Background

The Igbo of Nigeria are known, among others, for their migratory prowess and are
found in all parts of Nigeria and beyond. The people are easily identifiable by their resilience
and adaptability to situations (Nwolise and Olebunne 2010). However, Olutayo (1999) had
pointed out that the quest for survival in an increasingly monetizing economy coupled with
sparse land resource is responsible for high rate of migration among the Igbo. Limited
availability of land in Igbo communities is largely a function of high population density
driven by pronatalist ethos that is sustained by multiple socio-cultural beliefs and practices.
For instance, Isiugo-Abanihe and Nwokocha (2008) revealed that the ewu-ukwu custom
which is celebrated in parts of Igboland to honour a woman after her tenth child is not only
perceived as an index of accomplishment but also a motivator for prolific childbearing.

Nwokocha (2007a) had identified male child preference, which is a variant of

patriarchy, as a phenomenon that not only contributes disproportionately to high fertility but
also polygyny and, by implication, large family size. Clearly, high population density is
mainly responsible for high migration experience in Igbo communities. However, apart from
large population among the Igbo, limited social and economic opportunities have strong
relationship with Igbo-outmigration. As Nwolise (2004) observed, since 1970 there is hardly
any meaningful federal presence in Igbo states. This arguable level of marginalization
coupled with insecurity of lives and property, joblessness, hunger and starvation are sufficient
justifications for permanent or semi-permanent geographic movement of the Igbo away from
their homeland.

The suffocating economic and political effects of the Nigeria-Biafra civil war on
Easterners, especially the Igbos, have also been pointed out; East is an ecological and
economic wasteland from which victims stream to other viable areas of Nigeria (Uwalaka
2003). We note that even though the Igbo are known for their migratory tendencies believing
that travelling bestows more knowledge on an individual than old age, the tendency was
amplified by the Nigerian civil war and the attendant loss of sources of livelihood within the
region.

Migrants of Igbo extraction are credited with sustained primordial linkages than any
other group in Nigeria; notwithstanding their level of acculturation at destination, they still
maintain contacts with home, although the regularity varies among individuals. As Nwolise
and Olebunne (2010:296) noted:
There are no Igbo people located anywhere outside Nigeria as Aborigines of other
areas. This is unlike the situation where there are millions of Hausas in Niger, Chad,
Senegal, Mali etc and Yorubas in Benin Republic. However, there are millions of
Igbo sons and daughters found in different parts of the world.
Rather, in the spirit of onye aghala nwa nne ya, which literally means do not abandon
your brother/sister, the Igbos form Town Union Associations (TUAs), at their destinations, to
cater for one another. As Onwuka (1989) observed, perhaps more than any other ethnic
group, the Igbo contributed to intensify rural-urban migration and emigration beyond the
borders of Nigeria. The benefits of belonging to such associations range from emotional and
psychological support for members in times of difficulty, financial aid, settling disputes
among individuals and subgroups, to serving as an avenue for social interaction and exchange
of ideas (Onwumechili 2000). Honey and Okafor (1998:138) had further pointed out the
relevance of Hometown Associations, which they noted:

... serve as instruments for coping with a changing environment... they also provide
means of surviving amidst the vicissitudes of life at a time of great flux and
uncertainty... they allow people to maintain their traditions. In addition, they can
become centres of innovation, especially for modernization of the hometown. They do
this by assuring that the town has the instruments of modernity – among them schools
and medical facilities, as well as the kinds of infrastructure that are available to people
elsewhere.
Thus, Igbo town unions, in addition, undertake oversight function relating to informal
supervision of activities not only of members but also other relevant individuals and groups.
The direct consequence of such subtle supervisory activity is that it largely constrains the
Igbo within prescribed norms and values. In a way, it discourages frivolous behaviour
especially among young people many of whom ordinarily would have been persuaded to take
advantage of the anonymity that inheres in urban centres to partake in crime. Criminological
and urban studies have identified a connection between urban environment and deviant
behaviour (Opara 1998; Pfohl 1994). Due to the perceived importance of such home
associations, Olutayo (1999) noted that it is almost compulsory for Igbos in diaspora; it
serves as the foremost agent of orientation on urban life for new migrants. Thus, town unions
strive to help Igbos maintain a balance between traditional values and diversity and the
concomitant relativism in urban centres across Nigeria and beyond. Indeed, attributes such as
self-reliance, courage, perseverance, hard-work, goal-setting, accountability and
innovativeness among the Igbo have been highlighted (Onwumechili 2000; Olutayo 1999;
and Nwachukwu 1989).

