Commitment and Social Organization: A Study of Commitment Mechanisms in Utopian

Communities
Author(s): Rosabeth Moss Kanter
Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Aug., 1968), pp. 499-517
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2092438 .
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AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
August, 1968 Volume 33, No. 4

COMMITMENT AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: A STUDY OF

COMMITMENT MECHANISMS IN UTOPIAN COMMUNITIES *
ROSABETHMoss KANTER
BrandeisUniversity

This paper definescommitmentand proposesthree types, continuance,cohesion,and control

commitment,which bind personality systems to areas of social systems, linking cognitive,
cathectic, and evaluative orientationsto roles, relationships,and norms, respectively. Two
processesunderliethe developmentof each of the three types of commitment: sacrificeand
investment support continuance;renunciationand communionsupport cohesion; and mor-
tificationand surrendersupport control. On the basis of these processes,a large number of
commitmentmechanisms,or commitment-producingorganizationalstrategies,are set forth.
Use of these strategiesgenerallydistinguishessuccessful(enduring) and unsuccessful(short-
lived) nineteenthcentury Americanutopian communities.

OMMITMENT is a consideration which mitment through their effects on individuals

arises at the intersection of organiza- -their experience and orientations. Com-
~.~.Ational requisites and personal experi- mitment, then, refers to the willingness of
ence. On the one hand, social systems or- social actors to give their energy and loyalty
ganize to meet systemic "needs"; and on the to social systems, the attachment of per-
other hand, people orient themselves posi- sonality systems to social relations which are
tively and negatively, emotionally and in- seen as self-expressive. As such, the concept
tellectually, to situations. Since social orders is of major theoretical importance, since it
are supported by people, one problem of promises to join structural-functional con-
collectivities is to meet organizational re- siderationswith phenomenology.At the same
quisites in such a way that participants at time, it has practical importance in a society
the same time become positively involved in which many social problems are seen as
with the system-loyal, loving, dedicated, stemming from lack of commitment. Yet,
and obedient. This requires solutions to or- according to Becker (1960:32), "there has
ganizational or systemic problems that are been little formal analysis of the concept of
simultaneouslymechanismsfor insuring com- commitmentand little attempt to integrate it
* Funds for the research described here were pro- explicitly with current sociological theory."
vided by a National Institute of Mental Health Pre- (And, I may add, little attempt to utilize it
Doctoral Research Fellowship and the Center for in organizational research, even though it is
Research on Social Organization, University of central to the understanding of both human
Michigan, under the direction of Albert J. Reiss, Jr. motivation and system maintenance.) Such
Earlier versions of this paper were read at the 1967
Meetings of the American Sociological Association an integration and utilization is attempted
and at a Department of Social Relations Collo- here. By focusing on a kind of organization
quium, Harvard University. It includes portions of for which the securing of commitment is
a doctoral dissertation submitted to the Department crucial to success, this paper will describe a
of Sociology, University of Michigan. Helpful com-
ments were made by William A. Gamson, Leon H.
number of structural arrangements and or-
Mayhew, Daniel Katz, Naphtali Golomb, Lewis A. ganizational strategies which promote and
Coser, and Stuart A. Kanter. sustain commitment.
499

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500 REVIEW
AMERICANSOCIOLOGICAL
THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS may be very solidary with a group in a social
system but be uncommitted to continued
Commitmentmay be defined as the process participation in the system, because of other
through which individual interests become
circumstances.An officeworker, for example,
attached to the carrying out of socially or- may take a better job even though her best
ganized patterns of behavior which are seen friends work in her formeroffice. The inmate
as fulfilling those interests, as expressing the
of a prison may form close ties with fellow
nature and needs of the person. This defini-
prisonersand even with guards, yet certainly
tion bears some conceptual similarities to
wish to leave the system at the earliest op-
Parsons' notion of "institutionalization":
portunity. In specific social systems, one or
"the integration of the expectations of actors
another of these commitment problems may
in a relevant interactive system of roles with
be of paramountimportance; e.g., a business
a shared normative pattern of values." (Par-
organization may concentrate on solving
sons and Shils, 1962:20). What is added problems of continuance rather than cohe-
here, however, is a broader conception of
sion. In other cases the three may be causally
commitment, in which actors become com-
related; in fact, solutions to all three prob-
mitted not only to norms but also to other
lems may be mutually reinforcing and multi-
aspects of a social system.
ply determined.But it is analytically possible
We may distinguish three major social to distinguish continuance, cohesion, and
system problems involving the commitment
control as the social system axes of commit-
of actors: social control, group cohesiveness,'
ment.
and continuation as an action system (re-
taining participants).2 Continuance, cohe- What aspects of the personality system
sion, and control are three analytically dis- exhibit a good "fit" with or "support" these
tinct problems, with potentially independent areas of a social system? On the basis of
solutions. An actor may be committed to social action theory (Parsons and Shils,
continuing his system membership but be 1962:4-6), it is proposed that cognitive,
continually deviant within the system, un- cathectic, and evaluative orientations form
committed to its control. For example, a the personality system axes of commitment,
rebellious teenager may reject his parents' and that each of these personal orientations
control but be unwilling to withdraw from would seem to be able to support a particular
the family system. Furthermore, an actor social system area. Positive cognition can
support continuance, positive cathexis can
1 In very complex systems it might seem likely support group cohesion, and positive evalu-
that group cohesivenesswould be limited to peer
groups. However, if cohesivenessis defined not in ation can support social control. It is pro-
termsof sociabilityand mutualattractionbut rather posed here that commitmentof actors to par-
in termsof the ability to withstanddisruptiveforces ticipating in the system, remainingmembers,
and threats from outside the group ("stickingto- (continuance commitment) involves primar-
gether") it would apply to systems of any degree
of complexity.This improvedmeaningof cohesive-
ily their cognitive orientations. When profits
ness has been proposedby Grossand Martin (1952). and costs are considered, participants find
2 While recruitment of actors would seem at first that the cost of leaving the system would be
glanceto be as importantfor continuationof a sys- greater than the cost of remaining: "profit"
tem as retention of actors,recruitmentand retention compels continued participation. (Consider-
are two analytically distinct problems, solved by
differentkinds of organizationalstrategies.I would ations of cognitive consistency enter here.)
argue that recruitmentdoes not particularlyrequire Continuance commitment, in a more general
commitment but may be accomplishedin many sense, can be conceptualized as commitment
other ways, with non-committedactors; e.g., birth, to a social system role. Commitmentof actors
accident, and external organizational phenomena to group solidarity, to a set of social relation-
may serve to recruituncommittedindividuals.How-
ever, once a person has performedany single act ships, (cohesion commitment) involves pri-
within a system, the problemarises of committing marily their forming positive cathectic orien-
him to further and future participation.Thus, the tations; affective ties bind members to the
commitment necessaryfor continuationdeals with community, and gratifications stem from in-
retaining participants. Recruiting them is not a volvement with all the membersof the group.
commitmentproblem(although,of course,the ways
in which they are recruited has implications for Solidarity is high; "infighting"and jealousy
commitment). low. A cohesive system can withstand threats

