The Guru Challenge: Indian Gurus in Culture and Literature

Contents

Elmar SchenkelThe Guru Challenge. Introduction

Traditions

Sadananda DasThe Place of the Guru in the Non-dual Śaiva Philosophy of Kaśhmir

Harald WieseMarketing for Gurus – Gleaned from Premodern Indian Texts

Modern Gurus

Finn HarderGuruless Guruness, or Ramana Maharshi among his Devotees

Oliver HahnOsho – the Anti-Guru

Media

Al Collins / Elaine MolchanovCarl Gustav Jung’s Guru: The Symbol as Inner Authority

Martina Ghosh-SchellhornGuru under the Lens: From Narayan's The Guide to Guide

Stefan LampadiusGurus in Contemporary Literary Fiction

East/West Encounters

Nadine MenzelLeo N. Tolstoy’s The Kingdom of God Is Within You (1894) as Inspiration for Mahatma Gandhi

Elmar SchenkelWestern Pilgrims, Indian Gurus I: 1900-1960s

Elmar SchenkelWestern Pilgrims, Indian Gurus II: 1960s to Today

Contributors

The Guru Challenge. Introduction

Elmar Schenkel

The attraction of Eastern gurus may have weakened over the last two decades, possibly because of a seeming increase of charlatanism, deception, and commercial interests among them. Nowadays, mentioning Indian gurus may raise people’s eyebrows and make them mumble words about countless Rolls Royces, sexual abuse and fake miracles. At the same time, the term guru has been taken over by CEOs, spin-doctors, or financial experts, thus diluting the spiritual contents. As George Mikes pointed out in How to be a Guru: The word guru, when applied to a European, has an ironic or even derogatory […] ring. (Mikes 1)

While this negative connotation may dominate in the West, many individuals still seek a guru, which will – more often than not – lead them to India. Once in the Promised Land, they will find that gurus still enjoy great authority there, though even in their ancient homeland a critical view seems to be on the rise as well. On a global scale, however, the phrase Rush Hour of the Gods, launched in 1967 (MacFarland), may still be valid. As Meera Nanda has claimed, there is a return to ritualism, mythology, and idol worship despite economic prosperity in India: […] a great many Indians of all religious faiths are taking their gods with them into the new economy. (Nanda 2009, 62). There are good reasons why we should look critically into these movements, which are part of what one might call spiritual globalization, a process that paradoxically, according to Nanda, makes India more Hindu. This process is inextricably bound up with the global trade of many other commodities of a more material nature. English writer G.K. Chesterton was aware of these phenomena as early as the 1930s when he wrote: For another process is going on, parallel to the process of the connexion of routes, and it is the disconnexion of ideas (Chesterton 66) and remarked that a division accompanies such unification (Chesterton 68).

‘Guru,’ in the sense of ‘teacher,’ as someone who knows and can instruct, who has experience and is therefore ‘old’ and respected (cf. Bäumer 20) represents a concept with different connotations in the East and the West, much like, on average, the roles of the teacher in schools and universities are different in both hemispheres. Hence, when Indians and Westerners talk about gurus, they might have a different view of the teacher in mind. Undoubtedly, as Sudhir Kakar has shown, the question of the guru has to be contextualized in the different social models prevailing in India and the West(Kakar 2006). Whereas in India, the teacher/guru is part of a larger familylike group, looking after the welfare of the individual, in the West, the teachers’ authority has been under constant attack since individuals are meant to be educated towards freedom and autonomy, which is seen as a prerequisite for a democratic society. Such challenge to authority, criticism and suspicion are much more part of a teacher’s reality in the West than in the East where reverence and obedience belong to a relationship that preserves some of these traditional values in spite of globalization and discontinuity elsewhere. To some extent, the ancient Laws of Manu are still echoing in Indian culture, which claim that it is wrong to censor your teacher even if your teacher is wrong. (Baggini 11) Related to this complex difference between East and West (if I may use this old-fashioned shibboleth in a broad sense) is the difference between sage/guru and philosopher as it is perceived in the West. In India, or other Eastern cultures, this difference is not maintained or even sought; instead, the boundaries are very much blurred (ibid. 24). With a globalized culture, such distinctions, if still valid, have to be argued for and can no longer be taken for granted. Practical wisdom and insight, even faith and religious positions are now often seen on the same level as what the West has called philosophy as a secular process of thinking and debating and for which it has endowed chairs at universities and colleges. Yet there is a universal trend, enhanced by the circulation of ideas and spiritualities as commodities, to give more weight to useful thinking or practical wisdom, which may or may not have a philosophical underpinning. The Western take on gurus thus encompasses also a broadened view of thinking and its relationship with practice and embodyment, which has been missing so much in Western education and in philosophy since Descartes. Thinkers such as Nietzsche, an advocate of the body, or Bergson and Gebser have for this very reason had difficulty entering the canon. While this explain to some extent why Westerners have gone on pilgrimage to the East – theoretically since Romanticism, practically since the late 19th century (see e.g., Halbfass) – we still have to look at the place of gurus in Indian societies in order to gauge to what extent one myth encounters another and how both are transformed in the encounter.