Theoretically, migration and integration among the Igbo can be explained through the
functionalist perspective. The theory examines the role that parts play in sustaining the
whole; in this case, how migration of Igbos out of Igboland contributes positively to
stabilizing these migrants on the one hand and the maintenance of society on the other (Ritzer
2008; Haralambos, Holborn and Heald 2004). Clearly, out-migration or emigration to other
locations in the midst of limited physical space, relative to population size and the scorching
economic environment make these migrations functional. In the short-run, out-migration
balances out high fertility regime among the Igbo, while in the long-run remittances, both
materials and otherwise, are used for development of Igbo communities. Consequently, Igbo
marginalization though well established in literature (Nwolise and Olebunne 2010; Uwalaka
2003; Nwachukwu 1989), recourse to Self-help Development Strategy (SDS) has accounted
for bridging the infrastructural gap between Igbo communities and those in other major
ethnic locations in Nigeria.
The dysfunctional aspects of migration among the Igbo include those related to
enculturation of the migrant into the prevailing norms and values at destination to the extent
that traditional symbols and sentiments are largely abandoned. Another major consequence of
out-migration is that of insecurity of lives and property of Igbos in the face of ethnic and/or
religious disturbances. As Uwalaka (2003) had noted, for whatever reason, the Igbo have
been made targets of internal terrorism and cleansing which characterize them as an
endangered specie. Internal terrorism against Igbos has been reported in Kano, Kaduna and
Plateau states, among others. Adopting social science research techniques, the present study
specifically examines the Igbos in Ibadan with respect to in-migration, adaptation, challenges
and contributions to the socioeconomic, cultural and political life of the city known for its
very large size.

Materials and methods

Data collection for the study involved both secondary and primary sources. While
secondary information was generated through archival materials and extant literature,
primary data were elicited through the triangulation of In-depth Interviews (IDIs), Focus
Group Discussions (FGDs) and unobtrusive observation.
Eleven IDIs were conducted among a cross section of Igbos residing in the city. A
total of six males and five females were interviewed to reflect gender balance. The inclusion
criteria were for the intended respondent to have resided in Ibadan for at least ten years and
willingness to participate in the study. Given the historical dimension of some of the issues, it
was expedient to engage relatively knowledgeable Igbos in IDIs. That way, rare as well as
serendipitous insights were generated. In addition, two Yoruba respondents were interviewed
in-depth for the purposes of comparability. Thus, a total of thirteen IDIs were conducted.
Selection of FGD participants was not based on any specific criterion. This was
necessitated by the need to involve different age, occupational and other sundry categories of
Igbos in discussion. In all, seven FGD sessions were conducted with groups such as
adolescents, male traders, market women, academics, civil servants, opinion leaders and
unemployed youths. Each discussion group comprised homogeneous participants in line with
rules guiding the conduct of FGDs (Isiugo-Abanihe and Obono 2002).
Non-participant observation was one of the methods adopted for the study. The use of
observation as a “passive” ingredient of the qualitative research technique is a consistent
prerequisite for proper undertaking of culture-related studies (Nwokocha 2007b:47-48). The
influence of beliefs, values, customs, arts and the resulting practices – all subsumed in culture
as a complex whole – on a people’s behaviour need not be underestimated and can only be
deeply appreciated by observing them uninhibited. Different engagements of the Igbo in
Ibadan such as socioeconomic activities, greeting patterns, mode of dressing for major events
and family values among others were observed.
Ethical considerations were emphasized throughout fieldwork. The consent of both
respondents and participants was sought prior to their participation in the study; the right to
withdraw at any point or withhold information perceived to impinge on their privacy was
fully acknowledged and respected. In addition, their confidentiality was guaranteed to the
extent that information would never be traced to these participants. With respect to the
principle of beneficence, the advantages accruable to these respondents for participation in
the study and other Ibadan-based Igbos were also fully communicated to these participants.
Data analysis involved the use of ethnographic summaries and content analysis. The
procedure began with the translation and transcription of tape recordings of both IDIs and
FGDs. These were followed by the examination and, later, thematic isolation of various
responses that threw light into study objectives. By adopting this method, responses from
group discussions and in-depth interviews were imported into presentation and discussion on
the merit of their applicability to relevant issues.