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COMMITMENT MECHANISMS 501
to its existence; members "stick together." with and even necessitated by his inner core
Commitment of actors to uphold norms and of beliefs. The three kinds of commitment
obey the authority of the group (control can also be seen to form a scale similar to
commitment) involves primarily their form- that which may be proposed for the develop-
ing positive evaluative orientations.Demands ment of morality in children; the child first
made by the system are evaluated as right, obeys social system demands because of re-
as moral, as just, as expressing one's own wards and punishments,then because of emo-
values, so that obedience to these demands tional attachment to others, and finally in
is a normative necessity, and sanctioning by terms of an internalized moral code.5
the system is regarded as appropriate. It is What the present formulation emphasizes
interesting to note that evaluative-control that others do not, however, are the implica-
commitment resembles in some respects the tions of the types of commitmentnot merely
concept of a super-ego which binds the eval- for the individual but for the social system.
uative components of the personality system First,' it is to different areas of the social
to the norms of a social system; the notion system that the three personal orientations
of super-egois, of course, formulatedin much are attached, so that different consequences
more intra-psychic terms than are used here. stem from different kinds of commitment.
The three kinds of commitment proposed Groups in which members have formed cog-
here can be seen to cover the major aspects nitive-continuancecommitmentsshould man-
of the linking of the individual, as a per- age to hold their members. Groups in which
sonality system, to a social system,4 and, as members have formed cathectic-cohesion
such, articulate with other formulations con- commitments should be able to withstand
cerning a person's willingness to carry out threats to their existence, should have more
socially organized lines of behavior. Cogni- "stick-together-ness."Groupsin which mem-
tive-continuancecommitment is commitment bers have formed evaluative-control commit-
to social roles, or to positions in social sys- ments should have less deviance, challenge to
tems, with no affectivity or evaluation at- authority, or ideological controversy-of
tached to the role; the role merely has a course ignoring for the moment all the other
positive valence. This is on a similar level diverse sources of influence on group life.
to what Kelman (1958) has termed "com- Systems with all three kinds of commitment,
pliance," acting in terms of rewards and with total commitment, should be more suc-
punishments, profits and costs. Cathectic- cessful in their maintenance than those with-
cohesion commitment is attachment to social out.
relationships, which absorb the individuals' At the same time, the reasons for gaining
fund of affectivity, but again do not have this commitment exist on the social system
internal moral imperatives attached to them. level-in the way the system is organized,
This resembles Kelman's "identification." in the implications of social arrangementsfor
Finally, evaluative-control commitment is whether or not actors do tend to positively
commitment to norms, the values and inner cognize, cathect, and evaluate the system.
convictions which morally obligate the in- Since the social order is the object of com-
dividual. This resemblesKelman's third type, mitment, differences in social organization
"internalization," in which the individual should affect commitment. Thus, a criterion
accepts influence which appears congruent for the success of a social system in gaining
commitment is whether or not it implements
3Social control is possible without control com- a programof social arrangementswhich tend
mitments by participants, of course, i.e., without to involve and bind participants'orientations.
their positive evaluative or normative orientations,
Such programs represent one kind of "social
but it should not be as efficient or effective.
4There is one additional aspect of commitment, management of experience," a perspective
concerning cognitive orientations, which should be taking into account both social-structural
mentioned, although it is not central to the present and phenomenologicalvariables. When peo-
analysis. Commitment can also link the personality
system to the cultural system, creating a cognitive- 5This becomes apparent when one attempts to
cultural commitment, in which the individual comes integrate the many findings on moral development
to internalize group symbols and to see things as embodying diverse points of view. It is suggested,
the group sees them. (This idea was suggested by for example, by the juxtaposition of studies re-
Leon H. Mayhew). viewed by Roger Brown (1960:381-417).

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502 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEW
ple are committed to social orders, structure tence only six months (Yellow Springs,
and phenomenologyare mutually reinforcing, Ohio). The population of utopias chosen for
and maintenance of the social system is in- examination, then, were those founded in
timately linked with maintenance of the self. the United States between the Revolutionary
The proposition follows, then, that groups and the Civil Wars (roughly 1780 to 1860).
whose existence is dependent on the commit- This population, although experiencing simi-
ment of their participants should be more lar external conditions, varied in type as well
successfully maintained if they utilize social as in longevity. Some were more or less sec-
arrangementswhich promote commitment of tarian, some primarily secular; some were
all three types. Such commitment mecha- celibate, others favored free love. Some
nisms can be proposed and their efficacy utopias derived from immigrant groups and
tested. spoke a foreign language. There was a Cath-
olic community, Owenite communes, Four-
THE EMPIRICAL SETTING AND ierite phalanxes (phalansteries), and even
RESEARCH DESIGN one community derived from a literary
utopia (Icaria, after Etienne Cabet's Voyage
Utopian communities provide an interest- en Icarie). While many of the 19th century
ing universe of organizations in which to American utopian communities shared gen-
study commitment mechanisms because in eral values, they often implemented them in
them certain problems are highlighted. Since different ways. This variation in organiz-
they represent attempts to establish ideal tional characteristics, then, affords the op-
social orders, but exist within a larger so- portunity for testing comparativehypotheses.
ciety, they, especially, must vie with the Finally, these communities share an advan-
outside for members' loyalties. They must tage of historical rather than contemporary
insure high member involvement despite research in that their ultimate historical fate
external competition without sacrificing their is known: their entire life-span is accessible
distinctiveness or ideals. They must often to the analyst.
contravene earlier socialization in securing A list of 91 utopian communities, repre-
obedience to new demands. They must calm senting a population of American utopias
internal dissension in order to present a founded between 1780 and 1860, was gen-
united front to the world. The problem of erated from historical sources. A single in-
securing total commitment, i.e., in all three stance of a community, a unit utopia, was
organizational areas, is central. defined using the following criterion: iden-
In addition, historical material permits a tity of organizational structure with some
direct comparison of communities of rela- centralized control over successive or simul-
tively long duration (which we may term taneous locations. Thus, the Shakers, for
C'successful") 6 with those of relatively short example, are considered one case, even
duration (which we may term "unsuccess- though they had at various times 22 villages
ful") under a fairly similar set of external in different locations. This list was divided
social conditions. (Thus we can, in a sense, into "successful" and "unsuccessful" cases
hold external variables constant while we and a sample of each drawn. Success was
examine differencesin internal organization.) measured by length of time in existence: a
About a hundred utopian communities were system had to exist as a utopian community
born and died in the nineteenth century for at least 25 years in order to be considered
America, most founded before 1850. Some successful (a sociological definition of a
of these lasted as long as 180 years (the generation). A case was considereda utopian
Shaker Villages),7 while others were in exis- community as long as all relevant relations
among memberswere centrally controlled by
6 "Success" as used here is measured solely by a single organization. Thus, for example,
longevity, although it is of course recognized that Oneida was considered to be finished as a
there may be other criteria for successful mainte- utopian community when it shifted to formal
nance. With respect to utopian communities, how- organizationas an economic system and gave
ever, it is possible to make a case for the argument
that one of their primary aims is the creation of an
enduring social world. hold on life; the remnants of two Shaker villages
7 In fact, the Shakers today have a very tenuous still exist, but populated by a few old women.

