Hezbollah, an Islamist Lebanese Shia militia and political party that controls Lebanon, has conducted a war of attrition against Israel since October 2023. It is a proxy of Iran in the attempt to attain hegemony in the region and to destroy Israel. Hezbollah, aligned with Iranian geopolitical interests, has extended its operations and influence beyond the Middle East into Latin America and into Africa. With Iran’s help, Hezbollah has steadily expanded its financial and operational presence across the African continent, setting up networks that could be weaponized against Western interests. Weak institutions and porous borders facilitate the building of such an infrastructure.
Hezbollah focuses on states where there are Shiite Lebanese diasporas. Hezbollah has tapped into Lebanese communities, particularly in West and Central Africa, which had been previously in contact with the Shiite Lebanese Amal movement. Its key activities in Africa include fundraising and financing, criminal activities, procurement and transportation of weapons, and alliances with local Islamist militias. A part of the Shiite community is being radicalized and trained for terrorist activities. Its networks present not only a direct threat to Israel and the United States but also to the stability of fragile African states.
Countries such as Sierra Leone, Senegal, Gambia, and Ivory Coast are noted for fundraising activities for Hezbollah. Lebanese-owned businesses are approached by Hezbollah for a “donation” on a yearly or semi-annual basis whereby the amount to be contributed is a defined percentage of revenue. Those contributions are collected, generally in cash, by Hezbollah bag men who move the funds to the Middle East by courier. While some contributions are genuine voluntary donations meant for the social services offered by Hezbollah, many contributions are just extortions.
Hezbollah operatives have been linked to criminal activities such as money laundering, smuggling, and narcotics trafficking in several countries. Money laundering schemes, often tied to Hezbollah-affiliated businesses, allow for the movement of funds to Lebanon. In Congo, Shiite traders in illegal diamonds are subordinated to Hezbollah men through middlemen, broadening the revenue stream to finance the organization. Hezbollah blends the illegal diamond trade with legitimate business enterprises, helping to disguise finances that support Hezbollah activities in Lebanon.
Africa also serves as a hub for the procurement and transportation of weapons and other supplies. These end up often in the Middle East, particularly in Lebanon and Syria. Some African ports are used to ship arms illegally to Hezbollah and Hamas.
Sudan’s ports, along the Red Sea have always generated great interest, as they provide access to international shipping lanes. They also function as a gateway for the IRGC and Hezbollah deeper into Africa. Nowadays, the IRGC has forged close ties with General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the head of Sudan’s military that is engaged in a civil war. In exchange for military support, such as drones and advanced weaponry, Iran is looking to set up a naval base in Port Sudan. This base would give Iran and Hezbollah a new platform from which to attack Israeli and Western targets in the region. The collaboration between the financial and logistical networks allows the group to strike at U.S. and Israeli interests in Africa while maintaining plausible deniability. The IRGC and Hezbollah seek to establish a contiguous zone of influence from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, enveloping some of Africa’s fragile states.
The Houthis, an Iranian proxy in Yemen has been trained by Hezbollah operatives in launching Iranian missiles that are instrumental in blocking the Bab El Mandeb strait, an important international waterway. The Houthi nuisance value is a leverage against Egypt, an important African country. The Houthi location also allows for increased Iranian and Hezbollah influence in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea. Hezbollah’s presence was also documented in Mozambique and in Kenya, states along the shores of the Indian Ocean. This is another manifestation of the ambitious strategic goals of Iran and Hezbollah.
In West African countries like Guinea and Sierra Leone, Hezbollah-linked businesses have taken root, generating significant financial resources for the organization. One example of Hezbollah’s financial operations is Kassim Tajideen, a prominent businessman of Lebanese extraction who used his commercial empire in Guinea and Sierra Leone to funnel money to Hezbollah. In 2009, the US Treasury sanctioned Tajideen for his role as a Hezbollah financier, and he was later extradited to the U.S. for money laundering activities across West Africa. His businesses were also engaged in smuggling and tax evasion.
In Gambia, the Euro-African Group, a company run by Hussein Tajideen, Kassim’s brother, took advantage of the country’s financial sector to launder money. According to U.S. intelligence, the group worked closely with other Hezbollah financiers across West Africa to send millions of dollars to the terrorist organization.
Nigeria has also seen Hezbollah-linked cells. In 2013, Nigerian authorities discovered a Hezbollah arms cache in the northern city of Kano, intended for attacks in Nigeria and abroad. Moreover, Hezbollah-linked charities in Nigeria have raised money under the guise of supporting the Lebanese diaspora but are components of Hezbollah’s financial infrastructure. For example, the Al-Qard Al-Hassan Association served as a financial front for Hezbollah.
Hezbollah has strong ties to the Lebanese community in the Democratic Republic of Congo. U.S. intelligence agencies have documented Hezbollah’s involvement in the illicit diamond trade, exploiting the country’s weak regulatory environment. The diamonds, once sold on the international market, provide Hezbollah with a steady stream of liquid assets and allow the group to evade international financial sanctions.
The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration has documented Hezbollah’s ties to South American drug cartels, using West Africa as transit for narcotics. In 2011, Ayman Joumaa, a Hezbollah operative, was indicted by the United States for laundering drug money from Latin American cartels through West African countries, with the proceeds transferred to Hezbollah.
Lebanese businessman Oussama Salhab, based in Togo, was a key figure in using the African used-car market to launder drug money. Investigations revealed that Salhab’s transport company moved used cars from the U.S. to Africa, with the revenue laundered and sent to Hezbollah. The U.S. Treasury has imposed sanctions on Hezbollah financiers working in Africa, including Adham Tabaja, who owns businesses in Lebanon and West Africa, which have been linked to Hezbollah’s funding enterprises.
Hezbollah, with Iran’s backing, has steadily expanded its financial and operational presence across the African continent with limited opposition from local governments. As tensions between Iran, Israel, and the U.S. continue to grow, Hezbollah could use its African networks to conduct attacks on Western interests, turning the continent into a new battleground in the broader geopolitical struggle. Addressing this threat requires a coordinated effort between the U.S., Israel, and African governments to disrupt Hezbollah’s financial networks and prevent its use of its Africa footholds for its future operations. The U.S. must adopt a firmer strategy in Africa to counter Iran’s and Hezbollah’s influence.
Weakening Hezbollah and Iran is a Western strategic imperative. The U.S. should capitalize on Israel’s war on Hezbollah to further weaken it in other arenas. The war on Hezbollah is one facet of Israel’s battle against the enemies of the West. Current attempts to impose a ceasefire, which help Hezbollah and Iran recuperate, are ill-advised. Calls for ceasefires with such organizations in the hope that this will lead to stable diplomatic arrangements is no more than a pipe dream.
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