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Stepan Bandera

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Stepan Bandera
Степан Бандера
Stepan Bandera, c. 1934
Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists–Banderite faction (OUN-B)
In office
10 February 1940 – 15 October 1959
Preceded byPosition established
(Andriy Melnyk as leader of the OUN)
Succeeded byStepan Lenkavskyi
Personal details
Born(1909-01-01)1 January 1909
Staryi Uhryniv, Galicia, Austria-Hungary
Died15 October 1959(1959-10-15) (aged 50)
Munich, Bavaria, West Germany
Cause of deathAssassination by cyanide gas
Resting placeMunich Waldfriedhof
Citizenship
  • Austria-Hungary (1909–1918)
  • Poland
NationalityUkrainian
Spouse(s)Yaroslava Bandera [uk]
Relations
Children3
MotherMyroslava Głodzińska [uk]
FatherAndriy Bandera
Alma materLviv Polytechnic
OccupationPolitician
AwardsHero of Ukraine (annulled)
Signature
Military service
Allegiance
  • OUN (1929–1940)
  • OUN-B (1940–1959)
Battles/warsWorld War II
Flag of the Bandera faction of Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B) adopted in April 1941.
English: An OUN-B poster with the slogan Slava Ukraini, Geroyam Slava!

Stepan Andriyovych Bandera (Ukrainian: Степа́н Андрі́йович Банде́раuk, 1 January 1909 – 15 October 1959) was a Ukrainian nationalist and co-founder of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN).[1][2]

Background

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A poster made by Ukrainian-Australian artist Leonid Denysenko on the Holodomor.

Bandera joined the OUN in his twenties when western Ukraine was governed by Poland,[3] while eastern Ukraine was ruled by the Soviet Union and going through the Holodomor,[4] an artificial famine under Joseph Stalin killing as many as 7,000,000 within a year.[5][6][7]

World War II

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The 1936 assassination of Poland's Minister of Interior caused Bandera to be sentenced to life imprisonment. He was freed by the Soviets to live in Nazi-occupied Poland after the Nazi-Soviet partition of Poland in October 1939.[8][9] Factional infighting within the OUN caused the formation of the OUN-B led by him. Before the Operation Barbarossa, Bandera raised the Ukrainian Auxiliary Police[10][3] for Hitler.[3] He tried to create a Ukrainian government in Nazi-occupied Soviet Ukraine, but was deported to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp.[3][8][9]

Upon his release in September 1944, he negotiated the founding of the Ukrainian National Army (UNA) and Ukrainian National Committee (UNK) before the fall of Nazi Germany, but it had no impact on the post-war fate of the Ukrainians.[11] Ukraine did not restore independence until 1991.[12]

Bandera and his family were resettled in Munich, West Germany. The Soviet Union asked for Bandera and several Ukrainian nationalists to be handed over under the intra-Allied cooperation wartime agreement. However, the Americans refused to hand over him as they deemed him too valuable to give up due to his knowledge of the Soviet Union useful for the emerging Cold War.[13][14] In his final years, he also visited Ukrainian exile communities in the UK, Austria, Belgium, Holland, Italy, Spain and Canada.[15]

Due to Bandera's commitment to Ukrainian liberation from Soviet imperialism, the Soviets had made several attempts on his life, which they ultimately succeeded on 15 October 1959, when Bandera died of cyanide gas poisoning on a street in Munich.[16]

Views on race

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Amid Bandera's detention in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp, the OUN-B was involved in the massacre of Poles in Volhynia and eastern Galicia, which killed as many as 133,000 Poles,[17] but his role is disputed. Such matter continues to be Poland–Ukraine relations' Achilles heel, preventing Ukraine from joining the European Union (EU) and receiving military protection.[18]

Rossolinski-Liebe and German political scientist Andreas Umland both found Bandera not to have been involved in the Holocaust,

[There is] no evidence that Bandera supported or condemned ethnic cleansing or killing Jews and other minorities. It was [...] people from OUN and UPA [who] identified with him.[19]

Rather, Rossoliński-Liebe believed Bandera's antisemitic views to be a product of his time.[20] The view was echoed by American historian Alexander John Motyl, who did not deem Ukrainian nationalism as antisemitic as Nazism was. Rather, the OUN-B saw the Poles and Russians as its main enemies.[21]

Since Bandera's death in 1959, he has been a highly divisive figure in both Europe and America, with his legacy under intense debate,[22] complicated by geopolitics, including the EU–Ukraine relations, Polish WWII history dispute[23] and Ukraino–Russian war,[24] when Putin's dictatorship keeps equating Bandera with ordinary Ukrainians to demonize Ukraine and justify the invasion.[25]

Assessment

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Ukrainians

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Ukrainian postal stamps commemorating the centennial of Stepan Bandera's birth.
Ukrainian nationalists marching through Kyiv with Ukrainian nationalist flags, one of which was a banner with a Stepan Bandera portrait.
Stepan Bandera monument in Ternopil, Ukraine.