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MECHANISMS
COMMNIITMENT 503
up jurisdiction over members' social and longer a community's existence the greater
marital relations. Its duration as a utopian the likelihood that it would attract the notice
community was 33 years, even though as of history. However it was also deliberate,
some kind of social system it has persisted designed to increase the meaningfulness and
119 years. The utility of the 25-year criterion validity of the comparison between success-
was tested on the whole population, and it ful and unsuccessful cases. Social organiza-
was found that only one successful utopia tion does not usually arise suddenly and
lasted less than 33 years, and no unsuccessful in toto; it often requires slow periods of
case lasted more than 16 years. The popula- getting organized. To include only 3 com-
tion was found to include 11 successful munities of less than two full years' duration
utopias, 79 unsuccessful ones, and one case and 14 of at least three full years tends to
that proved to be unclassifiable (Icaria). insure that the differences between success-
The sample consisted of 9 successful and ful and unsuccessful cases will not be wholly
21 unsuccessfulcases, communities for which due to differencesin their stage of organiza-
there were available at least two independent tional development but rather to differences
sources of information.8Of the 11 successful in the kinds of organizationthey do establish.
cases in the population, two could not be Data were collected from sources repre-
included in the sample because of a scarcity senting four categories of informants: cen-
of information on their social organization, tral members, such as leaders; peripheral
although some data on one of them was members, such as deviants and apostates;
collected; 9 successful cases therefore com- visitors and first-hand observers; and his-
prised the sample. (The sample of successful torians. In addition, a number of documents,
utopias thus nearly exhausts the population.) such as constitutions and financial records,
Twenty-one out of the 79 unsuccessful were examined. Information from these
utopias were included, with another 9 cases sources pertaining to a large number of vari-
on which some data had been collected ables was recorded as though it represented
thrown out for lack of information. Avail- responses to a flexible, open-ended interview
ability of data was not the only criterion schedule. Data were then sorted into cate-
used for selection of the 21 unsuccessful gories representinganswers to questions sug-
cases, however, for an attempt was made to gested by theory and hypotheses about a
make this sample relatively representative large number of variables and their changes
and independent. All major types and time over time. To minimize bias the following
periods are included in the sample, and most precautions were taken: First, information
of those not studied were either similar in on all critical variables was taken in as many
type and ideology to those examined or very instances as possible from at least two inde-
small in size and short in duration. (The pendent sources and from two informants
average life of the entire population of un- who represented different perspectives, e.g.,
successful cases was less than two years.) a member of the community and a non-
Finally, within the sample of unsuccessful member visitor or historian. Secondly, once
cases, those of relatively longer duration information had been categorized, internal
were over-represented.This was partly due checks were used to determinewhether other
to the availability of materials, for the related data tended to confirm or discredit
that information. Independent judges who
8 The sample consisted of the following commu- did not know the hypotheses of the study
nities, listed in order of longevity: Successful: made these internal checks.
Shakers (180 years), Harmony (100), Amana (90), It was then necessary to devise a data
Zoar (81), Snowhill (70), St. Nazianz (42), Bethel reduction technique so that hypotheses could
and Aurora (36), Jerusalem (33), and Oneida (33 );
Unsuccessful: Hopedale (15), Modern Times (15), be tested quantitatively. Toward this end a
Bishop Hill (14), North American Phalanx (13), data summary was constructed to generate
Communia (8), Oberlin (8), Brook Farm (6), Wis- a protocol for each community. This con-
consin Phalanx (6), Northampton (4), Utopia (4), sisted of a series of questions dealing with
Kendal (3), Nashoba (3), First Mormon United practices, occurrences, rules and procedures
Order (3), Skaneateles (3), Iowa Pioneer Phalanx
(2), Jasper (2), New Harmony (2), Preparation in which the concepts and variables bearing
(2), Blue Spring (1), Fruitlands (8 months), and on the hypotheses were operationally defined.
Yellow Springs (6 months). The data summary permitted a transforma-

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504 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEW
tion of the hypotheses into concrete and single measures were analyzed in the form
therefore measurable terms. This summary of raw and percentaged frequencies. At the
asked 260 questions about particular events same time, however, the extent to which
and organizationalstrategies. The data sum- systems implementprogramsof commitment-
maries for all 31 utopian communities in the producing arrangementscan be tested. Thus,
sample were completed by five independent summary scores which compare the utiliza-
judges who had some sociological training tion of entire classes of mechanisms by suc-
but did not know the hypotheses of the cessful and unsuccessful communities were
study. Inter-judge agreement was r= derived, and tests of significance employed.
+0.79.9 Essentially the procedure was anal-
ogous to having informants fill out ques- CONTINUANCE COMMITMENT MECHANISMS
tionnaires, but in this case the information
was possessed by judges who had studied the Commitment to continued participation
information from many informants. The involves securing a person's positive cogni-
protocols for each community were then tive orientations, inducing the individual to
coded, converting the information into quan- cognize participation in the organization as
titative form. profitable when considered in terms of re-
For each kind of commitment defined wards and costs. Cognitive orientations are
earlier, cognitive-continuance, cathectic-co- those which view objects and attach positive
hesion, and evaluative-control,two processes or negative valences to them, merely per-
were conceptualized-one a dissociative ceiving the properties of the objects; in a
process, which would operate to free the purely cognitive judgment there is no notion
personality system from other commitments, of emotional gratification (cathexis) or of
and one an associative process, operating to morality (evaluation) attached to the ob-
attach the personality to the current object ject. For positive cognition to become at-
of commitment. Commitment mechanisms tached to a social system, then, the system
were derived in terms of these processes and must be organized in such a way that it is
a series of hypotheses tested by comparing viewed as rewarding. The individual who
successful and unsuccessful utopias in their makes a cognitive-continuance commitment
use of the mechanisms. The data were then finds that what is profitable to him is bound
analyzed, with certain underlying assump- up with his position in the organization, is
tions. Since for individual commitment contingent on his participating in the system
processes there are a number of functional -he commits himself to a role. For the
alternatives, it was considered inappropriate actor there is a "profit" associated with con-
to compute tests of statistical significance on tinued participation and a "cost" associated
individual indicators. It was predicted only with leaving. Thus sacrifice (negative) and
that a class of mechanisms must be utilized investment (positive) are among the compo-
and that groups may use any combination of nents of cognitive-continuancecommitments.
strategies from a pool of possibilities, so that Sacrifice involves the giving up of something
the presence or absence of a single indicator considered valuable or pleasurable in order
was not considered definitive evidence. Fur- to belong to the organization; this stresses
thermore,the mechanismsthemselves are not the importance of role of member to the
analytically pure.10Accordingly the data on individual. Sacrifice means that membership
becomes more costly and is therefore not
9 For no community did the agreement fall below lightly regarded or likely to be given up
0.71. The agreement scores ranged from 0.71 to easily." Investment is a process whereby the
0.85.
10 This has several implications for the under- same functions. In addition, the concrete practices
standing of the indicators and the description of themselves often serve more than one function at
commitment mechanisms to follow. The indicators the same time, overlapping my conceptual cate-
conceptualized here are, first of all, only particular gories. For this reason I have tended to place them
concrete possibilities; groups may concretely imple- in categories according to my conception of their
ment the general kinds of processes that produce primary function.
commitment in radically different ways. So in some "Sacrifice is considered functional for continu-
sense the indicators used in this study are certainly ance; it has, of course, different and possibly dys-
not exhaustive; they are representatives of a larger functional implications for recruitment. As men-
population of commitment strategies serving the tioned in note 2, retention of members and recruit-

