei peace emblem had been rejected by

both or either of the parties, the eyei could be hung

on an okono tree at the boundary of the warring vil-

lages. Any village that thereafter crossed the eyei to

the other's territory to resume fighting was attacked

by all other neutral villages. Such a deviant village

was said to have cut the eyei ( ekpike eyei); which in

effect meant declaring war against the Obong Ikpai-

song whose peace efforts were ignored or the com-

munity of friendly neutral villages, which were in-

terested in restoring peace and had acted to ensure

an armistice and the restoration of harmony.

But "sometimes eyei carried an uncompromis-

ing message of war," Ikpe (1942: 6) says, in an in-

stance where two adamant Mbong Ikpaisong were

prepared to show their teeth. Where village "A" and

village "B" are building up for a war, "the former

had to send a palm frond (eyei) to village 'B' to say

where and when the war would be fought. Village

'B' would then reply by also sending a eyei to vil-

lage 'A,' agreeing to fight at a particular place and

on a specific date" (Udo 1983: 156). An order was

then passed on both sides to the combat and then a

bush war-theatre prepared against the agreed day of

commencement of war. The exchange of eyei , not-

withstanding, it is still possible for a neutral Obong

Ikpaisong or a friendly village to intervene to avert

violence. It is also possible for a group of neutral

villages to force the parties into a settlement ei-

ther by hanging eyei on an okono tree as described

above, or by sending eyei to each Obong Ikpaisong

to warn him not to continue with the buildup to war.

Religion, Society, and Ibibio Traditional Symbols

The traditional uses of eyei are not restricted to ju-

dicial and arbitrational functions, but also include a

multiplicity of other uses that contribute to the so-

cial life of the Ibibio. The Ibibio child in the village

first has a personal contact with eyei as a rope for ty-

ing firewood. Within this context, the name "Ekpin"

is often preferred and widely used. When cut from

the youthful oil palm tree ( uten ), the ekpin is waved

furiously in the air or beaten against the trunk of a

tree, in order to open up. It is then split into two by

holding the two topmost opposite leaves and pull-

ing them apart. Either part of the frond as split can

be woven into a rope with a knot at the tapered end.

This weaving of the ekpin ( udok eyei or uwang eyei)

turns it into a rope. As woven, the eyei is now a rope

and holding firewood loosely together in a bundle.

To have a grip hold on the wood so that they do not

fallout, a piece of strong stick about a foot long is

Anthropos 110.2015

Berichte und Kommentare 537

used in twist-turning the rope un

on the wood. That process is ca

uyot-to ifia .

I recall that 68 years ago, each time I returned

from fetching firewood for my eighty-two-year-old

paternal grandmother, with whom I sometimes spent

my holidays, she would welcome me with a caution

or reminder that if the rope holding my firewood to-

gether was eyei , it must not be cut through to release

the wood for packing into the house. The eyei was

to be carefully loosened, pulled out full length from

under the weight of the wood, and thrown into the

nearby bush. Her reminder many times would end

with the words "Eyei omuum ubonl " If I tied my

firewood with rope derived from the inner bark of

the oil palm frond ( efang eyop) or some other, the

old woman did not bother if it was cut to release the

wood. On one of such days, I got curious and asked

her what the statement or remark on eyei meant. She

explained that eyei is the unifying or binding chord

and is, therefore, "that which holds relatives togeth-

er," that which maintains the bond between them.

The word ubon could mean lineage, bonded rela-

tionship, relatives and the word mum means hold, as

in mum kama , which interprets hold it firmly (in the

palm). Omuum is the medium of bringing or hold-

ing together, like in the term " omuum utok ," which

is the go-between, the arbitrator, the reconciler be-

tween two angry parties. My grandmother explained

that since eyei was used in bringing kindred togeth-

er just as it holds firewood together, it was not cus-

tomary that it be cut or destroyed. If in some inex-

plicable circumstance it is destroyed, doing so can

conjure some ill omen for the harmonious living of

kindred. It may sound superstitious, but the point

she made is that eyei is revered because of the role

it plays in maintaining good relationship, peace, and

harmony among the Ibiblo people. While agreeing

with that position, Ntisong S.J. Umořen observed

that it is inevitable and sometimes regrettable for

phrases like eyei omum ubon , pregnant in their cul-

tural meanings, to get lost in the Ibibio current vo-

cabulary and usage because men and women, who

are old and wise in the culture and customs of our

people, are no more and most children now grow

up with their parents in cities where they are not at

grips with their culture and tradition and, therefore,

cannot learn from their grandparents.

