Undocumented Immigration

Blain, Marie-Jeanne, Muzhgan Haydary, Aline Lechaume, Delphine Nakache, Tatiana Sanheza Morales et Mona Subayi (2025) La recherche en 2 pages. L’écosystème de services et ressources : secteurs juridiques et de défense des droits pour des personnes migrantes à statut précaire et sans statut au Québec. Clinique juridique des Solutions Justes de la Mission communautaire de Montréal, Institut de recherche sur les Migrations et la Société (Université Concordia) et Centre de recherche InterActions, Montréal, 28 mai 2025, 2 p.

If anyone has looked at the crisis surrounding illegal, virtually unchecked immigration in the US, UK, and European Union, as well as a country like South Africa, from the perspective of the notion of ‘hospitality,’ it becomes clear that  such ‘immigration’ (or perhaps ‘migration’) is in fact a question of hospitality. This article employs Derrida's  two concepts of hospitality to understand the present phenomenon of illegal migration. He calls the first one ‘aneconomic,’ which means unlimited, unconditional, excessive, and ‘generous’ to the point of the ‘self-effacement’ of the host(-ess) in favour of the guest, the stranger or foreigner. In ordinary language, this kind of hospitality consists in bending over backwards to accommodate the guest or visitor (which would include migrants entering a ‘foreign’ country). By contrast, Derrida calls the other notion of hospitality ‘economic,’ which means that it is conditional, limited, even a smidgen ‘hostile’ and self-assertive in the sense of severely limiting the amenities and privileges that the migrant or guest is granted. These two concepts are not contradictory in the strict sense, but neither is either reducible to the other. They are irreducible, which means that they are distinct, non-identical. What Derrida demonstrates, is that, by themselves, neither of these two concepts of hospitality could work, but by allowing the one to limit the other, hospitality first becomes possible, and practicable. Against this backdrop, instances of egregiously 'unconditional' hospitality in the US and Europe are scrutinised, showing that these countries have allowed migrants ('guests') to abuse the 'hospitality' they have been shown, and that, in fact, the 'host countries' have aided and abetted such abuse, to the detriment of the countries' inhabitants.

This article discusses recent developments within the Greek right-wing party, New Democracy, specifically, the intention of the former party leader and former prime minister, Antonis Samaras, to found a new party. I argue that this move is in line with the intention of the current Minister of Defence, Nikos Dendias, to succeed the present prime minister, Mitsotakis, in the party leadership. The intention is to make ground for a post-electoral government coalition of the two parties.  Although this does not offer anything to the Greek people and their needs, it manifests the crisis in the Greek political system. (Paron 1/6/2025)

Despite this country's self-image as a haven for the persecuted, political asylum claims may receive less careful consideration, given the stakes, than claims in any other proceedings in American law. This lack of care creates undue obstacles for applicants even when criteria for decision-such as religious or racial persecution-are relatively straightforward. When the reasons for persecution are less familiar, not only the petitioner's claims, but also the purpose and intent of this country's asylum law can be completely lost. The right to claim asylum based on persecution due to "membership in a particular social group" 1 is in danger of suffering this fate. Such grants have always been rare, partly because of institutional inadequacies; recent decisions restrict this basis for asylum even more. This Article will criticize recent judicial and administrative attempts to define and apply the concept of "persecution" on account of "membership in a particular social group," and will analyze how these attempts relate to broader questions concerning the availability of asylum. Both petitions for protection based on "social group" membership and attempts to bring group-level evidence to bear in adjudications have fared badly in administrative proceedings and sometimes in courts. Recent attempts to define "social group" have produced narrowing constructions which are not only inconsistent with the language and legislative history of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), but mutually inconsistent and internally confused as well. t I am grateful for the helpful suggestions and criticisms of Alex Aleinikoff, Ricky

This article challenges contemporary (2020 CE) assumptions regarding the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road that influence how the future of a rising China and its global impact are imagined. By quantifying the present and projecting it into the future, the future archaeology of abandoned infrastructure (ports) and architecture (ships) is evaluated alongside contemporary archival materials and cartographic imagery in a hypothetical scenario where, in 2520 CE, an archaeology team explores the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Theoretically framed within anthropological archaeology and employing maritime archaeology as a method, the team visits three port sites and identifies the remains of all 122 ships that sank between the East China Sea and the Mediterranean between 2016 and 2020 CE. The nature and extent of trade are revealed, the transnational maritime cultural landscape is reconstructed, and the outcome is a strikingly different understanding of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Preamble This article challenges contemporary assumptions about the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road by projecting archaeological practices 500 years into the future.