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COMMITMENTMECHANISMS 505
individual gains a stake in the organization, TABLE 1. FREQUENCYOF PRESENCEOF
commits current and future profits to it so MECHANISMS
SACRIFICE
that he must continue to participate if he is Communities
going to realize them. Investment generally employing mechanisms
involves the tying of a person's present and at any time in their history
potential resourcesto the organization,future Successful Unsuccessful
gain to be received from present behavior.
Organizational strategies which promote n/N* % n/N* %
cognitive-continuance commitments work Abstinence:
through sacrifice and investment, and the Oral abstinence 7/9 78 11/20 55
use of such mechanisms should distinguish Celibacy 8/9 89 2/21 9
Other abstinence 5/7 71 4/14 28
between successful and unsuccessful utopian
Austerity:
communities.
Community built
Sacrifice. The process of sacrifice asks own buildings 9/9 100 18/21 83
members to give up something as a price of
* The symbol N represents the number of com-
membership; once members agree to make
munities for which the presence or absence of the
the "sacrifices," their motivation to remain indicator was ascertainable; the "n" represents the
participants should increase. Membership number in which the indicator was present.
should become more "sacred,"more valuable
and meaningful.'2 (The issue here is not how
the organization induces the original con- group the lengths to which members are
cessions or manages to recruit people willing willing to go in order to belong-how posi-
to make them; rather, it is proposed that tively cognized membershipis.
those systems exacting sacrifices will survive Organizational arrangements involving
longer because sacrifice is functional for abstinence and austerity support sacrifice.
their maintenance.) Sacrificeoperates on the The following were considered indicators of
basis of a simple principle from cognitive a utopian community's use of sacrifice to
consistency theories: the more it "costs" a secure cognitive-continuance commitment:
person to do something, the more "valuable" abstention from any oral gratification (to-
he will have to consider it, in order to justify bacco, alcohol, meat, etc.); abstention from
the psychic "expense" and remain internally personal adornment or indulgence (e.g.,
consistent. Thus, it has been demonstrated dancing, reading); celibacy, or sexual absti-
in a laboratory setting that when people nence; and, as a measure of austerity, that
the community had to build its own build-
work for very small rewards they must
ings, indicating primitive or rudimentary
justify their doing so on the basis of belief
beginnings. Such sacrifices should aid com-
or commitment, and they come to believe mitment and hence success.
strongly in what they are doing (Festinger These arrangementswere found more often
and Carlsmith, 1959). To continue to do in successful than in unsuccessful utopias,
it would thus justify the sacrifice involved. as shown in Table 1. In general, a larger
In many religions, finally, sacrifice has been proportion of successful than unsuccessful
conceptualized as an act of consecration, groups tended to use these strategies at some
bringing one closer to and more worthy of time in their history. On a more stringent
the deity. A vow of poverty, for example, summary measure of the sample's use of
may aid commitment. In the eyes of the sacrificemechanisms,sacrificewas also found
group and in the mind of the individual, to be related to success. An overall index was
sacrifice for a cause indeed makes it sacred computed in which each community received
and inviolable. It is also a gesture of trust a score based on the number of mechanisms
in the group, indicating the importance of used, in how strong a form, and whether they
membership. Sacrifice symbolizes to the were present throughout the community's
history or only for part of its history. In the
use of sacrifice a total score of nine was pos-
ment of members may occur on very different
groundsand for very differentreasons. sible, if a community had all the mechanisms
12 This is similarto an idea formulatedby Jerome in their more stringent forms throughout its
P. Boime. history. Table 2 indicates that successful

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506 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEW
TABLE 2. USE OF SACRIFICEMECHANISMS

Mean of successful cases 6.4

(N=9) Standard deviation of
difference 2.4
Mean of unsuccessful cases 3.2
(N=20) *
t=1.3 (d.f.=27) (p<. 10) (one-tailed test)
* One community was eliminated from the analysis because of missing data on 2 of the 4 indicators
comprising this measure.

communities tended to score higher on this One's reputation, for example, or the utility
index than unsuccessful ones, with the differ- of one's skills, become involved in any social
ence significant at the 0.10 level. pathway, making it difficultto disengage one-
Investment. The process of investment self from the "career"and turn to others on
provides the individual with a stake in the the same terms as before the commitment.
fate of the organization; he commits his Becker is talking primarily of continuance-
"profit" to the organization, so that leaving the conditions under which an individual
it would be costly. Investment allows a per- will continue a line of action once under-
son future gain from present involvement. taken; he attributes this to the making of
It can be a simple economic process involv- "side bets," the unanticipated investment of
ing tangible resources or it can involve in- other, often intangible, resources once a per-
tangibles like time and energy. If an organ- son is a member of a system. The "side bet"
ization desires a set of committed members, is that the line of action chosen will be satis-
it should require them to devote their time factory or rewarding. Thus investment aids
and energy to the system, to commit their commitment; for a person to realize his
present as well as potential profits, and to gains, to reap his rewards, he must continue
derive gain only from the system because of to support the system.
this commitment. Utopian communities thus Investment is made tangible by such re-
should not have non-resident members, peo- quirements as financial donations by new
ple who can share in organizational benefits members, assigning of recruits' property to
without active participation; active involve- the community, and giving over of any
ment of time and energy should be a require- money or property received while in the com-
ment in order to gain anything at all from munity. It can be further reinforced by em-
belonging to the system. phasizing its irreversibility, that investment
Through investment individuals become in a utopia, committing oneself to it, is for
integrated with the system, since their time all time. A variety of strategies can indicate
and resources have become part of its econ- irreversibility: no records kept of contribu-
omy. They have, in effect, purchased a share tions of property or capital; or an official
in the proceeds of the organization and now policy of no refunds to defectors for their
have a stake in its continued good operation. original contributions or for their service to
Often, in fact, organizations themselves can and labor in the community, along with a
give members the basis for this kind of com- history of no refunds in actual practice. It
mitment, by providing them with a share in is proposed that commitment should be
the benefits of success. In addition, when stronger and utopias more successful if in-
individuals invest their resources in one vestment and its irreversibility are empha-
system rather than in other potential paths, sized.
they tie their rewardsand the future useful- Table 3 indicates that, in general, this
ness of their resources, in effect, to the suc- proposition is warranted: a higher propor-
cess of this system, burning other bridges, tion of successful than of unsuccessful groups
cutting themselves off from other ways to tends to employ these investment strategies.
allocate resources. Here Becker's (1960) On an overall index of the use of investment,
concept of commitment is relevant. Becker using summary scores computed in a similar
describes the unanticipated involvement of way to those for sacrifice, with a total possi-
other sources of reward or other aspects of ble score of 18, successful communities
a person once a line of action is chosen. tended to score higher than unsuccessful

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COMMITMENT MECHANISMS 507
TABLE 3. FREQUENCY OF PRESENCE OF INVESTMENT MECHANISMS

Communities employing
mechanisms at any time in their history
Successful Unsuccessful
n/N* % n/N*
Physical participation
Non-resident members prohibited 6/7 86 7/17 41
Financial investment
Financial contribution for admission 4/9 44 9/20 45
Property signed over at admission 9/9 100 9/20 45
Sign over property received while
member 4/7 57 6/14 43
Irreversibility of investment
No records of contributions 4/8 50 4/14 28
Defectors not reimbursed for
property-official policy 3/7 43 5/12 42
Defectors not reimbursed for
property-in practice 2/6 33 0/6 0
Defectors not reimbursed for
labor-official policy 6/7 86 7/13 54
Defectors not reimbursed for
labor-in practice 6/7 86 3/9 33
* The symbol N represents the number of communities for which the presence or absence of the indica-
tor was ascertainable; the "n" represents the number of communities in which the indicator was present.