The "native Ibibio" believes that there is a con-

nection between the spirits and gods, the ghosts and

the ancestors and the eyei. It was believed (and some

still tend to believe), that if one called upon the an-

cestors, the spirits, and the gods and sought their

protection over some items left unguarded, say by

the side of the village road, by placing a split open

eyei on the items, those called upon or invoked by

being so approached in the circumstance, would

protect the item and be prepared to mete out ade-

quate punishment on any trespasser. In effect, the

eyei placed on the item carried an ominous unvoiced

warning: "The ghosts, spirits, and ancestors are on

guard. It is in your interest to keep off!" That act of

placing the eyei over the items is called "uñwañ."

If the items over which protection is sought were

firewood (ifia), the term is uñwañ ifia , if it is about

palm fruits (eyop), the term is uñwañ eyop , or if it is

about props and stakes (mboi - for the building of

a mud house), cut from the bush and assembled by

the roadside to be carted away later to the building

site, the term is uñwañ mboi , and so on. Writing on

this, Ekong (1983: 88) states that:

[t]hese plant and animal materials are variously used as

uñwañ or symbols to warn trespassers that the wrath of

the gods and juju had been invoked against them. Thus

an Ibibio would protect his faggot of firewood, palm fruit

bunches or other belongings by simply placing a split eyei

or mbritem or mkpatat or mkpok ekwong on the property.

Although, as Ekong observes, other symbols like

mbritem , mkpatat , and mkpok ekwong (snail shells)

were and are still used for the same purpose, eyei is

always preferred because it is believed to be more

efficacious or potent.

In Ibibio country it is customary to find eyei tied

round the stem or tied to the hovering big branches

of fruit trees which fruits are in the process of rip-

ening; say, the African plum (eben) with fruits that

would soon change from the immature and unripe

yellow/pink colour to the ripe deep blue/purple one.

Such an uñwañ symbol warns trespassers not to rip

down the fruits, ripe or unripe. To members of the

family, the message is that the fruits should be left

to ripen until a certain day which would be fixed

for harvesting and sharing out to family members

and friends. On the day of harvesting, the eyei (now

dry and brown) would be carefully untied, and this

process is referred to as uwuk-ko eben ; which could

be translated as "removal of restrictions on" or "un-

banning of harvesting." Where the uwang symbol

had been on a publicly owned fruit tree, the act of

uwuk-ko now means that any passerby can harvest

the items for personal use. In traditional Ibibio com-

munities the harvesting of public fruit trees for com-

mercial purposes did not arise since they had little

commercial value (everyone had his own); in con-

temporary times, fruits are items of trade, but har-

vesting public trees for commercial purposes after

the uwuk-ko is heavily frowned upon.

At the approach of a new farming season, say

in late November and in December each year, eyei ,

Anthropos 110.2015

538 Berichte und Kommentare

which either have been spread ou

ends to tree branches and shru

leaves on one side but with the

intact, are pinned to the ground o

low plots which would be cleare

following year. This is called uñwa

the bush) and is meant to warn

which would deter those who wo

clearing the bush in a few weeks t

In general, it is not an offence f

pressure to call into any thicket o

to ease himself, but it becomes a

once the uñwañ ikot symbols ar

is caught violating the uñwañ sym

the plot could seek recompense fr

ing to the village council. But even

tor is not known, the belief is that

punished by the appropriate deity

in the uñwañ ceremony.

