The Ewe language is spoken by more than 7.5 million people across Ghana, Togo, and Benin.
Originally published on Global Voices
Kuizian Atitso Baba, the author of the dictionary “Ele nam be mado Eʋəgbə.” Screenshot from video “119 ans après, un dictionnaire éwé-français vient enrichir le patrimoine linguistique africain” on VOA Afrique's YouTube channel. Fair use.
In West Africa, a new French–Ewe dictionary is now available to facilitate and boost the learning of this language, primarily spoken in Togo.
Belonging to the Niger–Congo language family, Ewe is spoken in Ghana, Togo, and Benin. It unites more than 7.5 million speakers in these three countries, with many cultural traditions in common. In Togo, the language is spoken by a large proportion of the population, and has been recognized as a national language in the constitution since 1975. However, its integration into the education system remains incomplete.
Published in the first half of 2024, the dictionary titled “Ele nam be mado Eʋəgbə” (“I must express myself in Ewe” or “I have to speak Ewe”) is a 562-page work containing 120,000 words and expressions. Kuizian Atitso Baba is the Togolese author of this significant linguistic work, which allows the Ewe-speaking community to strengthen its reading, writing, and understanding of its native language despite the competition of other languages in the country, such as French.
Kuizian aims to promote professional teaching of Ewe within the educational sector in the region. Speaking to Global Voices via WhatsApp, the author discussed the genesis of this initiative and outlined his future plans for repositioning the Ewe language among local languages in Africa.
Jean Sovon (JS): How long has the Ewe language been codified in written form? Is it widely present in its written form in Togolese society?
Kuizian Atitso Baba (KAB) : Selon des informations que j’ai glanées, la phonétique éwé aurait commencé en 1847 par les négociants Allemands installés à Anlo autour de la ville de Keta, situé dans la région la région de Volta, au sud du Ghana. Mais c’est depuis 1891 que l’étude de la langue éwé et sa codification ont commencé par les Allemands J. Knùsli, Schlegel et Westermann, en collaboration avec les Éwé d’Anlo. Ces travaux ont abouti à la traduction de la Bible en éwé. Malheureusement, depuis lors, les travaux lexicologiques et phonologiques éwé sont demeurés lacunaires.
Kuizian Atitso Baba (KAB): According to information I’ve gathered, Ewe phonetics is said to have originated in 1847. It was introduced by German traders settled in Anlo, near the town of Keta in the Volta region of southern Ghana. However, the systematic study and codification of the Ewe language officially started in 1891, with the Germans J. Knüsli, Schlegel, and Westermann, working alongside the Anlo Ewe community. This work led to the translation of the Bible into Ewe. Unfortunately, since then, Ewe lexicological and phonological studies have remained incomplete.
JS : How did this dictionary come about? Was it a team effort? Were there any other monolingual or bilingual dictionaries? Will there be an online version?
KAB : L’élaboration du dictionnaire Français-Éwé est motivée par un constat : la langue d’une communauté est par excellence ce à quoi elle s’identifie. Cette langue, si elle est étudiée, parlée et écrite, se développe en intégrant dans son lexique de nouveaux mots. Tel n’est pas le cas de l’éwé, la langue du peuple Éwé. Pourquoi, depuis les travaux lexicologiques et lexicographiques éwé menés par les Allemands, la recherche sur la la lexicographie et surtout sur la phonétique Éwé demeure-t-elle lacunaire et ne porte pas sur la technique, la technologie, la science et l’économie qui constituent le levier par excellence du développement d’un pays ?
L’élaboration du dictionnaire Français-Éwé a été un travail collaboratif. Outre les personnes ressources rencontrées au cours des voyages de collecte et d’étude des mots, vocables, termes techniques et d’expressions idiomatiques sur l’aire culturelle éwé, j’ai bénéficié de la collaboration étroite de Professeur Joseph Koffi Nutәƒe TSIGBE et du doyen Gédéon ASI avec lesquels l’institut Éwé dénommé Institut de Recherche en Communication Endogène de Développement (IRCED) est créé ainsi que de la collaboration de Mme Amè Akoele Aziakor.
Bien avant la publication de mon ouvrage, des dictionnaires bilingues avaient été publiés: Wörterbuch der Eẇe-Sprache: Éẇé Deutsch Eẇé Wörterbuch, (Dictionnaire de la langue Éwé: Dictionnaire Éwé-allemand-Éwé) paru en 1905 sous la plume de D. Westermann ; Dictionnaire Français-Éwé Togo publié par K. Adzomada ; Dictionnaire Éwé-Français écrit par Jacques Rongier, un linguiste français.
A ce jour, il n’existe pas de dictionnaire monolingue Éwé-Éwé. Et il n’est pas, pour le moment, envisagé une version du dictionnaire Français-Éwé en ligne. Néanmoins, un site internet est en cours de création pour la promotion de la langue éwé par son apprentissage en ligne.
KAB: The creation of the French–Ewe dictionary stems from a simple observation: a community’s language is the core of its identity. When the language is studied, spoken, and written, it evolves by adding new words to its vocabulary. This is not the case for Ewe, the language of the Ewe people. Why has research on Ewe lexicography and, more specifically, its phonetics remained so incomplete since the German lexicological studies, and why has it failed to address area such as technology, science, and economics, which are key drivers of a country’s development?
The creation of the French–Ewe dictionary was a collaborative effort. In addition to the resource people I met during trips to collect and study words, terms, technical vocabulary, and idiomatic expressions from the Ewe cultural area, I benefited from the close collaboration of Professor Joseph Koffi Nutәƒe TSIGBE and Dean Gédéon ASI, with whom the Ewe institute, named the Institute for Research in Endogenous Development Communication (IRCED), was established, as well as of Ms. Amè Akoele Aziakor.
Long before the publication of my work, several bilingual dictionaries had been released: the Wörterbuch der Eẇe-Sprache: Éẇé Deutsch Eẇé Wörterbuch (Dictionary of the Ewe Language: Ewe–German–Ewe Dictionary) was published in 1905 by D. Westermann; the Dictionnaire Français-Éwé Togo (The French-Ewe dictionary)was published by K. Adzomada; and the Dictionnaire Éwé-Français (Ewe-French dictionary) was written by Jacques Rongier, a French linguist.
To date, a monolingual Ewe–Ewe dictionary does not exist, and there are no plans for an online version of the French–Ewe dictionary. However, a website is being developed to promote the Ewe language through online learning.
Kuizian Atitso Baba shares more about his initiative with the VOA Afrique team in this video report.
JS: Who will be the main users of this dictionary?
KAB : Le présent dictionnaire Français-Éwé est destiné surtout aux cadres de la haute administration togolaise et aux locuteurs éwé de la diaspora togolaise. En effet, les manuels éwé sont quasi-inexistants dans les librairies et dans les bibliothèques. Les équivalents éwé de certaines disciplines telles que la philosophie, l’ingénierie, la littérature, les mathématiques, l’arithmétique, le calcul, et des vocables tels le magistrat, le notaire n’existent pas dans les rares manuels ou documents. Du coup, les langues étrangères aliènent les locuteurs éwé créant ainsi un fossé entre les élites de la haute administration togolaise et leurs communautés d’origine d’une part et entre les locuteurs natifs éwé installés ou nés à l’étranger et leurs communautés d’origine, d'autre part.
KAB: This French–Ewe dictionary is primarily intended for senior officials in the Togolese public administration and Ewe speakers in the Togolese diaspora. Indeed, Ewe textbooks are almost non-existent in bookstores and libraries. The Ewe equivalents for certain disciplines such as philosophy, engineering, literature, mathematics, arithmetic, and calculus, as well as terms like magistrate and notary, are absent from the few existing textbooks or documents. As a result, foreign languages alienate Ewe speakers, creating a divide between the elites of Togolese high administration and their communities of origin on one hand, and between native Ewe speakers living or born abroad and their ancestral communities on the other.
JS: Has the initiative received support from the country’s educational authorities? What comes next?
KAB : L’initiative a été saluée par Victoire Tomegah Dogbé, Premier Ministre à qui l’ouvrage a été officiellement présenté au cours d’une audience qu’elle a accordée à son auteur le 8 mai 2024.
Les travaux de révision de l’ouvrage ont repris pour une prochaine publication d’édition révisée. Ainsi, l’édition révisée du dictionnaire intégrera de nouveaux mots et expressions proposés par les usagers du dictionnaire Français-Éwé. Parallèlement à la prochaine édition révisée, des travaux d’élaboration d’un dictionnaire bilingue Éwé-Français et d’un dictionnaire monolingue Éwé-Éwé sont en gestation.
KAB: Victoire Tomegah Dogbé, the prime minister, commended the initiative after the book was officially presented to her during a meeting with the author on May 8, 2024.
Revision work on the dictionary has resumed in preparation for the publication of a revised edition. This updated version will incorporate new words and expressions suggested by users of the French–Ewe dictionary. Simultaneously, efforts are underway to develop a bilingual Ewe–French dictionary and a monolingual Ewe–Ewe dictionary.
JS: Is the Ewe language being preserved within the diaspora?
KAB : Malgré la quasi-inexistence de manuels éwé, les locuteurs natifs éwé installés à l’étranger continuent de parler éwé, sauf qu’il leur manque des mots et vocables qui sont des équivalents des mots et vocables et expressions français, anglais ou allemands. Lors de la cérémonie de dédicace de l'ouvrage, les représentants et parents des locuteurs natif éwé de la diaspora ont acheté plusieurs volumes du dictionnaire.
KAB: Despite the near absence of Ewe textbooks, native Ewe speakers living abroad continue to speak the language, although they often lack words and expressions equivalent to those in French, English, or German. At the book launch ceremony, representatives and relatives of Ewe-speaking diaspora members purchased multiple copies of the dictionary.
Continuing his commitment to promoting the Ewe language globally, the author has set himself another mission: the publication of a grammar and spelling guide for Ewe. This second book is designed to facilitate the learning of the Ewe language and its professional use.
]]>Experts are concerned that underneath the guise of reforms lie politically motivated intentions
Originally published on Global Voices
Students marching against the foreign agents law in May 2024. Photo: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media, used with permission
This article was first published on OC Media on January 21, 2025. An edited version is republished here under a content partnership agreement.
In its latest move to curb freedom of expression and assembly, the ruling Georgian Dream party has vowed to reform universities’ four-year undergraduate studies programs. The reforms announced at a government meeting on January 20, 2025, by Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, will be led by a special government commission. Commentators, however, are concerned that underneath the guise of reforms are politically motivated intentions and that the ruling government is more keen on forcing Georgian universities to be under its control. The country has been marred by months-long pro-European and anti-government protests in which, in addition to thousands of protesters, universities have also taken an active role.
Since November 2024, when the government announced its decision to suspend the country's EU accession process, students have joined the street protests and have organized actions on campuses across the country. Previously, universities, students, and academics were actively involved in protests against the controversial foreign agents law. Some professors have expressed dissent in various forms, including open letters addressed to the government to change course. As such, the government has accused the academics, as well as the students, of being linked to the former government under the Unity-National Movement party, which is reviled by Georgian Dream.