Results and Discussion

Literature on Igbos in Ibadan is scanty; relying mainly on primary sources for

information on their migration, integration and challenges thus became expedient both for the
possibility of generating serendipitous data and empathy on the situation. Results of the
study are presented schematically to cover major aspects. In what follows, data from the three
primary sources are presented jointly in examining some important activities among Ibadan-
based Igbos.

On migration

We stated earlier that migration is a persistent phenomenon among the Igbo. This
section however focuses specifically on patterns of migration among Igbo people in Ibadan.
Responses indicate several patterns, some of which varied by periods. According to a 72 year
old Igbo trader:

In our days, most of us travelled straight to Ibadan from various villages in the East
to undertake apprenticeship for different trades... we were really focussed and were
not involved in frequent change of city of residence... these days what we find is that
some of our young people first get to Lagos and only come to reside in Ibadan when
they are unable to cope in the megacity... this generation is characterized by people
who want quick money. When the money does not come forth quickly some of them
continue their movement to places like Osogbo, Shagamu, Ogbomoso among others
just after few years of business activities in Ibadan ... there have been instances
where these people still returned to Ibadan to begin life anew (IDI).

This clearly indicates generational differences in migration attitude and behaviour

between old and young Igbo residents in Ibadan. Two patterns are easily identifiable from the
above response; first, from rural community to Lagos and/or Ibadan and second, urban to
Ibadan and other urban centres. The attraction that Lagos holds for intended migrants and the
delusion and powerlessness that the city may eventually conjure for these migrants have
already been noted by Obono (2007) and Nwokocha (2007c; 2008). Younger Igbos traverse
places in search of greener pastures in order to cope with challenging and changing times for
as one of them noted, anaghi ano ofu ebe ekiri nmanwu meaning literally that ideally one does
not watch a masquerade only from a spot. The implication is that the spectator is not only
safer moving about as the masquerade hovers for its prey but also has a better view of the
masquerade in its several activities. The respondent, in further buttressing the point, stated:

...times have changed and we need to step up activities. Our fathers did not have as
much responsibility as we do today. There is pressure to buy car, look good, and live
in a decent apartment among others... so we cannot afford to waste our time in a
particular place when you are not sure it is your destined location. You must go to
places to discover destiny and potentials. Because of the attitude of our parents,
some of them are quite poor, while it took others donkey years to breakthrough
financially. Hustling is not bad provided it is undertaken within the purview of
legitimacy.
While we agree that poverty among some parents may be linked to indolence and
inability to adjust sufficiently to prevailing socioeconomic currents, it is difficult to establish a
relationship between affluence/financial breakthrough and frequent change of place of
residence. We would rather argue that foresight and prudence in understanding the economic
environment and efficient management of resources, respectively, are more critical than the
issue of location. In addition, the view that, presently more responsibility is undertaken than
in earlier times is largely invalid for one main reason. In all ages, taste, fashion, technology
and motivations are drivers of social pressure and corresponding individual responsibility. As
such, expectations and responsibilities in human epochs have always tallied with relevant
epochal ideals and sentiments. To buttress this further, in earlier times, fertility levels were
high and parents did not have to worry about the education of their children. The primary
concern was achieving large family size; illiteracy was a norm. In contemporary society,
fertility levels have dropped and will likely continue to drop since the cost of training children
is astronomically high and thus a source of pressure on parents and guardians.
Another pattern of migration among Igbos in Ibadan that respondents readily identify
relates to the number of family and/or household members that migrate in the short or long
run. Virtually all the respondents stated that for unmarried migrants, spatial relocation is a
simple individual activity. For married migrants, however, such change of residence is
preceded by a sequence of decision making processes. According to most FGD participants,
married migrants usually relocate to Ibadan with their family members as accommodation is
not as difficult as the situation in Lagos. While this seems to be the case, few IDI respondents
noted that in some situations, migrants came with some family members and not others and,
that way, maintain strong links with place of origin. For others, migrating alone or with few
family members is a strategy of not putting all of one’s eggs in one basket. An IDI respondent
further buttresses:
a wise person, ordinarily, should first move into a location to fully understand the
environment before inviting his/her family over; it would be most terrible for an entire
family to get stranded in an urban centre like Ibadan where it may be difficult to find
somebody that may be willing to accept the responsibility of catering for, what I will
refer to as, a crowd.