Among members of Ekpo title/sec

has its special symbolism. When

to be staged, especially at the a

arena), warnings would be posted

along various roads and paths that

scene of the revelry. Open eyei wo

ing ududu plants which still have

on them. The ududu plants are peg

dle of the road or path to convey

oku-di-o' " It is a warning that non

dare come near that zone. The mes

bers is: "You go beyond this poin

The message is also for women

the road or path junction leading t

arena, another but very unique set

is conspicuously displayed. This

liar symbol is called eyei iso aka

it carries is obvious and melanchol

If the society's masquerades, the

which one meets along the roads

scribed as "horribly frightening,"

ful Ekpo," "hideous beyond descr

the Destroyers," etc.,7 what wou

non-member who would dare them

na can better be imagined than d

beyond eyei iso akai , for a non-m

of Ekpo suzerainty was certainly l

mine. In the attai ession itself, if i

elry, majestic and crooning drumm

dancing, an Ekpo baron steps out f

shed with an open eyei raised high

and possibly with loud shouts an

the arena, this means that order h

immediately and t

would take his plac

what the elders ha

It is customary th

ber dies, his com

more so if he is a

The ravaging is par

clear off vegetativ

compound, thus cr

more sunlight into

be turned into a v

itself or the degr

by the dead man'

portance as well a

ravaging would in

of the planted tre

much treasured b

To prevent massiv

valuable tree specie

voured trees or pla

trunks or branch

attracts a ransom f

manilas or the cur

ing the trees and h

that they would es

uñwañ eto or sim

lar to the biblical P

blood of a lamb on

mates of the house

treasured trees to

by Ekpo masquer

After that uñwañ

ble over which ran

hewn down. But if

over is cut down, e

a heavy fine. The r

any Ekpo masquer

tree to fell must d

to cut down the tr

of okpoho itiatita

at the time, and th

a bottle of gin.8

Within the ranks

ready noted, is use

der, stopping the h

But for the mainte

places by way of
of disquiet, pandem

all fights accompan

es etc., it behoves m

discharge this resp

7 For a picture of the Ekpo and descrip

Akpan (1994: 48-53, 94 f.).

8 J. S. B. Ikpe; derived

of Obong Akpan Ikpe

chieftain and grandfat

Anthropos

Berichte und Kommentare 539

rip off an eyei from the neare

tree), and raising it in his right

the area of disorder shouting:

Idobo-ol Idobo-o!!

Be quiet! Be quiet!

Adak! Adak! Adak!

Ikang ekpeduk ikot, ese esim mbere-o!

When the bush fire burns it stops at the fire break!

Ekern! ndion-o! Ekern ndion-o-o!!

It is enough! It is enough!

It could also be some other words or phrases au-

thoritatively appealing for or better still ordering a

cease-fire, order, and peace. Under normal circum-

stances, a restoration of peace would immediately

follow for the Abia Idiong' s role in situations like

that were generally acknowledged and respected.

But there was an exception in Asuna when an Abia

Idiong' s peace moves were flouted. The rage was so

high and pandemonium had totally taken over the

market to the extent that as the Idiong priest (a cer-

tain Odung by name) strode through the market

striving to restore order he was mowed down with

a Dane gun. That was an abomination and sacrilege

and the dastardly event resulted in the market be-

ing deserted immediately. To the people, that awful

event would anger even the gods of the land. It cost

Asuna people many goats and fowl for the gods and

the land to be appeased, among other items of sac-

rifice. Even though no one now appears to be very

sure at which of the two markets in Asuna (northern

Iman) the event occurred, it has been immortalise

with an Idiong song:

Odung tim-me adem ke eya uwot-o!

Odung desist or you will be killed!

Yo-ho-ho!!

Owo isiwotowot Abla Idiong-o!

Nobody kills an Abia Idiongl

Yo-ho-ho!!

Abia Idiong ese anam emem-o!

Abia Idiong is a peace maker!

Yo-ho-ho!!