One of the educational establishments targeted is Tbilisi State University (TSU), but the university has had both camps: those in favor of the government and those who have been vocal in their criticism of the state. In May 2024, during protests against the foreign agents law, Prime Minister Kobakhidze said on the public broadcaster that a large number of TSU professors were “selected based on political affiliation and lack sufficient qualifications.” He also mentioned the need for a “qualitative transformation” of the system and promised that one of the main priorities after the 2024 elections would be education reform.
In 2023, Kobakhidze accused some members of the TSU management of appointing academic staff favored by the Georgian Dream's predecessor, the UNM government. The prime minister also said that he, himself, was expelled from TSU in 2010 for criticizing the constitutional amendments at the time. This, according to Kobakhidze, was a political decision.
Another university targeted was the Ilia State University (ISU), known as one of the progressive universities in Georgia. In May 2024, it was among the very few that sided with the students and refused to sign a statement issued by 38 universities in response to a strike initiated by students from across 30 universities in protest against the foreign agent law. The ISU was reprimanded. Consequently, in October 2024, Georgia’s education ministry withheld full accreditation from the ISU, granting it only conditional authorisation with a final decision to be made after a year-long monitoring.
Controversially, Kobakhidze went as far as to suggest to students that rather than taking to the streets, they should get on the “right track,” calling on male students to “take wives” and for female students to “get married and reproduce.”
Beyond proposed university reforms
Universities are the latest targets of the ruling Georgian Dream. Earlier in January, Georgia’s interior ministry ordered the expulsion of 25 foreign nationals who had allegedly participated in anti-government protests in November and December 2024. Also in January, the Research Center of the Georgian Parliament was shut down after several employees signed a public statement against the government's withdrawal from the EU accession process.
Since the last week of December 2024, many more public servants have been dismissed, according to reporting by Civil.ge. The dismissed employees had all participated in protests in support of Georgia’s European integration, criticized the ruling party's decision to abandon the country’s EU path and the police violence against citizens. Speaking of the mass dismissals, Kobakhidze alluded to the purges as a “self-cleanse.”
When scores of workers walked out on a national strike day, they were subject to physical attacks by “titushki,” a group of often-masked men assumed to be working for the government. Since the protests began, titushki have frequently attacked protesters, government critics, and journalists.
While the crimes committed by titushki have gone unnoticed, protesters detained during the ongoing protests have been tried or are currently on trial in local courts, facing lengthy jail times and administrative detentions.
Journalists have not been spared. On January 12, the founder and director of the independent newspaper Batumelebi and the online outlet Netgazeti Mzia Amaghlobeli, was remanded in custody for allegedly assaulting a police officer. But the crackdown on independent media has been going on for a while as documented in this piece by seasoned journalist and co-founder of OC Media, Mariam Nikuradze. This includes a new code of conduct for journalists and halting journalists’ parliamentary accreditation. “If we survive the foreign agent law, as long as Georgian Dream stays in power, we will not have an easy ride: other laws to silence media are sure to follow,” wrote Nikuradze.
“The scale of the crackdown on the media since November 28, following the ruling Georgian Dream party’s decision to halt Georgia’s negotiation talks with the EU, has been unprecedented,” read a joint letter, signed in December 2024 by a group of international media freedom and rights watch groups. The letter highlighted the cases of more than 90 media workers who were subject to physical attacks, verbal abuse and other forms of police violence while covering the pro-EU demonstrations.
This brutal crackdown on the media in Georgia is not an isolated incident but part of a rapid deterioration of press freedom and of targeted violence and impunity for crimes against journalists. Despite repeated appeals to the Special Investigation Service, crimes against journalists remain largely uninvestigated, perpetuating a culture of impunity.
Civil.ge has been keeping an up-to-date “Chronicle of Repression” documenting cases of arrests, detentions, violence and more.
On January 22, the European parliament discussed Georgia’s deteriorating political situation — one the latest examples of international concern over the situation in the country. The discussion was opened by the European Commissioner for Home Affairs and Migration, Magnus Brunner. In addition to calling on the government to change course and engage in a constructive dialogue with all domestic stakeholders, Brunner repeated the European Union's position, which is in agreement with Georgia's civil society.
On January 16, leading members of the European Parliament issued a statement expressing concern and condemning ongoing violence. The statement came shortly after former prime minister Giorgi Gakharia and the leader of the opposition political party For Georgia were physically attacked. “This is yet another example of the escalating violence orchestrated by the Georgian Dream and its allies against peaceful protesters and dissidents,” read the statement.
On December 27, 2024 the US State Department sanctioned Bidzina Ivanishvili, founder of Georgian Dream, “for undermining the democratic and Euro-Atlantic future of Georgia.” UK Member of Parliament James MacCleary hopes the UK parliament will follow suit. He introduced an Early Day Motion (EDM) calling for potential sanctions on Ivanishvili on January 14, 2025.
The same day, the European People’s Party's (EPP) political council, in an emergency resolution called on all the members of the EPP to “refrain from recognizing the self-proclaimed regime of the Georgian Dream as a legitimate government of Georgia; cease invitations for all official visits and participation of Georgian Dream officials in international fora; not recognize Georgian Dream credentials in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) so as to not render legitimacy.”
]]>Of the four children hit by a police vehicle, only one has so far survived but remains in critical condition
Originally published on Global Voices
In Azerbaijan's administrative district of Imishli (İmişli), scores of residents have been detained, internet speed throttled, and, according to reports by local media, all entry and exit points to the town are under heavy control by internal troops dispatched to the area. This followed a protest in reaction to an accident reported on January 18, in which four schoolchildren were struck by a police car following a collision with a civilian car.
At the time of writing this story, three of the children — schoolgirls Zumrud Miraliyeva, Mahbuba Alizada and Ayan Mammadova — have died. In footage shared by the local media, scores of residents surrounded the police car, dismantling it. They then marched to the local police department. The ministry of the interior issued arrest warrants on hooliganism charges. The ministry also released a video of the accident, which significantly slowed down the speed of the police car. A criminal investigation was opened against the driver of the civilian car, but so far, no measures have been taken against the officer behind the wheel of the police car. These actions were criticized by the opposition activists and the public.
“I have lost my sunshine. Everyone was always so pleased with my Ayan. She was loved by her teachers, she was an excellent student,” said Taleh Mammadov, the father of 11-year-old Ayan Mammadova, who died immediately as a result of the fatal accident. He was talking to Abzas Media in a video interview. The child's injuries were so severe that the relative who went to the morgue could hardly recognize her. Out of the four children hit, only one has thus far survived, but he remains in critical condition.
Mammadov also told Abzas Media that the internet and mobile communication were down, leaving residents unable to access the internet, make phone calls, or send text messages. He said the police car was speeding on the road where the accident happened and demanded that perpetrators be found and punished, even though nothing could replace his daughter's loss.
Some people compared the protests with previous regional actions, such as the most recent one in the village of Soyudlu in 2023, in Ganja in 2018, and Ismayilli in 2013, to name a few. What all of these protests had in common was residents’ frustrations with the arbitrariness of local authorities and their policies. They were also violently suppressed, with scores of residents facing arrests and detentions.
Arrests and detentions
In Imishli, some 100 residents have reportedly faced arrests. While many have been released, at least 14 people are facing criminal charges of hooliganism and have been sent into a three-month pretrial detention. Several others received administrative detentions, reported Meydan TV. Separately, the police arrested the 17-year-old driver of the civilian car and have charged him on several counts, including driving without a license, violating traffic rules, causing the death of now-three children, and fleeing the accident scene. “The entrance and exit to the city are under police control,” said one resident who spoke to OC Media on condition of anonymity, adding that the number of dispatched police officers outnumbered the local residents.
Speaking about arrests of local residents, the leader of the opposition Popular Front Party, Ali Karimli, said that by arresting these men, the state was threatening its own people. “They have really divided the people into their people and the rest. They are openly telling the people that if they dare to hit even a dismantled car that belongs to the state, it constitutes a heavier crime than our school-children getting killed,” wrote Karimli on Facebook.
Another member of the Popular Front Party, Seymur Hezi, told Meydan TV there was nothing surprising in the way residents responded to the news of the accident. “In a country where people have no trust in the justice system, their anger is this high,” Hezi told the outlet.
Nasimi Mammadli, a political commentator, shared Hezi's views, adding in an interview with Turan News Agency, “Citizens understand that the majority of the problems they face are due to poor governance. In the districts, there is administrative arbitrariness, lawlessness, unemployment, poverty, social inequality, and a deep chasm between the authorities and the general population.”
In an interview with local media, the mother of one of the children who was killed called on all responsible government institutions to release all those who have been detained so that “my baby can rest in peace.”
Internet throttling
Residents first noticed internet throttling following the accident. It is unclear whether access has been fully restored at the time of writing this article. Among those detained, however, were the residents and members of political opposition parties who shared information about the developments via social media problems.
Qulu Mammadli, a member of the local branch of the opposition Popular Front Party, was summoned by the authorities on January 19. In an interview with OC Media, Mammadli said that after posting about the internal troops entering the town in the afternoon, he was forced to go in for questioning, and he was also forced to remove the video footage he shared on Facebook earlier that day. Other party members, including Sarvan Ahmadov, were also briefly detained, questioned and forced to remove social media posts, according to reporting by Meydan TV.
A member of the opposition Musavat party, Alikram Khurshidov, was handed a 10-day administrative detention over his social media posts about the accident.
Residents who were involved in dismantling the police car and yelled “resign” slogans were treated worse, reported local service for Radio Liberty. Residents who spoke to Azadliq Radio said several were hospitalized as a result of sustained injuries at the police station. While there has been no official comment on the allegations of torture and ill-treatment by the police, previously documented cases of torture leave little room to doubt the residents’ accounts.
The government of Azerbaijan has throttled internet access before and has deployed an arsenal of surveillance technology to keep tabs on its citizens. An annual report on internet freedoms by Freedom House ranked the country “not free” in its most recent country report.
Some officials accused the opposition of politicizing the accident. In an interview with pravda.az, member of the parliament Siyavush Novruzov said, “It was in the character of the radical opposition to politicize the road accident in Imishli.” Another member of the parliament, Elman Nasirov, defended Azerbaijani police saying in an interview with pravda.az: “I address all those anti-Azerbaijani elements. Never forget, Azerbaijani police always fulfilled its obligations with honor, and served to protect the territorial integrity and the country's security.”
As for the police officer who was in the car at the time of the accident, no measures have been publicly announced, and the ministry of the interior has not shared any information about the identity of the officer.
]]>Zinli, dating back to the Kingdom of Dahomey, incorporates chanting, percussion instruments, hand clapping and dancing
Originally published on Global Voices
Screenshot from the video “Vodun Days 2025 | Soirée de concert : Kassav’, Toofan, Richard Flash, Sessimè, Axel Merryl, Amy Mako” on the YouTube channel of the Presidency of Benin. Fair use.