This working paper advances an infrastructural perspective to analyse how law, data, and mobility are co-constituted within the context of human mobility's datafication. Anchored empirically in the border crossing point of Rossolocated between Mauritania and Senegalit reflects on how mobility is shaped through an evolving constellation of socio-technical and legal infrastructures. The aim is to develop a conceptual and methodological compass for studying datafied mobility by bringing into dialogue insights from Science and Technology Studies (STS), critical security studies, and legal scholarship. The paper first outlines the analytical value of infrastructure as both a conceptual lens and an empirical object. It reflects on three cross-cutting dimensionsmateriality, relationality, and distributional effectsthat have gained prominence across disciplines and that enable a nuanced reading of infrastructural configurations. Building on this foundation, it then mobilizes key contributions from the aforementioned fields, highlighting how their convergence offers a productive framework for examining the shifts resulting from data-intensive practices around mobility. Rather than providing a comprehensive account, the paper positions infrastructural thinking as an open-ended, empirically grounded approach. It explores the potential and limitations of this perspective to trace how infrastructures mediate and transform mobility. In doing so, it reflects on the methodological challenges and advantages of studying infrastructures in motion, particularly in contexts where legal, technical, and political boundaries are unstable, layered, and contested.

Dossier de la Revista Espacios Transnacionales en su numero de enero junio de 2024.
Contribuciones de:
Nayeli de León Ramírez (ENAH).
Emmanuel Pontones (UAMX).
Alejandra Uribe (UAMX).
Alejandro Piña (UAMI).
Mario Perez (UAMA).
Eric Luna (UAMI).

In mainstream society, an automobile is understood to be is a personally owned asset. In parts of New Caledonia, a private vehicle has a cultural liability in that it is socially incorrect to use a car solely for personal benefit. This is somewhat like the situation in Lesotho where a privately-owned cow cannot be sold nor killed by its owner. Among Indigenous Basuto people, the proprietor of cattle has the obligation to allow others to use cows for transport or other uses. Cultural assumptions, whether explicit or implicit, are often ignored or misunderstood, yet central to understanding business. The purpose of this series is to bring light to business as conducted by ethnic minorities and indigenous peoples, with an emphasis on understanding the cultural behaviors that shape specific economic structures. This is an interdisciplinary book series welcoming all approaches to research on ethnic and indigenous business origins, practices, history, evolution, demographics, and challenges. Academic monographs, edited volumes, and case studies are welcome. Ultimately, the series aims to provide a nuanced perspective of mainstream business thought, and usher in a spirit of inclusion to a mature understanding of business philosophies.

The term 'alien' is often used in public debates regarding migrants, particularly in the United States of America. This term is not in itself negative, as for example in its neutral legal meaning (transfer of ownership), but tends to acquire detrimental meanings over time. For example, this has already happened in the field of psychiatry, where the term 'alienated' to refer to the mentally ill, and that of 'alienation' to refer to his condition, acquired a negative connotation conveying an idea of radical difference. One consequence was, on this basis, the justification of the social separation of patients, locked up in mental asylums. The contribution of phenomenological psychopathology, with its insistence on seeing the patient as alter rather than alienus, has led to notable advances in the humanization of care and in favour of the social integration of patients. Similarly, in current discourse on migrants the term 'alien' has acquired a negative connotation, to underline a radical difference from the natives, implicitly bringing with it the sense of being less human, and therefore less worthy of our empathy, and therefore less holders of human rights. Furthermore, by placing the word 'illegal' next to the word 'alien', the negative public opinion is further strengthened, also transmitting the sense of fear that the term 'illegal' arouses. This article calls on intellectuals and scientists to reject these terms and to raise awareness among the population about their improper use, with the aim of avoiding the dehumanization and stigmatization of people with the least capacity to defend themselves, such as migrants.