Among the Ibibio of old, stealing and witchcraft

were regarded as the most heinous crimes9 and pun-

9 Notice that rape is not included here as a crime. The fact is

that rape was relatively unknown in the small communities

that made up Ibibio land. The purity of a maiden as well as

the reproductive rights of women were highly treasured and

violation of these was tantamount to destroying the life of the

maiden as no one would marry her. Such a case usually at-

tracted capital punishment. Where the culprit is let off though

ishments for these were prompt, severe, and pub-

lic. When a thief was caught, he was stripped naked

and the stolen article, if possible, like in the case of

a chicken, was tied unto eyei and hung around his

neck. He could be painted with charcoal, severely

beaten and tortured, and paraded around the village

with people jeering and deriding him. In the case

of witchcraft, Ekong (1983: 86 f.) puts it this way:

Generally one accused of witchcraft in Ibibio society did

not feel safe until publicly declared innocent. In order to

ensure his/her safety pending public clearance, the ac-

cused would seek protection under the village head or

the chief of a neighbouring village by tying two leaves of

eyei to okpogho (manilla) and handing this to the chief.

The chief would then send words across to the

adversary or accuser and arrange for the matter to

be heard and determined. When that is done, it is

unlawful or unethical, indeed abominable to molest

such a person except at the conclusion of the case

and when the person has been found to be guilty.

That action of seeking the chief's protection through

the use of eyei tied to the manilla is called uduoono

ikpin (note, not ekpin, the folded young palm frond,

but a different technical and legal term in Ibibio).

Uduoono ikpin has to do with seeking protection or

refuge under the law or otherwise requesting inter-

vention or arbitration from a legal personage. Any-

one who molested the "refugee" during that peri-

od has committed a punishable offence against the

village as personified in their chief and the offence

was called udue ikpin (breach of a stay of action or-

der or of the injunction imposed by the authority of

the village) or, more commonly, uduo obom (com-

mitting an abomination). Ntisong S. J. Umořen con-

firms that depending on the circumstance, "insulting

the authority of the village, disregard for the person

and authority of the village head in those days could

even attract capital punishment."10

But the uduoono ikpin process or intervention

also applies in matters of less severe or serious con-

sequence. All the same, it is a process in the Ibi-

bio legal system or social control measures. Chief

J.S.B. Ikpe's 1940 records carry the decision of

an uduoono ikpin case in which he was involved.

A relative of his, Daniel, had made certain outra-

geous pronouncements which enraged him so much

so that he initiated moves within the family for that

disrespectful young man to be taught the lesson of

his life. Realising how severe his punishment would

some legal oversight, relatives of the woman involved will

hunt him down and kill him.

10 Ntisong S. J. Umořen in a discussion with the author on 14th

of July, 1994.

Anthropos 110.2015

540 Berichte und Kommentare

be, Daniel sought the intervent

chiefs: Obong Mbede Udo Efik,

Ekpo, Obong Udo Aba Uso, and

case was heard several times and

which "Daniel was fined a goat"

of December, 1940 ( Urua Ekpe

reconciled Chief Ikpe and his kind

the intervention of the other chi

the uduoono ikpin process, it is th

the misunderstanding, hostility, o

one whose public image is hurt,

assassinated that initiates action

redress, as the case may be. Wh

stance, however, the symbolism

uduoono ikpin process is importan

offering of manila without the

would not suffice.