Earlier this month, the second edition of the annual Vodun Days celebration in Ouidah, Benin. The three-day festival, which took place on January 9, 10 and 11, celebrated Beninese art, culture and Vodun spirituality.
The Vodun religion, also spelled “Vodou,” originated in the Kingdom of Dahomey, present-day Benin, Nigeria, Togo and Ghana. It emphasizes spiritual connection to the creator of the world through deities, a deep relationship with nature and communication with ancestors. Vodun rituals aim to restore the balance in energy between humans and spirits through prayer, dance, song and gesture.
Religious Vodun ceremonies took place in various locations throughout Ouidah over the course of the three days of the festival. In the evenings, an array of musicians performed for visitors. Sixteen artists performed in total, two of whom were international and the rest Beninese. From DJs to traditional Beninese instrumentalists, the performances represented a diversity of artistic forms from past to present.
Modernity meets tradition
The concerts kicked off on Thursday evening with predominantly contemporary Beninese artists, including Sessimè and Richard Flash, as well as both international groups, Kassav’ from Guadeloupe and Toofan from Togo. Friday’s lineup consisted of groups that complemented the religious Grand Ceremony and traditional dances. Saturday showcased DJs that complemented the grand opening of the new Ouidah Arena, located on the beach.
Bobo Wê, a Beninese singer who fuses hip hop with traditional rhythms, performed January 10 in front of a passionate crowd. Drawing inspiration from both local and international musicians, he said his music aims to create a unique sound that resonates with his community.
Bobo Wê’s songs can be described as electronic, twenty-first century pop on first listen, but a classical Beninese flair emerges upon further exploring his music.
I integrate African drums commonly called here the “Gangan” (talking drum), lyrics in local languages and stories that speak to our culture and history. I named this style Gangan/Pop.
Bobo Wê's “La Jungle” demonstrates his musical style and strong connection to his Beninese roots.
Also featured on Friday evening was Anice Pépé, an award-winning traditional Beninese artist. Pépé built his musical career over the decades, beginning in his village, Hêtin, in the Ouémé department of Benin.
Pépé said his songs are based on an ancestral Beninese style of music called Zinli, dating back to the Kingdom of Dahomey. It incorporates chanting, percussion instruments, hand clapping and dancing. Pépé calls his style “zinli alenou yoyo,” which in the local language of Fongbe means the “new method of zinli.”
“All traditional music is drawn from what our ancestors left us,” Pépé said.
Pépé's third album, “Sourou,” describes stories of “le fâ” and “la géomancie,” Vodun divination practices allowing for communication with god through the spiritual analysis of geographical features.
Introducing global audiences to Vodun through music
The Beninese government hopes the Vodun Days festival will attract international attention, allowing Vodun and Beninese culture to be shared with visitors from around the world. Hosting a variety of famous musicians, including contemporary artists and those with large global followings, serves as a means of drawing crowds.
Les “Vodun Days” ont commencé jeudi et la fête est à son comble à Ouidah. Art, culture et spiritualité sont au rendez-vous. Plus de 300 000 touristes sont attendus. Doris et Ricardo en font partie, ils sont venus d’Europe pour découvrir ces traditions. pic.twitter.com/fYWDuO3QQ0
— Le journal Afrique TV5MONDE (@JTAtv5monde) January 10, 2025
The “Vodun Days” kicked off on Thursday, and the festivities are in full swing in Ouidah. Art, culture and spirituality are the order of the day. Over 300,000 tourists are expected. Doris and Ricardo are among them, having come from Europe to discover these traditions.
— Le journal Afrique TV5MONDE (@JTAtv5monde) January 10, 2025
This year, the entire festival scaled up its capacity to hold more visitors. Last year, event organizers reported 97,000 visitors. This year, the count was 435,000.
William Codjo, director general of the Agency for the Development of Arts and Culture (ADAC) of Benin, said this year featured new ceremony locations, more food vendors and stalls, increased audience capacity, newly constructed roads to connect ceremony locations and a campsite to accommodate attendees. The entire festival lasted three days this year instead of two days in 2024.
On its Facebook page, ADAC shares this variety and diversity of artists from all over the world at the musical concert.
DJ entertainment and a giant concert featuring Beninese and international artists on Ouidah beach. Artists : Kassav’, Toofan, Richard Flash, Sessimè, Axel Merryl, Amy Mako, X-Time and Ghix.
Vodun tradition has itself inspired many international musical styles, notably jazz and zouk, Codjo said. Therefore, Vodun is associated with popular music all over the world.
Bobo Wê encourages young people to be inspired by their heritage and integrate their traditions into their music: “Together, we can bring to light Beninese culture on the international scene.”
Megan Fahrney is a US Fulbright fellow. The views expressed are solely the author’s and do not represent the views of the United States government.
]]>Shortly after the news hit the public, authorities turned to the usual blame game, with a media gag order leaving citizens in the dark.
Originally published on Global Voices
Screenshot taken from the video “Drone video shows fire at a Turkish ski resort hotel | REUTERS” from the scene of the fire, on the Reuters YouTube channel. Fair use.
It was meant to be a vacation for many of those who perished in a fire that broke out at a skiing resort on January 21. It is a two-week school holiday in Turkey, hence there were many families among hotel guests. As of January 24, the death toll had reached 78 people (including entire families and approximately 20 children), while 51 were reportedly injured to varying degrees. It took 36 hours to complete search and rescue operations. In total 12 people have been detained, among them the owner of the hotel, Deputy Mayor of Bolu Sedat Gülener and Acting Fire Department Chief Kenan Coşkun. Shortly after the news hit the public, authorities turned to the usual blame game, with a media gag order, citing it as preventive measure against misinformation, while leaving citizens in the dark.
The 12-story Grand Kartal Hotel is one of the ski resort hotels in the province of Bolu. The wooden building is 26 year old. At the time of the fire 234 people were staying at the hotel. Guests who witnessed the tragedy first hand said they did not hear fire alarms go off or sprinklers turn on when the fire started.
According to the Minister of Culture and Tourism Nuri Ersoy, the hotel had a fire competence certificate issued by the fire department in 2021 and 2024 but the latter was refuted by the Bolu Mayor Tanju Ozcan, who said the fire department had not issued a positive report since 2007.
Kartalkaya, where the fire broke out, falls outside the Bolu municipality jurisdiction. Because of that the licensing of tourist facilities in Kartalkaya is carried out by the Bolu Provincial Special Administration. Businesses with a “tourism operation certificate” are licensed by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. While this explained the back and forth between the Ministry of Culture and Tourism and the Bolu municipality it was a report by journalist Ismayil Saymaz that settled the matter of accountability. Speaking to Halk TV in an interview, Saymaz revealed how Bolu Municipality sent inspectors on December 16, 2024 after receiving a request from the Grand Kartal Hotel dated December 12, 2024. The inspection report indicated seven deficiencies, including unsuitable two emergency exit doors and fire exits, a defective alarm system, insufficient electrical equipment and fire extinguishing equipment, as well as a lack of smoke detectors.
Saymaz also shared a second request sent by the hotel to the municipality requesting the withdrawal of the previous request, which was then approved by the municipality. It is unclear whether municipality informed the Ministry of Culture and Tourism but, following the leak, the deputy mayor and the head of the fire department were detained. Even though, according to a directive regulating tourism facilities, the responsibility to regularly inspect hotels and ensure they meet safety standards lies with the Ministry of Culture and Tourism.
The consequences
Speaking to the BBC, one of the survivors of the fire, Atakan Yelkovan, said there was no alarm and it was his wife who smelled the smoke. Other survivors confirmed in interviews with the media that they did not hear any alarms going off and felt lucky they were able to escape.
Other survivors said they also did not see any fire escapes. “My husband had to jump down from a ledge because he couldn’t find the fire escape. I’ve stayed at this hotel before, and I’ve never seen a fire escape,” said survivor Eylem Şentürk in an interview with journalists. A member of hotel staff, Neçirvan Öner, corroborated this, telling journalists the fire escape “was not proper” and that “there were no fire extinguishers on the floors.”
Dr. Mustafa Bilge, an expert in fire suppression systems, emphasized in an interview with Global Voices that the hotel lacked critical fire safety measures, which contributed to the tragic loss of lives.
Fire escape doors must be capable of withstanding fire for 90 minutes and should only open from the inside. Moreover, kitchen ventilation hoods must be equipped with specialized fire suppression systems. The building should have been equipped with a fire sprinkler system, smoke detectors, fire exits throughout the premises, and stairwell pressurization systems to facilitate safe evacuation. These systems, which should have been centrally controlled by a fire alarm panel, were absent, leaving occupants vulnerable during the fire.
The regulation on the Fire Protection of Buildings states that buildings that fall under the category of hotels and guesthouses with more than 200 beds and higher than two floors are obligated to install sprinkler systems. The hotel where the fire broke out had a capacity for 350 beds, had 161 rooms, and was 12 floors high. The sprinkler systems for buildings in this and similar categories were made obligatory in 2008. And, according to health and safety regulations, inspections of such equipment must be carried out once a year.
“However, there is a significant gap in defining who is responsible for conducting fire system tests, under what standards these tests should be performed, and how compliance certificates should be issued,” explained Dr. Mustafa Bilge. He also called for urgent regulations aligning with the National Fire Protection Association (NFPA) standards. He also recommended establishing dedicated fire department units for testing and inspection, and ensuring fire personnel receive training and certification from local expert organizations such as the Turkish Fire Protection and Education Foundation (TÜYAK), the Mechanical Contractors Association (MTMD), and the Turkish Society of HVAC (heat, ventilation, and air conditioning) and Sanitary Engineers (TTMD).
Other experts who spoke to the media explained that, given the death toll, the likelihood of the hotel having properly functioning warning, detection and extinguishing system was slim. In an interview with the BBC, the head of the Turkish Fire Protection and Education Foundation said “the fire system either did not exist or was not designed in accordance with the standards.”
“It is obvious that adequate fire safety measures were not taken in the facility,” read a statement from the Union of Chambers of Turkish Engineers and Architects (TMMOB).
But all of these observations were already identified in that inspection on December 16, 2024.
According to reporting by Bianet, the hotel is located in a ski resort where three other hotels are located. However, there was no dedicated fire department in the area and the nearest fire station was 28.5 kilometers away. The distance, as well as weather conditions, delayed the response.
In search of accountability
Visiting Bolu on January 23, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan promised accountability, but critics of the government say in a country where no government official has taken accountability for any of the tragedies this too will soon be forgotten.
“Each time, there is a tragedy, we witness the same thing over again. No responsible person is found, no punishment is given, nor are we told what will get fixed. This isn't destiny, this is lack of control, incompetence, injustice, and greed,” shared popular Instagram account Turkish Dictionary. In another post on Instagram, the same account demanded “resignation and trial of those responsible and all hotels complete safety review.”