Nwokocha (2007c) has observed that the extended family ethos among Nigerians, as is also
the case for most other Africans, explains the seemingly mandatory African hospitality but at
times the grudge with which gate-crashing migrants may be accommodated by friends and
relatives. Yet, such magnanimity may be difficult to offer when help-seekers are likely to
stretch family and household resources beyond acceptable limits.

Socioeconomic activities of Igbos in Ibadan

The Igbos in Ibadan are involved in a catalogue of socioeconomic activities. In terms
of affiliations, respondents noted that most individuals belong to TUAs which exist at three
levels. Virtually all the IDI respondents and FGD participants agreed that such belongingness
is essential both as an avenue of social interaction and emotional support in times of crises.
One of the participants stated:
Usually a full-fledged Igboman or daughter is expected to join his/her community
association in Ibadan and attend meetings monthly... activities of members are guided
by a constitution/bye law. Hosting of meetings is normally on the basis of individual
membership; due to the rotation of hosting-responsibility, members readily become
acquainted with places of residence of others. The second level of association involves
the coming together of Igbos from a Local Government Area (LGA) in Southeast
Nigeria to form a union... belonging to this larger group requires that an individual be
a member of his/her community association; most times the meetings take place every
second Sunday of the month... hosting is undertaken by communities rather than
individuals due to the size of membership. The third level is almost as large as a
senatorial district and meetings take place every third Sunday of each month.

For an individual that belongs to the three associations, meeting days provide an opportunity
to identify with own people, for social interaction and review of development efforts. In
addition, such unions reinforce participants’ cultural norms, values, beliefs and practices.
Apart from membership of TUAs, respondents noted that some Igbos in Ibadan also belong to
social groups such as neighbourhood associations, market unions and smaller age-grade like
groupings among others.
With regard to economic activities, the respondents/participants generally agreed that
the Igbos in Ibadan partake in virtually all forms of business and occupational activities.
However, trading was identified as the major activity among the people which an FGD
participant linked with heredity:
All over Nigeria and beyond, Igbos are known for their ingenuity in trading which I
attribute to natural endowment... that is why our people (referring to Igbos) thrive in
business and can turn the most difficult trading terrain into a gold-mine... does it mean
that people of other ethnicity that falter in seemingly booming economic environments
are mentally incapacitated?. The answer is no; rather Igbos are divinely gifted to excel
in trading more than other Nigeria peoples.

Although an IDI respondent of Yoruba extraction corroborated the above divine-endowment

thesis, we argue here that trading is purely a learned skill and a group’s distinctive excellence
in it may be nothing more than the outcome of intergenerational socialization that emphasizes
insight, courage, prudence and diligence. If it were divine, all persons of Igbo ethnic-
nationality would automatically thrive in trading no matter the circumstance; but this is not
so. Some Yorubas, Hausas and other Nigerian peoples are known to have also excelled in
trading even in areas that some Igbos have failed. In terms of educational activities among
Igbo people in Ibadan, respondents reported wide intergenerational differences with the
younger generation showing higher attainment than the older. This global trend was further
explained by an IDI respondent:
Most aged Igbos in Ibadan had primary or secondary school certificate as the highest
educational qualification and ended up as traders or blue-collar workers in
establishments including University of Ibadan... realising the importance of tertiary
school education in defining status, ranking and placement of individuals, most
parents/guardians struggle to train their wards in higher institutions.