« Réinsertion socioéconomique des migrants de retour en Tunisie bénéficiaires d’un programme d’aide à la réinsertion ». Rapport pour CEFA Tunisie dans le cadre du programme Dar Tun “De l’Allemagne (et autres pays européens) Retour en Tunisie ‘’Accompagnement à la réinsertion socio-économique des migrant.e.s de retour (GIZ), décembre 2024.

Etude sur les processus au travers desquels les "migrants de retour" en Tunisie (retour forcé ou volontaire) se réinsèrent économiquement et socialement dans leur pays, analyse de l'impact de programmes de réinsertion mis en place par la Tunisie avec des partenaires internationaux (ProGres et Dar Tun).  L'étude se base sur les interviews de 35 migrant.es de retour, agé.es de 20 à 45 ans, résident. es à Sfax, Jbeiniana, Djerba, Gabès, Korba, Kef, Zaghouan et Grand Tunis et bénéficiaires d'un programme de réinsertion pour lancer un projet professionnel.

Liminality is a leading concept in the study of unaccompanied child
and youth migration. Children and youth are thought of as people
in the making who are on their path to adulthood. In addition, since
unregulated migrants experience a prolonged state of transition,
and since borderlands are in-between countries, it is unsurprising
that liminality is a common trope in the investigation of unaccompanied
child migration. While Liminality has been exceptionally
helpful in shedding light on institutional barriers that unaccompanied
children face, on challenges within these barriers, and in
producing political critique over migration regimes, it also led to
a false conceptualization of the unaccompanied child as liminal and
transitional herself, a homeless nomad, helpless in the face of her
non-citizenship childhood. Ethnographic findings from the
Zimbabwean-South African borderland reveal how precarities of
non-citizen childhoods and youth intersect with young people’s
efforts to belong, challenging the notion of the liminal child.
While structural liminality produces precarious non-citizenship trajectories
for unaccompanied children in schools, shelters, border
control, and government offices, children and youth are motivated
to make a new home for themselves, and develop a sense of
belonging. Thus, liminality should be used cautiously, refraining
from producing inaccurate images of liminal children.

In this chapter I reflect upon doing practice-based research on migration police in Norway, and look at how this positionality might generate new analytical insights. The methodology of the project was designed to gain proximity to police practices and occupational cultures norms, values and professional ethos. The empirical findings reveal various challenges that the police working with migration control experience. In the chapter I discuss how these tensions affected the theorizing of the data. Analyzing different antagonisms and dynamics as objects to study, rather than objects of assessment, provided sensitizing concepts which helped to orient my interests by guiding the data collection and the writing process. In the last section I discuss how to deal with experiences of discomfort and competing moral and political agendas by looking into the moving and navigating between different research sites and concepts. The chapter concludes that analysing proximity relations between the researcher and researched provides pivotal sensitizing concepts for not only gaining necessary distance, but also to go beyond a top down and thesis driven analysis. Taking the actors' situation seriously by doing practice-based research also strengthens the practice field's reception for criticism.

This study analyzed the individual characteristics of Central American trans‐migrants relevant to their socio-economic background, sex and age, combined with other societal, environmental and structural factors, identified from literature as potential sources of social vulnerability and ill health, that are attributable to their transit through México. The findings showed that traveling undocumented through Mexican territory has a direct negative effect

This course explores the evidence for two kinds of violence in past societies considered especially shocking or controversial in the contemporary, developed West: human sacrifice and the consumption of the human dead. Avoiding exoticism and suspending moral evaluation in favor of anthropological inquiry, the course considers cannibalism and sacrifice as cultural expressions of universal human drives and preoccupations and as historically specific solutions to common problems in social organization. Through lectures and readings, we will examine archaeological and ethnohistoric case studies drawn from a wide range of time periods, cultures, and regions in an effort to identify and explain diversity and commonalities among such practices.

Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de

The study aimed to introducing the inter-studies of the social science and their scientific importance in the study of social problems (terrorism as a model) and revealing the factors leading to activating the role of the interstudies of the social sciences and the factors that obstruct this role. To achieve the objectives of the study, the theoretical framework of the study was reviewed in terms of the problem of the study, its objectives, importance, study methodology and concepts, and previous studies, and then building a theoretical model for the application of inter-studies of social sciences in studying the problem of terrorism in which four sciences participate, such as sociology of terrorism, psychology of terrorism, media studies and religious studies. the study concluded that the interrelationships between the social sciences are among the modern trends in the field of scientific research, which has begun to renew its characteristics and review its traditional curricula, which have become unable to provide explanations and solutions to some complex social problems, including the problem of terrorism. Among them and with other sciences to solve many contemporary social and human problems.

transnationaux d'échanges sociaux et économiques, les dynamiques sociales des familles transnationales, « love migration », les mariages binationaux et asymétries de pouvoir, les stratégies d'intégration des migrantes hautement qualifiées, la situation des sans-papiers et leurs expériences de retour, et les inégalités dans le marché de travail selon le genre et l'ethnicité.

Notre comprehension de la migration du retour est encore tres limitee. Ce sujet n’a que peu retenu l’attention des specialistes de la migration et il existe peu d’etudes qui donnent une vision differenciee sur les divers types de « retourne-e-s », leurs motivations a retourner dans leurs pays, les defis qu’ils/elles affrontent et les ressources dont ils/elles disposent pour parvenir a se reinserer dans les pays d’origine. Il existe en particulier un manque important d’etudes qui examinent en detail la situation specifique du retour des migrant-e-s sans-papiers et l’impact de l’aide de programmes gouvernementaux pour leur reinsertion socio-economique. Cette lacune est particulierement marquee dans le cas de la Suisse. Confronte a la situation d’absence d’evaluations des programmes d’appui au retour des sans-papiers, et dans le but d’y apporter des ameliorations possibles a son propre programme, le Service de la Population du canton de Vaud a charge Yvonne Riano de mener une recherche...

For nearly 40 years, the United States has grappled with ineffective immigration policies and the reality of approximately 11 million undocumented immigrants living and working on American soil without a path to lawful immigration status. While some states and localities have adopted policies to protect and expand immigrant rights, the fragmented nature of these policies has left millions of undocumented residents vulnerable. Anti-immigrant narratives have been reinforced and normalized through the enforcement of restrictive immigration policies. We pose the question: How can, and why should, scholarship on immigration policy more explicitly prioritize the dignity and rights of immigrants? We argue that recognizing the diverse ecosystem of organizations and coalitions within the immigrant rights movement is essential for overcoming current impasses and closed lines of inquiry. Specifically, we assert that Civically Engaged Research (CER) represents an urgent methodological intervention, empowering scholars to generate rigorous insights into the immigrant rights movement that directly inform, engage, and support stakeholder and community efforts to effect policy and governance changes. Aligning theory with practice in immigration federalism is especially urgent for countering the war against immigrants.

This essay examines 'The Mapping Journey Project ' (2008-2011), an installation artwork by Bouchra Khalili. It consists of eight large video screens and headsets. In each video, a migrant draws a map of her/ his journey to and in Europe and narrates her/his route (subtitled in English). In collaboration with Khalili, I argue, these storyteller/ draftspersons create a dissident cartography that superimposes their lived geography on the background of legal geography. Thus, 'The Mapping Journey Project' is a work of art that is also a work of advocacy and provocation. Rather than advocating particular policies, however, it advocates in the sense of affirming the dignity of the subjects of the videos and their right to speak the truth of their lives. Moreover, it provokes by elucidating the moral stakes of the current political and economic order and by issuing a pointed demand for humane solutions. So long as vast global disparities of wealth and political power persist, it is no wonder that people who are excluded from the elite privilege of belonging to a prosperous society are burning the borders that protect this unjust regime.