A graphic designer Mahir Akkoyun known as Mahirgra on social media platforms wrote:
The negligence and irresponsibility arising as a result of political decisions have once again shown that human life has no value in this country. In a country where those responsible can never be fully held accountable, this cycle of disaster will continue as long as there is no accountability.
News platform Fayn Studio listed a chronology of tragic events from 2003 until 2025, where lives were lost like the Soma mine killing 301 mine workers, 2016 fire at a girls’ dormitory in Adana killing 14, or the 2018 train accident in Chorlu, killing 25, or the devastating February 2023 earthquake in which over 53 thousand people died as per official data. The chronology was titled “tens of tragedies which could have been avoided, zero resignations.” “Just like after every tragedy we are going to look for those responsible. While those whose real job is to do this will wait for the news agenda to change and the subject be forgotten,” wrote the editorial team in a post shared on their Instagram page.
Turks have been accustomed to tragedies and stories shaking them to the core, just as they are accustomed to seeing no responsibility taken by any of the government officials at any time.
]]>The draft Cyber Security Ordinance 2024 has come under fire due to definitional ambiguity and other concerns
Originally published on Global Voices
Bangladesh flag and parliament building, Dhaka, Bangladesh. Image from Flickr by Gary Todd. Public Domain.
This article by Samaya Anjum and Andras Csontos originally appeared on nonprofit media Tech Policy Press. An edited version is published below with permission.
On December 24, 2025, the Council of Advisors of Bangladesh’s Interim Government approved the draft Cyber Security Ordinance 2024, bringing an anticlimactic end to a highly anticipated reform. The draft ordinance will replace the authoritarian Cyber Security Act 2023 and is currently in the final stages before its promulgation as law by the president. While the final version of the ordinance is as yet unpublished, copies of it have been circulated internally among selective stakeholder groups, and a general sense of discontent is already on the rise.
The proposed ordinance has been criticized for largely mimicking the broad scope and criminal liability regime of its predecessors, the Cyber Security Act (CSA) 2023 and the Digital Security Act (DSA) 2018. Both laws were passed under the recently ousted Awami League (AL) regime and had become central tools for state repression and surveillance for nearly five years. The draft has also come under fire due to the definitional ambiguity surrounding categories of restricted speech, broad police investigatory powers, as well as the authorization of a new government agency (the National Cyber Security Agency) to moderate content under provisions similar to those which enabled the Bangladesh Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (BTRC) to arbitrarily order content restriction and removal in the past.
Nevertheless, members of the interim government claim to have achieved major successes with the Cyber Security Ordinance, one of which is the introduction of a new “right” to uninterrupted internet access as part of the definition of “cyber security.” The “right” was instituted in response to popular demand in the aftermath of the Monsoon Revolution in Bangladesh.
Between July and August of last year, the AL-led government weaponized a series of internet shutdowns to carry out large-scale killings and human rights violations, revealing to the public the significance of internet shutdowns as a threat to a free society. It also exposed how the former regime had systematically centralized control over national digital infrastructure over the last decade to exercise absolute unaccountable power, which enabled it to arbitrarily and extralegally order network shutdowns. Over 34 shutdowns have been documented since 2012, and we are aware of evidence that suggests they were disproportionately ordered by the authorities through phone calls and WhatsApp messages, including in July and August last year, which may have helped conceal responsibility for such orders.
Once promulgated, the new ordinance will confirm whether the interim government is genuinely committed to protecting the people of Bangladesh against future abuses of internet shutdowns. At this stage, however, the “right” to uninterrupted internet access in the draft ordinance appears to have little legal force, nor is it accompanied by an institutional framework that can oversee and ensure respect for democratic accountability in the context of Bangladesh.
What is the proposed ‘right’ and what legal impact could it have?
The new “right” appears only once in the draft ordinance. This is in the definitions section (s. 2), specifically under the definition of the phrase “cyber security,” which stipulates, in part, that for the purposes of the ordinance, cybersecurity “shall … include the right of citizens to access the internet at all times.” However, the definitions section of a law has no independent legal effect. A definition gains legal force only when the term defined is used in a provision that creates a binding legal rule. Importantly, it is the definition as a whole that becomes effective in this way. In the present case, the “right” is combined with all the other (technical) elements listed in the definition to establish the legal meaning of “cyber security.” That meaning is what is then applied in whatever way the use of the term determines.
This conditional legal effect is far too weak to create a proper right in law, which is why definitions sections are almost never used in cases like this. Usually, a substantive provision of a law establishes a right and defines its content and holder, if the idea is to achieve the goal by establishing a duty for the state. The draft ordinance’s definition is, put bluntly, not a real legal right in any meaningful sense of the word.
What is its actual legal impact, then? This hinges entirely on the use of the term “cyber security” elsewhere in the ordinance, and the picture that emerges from those provisions is one of the minor improvements at best, which are far from certain to come about.
The area in which the “right” might make the greatest difference concerns the National Cyber Security Council, a body of ministers, senior civil servants and intelligence officials that the draft ordinance establishes and vests with a broad policy-making role.
Some of the powers of the council include the authority to “determin[e] inter-institutional policies for ensuring cyber security” (s. 13(2)(গ)) and “provid[e] necessary directions for redressing cyber security threats” (s. 13(2)(ক)). Any policy or direction under these sections in which the council attempts to obstruct the public’s internet access is thereby unlawful, as is any action taken to carry it out, because such an act cannot possibly “redress threats against” or “ensure” cybersecurity given the fact that the latter “include[s] … the right of citizens to access the internet at all times.” This creates an unambiguous prohibition on internet shutdowns, so theoretically the council should never attempt to breach it. Still, the recent history of Bangladesh shows clear evidence of executive overreach of digital communications.
Over the course of its 16-year tenure, the AL government strategically consolidated control over private and multinational providers of internet and telecommunications services and curtailed the independence of the national telecom regulator as a statutory body. This enabled politicians and security officials to directly and arbitrarily order network shutdowns, as was the case in July 2024. A lack of due process or oversight previously obstructed legal accountability, and this is unlikely to change with the draft ordinance, which reinforces — and institutionalizes — the very structures that enabled the abuse of power, this time with the council as its centerpiece.
Nevertheless, if the council does abuse its powers to obstruct internet access, its action could potentially be challenged in the courts. This is by no means an easy course, but it is a feasible one. Cases could be brought by virtually anyone as a public-interest litigant. As outlined above, the language of the ordinance is very clear: these powers cannot be used to deny internet access, and no good-faith judge could interpret them otherwise.
These sections are, however, only one source of government power, and beyond them, the influence of the “right” becomes much weaker and entirely dependent on judicial interpretation. It has the greatest chance of becoming relevant if a government attempts to use its power to make regulations to obstruct internet access. There is no state power to shut down or slow down the internet under Bangladeshi law (the AL did not bother with formal legality), but a government hostile to digital rights might want to create one in the future. It could look to do so through s. 49 of the Cyber Security Ordinance, since this law will regulate the field as a whole. The “right” to internet access could, then, be invoked to challenge any resulting regulation as violating the ordinance on which it is based. This is because s. 49 stipulates that the power to make regulations is granted “[f]or achieving the objectives of this Ordinance.” The preamble lists “ensuring cyber security” as one of the ordinance’s main objectives, and “cyber security” has to be read as including the “right.” A strong argument can be made that a regulation that obstructs internet access would not be “made for achieving the objectives of [the] Ordinance” and, therefore, could not be made using the s. 49 power. However, whether such an argument succeeds depends on the assessment of the judge(s) before whom any such case comes.
Outside the confines of the ordinance itself, the “right” essentially vanishes. A government could sidestep s. 49 and use a power to make regulations under another law to give itself shutdown powers. The regulations would only have to comply with the law under which they are made and with the constitution. The “right” in the ordinance would be all but irrelevant; at best, it could play a minor persuasive role in court arguments about the general trend of Bangladeshi law. Finally, the “right” would be completely irrelevant if any new ordinance of the president or act of parliament departs from it and restricts internet access.
The continued necessity of reform
The interim government’s proposed “right,” then, is not a significant positive achievement within an otherwise faulty reform. In the ways explained above, s. 2(1)(ভ) does or could bring some minor positive changes. But it is not a real right and not a serious attempt to prevent internet shutdowns from ever recurring. This aspect of the draft 0rdinance is exactly the same as its overall pattern — an unaccountable security state is allowed to remain in place and to hold vast powers over citizens, while minor changes obscure this essential fact. The people of Bangladesh will not have a real, practically effective right to access the internet at all times, until and unless genuine reform takes place. Such a reform will need to address the core of the problem — the power of the state in the digital sphere must decrease enormously, and its approach to digital issues must be fundamentally transformed from draconian obsession with control to reasonable regulation of the public sphere of a free society.
]]>Media can adopt mechanisms to prove their credibility, such as self-assessment and independent certification
Originally published on Global Voices
Aidan White. Photo by Portalb.mk, used with permission.
This interview by Elida Zylbeari was first published by Portalb.mk. An edited version is republished here under a content-sharing agreement between Global Voices and Metamorphosis Foundation.
Aidan White is the founder of the Ethical Journalism Network (EJN), was general secretary of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) for 25 years, has worked extensively as a journalist and advocate for human rights, ethics, and press freedom. He played a key role in creating global initiatives like IFEX and INSI, served on the IMPRESS appointments panel in 2014, and edited influential EJN reports on topics such as media freedom, corruption, and journalism in the post-truth era before stepping down as EJN Director in 2018 and becoming honorary president in 2021.
In this interview he discusses the current global lack of trust in the media and what, if anything, can be done about it. The interview has been edited for length and clarity.
Portalb.mk: Why is there a lack of trust in the media nowadays?
Aidan White (AW): We live in a time where there’s a major problem with trust, not because the public or the world at large is specifically against journalism, but because of how people receive information today. There is an incredible amount of bias, propaganda, and abusive communication, particularly through social networks. People are confused and uncertain about what is true and what isn’t. As a result, they no longer trust information, even when it is well-researched or produced by scientists and credible researchers, which is vital for understanding the world.
This lack of trust stems from several factors. One is the changing nature of communication itself. There is an overwhelming amount of disinformation, abusive content, unethical and factually incorrect information, malicious lies, and propaganda everywhere. This creates a chaotic information environment.
Politically, we see governments and various actors using information networks to spread deceptive information and abusive communications. This interference affects democratic processes, such as elections. As a result of this information chaos, people have changed — they now have less trust in external information sources and instead rely on their close, personal networks for information. This includes friends, neighbors, and community groups like those on WhatsApp. This shift to narrow, localized communities for news and information has created a broader trust problem, which is very dangerous. The danger lies in the potential for malicious information to have an undue influence on society. For instance, it has become very easy to spread hate speech, incite violence, and escalate tensions, especially during times of conflict or economic decline. Media plays a crucial role in combating this. Professional journalism has a social responsibility to provide trustworthy information to the public.
Elida Zylbeari and Aidan White. Photo by Elia Chevrier, UNESCO, used with permission.
Portalb.mk: But has the media proven itself trustworthy enough? I’m talking specifically about professional media.