As a result, the number of Igbo students in an institution like the University of Ibadan is
relatively large, which may explain the formation and sustenance of community and/or state
based Igbo Students Associations (ISAs) in the institutions. As some FGD participants
pointed out, most of the ISAs liaise with TUAs on cross-cutting issues. The religious life of
Igbos in Ibadan is a reflection of what obtains elsewhere; an overwhelming majority are
Christians and Catholics in particular.

Cultural Engagements

Although several kilometres away from their Eastern homeland, Igbos in Ibadan still
engage in some cultural activities pertaining to marriage, family life and dressing pattern
among others. Like their counterparts back home, most Igbos in Ibadan delay marriages. It
takes some time for young male traders who usually go through a period of apprenticeship to
accumulate wealth necessary to defray the cost of, sometimes, elaborate marriage ceremony
or to cater for a wife that may be barred from participation in serious economic activities.
Respondents agreed that it is better to marry late than engage in early marriage that may be
characterized by poverty and tension. However, the immediate implication of increased age at
marriage among men is that marriage among females is also delayed; this impinges on length
of fecundity and attainment of menopause before achieving preferred fertility and family size.
For those that finally indicate readiness to get married, participants noted that two
options are available – traditional marriage rites take place either in Ibadan or Igboland. One
of the group discussants pointed out:
Ordinarily, marriage is contracted in a prospective wife’s homeland with kinsmen and
women in attendance... what we see these days is that, for convenience, some parents
prefer that the ceremony takes place in Ibadan and people back home are informed
later ... my experience is that most times kins-people never get to know about it from
these parents.

As a result, the ceremony that ought to serve as farewell event for which important advise is
given the newly-wed by significant others is foregone. Some of the respondents noted that
some parents, for fear of being sanctioned by the village members back home, insist that the
usually elaborate event takes place in Igboland. As an interviewee stated, the sanctions may
range from ostracism to fines, among others. Another pattern identified by respondents is the
increasing rate of inter-ethnic marriages between Igbos and people from other cultural groups
especially the Yoruba unlike what obtained in the past when strong emphasis was laid on
endogamy.
The study found that most young Igbos in Ibadan are relatively proficient in three
languages which include, Igbo, Yoruba and English languages. In fact, some of these young
people are more acquainted with Yoruba language than Igbo. Some others speak Yoruba and
English only; the interest in Yoruba language may be explained by early exposure to the
latter and the large number of Yoruba speakers that young Igbos come in contact, especially
in the course of primary and secondary school education. Findings also reveal that a large
number of Igbos in the thematic city socialize their young ones mainly in line with some
Yoruba values. For instance, it is common to see Igbos that eat amala, ewedu, gbegiri and
iyan which are mainly ascribed to the Yoruba.
In addition, responses indicate that while most aged people still maintain the greeting
posture that Igbos are known for which include, a younger male shaking an elder with two
hands standing and the females turning their backs for patting by men, most younger male
Igbos in Ibadan, just like the Yoruba, bow to greet elders while their female counterparts
genuflect with both knees. In terms of dressing, older Igbos still subscribe to the attire that the
people are known for, particularly worn during special ceremonies such as weddings, naming
ceremonies/christening, TUA meeting, among others. On the contrary, a large number of
Igbo youths in Ibadan are not particular about traditional attires but rather prefer western-type
of dressing. As a result, it is difficult to decipher these young people’s ethnic identity merely
by their dressing unlike what obtained in the past.