At meetings where great premium is placed on

confidentiality and secrecy, eyei is also brought into

play. The chairman or his nominee at such a meeting

would commence matters at hand with a package of

prayer and libation-cum-invocation of the gods of

the land, the spirits who prosper and guide the ac-

tions of men, the departed ancestors who protect the

living and avenge on their behalf. He would stress

that since they were gathered to discuss matters very

vital to their welfare and which must be kept se-

cret, they (the gods, spirits, and ancestors) should be

present with them, imbue them with wisdom and un-

derstanding and punish whoever, upon leaving the

meeting, would divulge what had been discussed

to anyone. At the end of the libation, the quantity

of gin left in the glass over which he gushed out

his communication with the unseen elements, drop-

pings of which he had been pouring on the ground

as he spoke, would be poured on the eyei. Everyone,

including the chairman himself, would then leave

the hall to the veranda. The chairman would then

place the eyei, which he had been holding with his

left hand while pouring the libation with his right,

on the floor across the door and first step over it

back into the meeting hall. The others would fol-

low suit. Whoever felt that he would not be able to

pass the acid test and keep the discussions secret,

thereafter, was free to leave at that point. The au-

thor, among others, was invited to a meeting at the

palace of H. R. H. Edidem Thompson Udo Uyoa-

ta Akpabio (late), Oku-ibom Ibibio and Paramount

Ruler of Eket in 1988. The Oku-ibom performed the

eyei rites himself and we settled down for the meet-

ing. But H. R. H. Edidem Thompson Udo Uyoata

Akpabio was anxious to discuss and get clear with

an item or two on the agenda with the secretary of

the meeting. While the consultation was going on,

a late arrival but very important personality came

into the hall. For some inexplicable reason, but per-

haps because he was quite late and was in a hurry

to take his seat in the hall, he did not quite register

in his consciousness the eyei at the doorway. After

he had sat down and taken a quick look through the

hall to note who and who were present, the chief

sitting next to him confirmed that a full regalia eyei

rites had been performed by no less a person than

the Oku-ibom himself. After a while, the dignitary

rose with a nod to the chairman and walked into a

corridor at one end of which the restrooms were lo-

cated for the convenience of users of the meeting

hall and at the other end terminated at the outer ve-

randa of the building. Instead of going towards the

restrooms, as attendants at the meeting expected,

the highly respected gentleman took the opposite

direction that opened to the fore-yard and slid into

his car. He never showed up again at the meeting

that day. The elderly gentleman, much respected in

government circles, was noted for breaches of faith,

confidentiality, and trust.

On important public occasions, Mbong Ikpai-

song , together with some village heads and out-

standing public figures, would walk in a procession

to the rostrum. At the head of such a procession

would be the Akama Eyei Ikpaisong , Sergeant-at-

Arms, as one would say. He holds a just unfolding

ekpin (eyei), full length, over his right shoulder. In

circumstances such as this, eyei serves the same pur-

pose as the mace does in parliament. Obong Umořen

Umo Essien Unwene of Ikot Mfon, Etinan Local

Government Area, is not only the Akama Eyei Ik-

paisong Iman łbom Clan, he also functions as Aka-

ma Eyei Ikpaisong Ibibio when occasions demand.

The Akama Eyei in this case is like a forerunner, in-

forming people of the status of the persons that fol-

low the eyei. A similar function is served by the eyei

for the Ekpo society as Talbot (1923: 188) reports:

Eight days before the first of the new season's crop may

be eaten, in every town where this society holds sway, a

functionary, whose title is Udokk Ekkpo, i.e. the Ghost's

Door, sallies forth, bearing a rattle in his right hand and a

palm leaf in his left. He goes as a kind of advance-guard,

to warn people that the Ekkpo fetishes will be brought

forth on the morrow.

A maiden who is possessed or afflicted by the

ndam fit is usually decorated with white clay ( ndom ),

particularly on her face, hands, and legs, and would

have an eyei tied on her upper left arm and be con-

fined in the house of an expert for treatment. The

eyei hand band identification1 1 mark conveys the in-

1 1 The use of eyei as a band of identification is also reported by

Talbot (1923: 239).

Anthropos 110.2015

Berichte und Kommentare 541

formation that she is not normal

treatment to rid her of her afflic

tion. Anyone who finds her along

way not behaving normally will b

ism quickly suspects that she is at

she had been confined for treatm

to stop her, and take her, or cau

back to where she was being treat

band indicates to all and sundry

ther be courted nor expected to p

feats that are expected of a nor

tional Ibibio society norm deman

found her straying should protect

could be taken back to her parent

to locate the treatment centre from which she had

escaped.