AW: Many in the media might believe they have done so, but I don’t think they have. They haven’t proven it convincingly. Take the United States as an example. The professional media in the US thought they were telling the truth — and they were, to a great extent. They reported the truth about Donald Trump: his misogyny, his racism, his alleged law-breaking, his unreliability, and all the trials he faced. However, despite their truth-telling, many people still voted for him.
Portalb.mk: Why?
AW: Because while the media focused on exposing Trump’s flaws, they failed to connect with the realities of the voters’ lives. Many voters didn’t care about the accusations against Trump. For them, the truth about Trump was secondary. What mattered more was their belief that he could improve their lives economically or support their families. Many of these voters were from lower socio-economic backgrounds, and the media overlooked their priorities. This was the media’s mistake. Truth-telling alone is not enough. The American media learned an important lesson: it is essential not just to report the truth but to connect with people, to understand their perspectives and motivations. Without that connection, even the most accurate reporting will fail to resonate.
Portalb.mk: In one of your public speeches you have mentioned that media has become elitist, or there is a danger of it becoming elitist. Could you elaborate?
AW: Absolutely. One of the problems with journalism today is the divide between the media and the general public. Elitist media figures often believe they understand the world better than the public and have the authority to tell people how and what to think. This attitude is dangerous.
News media and journalists should not be elitist; they should be part of society. They need to understand all levels of the social pyramid — how people live, work, and think. When media fails to connect with people at the bottom of the pyramid, those people will ignore them. This disconnect is what happened in the US and in many elections worldwide.
This year, we’ve seen a wave of elections globally, and in almost every case, voters have sent strong messages to existing governments. This happened in France, Britain, across Europe, and the US. These outcomes highlight how poorly media has been connecting with the public, leading to a dangerous erosion of trust.
Media needs the public’s trust to function effectively. To regain it, media must be transparent, accountable, and connected to the people they serve.
Portalb.mk: So, how can media rebuild public trust?
AW: To rebuild public trust, media needs to focus on three key areas. First, they must commit to the values of professional journalism, adhering to ethical principles such as accuracy through fact-based reporting, independence from political or corporate influences, humanity by avoiding the exploitation of vulnerable groups or incitement of violence, and accountability by correcting mistakes and taking responsibility for errors. Second, transparency is essential; media organizations must clearly communicate who owns them, how they are funded, what their policies are, and whether they have any political or financial biases. Lastly, media must connect with the public by engaging directly, listening to people’s concerns, and understanding their perspectives.
Portalb.mk: How can media demonstrate these commitments in practice?
AW: Media can adopt mechanisms to prove their credibility, such as self-assessment and independent certification. A good example is the Journalism Trust Initiative (JTI), which encourages media organizations to produce reports detailing how they respect human rights, adhere to journalism ethics, and outline their ownership structures and editorial policies. These reports are then verified by independent auditing bodies, and once certified, media organizations can present this to the public as proof of their transparency, ethical conduct, and professionalism. This verifiable certification helps build trust because it allows people to independently confirm the media’s claims.
Portalb.mk: Why is this important?
]]>AW: In a world rife with deception, lies, and dishonesty, mechanisms like the Journalism Trust Initiative are vital. They provide a credible way for media to demonstrate their reliability and regain public trust.
At least six people have been sentenced to lengthy jail times since December 2024
Originally published on Global Voices
Image by Arzu Geybullayeva.
Azerbaijan's civil society has been rocked by a series of targeted arrests, which peaked in 2023 and continued throughout 2024. The authorities have not budged despite the calls by international organizations and foreign governments to release those who have been arrested and drop bogus charges leveled against them. The advocacy efforts led by various stakeholders ahead of Azerbaijan hosting the annual global climate conference COP29 last year were left unanswered, leaving scores of journalists, political and civic activists, and human rights defenders in pre-trial detention. Already, several of them have been sent to prison on lengthy jail sentences handed down in December 2024 and in the first month of the new year.
Prison sentences
Since December 2024, courts in Baku issued at least five prison sentences. Among those who have been sentenced are rights defender Ilhamiz Guliyev (three years), journalist Teymur Karimov (eight years), activists Rail Abbasov (six years and six months) and Bakhtiyar Hajiyev (ten years), and labor rights activist Afiaddin Mammadov (eight years). A court in Baku also sentenced a German citizen of Azerbaijani origin, Hamza Mammadli, to six years behind bars on January 6, 2025. Mammadli was found guilty on two accounts: making calls for terrorism and calls against the state. Mammadli received asylum in Germany in 2015 and German citizenship in 2022. He traveled to Azerbaijan in 2023 for his own wedding and was arrested at the airport.
In addition, pretrial detentions of Toplum TV journalists and affiliates were extended by another three months in December 2024. During their hearings in January, none were released under house arrest despite the absence of evidence justifying their continued detention. The local courts also refused to transfer Meydan TV journalists under house arrest and have been censoring journalists from Abzas Media in the courtroom during their trial, as per statements from lawyers representing the journalists.
Travel bans imposed in the absence of knowledge of activists, journalists, and family members of those currently in pre-trial detention continued. The most recent travel ban was placed on journalist Ulviyya Ali who was questioned by the police on January 16 as part of the criminal investigation launched against Meydan TV. Another journalist, Khanim Mustafayeva, was en route to Turkey, where she is based, when she was informed, she was placed on a travel ban on January 11. Mustafayeva told Meydan TV that she was visiting her family for the holidays and was headed back when she was stopped by the border police at the airport and informed of the travel ban.
Also placed on a travel ban was the mother of arrested human rights defender Rufat Safarov, Tahira Tahirqizi, on January 4. She was taking her husband for his medical check-up in Turkey when both were stopped at the airport, and she was informed she was on a travel ban. Tahirqizi was then called in for questioning on January 6 in the ongoing investigation launched against her son Rufat Safarov. Safarov was arrested in December 2024 and placed in four months’ pretrial detention on spurious fraud and hooliganism charges.
Smear campaign and mass discrediting
Azerbaijani government-aligned media is well versed in targeted reputational damage campaigns against individuals and organizations. Before the arrests of journalists from Abzas Media and Toplum TV, they were targeted by pro-government online news sites, claiming that Toplum TV, Abzas, and others were financed by Western governments, specifically the United States, to spread anti-Azerbaijan narratives.
As such, it was not surprising to see a wave of “investigations” published since the arrests of Meydan TV journalists echoing the official narrative alleging that the Meydan TV journalists were involved in “money laundering” and “dark activities.”
A fact-checking platform, Fakt Yoxla, concluded in its analysis of these targeted smear campaigns that the content of the disseminated materials undermined the presumption of innocence of the arrested journalists and violated their rights to privacy and family life. “The content of these materials contained accusations against the imprisoned journalists such as ‘smuggling,’ ‘participation in money laundering,’ and shared their personal correspondence obtained from journalists’ devices that were outside the criminal investigation, including voice recordings on WhatsApp, communication on Slack, as well as information about their relatives and personal lives,” wrote Toplum TV.
Letters from prison
Despite deliberate silencing of journalists who have been investigating the government and its officials and have, as a result, exposed corruption and money laundering schemes, arrested journalists continue reporting even from behind bars.
In August 2024, the director of Abzas Media, Ulvi Hasanli, wrote about instances of torture inside the prison facility where he is currently being held.
In January 2025, Abzas Media journalist Elnara Gasimova wrote about rights violations and unfair conditions inmates face in prison where the journalist is being held herself. From physical and psychological violence to inhumane treatment and poor conditions of the detention center, Gasimova wrote about her experience and how she has been treated since her arrest in November 2023. Employees of the detention center are engaged in behavior that violates the Law On Ensuring the Rights and Freedoms of Persons Detained in Places of Detention, and yet, there is no oversight, wrote Gasimova.
While prisons are left without oversight, one place authorities diligently deploy monitoring is social media. In addition to the German citizen who was arrested and later sentenced over a comment he left on a social media platform, authorities issued arrest warrants against some 10 TikTok users in Azerbaijan in December 2024. Some were arrested on the grounds of drug possession, others for gambling. The Ministry of Internal Affairs accused the TikTokers of promoting immorality.
In the absence of independent media, social media platforms and social networks have become the new target in the hands of the authorities, veteran journalist Mehman Aliyev, who heads the Turan News Agency, told in an interview with Meydan TV. Speaking on the wave of arrests targeting TikTokers, Aliyev connected the arrests to the law on media introduced in 2022. “When the Law ‘On Media’ was adopted, I repeatedly said and wrote that this law was not a law on mass media but was aimed at social networks. The main power lies with social networks. Therefore, the policy of pressure against social networks will continue,” Aliyev told Meydan TV.
In an interview with Meydan TV, lawyer Samad Rahimli said the arrests violated domestic laws given the lack of clear legal language in existing regulations on social media. “The legal quality of that legislation is in a poor state. The practical application of that legislation also creates conditions for law enforcement agencies to act arbitrarily. In such a case, the detention of TikTokers on suspicion of committing one or more administrative offenses against public order and public morality and the possible measures taken against them contradict both Azerbaijani legislation and the standards of freedom of expression stipulated by international human rights law, to which Azerbaijan is a party,” Rahimli told the media outlet.
This pattern of arrests and prosecutions reflects a broader strategy by Azerbaijani authorities to suppress dissent, curtail freedom of expression, and create an environment of fear because authorities have nothing else to give to the citizens of Azerbaijan, said opposition leader Ali Karimli in an interview with Meydan TV.
In its annual report, the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) listed Azerbaijan among the top five countries in Europe where journalists are targeted the most. According to documentation by Azerbaijani rights watchdogs, there are over 300 political prisoners in the country.
]]>The solution is to support legacy media rooted in fact-checking
Originally published on Global Voices
Meta's Mark Zuckerberg. Photo by Alessio Jacona on Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0).
Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg has announced that Meta is going to “fight censorship” around the world, along with incoming United States President Donald Trump, who is due to be inaugurated in under a week.
Zuckerberg is framing the change in Meta's content moderation as an “anti-censorship” policy. However, experts say it is rather a business measure that aligns with pleasing the president-elect, Donald Trump. As Zuckerberg said, Meta is reducing costs in protecting against hate speech while also getting rid of fact-checking and reverting instead to users flagging harmful content (also known as making “community notes”) — at least in the US.
This new policy sets a dangerous precedent, although, arguably, is only following the near abandonment of content moderation prior to elections on X (formerly Twitter) by Elon Musk.
However, recent history shows that regulating Meta and X even more than how much the EU already does is putting us on a dangerous path to what autocracies are doing.
Russian internet censorship
Zuckerberg did not mention Russian President Vladimir Putin in his speech. However, he did mention the European Union (EU) as one of the biggest “censors,” as well as Latin America and China. However, since October 2022, Meta and its subsidiaries (apart from WhatsApp, as of the date of publication) have been included on the list of terrorist and extremist organizations in Russia. Not only are they blocked, but technically, one could be arrested for sharing links or putting a logo on a webpage.