ones, the difference being significant at the which might compete with their emotional
0.15 level. This is shown in Table 4. involvement with the entire group. Second,
it requires that members be brought into
COHESION COMMITMENT MECHANISMS meaningful contact with a collective whole,
Cohesion commitment involves the attach- that they experience the fact of one-ness
ing of an individual's fund of affectivity and with the group. Two general processes work
emotion to the group; emotional gratification toward these ends: renunciation (of other
stems from participation in and from identi- ties) and communion (with the group as a
fication with all the members of a close-knit whole). The use of mechanisms supporting
group. Cathectic-cohesion commitment is renunciation and communion should thus
commitment to a set of social relationships. distinguish successful and unsuccessful
The individual cathects each member of the utopian communities.
group, and his loyalty and allegiance are Renunciation. Renunciation involves the
thus to the group as a whole. Hence, if mem- relinquishingof any relationships potentially
bers form such attachments, the ties that disruptive to group cohesion, thereby height-
bind the group should be strong enough to ening the relationship of individual to group.
withstand threats to group existence, to Seeking renunciation, an organization dis-
maintain the brotherhoodeven in the face of courages relationshipswith certain categories
adverse circumstance. of others, with conflicting collectivities, in
This kind of commitment requires, first, order to provide maximum internal cohesive-
that members relinquish any attachments ness. Behavioral rules specify relationships

TABLE4. USE OF INVESTMENT

MECHANISMS

Mean of successful cases 10.3

(N=7)* Standard deviation of
difference 4.45
Mean of unsuccessful cases 4.8
(N=17) *
t=1.25 (d.f.=22) (p<. 15) (one-tailed test)
* Six communities were eliminated from the analysis because of missing data on 5
of the 9 indicators
comprising this measure.

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508 AMERICANSOCIOLOGICAL
REVIEW
members of the community may and may infrequently, e.g., less than yearly, with con-
not have; no loyalties which might conflict trol strategies such as confession required
with members' obligations to the group for those who leave and return, and rules
should be permitted. According to Bittner should be provided restrictingand controlling
(1963), it is functional for radical groups in members' interaction with visitors. In
general to require that all traditional extra- Oneida, for example, the problem of re-
group ties be suspended; Coser (1954, 1967) nouncing the outside was complicated by the
has made a similar point with respect to sex. large number of outsiders visiting the com-
Structural arrangements which insure that munity; various practices were accordingly
the individual give up relationships outside instituted to reinforce renunciation. Thus,
the group and with any number less than the after daily visitors left, those members most
total group concentratenot only his loyalties exposed to contact with them were required
and allegiances but also his emotional attach- to submit to mutual criticism, so as to be
ments and gratifications within the social "freed from contamination by worldly in-
system. Thus, under such arrangements a fluences." (Estlake, 1900:11). Furthermore,
great fund of affectivity and involvement the whole group joined together for a ritual-
should bind members, increasing their col- istic scrubbing "bee," to "purify" the com-
lective strength and ability to withstand munity.
threats to group existence. Mechanisms Dyadic renunciation13 can take the form
which promote renunciation of extra-group of free love or celibacy, experientially op-
ties are thus functional for cathectic-cohe- posite but functionally alternative organiza-
sion commitment and hence for the success tional arrangementswhich forbid individual-
of a utopian community. Renunciation may istic ties. With free love, each member is
center around relationships in three cate- expected to have intimate relations with all
gories: with the outside world, in the dyad, others; celibacy permits no member to have
and in the family. relations with any other. In both cases, in-
Renunciation of the outside world can be dividual ties are structurally minimized and
promoted by the development of a set of the ties of the actor to the total group
insulating boundaries-rules and structural are thereby emphasized. Successful groups
arrangements which minimize contact with should require either of these practices or,
the outside, place clear-cut barriers between at the very least, encourage or prefer them
members and the outside, and "reduce the and reward their adoption. Furthermore,
influence of the outside when contact nec- they should regulate both practices so as to
essarily occurs." (Wilson, 1959:11). Insula- prevent dyadic attachments. Free love at
tion may take the form of geographical iso- Oneida, for example, was not really free;
lation, "the ecological segregation of group the group controlled both the quantity of
life," (Stinchcombe, 1965:186) as measured sexual relations and who could have rela-
by the community's distance from neighbors tions with whom. Fidelity was negatively
and accessibility to transportation such as sanctioned.
waterways and railroads. Stinchcombe's Renunciation of the family, finally, in-
(1965) concept of "institutional complete- volves family ties both inside and outside
ness" is another arrangement involving in- of the community, competing loyalties
sulation, as measuredby a community's pro- which must be erased. A Shaker hymn (An-
vision of medical services. A special term for drews, 1962:20) portrays this renunciation:
the outside world, a negative attitude toward
the outsider, the failure to read outside Of all the relationsthat ever I see
My old fleshlykindredare furthestfrom me
newspapersor to celebrate national patriotic So bad and so ugly, so hateful they feel
holidays, a distinctive language, and distinc- To see them and hate them increasesmy zeal
tive styles of dress also promote insulation. O how ugly they look!
Control of movements across community How ugly they look!
boundaries so that these do not threaten the How nasty they feel!
group's insulation or permit attachments 13 Slater (1963) states very well the problem of
outside the group serves as a correlate of "dyadic withdrawal" for larger collectivities and
insulation. In communitieswith such control, points out the importance of giving up intimate
ordinary members should leave the group dyadic ties for the welfare of collectivities.

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COMMITMENTMECHANISMS 509
TABLE 5. FREQUENCY OF PRESENCE OF RENUNCIATION MECHANISMS

Communitiesemploying
mechanismsat any timein theirhistory
Successful Unsuccessful
n/N* % n/N* %
Insulation
Ecologicalseparation 9/9 100 21/21 100
Institutionalcompleteness
(medicalserviceprovided) 7/7 100 10/18 55
Specialtermfor outside 4/7 57 0/17 0
Outsideconceptualizedas evil, wicked 2/7 28 0/19 0
Uniformworn 8/9 89 5/17 30
Foreignlanguagespoken 5/9 56 3/21 14
Slang,jargon,specialtermsused 2/9 22 2/19 11
Outsidenewspapersnot read 3/6 50 1/16 6
Americanpatrioticholidaysnot
celebrated 3/4 75 4/6 67
Cross-boundarycontrol
Averagememberrarelyleft community 2/2 100 0/7 0
Rulesfor interactionwith visitors 3/7 43 1/15 7
Dyadicrenunciation
Freelove or celibacy 9/9 100 6/21 29
Controlson freelove, celibacy,or
sexualrelations 7/9 78 1/21 5
Renunciationof family
Parent-childseparation 3/8 48 3/20 15
Familiesdid not sharedwellingunit 3/9 33 1/20 5
* The symbol N representsthe number of communitiesfor which the presenceor absenceof the indica-
tor was ascertainable;the "n" representsthe numberin which the indicator was present.