Since Ukraine restored independence in 1991, Stepan Bandera monuments have been built across western Ukraine, including the Stepan Bandera monument in Lviv.[17][26] In December 2018, the Ukrainian Parliament declared January 1 as the national day of commemoration for Stepan Bandera.[27]

Since the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine started, Stepan Bandera has reportedly been rehabilitated in Ukraine as a national hero who sacrificed for the fight against Russian imperialism, with substantial popularity among young Ukrainians.[28] In April 2022, it is found that 74% Ukrainians had a favourable view of Stepan Bandera.[29] On New Year's Day 2023, the Ukrainian Parliament tweeted a photo of Valeri Zaloujny, the then-Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, giving a thumbs-up to a Stepan Bandera portrait, with a caption encouraging Ukrainians to keep up the fight.[30]

Non-Ukrainians

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American historian Timothy D. Snyder remarked,

Stepan Bandera was a fascist who aimed to make of Ukraine a one-party fascist dictatorship without national minorities. During World War II, his followers killed many Poles and Jews.[31]

Meanwhile, German-Polish historian Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe claimed,

Bandera's worldview was shaped by [...] fascism, ultranationalism and antisemitism[32] [. ...] he combined extremism with religion [...] to sacralize[33] [...] violence.[34]

However, Czech political scientist Luboš Veselý criticized Rossoliński-Liebe's book on Stepan Bandera as a slander of Bandera and Ukrainian nationalism,

[...] Bandera was against closer cooperation with the Nazis [. ...] assessment of Bandera as a condemnable symbol of Ukrainian fascism [...] is an abusive oversimplification, uprooting events and people from the context of the era or using harsh, unfounded and emotional judgments.[35]

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References

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  1. Rossoliński-Liebe 2014, p. 238.
  2. Marples 2006, p. 560.
  3. 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 "SHOAH Resource Center" (PDF). Yad Vashem. Retrieved October 25, 2024.
  4. 81 years on, the Holodomor is still denied by many Western progressives.
  5. 8.0 8.1
    • Mirchuk, P. Bandera-symvol revoliutsiinoï bezkompromisovosty (New York–Toronto 1961).
    • Anders, K. Mord auf Befehl-der Fall Staschynskij. Eine Dokumentation aus den Akten (Tübingen 1963).
    • Chaikovs’kyi, D. (ed). Moskovs’ki vbyvtsi Bandery pered sudom: Zbirka materiialiv (Munich 1965).
    • Goi, P.; Stebel’s’kyi, B.; Sanots’ka, R. (eds). Zbirka dokumentiv i materialiv pro vbyvstvo Stepana Bandery (Toronto–New York 1989).
  6. 9.0 9.1
    • "Bandera, Stepan". Encyclopedia of Ukraine. Retrieved October 25, 2024.
    • Duzhyi, P. Stepan Bandera: Symvol natsiï, 2 vols (Lviv 1996–7).
    • Kuk, V. Stepan Bandera (1909–1999 rr.) (Ivano-Frankivsk 1999).
    • Hordasevych, H. Stepan Bandera: Liudyna i mif, 2nd edn (Lviv 2000).
  7. German: Ukrainische Hilfspolizei; Ukrainian: Українська допоміжна поліція, romanized: Ukrainska dopomizhna politsiia.
  8. Kondratyuk, Kostyantin. Новітня історія України 1914–1945 [New History of Ukraine]. — Lviv: Видавничий центр ЛНУ імені Івана Франка, 2007. (in Ukrainian)
  9. "Ukraine's Independence Day - 24 August 2024". European Union External Action (EUEA). August 24, 2024. Retrieved November 1, 2024.
  10. Boghardt, Thomas (2022). Covert Legions: U.S. Army Intelligence in Germany, 1944-1949. Washington D.C: U.S. Army Center of Military History. pp. 229–234.
  11. Rudling 2006, p. 173.
  12. Rossoliński-Liebe 2014, p. 336.
  13. Roszkowski, Wojciech; Kofman, Jan (2015). Biographical Dictionary of Central and Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century. London: Routledge. p. 57. ISBN 978-1-317-47594-1.
  14. 17.0 17.1
  15. Goncharenko, Roman (May 22, 2022). "Stepan Bandera: Ukrainian hero or Nazi collaborator?". Deutsche Welle. Retrieved 11 October 2022.
  16. Rossoliński-Liebe 2014, p. 107.
  17. Batya Ungar-Sargon (7 March 2014). "Who is Stepan Bandera: The Man Whose Political Legacy Looms Over Ukraine Revolution". Tablet Magazine. Retrieved 17 September 2022.
  18. Zhurzhenko, Tatiana (2013). "Memory Wars and Reconciliation in the Ukrainian–Polish Borderlands: Geopolitics of Memory from a Local Perspective". History, Memory and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe. pp. 173–192. Retrieved October 25, 2024.
  19. "Ukraine designates national holiday for Nazi collaborator". Jewish News. December 30, 2018. Retrieved October 25, 2024.
  20. "Stepan Bandera: Hero or Nazi collaborator?". DW News. May 22, 2022. Retrieved October 25, 2024.
  21. "Stepan Bandera, the Ukrainian anti-hero glorified following the Russian invasion". Le Monde. January 12, 2023. Retrieved October 25, 2024.
  22. Timothy Snyder (24 February 2010). "A Fascist Hero in Democratic Kiev". The New York Review of Books. NYR Daily.
  23. "Working Definition Of Antisemitism". World Jewish Congress. Retrieved October 22, 2024.
    IHRA Working Definition of Antisemitism :
  24. Imbue with or treat as having a sacred character. Oxford Languages.
  25. Rossoliński-Liebe 2014, p. 115.
  26. Veselý, Luboš (2016). "An indictment rather than a biography". New Eastern Europe. 5 (23): 140–146. ISSN 2083-7372.