This is a cautionary tale; officially, the Kremlin banned the group because Meta announced that it would permit posts such as “death to Russian invaders.”
In March 2022, a Meta official informed BBC News that the company was temporarily deviating from its standard policies “in light of the ongoing invasion of Ukraine,” allowing those impacted by the conflict to “express violent sentiments towards invading armed forces.” Consequently, the Russian government accused Meta of “Russophobia” and designated it as a prohibited organization.
But today, there is no Western social media platform operating in Russia: all of them were blocked for “non-compliance” with Russian laws (at the moment, only messengers Telegram and WhatsApp, and Chinese TikTok are still present).
Various civil society organizations are now urging the EU's president, Ursula Von der Leyen, to have the full strength of EU legislation applied to Meta in order to prevent harm to Europeans. And yes, under the Digital Services Act legislation adopted in 2022, some measures would provide heavy fines in case of non-compliance with risk assessment-based rules for platforms to be able to operate in the EU market. And so they should if the loosened rules on hate speech start hurting vulnerable groups.
However, we need to keep in mind that if X and Meta, under too much pressure from regulators, decide to leave the EU, it would ultimately leave citizens less able to access information. While this is unlikely, according to experts, we need to keep more information available to people, not less of it. Thus, even though Meta is abandoning its fact-checking program (although not yet in the EU), could it be that this part is not as threatening as it seems at first sight? In fact, Zuckerberg promised to bring back political content that might actually have a much better effect on people being well-informed, especially when the European Media Freedom Act comes into full force in August 2025.
Some researchers have been talking about how overestimated the power of any kind of misinformation is on people and that we have given away people's agency to the decisions of platforms.
I can give some examples. My research on platform governance, in part, concerns the steps that were taken to “fight Russian disinformation,” not only after the invasion of Ukraine started but also when the moral panic of foreign intervention in the 2016 US elections was at its peak. Many Russian language media sources have been blocked by the decision of European legislators in the EU, starting from the propaganda channels Russia Today and Sputnik. Since that time, more and more were included in the lists.
Again, some experts say that technocratic solutionism has serious limits against disinformation.
Social media platforms were also blocking and demonetizing content from Russia and those viewed by Russians at their own discretion. For instance, YouTube prohibited monetising any views coming from Russian territories, which, of course, did not play well for the opposition media like, for example, the anti-war and anti-Putin Dozhd channel, whose main audience is, and should be, in Russia.
Should straightforward propaganda be blocked? Maybe. But in this case, how will we even know what the “other side” is saying? At one point, the only sources of news in the Russian language I could find on Google News were from Belarus. Thus, the famous page rank did not work, but who decided what was left as credible news sources? Obviously, the Kremlin decides what is visible on the Russian search engine Yandex. But do we want the same scheme for the EU?
My point is that we have to support legacy media, which is rooted in fact-checking. We must provide funds to local journalists and negotiate with social media platforms to include their content. We must develop public interest social media and AI models and make them open source. In short, create more opportunities and diversity in the tech sector and information ecosystem, not fewer.
As Thomas Kent, a senior fellow for strategic communication at the American Foreign Policy Council and a specialist in Russian propaganda, said in a recent opinion piece:
Western media need to rededicate themselves to accurate, objective news coverage. If citizens are convinced that their own major news sources are unbiased, they will have no reason to seek out fringe sources of news, Russian or otherwise.
Or else, we are no better than Vladimir Putin, who never uses the internet and dreams that no one does, just like in the “golden old days,” or Zuckerberg, who pushes us to “get back to the roots” of free expression.
What they are both doing is very similar in its essence. Except there are no golden old days and no roots to go back to. If these people do not understand it, we have to.
Dr. Daria Dergacheva is an associated researcher at the Platform Governance, Media and Technology Lab at ZeMKI, University of Bremen, Germany. She has also been an editor for Eastern Europe at Global Voices since March 2022 and has previously worked in Russian media and opposition NGOs for over 10 years.
]]>The answer is no. We must learn to manage wildlife better
Originally published on Global Voices
Bengal Tiger, Nepal. Image via Flickr by Mathew Knott. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.
This article by Sudiksha Tuladhar was originally published in Nepali Times, and a shortened and edited version has been republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.
When a dozen tiger range countries met in St. Petersburg for the Global Tiger Summit in 2010, they committed to doubling the population of their big cats in 12 years.
Nepal became the first country to not just achieve the target but nearly triple the figure, from 121 in 2010 to 355 in 2022. But some people in Nepal, including Prime Minister KP Oli, now think Nepal has been too successful, and the number of wild tigers should be reduced.
This was the same prime minister who last year had urged people to help in the conservation of tigers, calling them “the pride of Nepal”. But last month, in his own pithy language, Oli said tigers had become as numerous as dogs, and they could not be allowed to breed at the cost of human lives.
“The tiger population should be proportionate to our forest area. Why not gift the extra tigers to other countries as economic diplomacy?” Oli added at a debriefing on COP-29 last month.
Human-wildlife conflict has indeed claimed lives since tigers are venturing outside crowded parks to find prey. So, the prime minister’s proposal to promote wildlife diplomacy may not be such a bad idea since it would raise Nepal’s international profile and highlight the country’s conservation success story.
“Tigers can be sent to other countries through diplomacy, but the receiving countries must have the right capacity and environment,” says Ghana Gurung of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF Nepal), adding that tigers to be sent must also be chosen carefully.
“The Prime Minister gave an emotionally charged statement, which probably came after he spoke to affected groups,” Gurung added. “We tripled the tiger population, but if proper steps for management and cooperation are not taken, we can lose them all as easily.”
However, member countries of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) would have to follow strict protocols and paperwork to transport the tigers. Nepal has some experience in this matter, as it previously sent rhinos to China in two batches, successfully navigating the complicated procedures.
Naturalist Sushila Mahatara at Bardia National Park does not agree that Nepal has too many tigers. She tells us: “Tiger numbers are not excessive according to the areas allocated for them. If there are too many tigers, they fight and kill each other to keep their numbers in control.”
A tiger running in a river. Image via Wikimedia Commons by Gurung pratap. CC BY-SA 4.0.
Bardia National Park has 125 adult tigers, and Chitwan National Park has 128. There were about 12 fatalities from tiger attacks in the past year, and some of the maneaters are darted and caged. However, many of them soon die in the confined space.
Dhan Bahadur Tamang, a tiger conservationist with over 50 years of experience, explains exactly why tigers venture out when they do: “Those that enter human settlements are usually young tigers which have been separated from their mothers. Some are injured tigers who cannot attack traditional prey.”
The other reasons include encroachment as a result of human settlement and infrastructure projects in close proximity or within the protected areas with no wildlife-friendly components, such as overpasses. The water shortage made worse by the climate crisis has added to the challenge.
Although an average of 3,000 people in Nepal are killed every year by venomous snakes, tiger kills get far more media attention. This has led to tigers being seen as a threat rather than an important apex species in an ecosystem.
The other threat to tigers is commercialisation. In 2023, then Minister for Forests and Environment Birendra Mahato of Janata Samajwadi Party (JSP) proposed auctioning tigers to trophy hunters because Nepal had “too many tigers”. He calculated that the country could earn USD 25 million through tiger hunting licenses which would underwrite the cost of maintaining national parks.
His statement created widespread outrage as well as mockery from conservationists and environmentalists, just as Prime Minister Oli’s statement did last month.
Tigers are also a major source of revenue for national parks and a highlight for tourists. “The tigers being in the jungle means that there is the presence of a balanced environment,” says Mahatara at Bardia. “Any loss of biodiversity in the parks could lead to a decline in the influx of tourists.”
Eco-tourism and tiger safaris are also a big source of income for homestays and the local communities in Chitwan and Bardia who rely on wildlife tourists.
Ghana Gurung at the WWF says: “Tourists visit national parks in anticipation of viewing tigers. At present, the number is 355, and if tourists don’t spot a single tiger during their safari, then how will they see one if the numbers are reduced?”
Environmentalists say that better management of wildlife is the key and involves a mix of approaches, including tiger diplomacy. However, because many human-wildlife conflict cases take place when locals go to the forest to collect firewood or fodder, they should be aware of safety precautions.
“We have worked continuously through skill development and behaviour change campaigns to help the locals live and maintain a livelihood in the buffer zone and protected areas,” adds Gurung. “This has been one of our major goals, to uplift the living standards of the locals so that they can coexist with wildlife in the area.”
]]>Two Francophone nations deferred their elections without setting a date in 2025
Originally published on Global Voices
Election day in four French-speaking countries in 2024; Photos by Jean Sovon.
Throughout 2024, Africa had a busy electoral calendar: presidential, legislative, and referendum votes were scheduled in more than twenty countries across the continent, including around ten Francophone nations. However, in some countries, these elections were either canceled or postponed.
High stakes for presidential elections
The first election in Francophone Africa took place on January 14, 2024, in the Comoros Islands, where voters elected a president for a single renewable five-year term. Two days after the election, on January 16, 2024, the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) announced Azali Assoumani’s victory, granting him a second term in office. On January 17, 2024, the day after the results were announced, the internet was shut down, leaving the local population disconnected from the rest of the world. The international community expressed concern, while the African Union (AU), with Azali Assoumani still serving as its chair until February 2024, remained silent.
On February 3, 2024, in Senegal, outgoing President Macky Sall sought to delay the presidential election, originally set for February 25 but eventually held on March 24, 2024. Sall's side attempted to hinder the chances of the opposition party, the African Patriots of Senegal for Work, Ethics, and Fraternity (PASTEF), whose two leaders, Bassirou Diomaye Faye and Ousmane Sonko, had been imprisoned since April and July 2023, respectively. The PASTEF was even dissolved. However, young people were determined to bring change to the country’s leadership and they overcame political censorship. After 64 years of independence, Senegal remains a democratic model in West Africa, a region where democracies and dictatorships coexist.
Read more: Senegal: The seeds of an institutional coup
The death of Chad’s former president, Idriss Déby Itno, on April 20, 2021, and the crackdown on protests by the ruling junta forced opposition leader Succès Masra into exile in November 2022. Yet, on January 1, 2023, he was named Prime Minister by Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno, the former president’s son, who took over his father’s role. The former opposition leader thus secured the opportunity to run in the presidential election on May 6, 2024. However, the results declared Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno the winner of the election. This election also marked a strategic shift, as the country ended its defense agreement with France and moved closer to Russia.
In Mauritania, the presidential election on June 29, 2024, resulted in the re-election of Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, in office since 2019. The campaign focused mainly on slavery — officially abolished but still tolerated — highlighted by opposition leader Biram Ould Dah Ould Abeid, as well as corruption.
Legislative elections and a referendum
Non-presidential elections were also held in Togo on April 29 and in Madagascar on May 29. The elections in Madagascar were held to renew parliamentary seats at the end of their term. President Andry Rajoelina sought to secure a majority in the National Assembly following his contested re-election in November 2023 for a second term. His party ultimately won 84 out of 163 seats, giving him an absolute majority in parliament.