That the purpose of this requirement is more stringent forms, successful communi-
to increase in-group cohesiveness is indicated ties tended to score higher than unsuccessful
elsewhere in the same hymn: ones, with the difference significant at the
My gospel relationsare dearerto me 0.10 level. (See Table 6.)
Thanall the fleshkindredthat ever I see . . . Communion. The process of communion
0 how pretty they look! . . . may be defined as becoming part of a whole,
It is proposed, then, that successful commu- the mingling of self with the group, and re-
nities should not permit families to share a linquishing separateness in order to identify
dwelling unit and should separate children with all the membersof the collective whole.
from parents. Communion generates what various writers
In general, a larger proportion of success- have termed "we-feeling"or "we-sentiment."
ful than unsuccessful groups tended to make Blumer (1953:199), in fact, has defined the
use of these renunciation strategies to pro- membership of a social movement as a col-
mote cohesion commitment, as Table 5 in- lectivity of individuals characterized by a
dicates. On an overall index of the sample's "we-consciousness."Infield (1944:136-152)
use of renunciation, with a total score of 35 has included "we-sentiment"among "associ-
possible if all indicators were present in their ative elements", i.e., integrating elements, in

TABLE6. UsE OF RENUNCIATION

MECHANISMS

Mean of successful cases 17.4

(N=7) * Standard deviation of
difference 6.9
Mean of unsuccessful cases 6. 7
(N=18) *
t=1.6 (d.f.=23) (p<.10) (one-tailed test)
* Five communities were eliminated from the analysis because of missing data on 7 of the 23 indicators
comprising this measure.

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510 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEW
the Kibbutz. The function such communion The use of social arrangements involving
processes serve for group cohesion is well communion distinguishes rather strongly be-
stated by Turner and Killian (1957:442): tween successful and unsuccessful utopias.
When various forms of communionwere fur-
A social movementmust weld [members]
into a groupwith a strong in-groupsense ther operationalized and their presence in
and enthusiasm for the "fellowship"or the sample communities noted, it was found
"comradeship" of the movementand give that in general a larger proportionof success-
them determinationto continuein the face ful than unsuccessful groups had them at
of obstacles. some time in their history, as Table 7 indi-
Accordingly, the emphasis in communion cates. On an overall index of the sample's
mechanisms is on group participation, with use of communion, with a total score of 51
members as homogeneous, equal parts of a possible if all indicators were present in
whole, rather than as differentiated individ- their more stringent forms, successful com-
uals. The need for members'equality, fellow- munities tended to score higher than unsuc-
ship, group consciousness, and group de- cessful, with the difference significant at the
pendence may be supportedby various kinds 0.05 level. (See Table 8.)
of structural arrangements. These arrange-
ments include homogeneity of religious, class, CONTROL COMMITMENT MECHANISMS
and ethnic background, as well as prior
acquaintance; communisticsharing, in which Commitment to social control, or commit-
the individual relinquishes both control over ment to norms, involves securing a person's
his own goods and private symbols of iden- positive evaluative orientations, redefining
tity, in favor of group control and owner- his symbolic environment so that the sys-
ship; communistic labor, which emphasizes tem's demands are considered right in terms
joint effort, with all members performing all of his self-identity, and obedience to author-
tasks for equal reward, including communal ity becomes a moral necessity. An individual
work efforts like "bees"; and regularized whose personality system is attached to the
group contact, via communal dwellings and norms of a social system should see himself
dining halls, limited opportunity for privacy, as carrying out the dictates of a higher-
and frequent group meetings, which insure order system, a system which orders and
participation and involvement. Group ritual, gives meaning to his life. This kind of com-
which involves collective participation in mitment requiresthat the individual see him-
ceremonies or recurring events of symbolic self as humble and hapless without the
importance, also enhances communion. Rit- group, that he reformulate his identity in
ual provides symbols under which "the group terms of meeting the ideal conditions set by
loyalty is commonly raised to the level of the system. And, at the same time, he must
the universal and abiding." (Boisen, 1939; experience the great power represented by
Blumer, 1953). Community songs and group the organization, so that he will attach the
singing may be used as measures of ritual, meaning of his life to the carrying out of the
as well as celebration of special community demands of this power. Thus, mortification
occasions or important community dates. (a negative process) and surrender (a posi-
Finally, an experience of persecution welds tive process) are among the components of
the group together in the face of a common evaluative-control commitments. Mortifica-
threat and "heightens the symbolic intensity tion involves the submission of private states
of a group's values." (Turner and Killian, to social control, the exchanging of a private
1957:399). The persecution experience can identity for one provided by the organization,
serve as a kind of "social vaccination," in one subject to its control. Surrender is a
which the group's defenses are built and process whereby an individual attaches his
strengthened,and the group becomesimmune decision-making prerogative, jurisdiction
to more extreme future attacks, whether in over even private domains, to a greater
the form of natural disasters or out-group
of cohesiveness is widely documented. See, for ex-
discrimination. Facing collective problems, ample, Simmel (1964); Coser (1964); Blumer
then, aids communion.14 (1953); Freud (1962:61). A field experiment by the
Sherifs demonstrates the phenomenon rather dra-
14 The common threat or shared fate as a builder matically. (See Sherif and Sherif, 1953).

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COMMITMENT MECHANISMS 511
TABLE 7. FREQUENCY OF PRESENCE OF COMMUNION MECHANISMS

Communities employing
mechanisms at any time in their history
Successful Unsuccessful
n/N *So n/N*
Homogeneity
Common religious background 8/9 89 10/20 50
Similar economic, educational status 7/8 88 10/16 63
Common ethnic background 6/9 67 3/20 15
Prior acquaintance of members 8/8 100 17/20 85
Communistic sharing
Property signed over at admission 9/9 100 9/20 45
Sign over property received while member 4/7 57 6/14 43
Community as whole owned land 8/9 89 16/21 76
Community as whole owned buildings 8/9 89 15/21 71
Community as whole owned furniture,
tools, equipment 8/8 100 15/19 79
Community as whole owned clothing,
personal effects 6/9 67 5/18 28
Legal title in name of community
(not in name of individuals) 7/8 88 18/21 83
Communistic labor
No compensation for labor 8/8 100 7/17 41
No charge for community services 7/7 100 9/19 47
No skills requirement for admission 7/8 88 13/17 77
Job rotation 3/6 50 8/18 44
Communal work efforts 7/7 100 7/14 50
Regularized group contact
Communal dwellings 3/9 33 14/21 67
Communal dining halls 5/9 56 15/19 79
Little opportunity, place for privacy 2/9 22 2/16 13
More than 2/3 of typical member's 5/8 63 3/13 23
day spent with other people
Regular group meetings 9/9 100 13/16 81
Group meetings held daily 5/9 56 1/16 6
Ritual
Songs about community 5/8 63 2/14 14
Group singing 7/7 100 8/11 73
Special community occasions celebrated 5/6 83 5/10 50
Persecution experience
Violence, economic discrimination suffered 5/8 63 10/20 50
* The symbol N represents the number of communities for which the presence or absence of the indicator
was ascertainable; the "n" represents the number in which the indicator was present.

power. Organizational strategies which aid these strategies should distinguish successful
the processes of mortification and surrender and unsuccessful utopian communities.
promote evaluative-controlcommitment, and Mortification. Mortification processes em-

TABLE 8. USE OF COMMUNION MECHANISMS

Mean of successful cases 36

(N=7) * Standard deviation of
difference 7.8
Mean of unsuccessful cases 20
(N=17)*
t=2.06 (d.f.=22) (p<.05) (one-tailed test)
* Five communities were eliminated from the analysis because of missing data on 9 of the 29 indicators
comprising this measure.