Igbos and Politics in Ibadan

Respondents discussed Igbos and politics in Ibadan from two perspectives. First, from
the angle of general involvement in the wider Ibadan politics; second, with specific respect to
Igbo politics - within the group. Study participants noted that in the broader sense, Igbos in
Ibadan, like other Nigerian peoples partake in the electoral process mainly as voters or
indirectly as advisers to office holders. They hardly contested elections in the city even for
the least political positions for fear of failure; a notion that respondents stated is borne out of
perceived ethnic sentiments that usually prevail in Nigerian politics.
On Igbo politics, specifically among the people, the study found that until a few
decades ago the idea of politics outside TUAs was inconceivable. Recently however, the
notion of a united front in Igbo leadership gradually crept-in and became both contentious
and dangerous. Some of the respondents noted that it was a surprise that the main actors
equated their prospective position with Eze/Igwe or the equivalent of Oba among the Yoruba
or Emir among the Hausa. The struggle for this non-existing position left the Igbos in Ibadan
more divided than could be imagined. Data reveal that two notable factions struggled fiercely
to woo TUAs for support; the situation became messy to the extent that the Oyo state
government intervened at some point. One of the IDI respondents simply characterized the
situation as unfortunate especially considering that notable Igbo intellectuals got immersed in
the turbulence. She stated further:
The assumption that someone could become Eze (king) outside Igboland is laughable
and childish... it is pitiable that some Igbo intellectuals in Ibadan went as far as getting
conferred with chieftaincy titles by the so-called Ezes without domain. Was it not funny
that back home the people that paraded themselves as Ezes paid glowing tributes to
recognized traditional rulers... for right thinking people, those individuals were jobless
and wanted cheap popularity.

The study revealed that the contradiction presented by such attempt at arrogant recreation of
Igbo political culture and history attracted the attention of traditional rulers in Igboland who
quickly disbanded as well as condemned in strong terms such anti-normative positions and
corresponding unacceptable nomenclatures not only in Oyo State but also throughout Nigeria.
Results indicate that rather the position of Onye ndu (Leader), in towns outside Igboland, was
unanimously endorsed by these traditional rulers. However, in the spirit of let us not lose it
all the struggle for the latter position and supremacy continues between the two camps.

Ibadan based Igbos and linkages with families in the Southeast

In an era of improved communication technology exemplified mainly by mobile
phones and internet, interactions have been made much easier. However, linkages as used in
this paper connote more of the physical presence of an Ibadan-based Igbo or group in
Igboland and/or financial or material remittances to distant or close relatives. Some of the
respondents pointed out the importance of having a house/apartment/building back home as a
strong pull factor for travelling during major festivals. An aged male IDI respondent
elucidates further:

An Igbo man that does not have a house at home is regarded as irresponsible by family
members and kin-group... as somebody with a chicken-brain (ofogori) and a spendthrift
notwithstanding the occupational status of the individual. In order not to be so labelled,
Igbos especially those in the Diaspora (living in urban centres and abroad) struggle to
erect structures even if it means not fully utilizing them.

Clearly, such quest exerts socioeconomic pressure on the Igbo. As a result, several young
men opt for business rather than acquire tertiary education perceived as a quicker means of
getting rich and owning big houses. How far some of these business men and women have
been able to achieve such dreams is debatable, for as we know, most magnificent structures
either in urban or rural centres in Igboland are owned by individuals with some level of
tertiary school education. Data further reveal that other factors that motivate Igbos in
Diaspora to travel home include festivities such as Christmas, Easter, new yam festivals and
other sundry customs among the different sub-groups. Indeed, these ceremonies apart from
re-uniting families, relatives and friends are also avenues for initiating new projects and
searching for life partners. Results also show that Igbos outside Nigeria are particularly
encouraged to participate in these festivals at home to keep abreast of developments and
challenges.
It was also revealed that although Igbos in Ibadan look forward to travelling during
these major ceremonies, economic hardship is a major disincentive to embarking on such
journeys. Respondents added that recently, the fear of being kidnapped became more critical
in discouraging the people from travelling back home. This development meant that people of
low socioeconomic status had better chances of not being kidnapped in South-eastern parts of
the country unlike their affluent counterparts who could be targets. Some participants noted
that some Igbos in Ibadan never bothered about travelling home for unidentifiable reasons;
this category of individuals could afford to go back occasionally but are unwilling to do so
even prior to the characteristic widespread kidnapping in Igboland.