For decades, U.S. immigration courts have been described as a system in crisis and disrepair. As the case backlog exponentially grows, recent border policies attempt to slow the number of people applying for legal entry to the country, funneling their claims through a patchwork of bureaucratic channels while offering little in the way of legal advice or administrative orientation. Rather than address the emotional and bodily violence these litigants face as a result, the state has focused on building an “efficient” system with fewer frictions in deportation flows, leveraging public emergencies like the COVID-19 pandemic to rework the court’s physical, digital, and legal corridors. This dissertation investigates the impacts of such infrastructural “repairs,” centering the experiences of the litigants who must navigate the court’s evolving technopolitical terrain. Drawing on ethnographic research in immigration courts as well as interviews with lawyers, advocates, organizers, and pro se litigants, I examine the ways new technologies and court policies further bordering agendas by disorienting and distancing litigants from resources and one another. This research builds upon insights from feminist geolegal and geopolitical scholars by taking a grounded view of immigration proceedings, analyzing the embodied reverberations of such infrastructural shifts. Additionally, it engages feminist postcolonial geographic research to “follow the infrastructure” across space and time, unearthing the institutional histories, undergirding logics, and technopolitical connections that structure litigants’ experiences navigating a broken immigration system. Finally, taking up Sara Ahmed’s theorization of bodily inhabitation and (dis)orientation (2006), this research highlights the potential of public presence in courtspace to help litigants “feel [their] way” through proceedings, and concludes with a reflection on everyday opportunities for minor disruption of deportation mechanics via courtwatch programs. Taken together, this dissertation complicates claims that broken immigration infrastructure might be “fixed,” recasting infrastructural shifts as the paving over of problems sedimented in the foundation of the nation’s bordering system. In doing so, it calls for ongoing examination of immigration court’s infrastructural “promise” (Larkin 2013) as well as our collective orientations towards alternative horizons.

Darién Ormanındaki Engelleme: Dışlayıcı Politikalar ve Neokolonyalist Hümanitarizm Özet Bu makalede, şu anda Kolombiya-Panama sınırındaki Darién bölgesinde gelişen acil durum durumu ve bunun ABD göç politikaları ile ilişkisi, ayrıca bölgedeki bazı insani yardım kuruluşlarının neokolonyalist rolü üzerine kısa bir analiz yapılmaktadır. Bu doğal sınırda yaşanan insani kriz -şiddet, temel hizmetlere erişim eksikliği ve sürekli hak ihlalleri ile işaretlenen-, ABD tarafından teşvik edilen göç dışsallaştırma politikalarının doğrudan etkisi göz önüne alınmadan anlaşılamaz. Aynı zamanda, yardım söylemi altında, dikey güç ilişkileri ve yapısal çözümlere çok az katkı sağlayan yardımlaşma stratejileri üreten bazı uluslararası kuruluşların rolü sorgulanmaktadır. Bu makale, Darién'deki mevcut göç yaklaşımının insani yardım, jeopolitik çıkarlar ve göç eden halkların egemenliği arasındaki derin çelişkileri nasıl ortaya koyduğuna dair eleştirel bir düşünce öneriyor. Darién Boğazı Yolu, Panama ve Kolombiya arasında yer alan ormanlık bir bölge, tarihsel olarak Amerika kıtasının kara yolu entegrasyonuna engel teşkil etmiştir. Ancak son birkaç on yılda, bu bölge yalnızca bir coğrafi boşluk olmanın ötesine geçerek dünyanın en yoğun ve tehlikeli göç koridorlarından biri haline gelmiştir. 2023 yılında, yarım milyondan fazla insan bu geçidi aşarak, hastalıklar, tacizler ve insan kaçakçılığı ağları gibi ekstrem koşullara maruz kalmıştır. Bu fenomen, bölgede kapsamlı bir göç politikasının eksikliğini ve sınırları aşan insani bir krize karşı kurumsal yanıtın güçlendirilmesi gerektiğini gözler önüne sermiştir.