Togo held legislative elections in 2024. The MPs elected in December 2018 reached the end of their term in December 2023 but remained in office as they were working on a bill to amend the constitution. With the validation and adoption of this new constitution without a referendum, the country transitioned to a parliamentary system where the president is chosen by parliament rather than by the people. This new direction, imposed on the Togolese population, has sparked strong reactions from the opposition and civil society actors. Following the legislative elections, the Union for the Republic (UNIR) party of Faure Gnassingbé, in power since 2005, captured 108 out of 113 seats, gaining overwhelming control of the new parliament.
In Gabon, where the military has been in control since the August 30, 2023 coup, authorities have declared their intention to adopt a new constitution and revive all dissolved republican institutions. On November 16, 2024, the Gabonese people approved the new constitution in a referendum, with a large majority voting “yes.” The new text prohibits dual nationals from standing in presidential elections and makes military service compulsory for all Gabonese citizens, both males and females.
Two countries postpone elections
Mali and Burkina Faso, two Sahelian countries that are members of the new Sahel States Alliance (AES), withdrew from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in January 2024. Presidential elections were initially scheduled for 2024 in both countries, but the specific context of military-led regimes has made holding elections impossible. Observers have noted only that the polls have been postponed to a later date.
While 2024 was a busy year, more elections are scheduled for 2025, including in Côte d'Ivoire, where political tensions are already rising over the possibility of a fourth term for President Alassane Ouattara, who has been in power since 2011.
]]>‘There is no history of regional media to be written without mention of his name’
Originally published on Global Voices
Screenshot of Trinidadian journalist Jones P. Madeira taken from the YouTube video ‘The 1990 Coup – CCN TV6 Special Presentation.’
On January 10, Trinidad and Tobago lost a luminary in the field of journalism, Jones P. Madeira. The 80-year-old news veteran had been experiencing some health challenges and passed away at the Eric Williams Medical Sciences Complex, located along Trinidad's east-west corridor.
Upon learning of his death, the Media Association of Trinidad and Tobago (MATT) paid him tribute as “a pioneering journalist who transformed Caribbean media,” calling his career “a masterclass in the power of journalism as the fourth estate and a vital pillar of democracy.” The post continued, “His death is a profound loss not only to his family but also to the profession he elevated and the region he served so passionately.”
Born in 1944 in the town of Arima in eastern Trinidad, Madeira had a bit of a nomadic childhood, moving “every six to eight months,” which perhaps ignited a genuine curiosity about people. Growing up, he would have met and interacted with an ethnically and culturally diverse range of individuals, which the MATT tribute said “gave him a nuanced understanding of the region’s social fabric, which would later inform his journalism.” He was also deeply influenced by the integrity and independent thinking of his mother, virtues that were also evident in his work.
A towering figure in the regional media landscape, Madeira's career spanned decades of groundbreaking reporting. He began his career as an amateur broadcaster with the Voice of Rediffusion, a radio service. His first professional media position was in the early 1960s, when he was hired as a court reporter at the Trinidad Guardian. He was later assigned the Piarco International Airport beat, where he routinely interviewed regional leaders and global dignitaries. By the decade's end, he was back working in electronic media, this time at Radio 610, part of the National Broadcasting Service. His diligence and commitment to excellence, coupled with his calm and authoritative demeanour, gave him an exceptional ability to make people feel informed, reassured, and connected to the world.
At the dawn of the 1970s, a fellowship at the BBC Caribbean Service in London provided him the training he needed to hone his craft. Working as a producer with the Overseas Regional Services of the BBC and broadcasting out of Bush House gave him a taste of journalism at an international level, broadened his horizons, and got him thinking about the role of the fourth estate in the Caribbean, which was still in the throes of the independence movement. Upon his return home, he re-joined Radio 610 as the senior producer of news and current affairs. There, leading a cadre of young broadcasters, he produced a range of news and current affairs programmes.
In 1976, he took up the position of adviser in media relations and public information at the Secretariat of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). He was also part of a UNESCO team charged with promoting the Caribbean integration movement, out of which emerged the further development of the Caribbean News Agency (CANA) and Caribbean Broadcasting Union (CBU) – in everything from production to broadcast training, regional cooperation among news agencies increased.
By 1981, Madeira became the first full-time secretary-general of the CBU, where he did much to unite the region through media-based initiatives. The Caribbean's attempt at federation may have failed, but innovative programmes like CaribVision [involving daily satellite exchanges among regional TV systems and live broadcasts of notable events] and CaribScope [a TV magazine programme] connected English-speaking regional audiences by covering news, culture and current affairs all across the archipelago. Of these initiatives, Madeira once noted, “We were building something bigger than nations — a shared Caribbean identity.” Madeira was inducted into the CBU Caribbean Media Hall of Fame in 2000.
He was head of news and current affairs of the state-owned Trinidad and Tobago Television (TTT) when the July 1990 attempted coup took place. Insurrectionists stormed, among other places, the country's parliament and TTT. Like many other employees who were on duty at the time, Madeira was held hostage. During the period of the insurrection, he, along with news anchor Dominic Kalipersad, would appear intermittently to keep citizens abreast of developments, surrounded by armed men. His measured tone, even under such pressure, exuded trustworthiness, giving viewers hope and confidence during a fearful and uncertain time.
In a statement on Madeira's passing, the Association of Caribbean Media Workers (ACM) added that during the coup attempt, he also “mediated conversations between the insurgents and the security forces.” It also acknowledged Madeira's role as a “mentor to an entire generation of Caribbean journalists.” ACM founder Wesley Gibbings, who worked with Madeira when he was at the Trinidad Guardian, simply said, “There is no history of regional media to be written without mention of his name.”
Madeira eventually left TTT to become the manager of News and Current Affairs and Caribbean Relations at the Trinidad Broadcasting Company. He would later be conscripted as editor-in-chief of the Trinidad Publishing Company Limited, which gave him his first professional stint in print journalism. Integrity always came first for Madeira, who resigned (along with much of his senior editorial team) during a confrontation with both the government and the newspaper's publishers over freedom of the press. Their collective departure birthed The Independent, a short-lived alternative to the more established dailies that delivered balanced reporting, in-depth analysis and investigative journalism aimed at readers who valued thoughtful and objective news coverage.
After The Independent closed its doors, Madeira took a decade-long break from journalism, accepting a job as Information Adviser at the Caribbean Epidemiology Centre (CAREC), after which he headed the Communications Unit of the Ministry of Health. He later became court protocol and information manager of the Judiciary of Trinidad and Tobago, finally returning to journalism in 2014 when he accepted the post of editor-in-chief at the Trinidad and Tobago Newsday.
The paper's managing director, Grant Taylor, said Madeira's death was a loss to the nation: “He was an incredibly strong and quiet man of tremendous integrity [and] was instrumental in reshaping the direction of the paper to where we are now.”
Madeira's successor at Newsday, Judy Raymond, recalled that he “consistently demonstrated the patience, grace and wisdom born of his long and wide experience in the media. [W]e could always rely on him for considered advice, but he was always ready to listen and never assumed he knew best. Anyone in the newsroom could approach him for sympathetic counsel, whether professional or personal. He was the perfect old-fashioned gentleman, without the sexism that sometimes implies.”
Another of his colleagues, Andy Johnson, who called Madeira “a trailblazer,” told the Newsday, “He gave more than [a] fair share of good work [and] he took some hard lashes on the way, as anybody who's trying to make a difference would do.” In 2018, Madeira received a national award, the Chaconia Medal (Gold), the nation’s second-highest honour, for his service in the field of journalism.
Renowned for his leadership, impactful storytelling, and unwavering dedication to the facts, Madeira leaves behind a legacy that has indelibly shaped the nation's consciousness. Reflecting on his journey, Madeira once said, “I didn’t set out to be extraordinary. I just wanted to tell the truth and help people make sense of their world.”
He is survived by Melba, his wife of more than 50 years, and their three children.
]]>Adoptees return to find a society that no longer recognises them, legally or socially
Originally published on Global Voices
Ashmita in Lalitpur, where she started to search for information. Image by L.C. via Nepali Times. Used with permission.
This article by Hari Prasad Sacré and Chandra Kala Clemente-Martinez was originally published in Nepali Times, and a shortened and edited version has been republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Between the 1980s and 2000s, over 5,000 Nepali children were adopted abroad, primarily to the United States, France, and Spain. While international adoption was intended to provide vulnerable children with better opportunities, child trafficking, and irregular practices prompted Nepal to restrict adoptions in 2007 and overhaul its policies.
By 2010, stricter regulations aligned with the Hague Adoption Convention drastically reduced adoption numbers. Today, many of these children, now adults, are returning to Nepal in search of their roots, only to encounter a society that no longer recognizes them, legally or socially.
Behind the statistics lies the deeply personal and emotional journey of adoptees returning to reconnect with their past, find their birth family, and rediscover a sense of belonging. These stories reflect a broader struggle for identity and the complexities of bridging two worlds.
Maya
Adopted at age nine by a family in Barcelona, Spain, Maya carried fragmented memories of her early life in Nepal, including the painful recollection of the day her mother and sister vanished, leaving her and her younger siblings behind. She has faint recollections of her mother, elder sister, and the village where she once lived.
In June 2017, Maya came to Nepal accompanied by Chandra Kala and two friends, Jay and Vikram. With only a few photographs of her mother Tulsi, her elder sister Pargati, and her brother-in-law Kamal, along with a street name, Maya arrived in Birendranagar in Western Nepal after a 20-hour bus ride from Kathmandu.
She shared her anxiety with Chandra Kala: “I’m nervous. I don’t know if I’ll recognize them or if they’ll recognize me. I don’t know how they’ll react or what they’ll say. And then there’s him [Kamal]. I have such bad memories of him. I don’t know if I can handle this.”
Maya and her companions asked around the town with little success until a shopkeeper recognized Kamal and directed them to a nearby village. Jay went to confirm and returned excitedly, shouting, “It’s her! It’s your sister!”
Maya froze, paralyzed by fear and anticipation, but she pushed ahead. At the village, Maya’s sister Pargati initially struggled to recognize her. Jay introduced Maya: “Do you recognize her? This is your younger sister. She’s come all the way from Spain to find you.”
Slowly, the realization dawned, and the two women embraced, bridging the decades of separation with tears and disbelief. The next day, Maya met her mother, Tulsi, in an emotionally overwhelming reunion. Tulsi rushed into the room and embraced Maya tightly, sobbing uncontrollably: “Mero chhora-chhori, gaye, gaye…” (my children they went, they went …).
Once the tears subsided, Tulsi and Pargati began recounting the heartbreaking circumstances of their separation. After the death of her husband, Tulsi faced relentless judgment in their village when Kamal stayed with the family before his marriage to Pargati. The villagers accused Tulsi of impropriety, calling her पापी (sinful), and demanded that the family leave.
“We didn’t want to leave, but the village didn’t want us here,” explained Pargati. “We left intending to bring you and your siblings later. But when we returned, you were gone.”