Major challenges faced by Igbos in Ibadan

The challenges faced by Igbos in Ibadan are also common among other Nigerian
peoples outside their traditional homes. This paper argues that ethnic based discrimination is
pervasive and a defining attitude in relationship building in Nigeria with over 380 ethnic
groups (Otite 2000). The respondents identified discriminatory employment standards as one
of the major challenges Igbos in Ibadan face; those that struggled to get employed are still
discriminated against in the work place. The study revealed that to safeguard their jobs, these
Igbos put in extra efforts to keep their jobs. The advantage is that in the course of such rigor
the-victimized gradually masters the work process and becomes such an expert that the-
protected would eventually consult for mentoring and skills update.
The next major challenge relates to the difficulty of renting an apartment from
some Landlords of Yoruba extraction. Some of the respondents stated that some of these
Landowners, as a matter of policy, would not have Igbos as tenants. An Igbo interviewee who
himself is a Landlord explains:
Some of us that now have houses in Ibadan were forced to do so as a result of the high
level of discrimination and rejection that we faced in the hands of Yoruba Landlords.
Some of them give definite instructions to their agents not to have us accommodated for
reasons that I do not know... in instances where some of these Landlords rent
apartments to Igbos, they still make life uncomfortable for them... so there is unbearable
pressure for the Igbo in Ibadan to put up their own structures.

In a way, such rejection becomes a blessing in disguise for the Igbo whom circumstances
compel to prioritize home ownership. Perhaps without this discriminatory attitude, the
number of Igbos that own houses in Ibadan would not be as high as it is today. Undoubtedly,
this has indirectly contributed to the characteristic physical expansion of Ibadan reputed as
the largest city in West Africa. One of the IDI respondents, however, observed that most
Igbos put up simple structures in Ibadan that they could easily dispose of on retirement from
either the private or public sector.

Conclusion

Results of this study have shown that it is difficult to trace migration of the Igbo into
Ibadan to a particular time in history. A combination of factors such as scarcity of land
among a densely populated people, the quest to partake in trade among others is linked to the
motivation to migrate to urban centres including Ibadan. While these factors explained out-
migration into Nigerian cities and beyond, the socioeconomic, physical and psychological
effects of the Nigeria-Biafra civil war on the Igbo amplified the zeal to struggle for survival
outside Igboland mainly because they did not have faith in the Reintegration, Reconstruction
and Rehabilitation (RRR) proclaimed by the then military government.
Coming to Ibadan was envisaged as a first step towards overcoming powerlessness
and frustration. While this became true for some of these migrants, others have continued in
their penury to suggest that moving into a location is not sufficient condition to overcome
poverty but rather insight, diligence and prudence. For this and other reasons, TUAs not only
have the oversight responsibility of guiding its members against frivolous behaviours but also
financially aiding those that are disadvantaged. Discrimination against Igbos in the public
sphere disheartens the people in the immediate but propels them to hard work and industry
for which they are eventually appreciated. Such discrimination is not the case in the private
sector where, due to ingenuity in trading, the Igbo dominate Ibadan-business landscape and
could collectively decide prices of goods and allied services. Indeed, these economic power
differentials and their concomitant demerits and strengths serve as push and pull factors
respectively for an intending employee (a Yoruba, an Igbo etc) in deciding the most
appropriate employment path to follow.
This paper reveals that while older Igbos in Ibadan have hardly been enculturated into
Yoruba culture, except the few that were born and bred in the city, the younger are both
Yorubanized and/or westernized; an attitude that readily manifests in their proficiency in
Yoruba and English languages at the expense of Igbo language. We observe that exogamous
marriage between Igbos and Yorubas or other cultural groups is one of the proximate ways of
curbing the effects of ethnicity in Nigeria. This should be encouraged.
While we advocate healthy political contestations, especially within TUAs, this paper
condemns, in strongest terms, getting involved in dangerous politicking for a position such as
Eze-Igbo in Ibadan that is unpragmatic. We rather think that it is sensible to prioritize more
fluid and visible linkages with family and relatives in the Southeast than engage in a venture
that demobilizes efforts at unity and development.
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