Understanding Immigration Law, Second Edition lays out the basics of U.S. immigration law in an accessible way to newcomers to the field. It offers background about the intellectual, historical, and constitutional foundations of U.S. immigration law. The book also identifies the factors that have historically fueled migration to the United States, including the economic pull of jobs and family in the United States and the push of economic hardship, political instability, and other facts of life in the sending country. In the middle chapters, the authors provide a capsule summary of the law concerning the admissions and removal procedures and criteria in the Immigration and Nationality Act. The book ends with a chapter speculating about the future of U.S. immigration law and the challenges and opportunities facing the nation.This book provides a comprehensive overview of U.S. immigration law. It has been designed to supplement the most widely adopted immigration law casebooks. The co...

The U.S. government has attempted for more than two decades to put a stop to unauthorized immigration from and through Mexico by implementing "enforcement-only" measures along the U.S.-Mexico border and at work sites across the country. These measures have failed to end unauthorized immigration and have placed downward pressure on wages in a broad swath of industries. Comprehensive immigration reform that legalizes currently unauthorized immigrants and creates flexible legal limits on future immigration in the context of full labor rights would help American workers and the U.S. economy. However, the federal government's current policy is to step up its enforcement-only strategy without creating a path to legalization for the millions of undocumented immigrants currently living in the country. Despite evidence that comprehensive reform would raise the "wage floor" for the entire U.S. economy, to the benefit of both immigrant and native-born workers, states such as Georgia, Alabama, and South Carolina have responded to federal delay tactics by enacting laws that restrict the rights of immigrants and invite racial profiling by local law enforcement. The most well-known of these laws is S.B. 1070 in Arizona, which remains largely unenforced due to legal challenges to its constitutionality by the U.S. Department of Justice.

Romans 13:1-7, which commands subjection to governing authorities, can be given too much weight in the moral analysis of undocumented immigrants. This article considers Romans 13 in the broader context of Romans and of the biblical canon to show biblical reasons for permitting civil disobedience toward immigration law. Rather than viewing undocumented immigrants as universally immoral lawbreakers, these biblical factors combined with analysis of civil disobedience for the preservation of life, legal ambiguities arising from competing jurisdictions, and other socio-political factors show that it may be a prudent action for undocumented immigrants to disobey immigration law.

This article identifies and explores the dilemma of migrant advocacy in advanced industrial democracies, focusing specifically on the contemporary United States. On the one hand, universal norms such as human rights, which are theoretically well suited to advancing migrants' claims, may have little resonance within national settings. On the other hand, the debates around which immigration arguments typically turn, and the terrain on which advocates must fight, derive their values and assumptions from a nation-state framework that is self-limiting. The article analyzes the limits of human rights arguments, discusses the pitfalls of engaging in national policy debates, and details the challenges for advocates of advancing the cause of policy reform and shifting the frame for thinking about migration over the long term.

Este artigo analisa o visto americano L-1, um mecanismo de transferência intercompanhias regulado pela Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), seção 101(a)(15)(L), que permite a mobilidade temporária de executivos, gerentes (L-1A) e profissionais com conhecimento especializado (L-1B) em empresas multinacionais. Nossa pesquisa aborda sete tópicos principais: os fundamentos legais, com destaque para a origem do visto em 1970 e reformas como a L-1 Visa Reform Act de 2004; as categorias L-1A e L-1B, detalhando suas diferenças em função, duração e transição para residência permanente; os requisitos de elegibilidade, incluindo relação corporativa, emprego contínuo, capacidade qualificada e intenção temporária; o processo de petição, com um passo a passo que apresenta uma estimativa de tempo para o processo; os desafios na adjudicação, como subjetividade e altas taxas de negativas (35% para L-1B em 2023); o impacto econômico, estimado em US$10 bilhões para o Brasil e US$400 bilhões para os EUA; e as tendências recentes, como digitalização e propostas de reforma legislativa até 2025. Por meio de exemplos práticos e análise de case law (Matter of Colley, Matter of I- Corp.), o estudo destaca a relevância do L-1 para empresas brasileiras em setores como tecnologia e agronegócio, propondo estratégias para superar barreiras e maximizar benefícios econômicos bilaterais.

It is impossible to overestimate the importance of Postville in contemporary American history and social policy. On May 12, 2008, this tiny Heartland farm town, secluded amid the rolling hills and cornfields of northern Iowa, became the site of the largest immigration raid in US ...