This is not the place to give an outline of the history of gurus in Indian history, which reaches back into the Upanishadic/Vedic past (cf. Bäumer). Etymologies are varied, but the Sanskrit word, according to Storr, means heavy (Storr xi) and designates a person who brings light out of darkness (Copley 5). For the purpose of our book, we can join Storr in calling gurus teachers who claim special knowledge of the meaning of life, and who therefore feel entitled to tell others how life should be lived (Storr xi). If we settle for this kind of spiritual teacher we find that gurus are certainly not restricted to India. As Peter Washington pointed out, gurus were born in the 19th and 20th centuries in different hemispheres – e.g., Madame Blavatsky, George I. Gurdjieff, and Pjotr D. Ouspensky, Rudolf Steiner and many others were to follow. Yet the decisive impetus came from India. If one were to exaggerate one could call 1893 the year of the globalization of the Indian guru. The occasion was the World Parliament of Religion which convened at the Columbia Exhibition in Chicago. Here Swami Vivekananda brought Hinduism from India and with it the concept of the guru to the West, while other spiritual teachers came to the fore, including Zen Buddhists and Theosophists. After the 1960s there was a renaissance of the guru: It was above all the 1960s reaction against materialist aims and goals which introduced Westerners on a large scale to seek out the more spiritual approaches long advocated in the East – and which rocketed the Gurus into international prominence. (Mitchiner 19)

In addition to the watering down of the original meaning, the ‘guru’ in the traditional sense of ‘spiritual teacher’ has come under heavy fire. Too many stories of corruption and sexual misbehaviour have emerged from guru settings like swarms of nasty mosquitoes. This may be due to an inherent set of characteristics, which skeptics, be they Indian or Western, have long noted. Psychologist Anthony Storr lists them up in his study of cults and gurus: gurus tend to be intolerant of criticism, elitist and anti-democratic; they will never be friends with their followers but remain dominant, they do not discuss, but rather impose ideas. They are also compelled to keep up a charismatic front, often under a veil of authenticity and mystery; in other words, mystification is part of their make-up (Storr xiii-xv). Sometimes gurus end up living in luxury, and this is related to their enjoyment of power (ibid. xvi). Storr’s may be a psychological view from the West seeing gurus in a rather shady world reigned by the master’s narcissism and the disciples’ weakness and malleability. Indian views can be very different, and certainly throughout tradition the guru has had much more seriousness and spiritual weight than this view might suggest. There is perhaps no other religion that has produced as many types of holy persons as Hinduism with its ascetics, Swamis, Yogis, Siddhas, Sannyasis, or Gurus. The Indian Guru, however, holds a special position for a number of reasons. From the very beginning, the image and profession of the Guru has not primarily rested on the search for truth: he or she is not a philosopher in the Western sense. Rather they are keepers of religious values and norms, and they have a privileged access to arcane spiritual knowledge. They can also act as advisors to individuals and families and thus they do not necessarily deviate from the norms of caste and society as a whole. Obviously, all these positions lose their value in a completely different society, such as the United States. Vedic rituals certainly throw a different light on those who practice them abroad, outside Hindu culture. They become amalgamated with local traditions, such as Wicca, or even turn into wellness rituals at Pilates sessions. Individuals may nevertheless draw personal strength from these traditions even though they are alienated and have been completely transformed and adapted to the needs of Europeans and other non-Hindu-cultures. Are gurus in the West or for Westerners then a threat to democracy and individualism? Not necessarily. John Mitchiner even remarked a self-empowerment of individuals through the role of the guru. Outside caste society they may well have this effect, as he notes: The turning of Westerners to the Guru cults represents more than anything else a defiant reaffirmation of individualism and of the permanent and absolute value of the value of the individual. (Mitchiner 19) Given that doubt, skepticism, or a scientific approach are ruled out in the relationship between disciples and gurus, this optimistic view seems problematic nowadays.

Furthermore, guru devotion in India is quite different from that in the West. In India, it is the well-to do individuals who can afford not to be confined to their family sage but can range across the country or even the globe to find the right kind of guru for their problems. By means of the media, "gurus and their spiritual products can now travel far and wide", which also has the effect of cutting the personal ties that had connected gurus with their devotees (Warrier 48). Travelling from guru to guru also has become a recent feature. Maya Warrier therefore suggests focusing not so much on faith and the guru, but on the biographies of guru seekers (Warrier 49).