Every akwa isua (Ibibio leap year) and through-

out Ibibio land, all shrines including Iso Eka Ekpo,

Iso Akakam, and all others in the line up to Nkuku

and still down the line to ancestor shrines like Ek-

penyong and all Iso Ibok are either honoured with

the erection of new sheds of eyei or have eyei laced

over fork sticks at their locations.12 In some cas-

es, these shrines and fetish spots are decorated with

woven eyei dressed to the base of the trees (see Tal-

bot 1923: 11) at which they are located. In many

households, ancestral graves are also cleared and

decorated with eyei. Where the grave belonged to an

influential member of the community, the nwoomo

(funeral house) is redecorated or rebuilt, and laced

with eyei decorations. Without the eyei decoration

the libation and other leap year rituals are incom-

plete and, therefore, unacceptable to the gods and

ancestors. The use of eyei at the end of year/new

year activities is also confirmed by Justine Ukpong

(1982: 164) who observed:

The first ritual to mark the period is called utuak ndok

(starting the closing activities) which consists of cleaning

up the shrines of the gods and ancestors and decorating

them with palm fronds. This is closely followed by a sac-

rifice called uwa iwuot isua (the end-of-the-year sacrifice)

offered for the whole village to "send off" the old year and

to "welcome" the new, to request of the gods and ances-

tors a peaceful cosmic transition, to thank them for past

favours and beg for a prosperous new year.

Eyei is not only for the living, it also plays an im-

portant role at death among the Ibibio. Some corps-

es are believed to be reluctant, clumsy, or stubborn

in returning to the ancestors via the grave for one

reason or the other. When conveyed to the grave,

such corpses are said to be unduly heavy, could

12 The decoration of shrines with eyei has been variously re-

ported by Talbot (1923: 13, 18, 22, 37 f., 41).

cause the pall bearers to sway towards the bush or

come to a forced stop for a while before they are

able to move again. If such a corpse is conveyed in

a vehicle, the vehicle would be slack of movement,

the steering of the vehicle could, inexplicably, veer

away from its track, the vehicle could be involved in

an accident, etc. To neutralise all these pranks and

pacify the stubborn corpse, an eyei is either placed

inside the coffin, if for one reason or another the

pranks had been anticipated, or on the coffin, when

traits of stubbornness are noticed upon commence-

ment of movement to the grave. If the corpse is con-

veyed in a vehicle, an eyei is tied to any convenient

part of the vehicle, say the frame of a bicycle or the

front bumper of a car or lorry. Decorating the vehi-

cle with the eyei also serves as a warning to other

road users that the vehicle contains a corpse and as

such may behave in an unpredictable manner. Road

users usually give the vehicle a wide berth in order

to avoid being affected by its unpredictable behav-

iour. In case the journey begins outside the palm

belt or for some other reason the eyei is not readily

available, a tough grass species called nkimenang

also serves this same purpose, but eyei is always

preferred and would sometimes be substituted once

it becomes available.

Conclusion

As herein narrated, nnuk eniin and eyei are two very

important items in the sociocultural and economic

life of the Ibibio people and this essay cannot be

said to have exhausted their roles and usages, es-

pecially that of eyei. The more the former becomes

a scarce species and, therefore, less in circulation,

the more the later virtually takes over the role of

nnuk eniin or, at least, readily stands in for nnuk

eniin where it is not available. Eyei is at the pin-

nacle of the palm tree which is, spectacularly the

most highly valued economic item and crop in the

life of the Ibibio. Like the parent palm that bears

the fruits producing oil and kernel and carries the

leaves and branches, which with the trunk provide

several needs down to the roots that are of medicinal

value, the eyei comes in early in the Ufe of an Ibibio

youth, plays an important part in his traditional be-

lief system and entertainment, regulates his society

as a social control mechanism, and may even ac-

company him as he returns to the ancestors. Yes, in-

deed, to the Ibibio "eyei omuum ubon " is the chord

that binds, the conduit of balm for hurt minds, the

reconciler and chain of harmony and taking off with

the people almost from the cradle but certainly all

the way to the grave!

Anthropos 110.2015

542 Berichte und Kommentare

The following persons were of i

supplying us with a general backgr

specific information on the subject

Obong Udo James Ekpo Itam, C

clan in Eket Local Government Are

Council of Ibibio Traditional Rulers. Granted the author

two interviews between November 1988 and January

1989.