HOW PARENTS AND CHILDREN 'DISAPPEAR' 287 And this conundrum complicates the U.S. legal system in its dealings with the family, as well. While parents clearly have a fundamental right to determine how to best provide for their children, 2 the state must also ensure that parents meet their "high duty" 3 to ensure their children's well being. The critical question addressed in this Article is how can the state efficiently and effectively act to ensure that children are, in fact, being provided for in their homes-while avoiding intruding on the rights of parents in the process? Currently our courts and legislators attempt to resolve cases involving the parentchild relationship under either of two legal doctrines. One approach recognizes that as children are so vulnerable and because childhood development is so critical, sometimes the best interests of the child must be the primary focus of the law. Under this doctrine, the law may both protect the most defenseless of individuals, as well as protect the future health of society itself, at the same time. Yet, anytime children are made the top priority in the legal analysis, or if any affirmative rights are asserted on their behalf, there is a risk that the state may totally override the basic rights and authority of parents in the home. Therefore, the second approach to these cases is a doctrine of parental autonomy. 4 This approach is generally characterized by the state's broad deference to the interests and authority of parents (often under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment), 5 and by an avoidance of granting children any affirmative rights. 6 This primacy of parents' rights under the law can generally be described as follows: "Parents have a fundamental liberty interest, which gives them the right to establish a home, raise

Karla Cornejo Villavicencio positions her book The Undocumented Americans as a "work of creative non-fiction," experimentally mixing literary genres such as the memoir, personal essay, and testimonio. She draws on journalistic methods of doing interviews and fact-checking exercises, but departs from them at will as she blends these stories from the undocumented community with the personal and the magical. This essay details some of these creative overtures and discusses how and why Villavicencio's work sits uncomfortably between fact and fiction, between memoir and manifesto, as she sets out to represent America's undocumented.

The essay examines the politics of Villavicencio’s unapologetic tone, her
focus on undocumented life post-migration, and her mapping of the self as
an extension of community. It contextualizes her work in relation to the self-
narratives that appear during the youth movements surrounding the DREAM
Act in the first decade of the 21st century and probes at the limits of self-
representation, especially for an undocumented writer. Villavicencio registers
her struggles at representing a community that is vulnerable to the extent that
it is rendered voiceless, but also overrepresented in the mainstream media
as caricatures or through simplified categorizations. Her critical engagement
with representing undocumented voices also manifests as complaints against
translation biases in the publishing industry. Long after the publication of her
book, Villavicencio has continued the behind-the-scenes work to position
her voice, doing book readings and interviews. This essay is interested in
Villavicencio’s efforts to retain the autonomy over her voice within the textual
boundaries and beyond.

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la impronta del destino migratorio sobre la reinserción sociolaboral de migrantes españoles que retornaron a su país durante la pandemia. Se analiza cómo la experiencia migratoria en distintas ciudades de destino tiene consecuencias diferentes sobre el desarrollo de sus trayectorias laborales, especialmente tras reinsertarse al mercado laboral del país de origen. Se empleó una metodología longitudinal cualitativa basada en un enfoque biográfico, y se entrevistó a 21 sujetos con experiencia migratoria en Ciudad de México o Londres, en dos momentos de observación distintos, quienes experimentaron una migración de retorno entre ambos momentos de observación. Se encontró que, efectivamente, el destino migratorio elegido tiene implicaciones sobre la reinserción sociolaboral experimentada tras retornar a España.

In general, most studies that examined the relationship immigrants -criminal behavior focused on the immigrants' involvement in criminal activities as offenders and/or the effects of immigration on crime rates. Only limited research looked at the levels of victimization and perceived safety experienced by immigrants in their receiving countries. Using the most recent available data from the European Social Survey (Round 5/2010), the present quantitative analysis conducted on a representative sample of residents in United Kingdom (N=2422) tries to determine the levels of criminal victimization and fear of violent crime associated with foreign nationals living in a European country, where immigration is generally unpopular. Although foreign-born persons living in United Kingdom appear to have a higher degree of victimization (vicarious and direct) than natives, the inter-group difference is not sufficiently large to be significant at p< .05.Nevertheless, compared to natives, first-generation immigrants manifest a significantly higher level of fear of violent victimization. Results also show that in addition to inter-group differences in the levels of perceived unsafety and experiences with victimization, the effects of fear-of-crime correlates vary in intensity among respondents differentiated by their country of birth. In addition, one's level of acculturation contributes to differences in fear of crime among immigrants.