Guru studies have increased over the last 30-40 years and yet questions and issues keep arising. Why is this so and why add another volume, to this debate? The topic, as can be seen from some of the above views invites interdisciplinary perspectives – psychology, Indology, history of religion, literary criticism, sociology, or political science. Gurus and charismatic persons remain an important issue in the contemporary media world and affect politics and commerce. And they have become a global phenomenon, from the start, signaling that syncretism and synthesis may be on the move, with adverse forces accompanying this very process. Vivekananda as well as Steiner, Gurdjieff as well as Sai Baba could pride themselves on an international following. Indian gurus have attracted people from all over the world to the subcontinent, but have also become avid travellers themselves, establishing headquarters and meditation centres across the continents. Even the anti-gurus, the two Krishnamurtis (Jiddu and Uppaluri Gopala) or Osho have become very powerful gurus themselves, as if to prove the impossibility of not becoming a guru: being believed, as George Mikes once wrote, can cause immense tragedies (Mikes 2). And La Rochefoucauld might add: It is easier to be wise for others than yourself. Gurus will remain a constant challenge to ideas of enlightenment and democracy, in which the individual asserts him-or herself vis-à-vis political or spiritual issues. They will also remain a challenge to anyone trying to live the right kind of life.

This struggle has fascinated us (a group of mainly literary / cultural studies scholars) and paved the way to a conference held in 2016 at Leipzig University. Speakers came from the fields of Indology, English literature and cultural studies, psychology, religious studies, philosophy, Slavic studies, economics, and media studies. Though these fields are extensive, we were not able to cover certain issues which are equally important in guru studies. Thus, the political role of gurus and the increasing importance of female gurus could not be addressed sufficiently, and there are certainly other phenomena ranging from history to sociology that were not covered. Jacob Copeman’s and Aya Ikegame’s The Guru in South Asia e.g. should be consulted for these areas. But we hope that the proceedings to be found in the present volume can at least inspire readers to further explore this fascinating topic.

The first section is devoted to traditional views and roles of gurus in India and to more recent gurus whose teaching and following has been fuelled by globalization.

Before we start doubting and criticizing notions of modern guruism, we should take a look at the original meanings and functions of guruship. These traditional views of the Guru are reflected in Sadananda Das’ contribution ongurus in tradition, especially in Kashmir Śaivism. Das reminds us of the original meanings not only of the word but the social and spiritual function of a guru: It is the guru who reveals the true meaning of life, as a master, teacher, guide, spiritual preceptor, parent and more. He is the eye opener and remover of ignorance for his disciples. He is Lord Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva.

A completely different dimension of guruship is outlined in Harald Wiese’s observations on the role of marketing and economy relating to guru-disciple businesses. This entails a new look at traditional structures encompassing patronage, discipleship, and sectarian set-ups. What happens if one applies the famous 4 P, i.e., product, place, price, and promotion to these social patterns? Price, for instance, is reflected in the policies of alms begging or gift collections after teaching. Communicating wisdom in philosophical or metaphysical debates can be subsumed under the P of promotion. Wiese looks at old Indian texts and provides a fresh perspective on gurus by using marketing terminology and thus elucidates patterns of the material foundation of the disciple-guru relationship.

Finn Harder takes the reader to a world historically closer to ours by looking at one of the most famous gurus in India and the West: Sri Ramana Maharshi. The saint of Arunachala, in Tamil Nadu returned to everyday reality after a long period of silence and meditation and began to attract visitors and disciples from all over the world. Two ashrams were built and he became a guru without having gone through a formal initiation. Harder highlights the role he played for people looking for spiritual guidance and a teaching to help them overcome duality – a role that necessarily also involved and involves misconceptions and misunderstandings, which seems to be part of a guru’s collateral effect.

A much more controversial guru is discussed by Oliver Hahn in his essay on Osho/Bhagwan/Rajneesh. Osho appears to be a most versatile figure combining Indian wisdom and Western philosophy in a hereto unheard-of intensity. Destroying and deconstructing conventions of thinking in East and West, he regarded nothing as sacred and belonged to those gurus who rejected guruship, while eventually turning into an authoritarian guru himself. The anti-guru, or guru for capitalism, provoked endless scandals in India and the US due to his positions on sexuality as well as his shameless display of wealth. Osho can be regarded as a typical representative of a modern type of Indian master or guru who inspired thousands in their spiritual quest – but also cunningly used his knowledge and charisma to gain fame, wealth, and glory. At the same time, his unorthodox attitudes alienated him from mainstream guru patterns and have permitted him to remain a strong influence long after his death in 1990.

In the second section, we examine the various ways in which the media can process and produce gurus: how literary work and a movie make use of the spiritual teacher and how a renowned psychologist mediates between inside and outside by turning an inner experience into a guru-like voice.

Stefan Lampadius explores the representation of gurus in contemporary literary fiction by some Anglophone writers of Indian origin: Sudhir Kakar’s Ecstasy, Amulya Malladi’s Song of the Cuckoo Bird, or Vikram Chandra’s Sacred Games. Questions of national identity, tradition and globalization as well as gender roles become apparent around the guru as focus. Gender roles and stereotypes are indeed questioned when female gurus appear to take over the role of the male spiritual teacher that have been cherished for so many centuries, though not without exceptions. At all events, female guruhood seems to be an emerging religious and cultural phenomenon with a global echo, while fiction is a good indicator of the sheer variety of gurus in the present situation. They may appear as traditional relics or as rebels and liberators, as political figures, or as spiritual guides in