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512 AMERICANSOCIOLOGICAL
REVIEW
phasize the individual's smallness before the his inner world. It thus facilitates commit-
greatness of the organization; they reduce ment of the evaluative-control type and
his sense of autonomous identity, so that he generates loyalty, binding the evaluative
can have no self-esteem unless he commits components of the personality system to the
himself to the norms of the group, evaluating norms of the social system, through the sys-
its demands as just and morally necessary. tem's invasion of phenomenologicalprivacy.
These processes attempt to convince him that Many kinds of mortification strategy may
he is of little worth without the guidance and be proposed. Confession, self-criticism, and
meaning provided by the organization, that mutual criticism all promote mortification;
he must instead open his self-concept to di- in these sessions the individual "bares his
rection by the group. In order to be totally soul" to the social control of the group,
committed to the group, an individual may which is present either actually or sym-
reserve no private areas of himself, no do- bolically. The functions served by such
mains not subject to the group's awareness, events are attested to in a pamphlet pub-
at the very least, if not its jurisdiction. lished by Oneida, in which the experiences
Mortification processes provide a new set of of members undergoing mutual criticism
criteria for evaluating the self, and they were recounted; in Bethel and Aurora, as
transmit the message that the self is ade- another example, confession was deliberately
quate, whole, and fulfilled only when it con- and consciously used to ensure humility.
forms to the model offeredby the collectivity. (Bek, 1909:276). Confession and mutual
In more or less extreme forms these kinds of criticism may be supported by some kind of
processes have been noted in the military surveillance of the behavior of members,
(Dornbusch, 1954; Vidich and Stein, 1960), either by the members themselves or by
in concentration camps (Abel, 1951; Cohen, leaders. Stratification can also promote mor-
1954), in religious communities (Hulme, tification, if it takes a form such as "spiritual
1956; Stunkard, 1951), and in general in differentiation," which recognizes achieve-
total institutions (Goffman, 1961), organi- ment in the spiritual or moral domain and
zations which demand total involvement and rewardsit. An absence of stratification based
submission to social control. One intended on skill, intelligence or expertise is also im-
consequence of mortification processes in portant, for mortification requires that only
these settings is to strip away aspects of an achievements relevant to group identification
individual's identity, make him dependent and humility be recognized. Spiritual differ-
on authority for direction, and place him in entiation is supported by certain kinds of
a position of uncertainty with respect to socialization practice: instruction in esoteric
appropriate behavior. Goffman (1961), in community doctrines, revealing the recruit's
particular, describes in detail "mortification ignorance; provision of rules or information
of the self," which operates by removing the which recruits must master; segregation of
individual's sense of self-determination, and new members from old; and a formal pro-
making him acutely aware of the presence bationary period.
of others. Mortifying sanctions may also be em-
In less extreme and less coercive forms of ployed, including public denouncement, re-
mortification, religious groups often attempt moval of some privilege of membership,not
to erase the "sin of pride," the sin of being allowing a deviant to participate in a valued
too independentor self-sufficient,substituting community activity, and punishment within
instead a self which is subject to the influence the group rather than expulsion. Finally, a
of the collectivity. Hoffer (1963:66) calls variety of de-individuating mechanisms may
this "the effacement of individual separate- be present, which anchor a person's identity
ness." In noncoercive groups, such as sensi- in things which are collective or communal
tivity training groups, mortification can be rather than individual, including a uniform
a sign of trust in the group, a willingness to style of dress, communal dwellings and din-
share weaknesses, failings, doubts, problems, ing halls, and little opportunity or place for
and one's innermost secrets with others. At privacy.
the same time, its use is also a sign that the The use of some mortification processes
group cares about the individual, about his was found in a higher proportion of success-
thoughts and feelings. about the content of ful than unsuccessful utopias, although other

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COMMITMENT MECHANISMS 513
TABLE 9. FREQUENCY OF PRESENCE OF MORTIFICATIONMECHANISMS

Communitiesemploying
mechanismsat any timein theirhistory
Successful Unsuccessful
n/N * % n/N*
Confessionand mutualcriticism
Regularconfession 4/9 44 0/20 0
Confessionupon joining 4/8 50 0/19 0
Mutual criticism,groupconfession 4/9 44 3/19 26
Mutual surveillance 2/7 29 0/17 0
Surveillanceby leaders 3/7 43 1/17 6
Spiritualdifferentiation
Membersdistinguishedon moral,
spiritualgrounds 5/9 56 3/20 is
Formallystructureddeferenceto those
of highermoralstatus 4/9 44 1/20 5
No skill,intelligencedistinctions 9/9 100 15/17 88
Instructionin communitydoctrines 3/8 38 2/11 18
Learningof rules,dictatesrequired 2/8 25 2/11 18
New memberssegregatedfrom old 2/7 28 0/17 0
Formalprobationaryperiodwith limited
privilegesfor new members 5/8 63 8/15 53
Mortifyingsanctions
Publicdenouncementof deviants 6/9 67 3/16 19
Removalof a privilegeof membership
as sanction 2/8 25 2/16 12
Participationin a communityfunction
prohibitedto deviant 3/8 38 2/15 14
Deviants more often punishedwithin
communitythan expelledfromit 4/6 67 2/5 40
De-individuatingmechanisms
Uniformworn 8/9 89 5/17 30
Communaldwellings 3/9 33 14/21 67
Communaldininghalls 5/9 56 15/19 79
Samemealseatenby all 3/7 43 4/10 40
* The symbol N representsthe numberof communitiesfor which the presenceor absenceof the indicator
was ascertainable;the "n" representsthe numberin which the indicator was present.

measures fail to distinguish between the two use of mortification,with a total score of 33
groups. Often there was a great deal of miss- possible if all the indicators were present in
ing data; in the case of mortifying sanctions, their more stringent form, successful com-
in particular, there were few recorded in- munities still tended to score higher than un-
stances of deviance in the data gathered; successful ones, as Table 10 demonstrates.
this made it impossible to determine the use Surrender. Surrenderinvolves the attach-
of various kinds of sanctions. (See Table 9.) ing of a person's decision-makingprerogative
However, on an overall index of the sample's to a greater power, total involvement with a

MECHANISMS
TABLE10. USE OF MORTIFCATION

Meanof successfulcases 13.2

(N=9) Standarddeviationof
difference 7.3
Meanof unsuccessfulcases 7.3
(N=18) *
t=1.08 (d.f.=25) (p<. 15) (one-tailedtest)
* Three communities were eliminated from the analysis because of missing data on 10 of the 20 indica-
tors comprising this measure.