Los flujos migratorios que arriban a España ponen de manifiesto un fenómeno que marcará buena parte de nuestro futuro, en las distintas esferas de la vida de todo el país y, en especial, de sus componentes autonómicos y sus pobladores, dado el establecimiento desigual de los inmigrantes en cada región, esto es, las diferentes formas (redes) que adopta el asentamiento estable de las diversas poblaciones inmigrantes que vienen a España. Las modificaciones y adaptaciones sociales, culturales y de convivencia que la nueva situación pluricultural comporta serán, previsiblemente, considerables. En este artículo se analiza el proceso de formación de esas redes y sus implicaciones, ya que la inserción laboral, que aparece como una precondición de la integración sociocultural, no es suficiente para garantizar que las relaciones entre las poblaciones inmigrantes y la autóctona se orienten en una perspectiva societaria intercultural. Por tanto, profundizar en el conocimiento del funcionamiento de las redes migratorias supone una exigencia para poder aproximarnos a los modos de asentamiento estable de los nuevos pobladores y, así, establecer las mediaciones precisas para que tales procesos no supongan un trauma de la vida ciudadana, sino que, conociendo más profundamente esas tendencias al arraigo de las nuevas poblaciones y cómo las percibe la población autóctona, sea posible construir marcos integradores y democráticos de la convivencia entre antiguos y nuevos pobladores .

This report investigates the narrative construction of migrant irregularity in the United Kingdom across three primary domains: media, politics, and civil society.

The research employs corpus analysis to examine word frequencies, semantic patterns, and narrative structures across texts samples from major UK newspapers, policy documents, and civil society publications. Covering the period between 2019 to 2023, the study provides insights into an era marked by significant global events, including the COVID-19 pandemic, the post-Brexit transition, and major changes in UK migration legislation.

Through a mixed-method approach that combines quantitative and qualitative analysis, the report comparatively examines how different stakeholders frame and influence public discourse on irregular migration, with particular attention to the intersection of employment, gender, race, and family-related representations.

In media discourse, the study identifies the tendency of liberal outlets to reinforce conservative narratives on irregular migration. This is particularly evident in their reproduction of the ‘small boat’ crossings spectacle, which has come to dominate public imagination and policy responses while overshadowing other pathways to irregularity.

Politics discourse analysis reveals how the figure of the ‘illegal migrant’ serves as a strategic counter-image to ‘legal’ and ‘skilled’ migrant workers, legitimising the creation of a post-Brexit migration regime. Through a false binary between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ migrants – built upon a deliberately constructed legality versus illegality dichotomy – this framing aims to disconnect migration and asylum governance from international legal standards, prioritising state-centric economic interests over human rights.

The analysis also reveals how civil society organisations, while attempting to counter dominant narratives, often remain constrained by the same discursive frameworks they seek to challenge. Their advocacy frequently relies on a dual narrative strategy, focusing on both economic contribution arguments that inadvertently reinforce neoliberal logics of deservingness, or on humanitarian approaches that can perpetuate patronising representations of migrant vulnerability.

More broadly, this report demonstrates how the politics of deservingness and desirability are constructed and contested across media, politics, and civil society, and shape interactions through various argumentative frameworks: fairness, fiscal responsibility, limited capacity, native supremacy, economic contribution, human rights, humanitarian considerations, post-colonial perspectives, and unapologetic stances.

The report concludes by advocating for a paradigm shift in migration discourse that moves beyond transactional approaches and crisis management, towards recognising migration as a natural and historical phenomenon. The findings have important implications for policy-making, public debate, and the discursive representation of irregularised migrants in the UK.