Ntisong S. J. Umořen with whom the author has been

in continuous discussions on various aspects of Ibibio life

and culture. On this subject the meeting of 9th July, 1994

was most helpful.

Obonganwan M. Ikpe, wife of Obong J.S.B. Ikpe

(late), clan head of Iman Clan, Etinan Local Government

Area, 1962-1973; member Asuna Council of Chiefs, Eti-

nan Local Government Area, and one of the mothers of

the authors.

Ndon Esua Mbuk of Ikot Akpanya, Etinan Local Gov-

ernment Area; high-ranking member of Ekpo Society fur-

nished the author with information of Ekpo, part of which

touch on this subject (1989-1990).

Chief Edet J. Nte of Atan-Offot, Uyo Local Govern-

ment Area (April-June 1991) was very useful in his dis-

cussion on this subject and other matters.

References Cited

Akpabot, Samuel

1977 Anthropology of African Music. Africa - Journal of the

International African Institute (Supplement) 47/2: 2-3.

Akpan, Joseph J.

1994 Ekpo Society Masks of the Ibibio. African Arts 27/4: 48-

53, 94.

Charles, Joseph O.

2005 Social Relations and the "Trinity" of Ibibio Kinship. The

Case of Ibibio Immigrants in Akpabuyo (Efikland), Nige-

ria. Journal of Anthropological Research 61/3: 337-356.

Duncan, Hugh D.

1968 Symbols in Society. New York: Oxford University Press.

Ekong, Ekong E.

1983 Sociology of the Ibibio. A Study of Social Organization

and Change. Calabar: Scholars Press.

Firth, Raymond

1973 Symbols. Public and Private. London: George Allen and

Unwin.

Ikpe, J. S. B.

1942 On the Ibibio Nation. [Unpubl. MS]

Noah, Monday Effiong

1987 The Ibibio Union 1928-1966. Canadian Journal of Afri-

can Studies 21/1: 38-53.

Offiong, Daniel A.

1984 The Status of Ibibio Chiefs. Anthropological Quarterly

51 1 100-113.

Talbot, P. Amaury

1923 Life in Southern Nigeria. The Magic, Beliefs, and Cus-

toms of the Ibibio Tribe. London: Macmillan.

Udo, Edet A.

1983 Who Are the Ibibio? Onitsha: Africana-FEB Publishers.

Ukpong, Justin S.

1982 Sacrificial Worship in Ibibio Traditional Religion. Jour-

nal of Religion in Africa 13/3: 161-188.

Genetic Diversity

of Some North Indian Populations

of Different Faiths

Gulshan Ara and Mohammad Afzal

Introduction

The science of population genetics deals with Men-

del's law and other genetic principles as they affect

entire populations of organisms. Population genet-

ics also includes the various forces that result in evo-

lutionary changes in species through time. By de-

fining the framework within which evolution takes

place, the principles of population genetics are ba-

sic to a broad evolutionary perspective on biology.

From an experimental point of view, evolution pro-

vides a wealth of treatable hypotheses for all other

branches of biology. Many oddities in biology be-

come comprehensible in the light of evolution: they

result from shared ancestry among organisms, and

they attest to the unity of life on earth.

Population genetics attempts to describe how the

frequencies of the alleles, which control the trait,

change over time. To study frequency changes, we

analyse populations rather than individuals. Fur-

thermore, because changes in gene frequencies are

at the heart of evolution and speciation, population

and evolutionary genetics are often studied together.

One of the purposes of population genetics is to

study the mechanism of origin and maintenance of

genetic variability. The genetic variability is studied

in terms of polymorphism of various genetic mark-

ers as genetic polymorphism, which is defined as

the occurrence in the same population of two or

more alleles at one locus, each with appreciable fre-

quency (Cavalli-Sforza and Bodmer 1971). Schol-

ars of population genetics agree that a natural selec-

tion and stochastic processes are responsible for the

maintenance of this genetic polymorphism in the

human population.

Anthropos 110.2015