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514 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICALREVIEW
larger system of authority which gives both elaborate philosophical system; provision
meaning and direction to an individual's for the investing of power in persons with
life. In surrender,personal identity is fused particular awe-inspiring qualities, e.g., wis-
with the social entity, so that the carrying dom, age, spiritualness, inspiration; 15 legiti-
out of system demands becomes a moral mation of demands made on members by
necessity for the maintenance of the self. reference to a higher order principle, e.g.,
For surrender to occur, the individual must justice, the will of nature, the will of God '";
first experience great power and meaning re- imputation of special or magical powers to
siding in the organization. Weber has pro- members by virtue of their belonging; tak-
posed that this experience is transmitted ing as evidence of good standing in the group
through the quality of charisma, a felt con- the possession of magical or special powers;
nection with some central and meaningful and linking the system to great figures of
feature of existence, generally related to the historical importance.If ideologies with these
presence of charismatic leaders. But for sur- features are actually to serve surrenderfunc-
render to result in more or less permanent tions, they should be a potent part of the
commitments,persisting over long periods of life of the organization,a factor both in deci-
time and independent of the presence or sions and in day-to-day operations.
existence of any one person, charisma dif- Institutionalized awe may be structurally
fused throughout the corporate group is reinforced in several ways. One means is to
required. I call charisma in this form "in- increase the distance and mystery of the de-
stitutionalized awe," a characteristic of an cision-makingprocess for ordinary members,
on-going, formalized social system which to enhance the sense of "tremendous mys-
imbues the system with power and meaning. tery" surrounding the organization, so that
Shils (1965:200) also reformulates the obedience and moral conviction must be ab-
meaning of charisma in this way, as a pos- solute. Distance and mystery may be pro-
sible property of a social system, its "awe- moted by several mechanisms: an authority
arousingcentrality." hierarchy, insulated from members; physical
Institutionalized awe consists of ideologi- separation of leaders from members; special
cal systems and structural arrangements leadership prerogatives (special privileges or
which order and give meaning to the individ- immunities); and an irrational basis for de-
ual's life and attach this order and meaning cisions (inspiration, intuition, or magic as
to the social system. These not only satisfy opposed to logic, scientific reasoning, prag-
the individual's "need for meaning," (Can- matism, or democratic consent). Insulation
tril, 1941:141) but also provide a sense of of an authority hierarchy may occur through
rightness, certainty, and conviction (Hart- choosing leaders not directly by democratic
mann, 1952:588) that promotes a moral- means but by other criteria, e.g., they
evaluative commitmentand surrenderto col- founded the organization, were named by
lective authority. Such arrangementsshould their predecessors,or groomed for leadership
also elevate the group to the level of the by them; and providing no impeachment or
sacred, setting it apart as something wonder- recall privileges over leaders.
ful, remarkable,and awful, and, at the same In addition to institutionalized awe, sur-
time, indicate the system's mastery of or render may also be promoted by program-
control over human existence. This can in- ming (provision of a specific programof be-
volve, for example, a pervasive philosophy havioral rules); by requiring ideological
on the one hand and minute regulation of conversion for membership; and by the
existence of tradition. The existence of pro-
behavior on the other. All of this enhances
gramming is indicated by a more or less
and makes tangible and meaningful surren-
der to the collective will. 15 Amana, for example, was
officially called "The
Ideology can contribute to institution- Society of True Inspiration." The particular quality
alized awe in a variety of ways. Ideologies that its ideology defined as necessary for authority
which include any of the following character- in the group was "inspiration," or the ability to re-
istics should be related to this property of a ceive directly divine messages and guidance.
16 Shils (1965:207) has proposed that a charis-
system: explanationsof human nature, of the matic social order must also seem to be connected
essential character of man; a comprehensive with a transcendent moral order.

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COMMITMENT MECHANISMS 515
fixed daily routine, detailed specification of "trump" (bell) everyone arose according to
the daily routine, and personal conduct and the following program:
deportment rules for members. All of these Put your right foot out of bed first. Place
reinforce the role of the organization as an your rightknee whereyour foot first touched
order-creatingpower which is responsible for the floor in kneelingto pray. Do not speak,
and gives shape to every aspect of a mem- but if absolutely necessary whisper to the
ber's life. Shaker programming,for example, roomleader.(Webber,1959:67)
extended even to such minor activities as Requiring ideological conversion, which can
dressing and getting out of bed. At the first be measured in a variety of ways ensures

TABLE11. FREQUENCY
OF PRESENCE
OF SURRENDER
MECHANISMS

Communities employing
mechanisms at any time in their history
Successful Unsuccessful
n/N * % n/N*
Institutionalized awe (ideology)
Ideology explained essential nature of man 9/9 100 16/19 84
Ideology a complete, elaborated
philosophical system 8/9 89 15/20 75
Power to be invested in persons with
special, magical characteristics 7/9 78 4/21 20
Demands legitimated by reference to a
higher order principle 9/9 100 11/19 58
Special, magical powers imputed to members 8/9 89 3/20 15
Possession of special powers taken as
evidence of good standing 6/8 75 2/19 10
Ideology related community to figures
of historical importance 8/9 89 5/21 24
Ideology, values, the ultimate justification
for decisions 6/7 86 7/17 41
Institutionalized awe (power and authority)
Authority hierarchy 4/9 44 8/20 40
Top leaders founders or named or
groomed by predecessors 9/9 100 10/20 50
No impeachment or recall privileges 7/8 88 7/12 58
Special leadership prerogatives 7/9 78 3/18 16
Special leadership immunities 5/8 63 3/18 16
Separate, special residence for leaders 6/8 75 1/15 7
Special forms of address for leaders 6/9 67 2/19 10
Irrational basis for decisions 4/7 57 3/20 15
Programming
Fixed daily routine 6/6 100 8/15 54
Detailed specification of routine 4/6 67 2/15 13
Personal conduct rules (demeanor) 5/8 63 6/19 31
Ideological conversion
Commitment to ideology required 5/9 56 4/21 19
Recruit expected to take vows 7/8 88 6/21 29
Procedure for choosing members 6/8 75 13/17 77
Prospective members often rejected 3/6 50 6/11 54
Tests of faith for community children to
receive adult membership status 7/9 78 5/21 24
Tradition
Community derived from prior organization 7/9 78 13/21 62
or organized group
Prior organization in existence at least 10 5/9 56 1/21 5
years before community began
* The symbol N represents the number of communities for which the presence or absence of the indicator
was ascertainable; the "n" represents the number in which the indicator was present.

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516 AMERICANSOCIOLOGICAL
REVIEW
that members share a faith that gives mean- forms described or in others which serve the
ing and legitimacy to the organization. Tra- same functions, should find their participants
dition, finally, imbues group demands with dedicated, obedient, loyal, and involved. It
what Weber called "the authority of the is possible, furthermore,that alienation is re-
eternal yesterday." This can be utilized by lated to arrangementsin which the commit-
a utopian community if it derives from a ment processes proposed here are absent or
prior organization or organized group, and negated.
one of relatively long duration. The commitment-producingstrategies dis-
The use of these surrender mechanisms cussed here are applicable to commitment
was generally found in a higher proportion on many levels and to many diverse kinds
of successful than unsuccessful utopias, as of system. The conceptual frameworkis po-
Table 11 indicates-even those organiza- tentially useful in analyzing any organiza-
tional arrangementslike a daily routine that tion which seeks to establish strong ties with
would appear to be minimal requirementsfor its members,maintain control over behavior,
organizational functioning. Finally, on an and, in general, integrate individuals into
overall index of the sample's use of sur- social systems. The mechanisms apply, for

TABLE12. USE OF SURRENDER *

MECHANISMS

Meanof successfulcases 33.6

(N=9) Standarddeviationof
difference 11.7
Meanof unsuccessfulcases 13.1
(N=21)
t=1. 75 (d.f.=28) (pi. 05) (one-tailedtest)
* Indicatorsof programmingwere eliminatedfrom the analysis for all communitiesin view of a large
amount of missing data on those measures.

render,with a total score of 49 possible if all example, to small groups such as sensitivity-
the indicators were present in their more training groups, to resocialization institu-
stringent forms, successful communities tions such as professional schools or brain-
tended to score higher than unsuccessful washing camps, to business organizations
ones, with the difference significant at the such as sales companies, to residential com-
0.05 level. (See Table 12.) munities such as the urban negro ghetto, to
political parties, and to nations. This paper
CONCLUSION is a further step toward the understanding
of human loyalty and involvement in social
This article has presented a discussion of groupings.
commitmentas a process binding actors into
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