An adoptee and companion return to Bal Mandir in Kathmandu after 19 years. Photo: Chandra Kala Clemente-Martinez via Nepali Times. Used with permission.
Tulsi recalled how she had entrusted Maya and her siblings to relatives, hoping they would be cared for temporarily. However, when she returned, the children had been sent away without her knowledge.
The reunion brought healing and answers, but it also exposed the societal pressures that had fractured Maya’s family. Despite the challenges, Maya spent the rest of her visit bonding with her sister, nieces, and younger half-sister, Sunita, slowly bridging the gaps created by time and distance.
Maya’s journey was a testament to the courage required to confront the past, the pain of uncovering difficult truths, and the hope of rebuilding connections once lost. Her story highlights the enduring emotional complexity faced by adoptees navigating their history and identity.
Ashmita
Unlike some adoptees whose main focus is reuniting with their biological family, 26-year-old Ashmita’s priority was to uncover the institutional details surrounding her adoption. She wanted to understand what the orphanage and the government knew about her background and why so much information seemed concealed.
“I just want to know where I come from,” she said. “Even if I never find my biological family, having a better sense of the places and people connected to my story would mean so much.”
For many adoptees, returning to Nepal is not just about reconnecting emotionally, it is about seeking formal recognition as members of the Nepali community. However, the legal framework in Nepal often fails to acknowledge their unique status.
A mother reunites with her son after 18 years. Photo: Chandra Kala Clemente-Martinez via Nepali Times. Used with permission.
In Nepali law, adoptees are left in limbo: their birth parents are not considered legal parents, and their ties to the country are effectively erased upon adoption. This lack of recognition creates significant hurdles, particularly in two key areas: accessing pre-adoption records and obtaining Non-Resident Nepali (NRN) status.
Despite international norms like the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which guarantees the right to know one’s origins, institutions often refuse to cooperate. Orphanages and non-profits in Nepal, which hold critical pre-adoption records such as birth certificates and citizenship documents, frequently withhold this information, reflecting the systemic reluctance to provide transparency.
In numerous cases, records that should include family names, addresses, or relinquishment agreements were either incomplete or falsified. These practices not only prevent adoptees from reclaiming their histories but also perpetuate their disconnection from their heritage.
Ashmita’s initial requests for information from her adoption agency were met with delays and incomplete responses. When she turned to the orphanage where she spent her early years, she encountered even greater resistance. At one point, the director of the orphanage issued veiled threats.
Nevertheless, Ashmita persisted and managed to find the name of the individual who had brought her to the orphanage. However, the person had disappeared, leaving yet another gap in her story.
A breakthrough came when Ashmita accessed a police report that suggested she might have been born in a different municipality than the one in her adoption records, prompting her to seek help from local authorities. The police took an interest in her case and began investigating possible connections to her birth family. While progress was slow, they meticulously followed leads to help her trace her origins.
“It’s not easy,” Ashmita said of the process. “But every small step feels like I’m piecing something back together.”
She also noted that societal perceptions could add to the difficulty. At times, she felt questioned about her identity and her right to seek answers. “People have asked me why I care so much or even suggested that I’m not Nepali anymore because I was adopted abroad,” she reflected.
Ashmita’s story is a complex account of persistence in the face of institutional and personal challenges. While her search has not yet provided all the answers she seeks, it continues to offer her insights into her early life and the systems that shaped her adoption journey.
“These records are sealed for a reason. They are not meant to be reopened,” said a government official. Even an NGO representative said: “It’s better for everyone if the past remains in the past.” An orphanage director asked: “Why are you asking these questions? This is not your place anymore.”
Hari Prasad Sacré
The Non-Resident Nepali (NRN) card is a lifeline for Nepali diaspora members, granting them residency and property rights in Nepal. Yet, adoptees are notably excluded from this framework. While the law stipulates eligibility for individuals whose parents or grandparents were Nepali citizens, it makes no provision for adoptees whose legal ties to their Nepali parents were severed by adoption.
When Hari Prasad Sacré, a Nepali adoptee, sought to obtain an NRN card at the Nepal Embassy in Belgium, he encountered officials unfamiliar with processing an NRN request from an adoptee. His case was the first of its kind, setting a precedent but also highlighting the systemic barriers adoptees face.
“You are not eligible; your surname is Sacré, it is not a Nepali name,” said a staff member at the embassy.
Hari Prasad Sacré receives tika from his birth father, Khul Prasad Adhikari, during Dasain, a few weeks after receiving his NRN card. Photo: Hari Prasad Sacré via Nepali Times. Used with permission.
Sacré’s situation was legally ambiguous. Although his biological parents, including his father, Khul Prasad Adhikari, are alive and he maintains contact with them, he no longer has “legal” ties to Nepal due to the adoption process.
Carrying a Belgian surname, the embassy staff was initially convinced the adoptee couldn’t claim Nepali origin. Nepali law, which does not recognize biological parents as legal guardians once a child is adopted, created complications for the NRN application.
To navigate this complexity, Sacré relied on a testimony from his father. Issued by a local government body in Kaski of Gandaki Province, the testimony affirmed that Hari had been put up for adoption and was of Nepali origin. While this enabled the embassy to approve his NRN card, the process was unnecessarily protracted and emotionally charged, highlighting the inadequacy of current policies to accommodate the unique situations of adoptees.
Sacré’s case represents a rare instance where biological parents were alive, involved, and willing to provide testimony, but many adoptees are not as fortunate.
Most adoptees are declared “orphans” during the adoption process, even when their parents are alive. This severs their legal ties to Nepal, stripping them of documentation that could later prove their origin. For others, the absence of living biological relatives or access to their original adoption records creates insurmountable barriers.
Without clear documentation or a family member to vouch for their Nepali heritage, adoptees are excluded from the NRN framework. This denies them property rights, legal recognition, and a formal connection to their homeland.
Sacré’s case serves as both a precedent and a call to action. It exemplifies the challenges and triumphs of adoptees navigating complex bureaucracies and advocates for a more inclusive and equitable approach to reconnecting adoptees with their homeland.
Hari Prasad Sacré, PhD, is a postdoctoral researcher at Ghent University in Belgium, specializing in cultural translation, multilingualism, and identity in education.
Chandra Kala Clemente-Martínez, PhD, is a postdoctoral researcher at the AFIN Research Group, Autonomous University of Barcelona, with a PhD in Social Anthropology.
From the introduction of Article 19 to media and entertainment censorship
Originally published on Global Voices
Hong Kong lawmakers voted on a proposed domestic security law required under Article 23 of the Basic Law on March 19, 2024. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP. Used with permission
This report was written by Mercedes Hutton and published in Hong Kong Free Press on December 12, 2024. The following edited version is published as part of a content partnership agreement.
Hong Kong made the news on several occasions in 2024, whether for passing new security legislation, censorship laws, or the mystery surrounding the deaths of several monkeys at a city-centre zoo.
HKFP rounded up 15 headline-making moments from the last 12 months.
“Expats” unavailable in Hong Kong
The entertainment world was abuzz in January with the release of Amazon Prime Video’s “Expats”, based on the 2016 book “The Expatriates” by Janice Y. K. Lee. Set against the backdrop of 2014 pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong and partially filmed in the city amid coronavirus restrictions in 2021, the show sparked controversy when its star Nicole Kidman was allowed to skip hotel quarantine — at the time, arrivals were required to isolate for 21 days.
Officials justified Kidman’s special treatment by saying she was “performing designated professional work… conducive to maintaining the necessary operation and development of Hong Kong’s economy”.
But it was not the city’s unique allure that made the news after the first two episodes premiered globally on January 26. Instead, international media were reporting how the show was not available to audiences in the city.
“It remains unclear whether the city’s government has stepped in to prevent ‘Expats’ from screening or whether Prime Video has given in to self-censorship”, Variety reported. “Both explanations point to an increasingly difficult environment for media and entertainment in the territory, which sometimes brands itself as ‘Asia’s World City’.”
Lionel Messi debacle
Football icon Lionel Messi arrived in Hong Kong in February, where his team, Inter Miami, was set to play a pre-season friendly match against Hong Kong. The match went ahead as planned, but Messi remained on the bench throughout, angering fans who had paid up to HKD 4,880 (USD 627) to see their sporting hero play.
International Maimi CF arrived in Hong Kong on February 2 2024. Image from HK government via the Brandhk Twitter outlet. Used with permission.
After much ado — fans were refunded 50 percent of their original ticket prices, the organiser withdrew its application for HKD 16 million (USD 2.05 million) backing from the government, and lawmaker Regina Ip blamed a political “black hand” behind Messi and Inter Miami “for the deliberate and calculated snub to Hong Kong”. The backlash quickly escalated and spilt over onto the Chinese internet, and Messi apologised. The Athletic reported:
The Inter Miami tour corresponded with renewed attempts by the Hong Kong authorities to restore its image as a global destination for sporting and cultural events after several years of protest against the government and strict lockdowns enforced during the COVID-19 pandemic.
An op-ed published by the Miami Herald suggested such attempts had yet to bear fruit: “This international scandal over Lionel Messi missing a game in Hong Kong is as hilarious as it was predictable”, wrote columnist Greg Cote.
Passage of Article 23
On March 19, Hong Kong’s opposition-free legislature unanimously passed new security legislation, making treason, insurrection and sabotage punishable by up to life in prison and rejecting Western criticism that the law would further restrict the city’s freedoms.
Separate from the Beijing-imposed national security law (NSL) that came into force in June 2020, the Safeguarding National Security Ordinance — better known in the city as Article 23 — was welcomed by Beijing and Hong Kong officials, with Chief Executive John Lee calling its passage a “historical moment” and saying that Hong Kong had “finally completed its constitutional duty of legislating Article 23 of the Basic Law”.
However, the law was widely criticised internationally. The New York Times reported that it could damage the city’s status as an international finance hub, the BBC called it “tough”, and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation explored how it might “reshape” Hong Kong.
“Glory to Hong Kong” banned
In May, less than a year after a Hong Kong court rejected a government bid to prohibit people from performing or playing the protest song “Glory to Hong Kong” with illegal intent, an appeal court overturned the ruling, effectively banning the 2019 protest anthem.
Glory to Hong Kong. Photo: Kelly Ho/HKFP. Used with permission.
Thus began a series of removals and reuploads of the song on popular streaming sites, including Spotify, YouTube and Apple Music.
Reporting on the government’s successful appeal, the Guardian said: “The ruling comes amid what critics say is an erosion in Hong Kong’s rule of law and individual rights, which has seen scores of opposition democrats jailed and liberal media outlets shut down.”
35th anniversary of Tiananmen crackdown
This year marked the 35th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square crackdown, when hundreds, if not thousands, were killed when the People’s Liberation Army dispersed protesters in Beijing on June 4, 1989.
Police patrol through Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, on June 4, 2024, the 35th anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP. Used with permission.
Previously one of the only places on Chinese soil that marked the occasion, there have been no public commemorations in Hong Kong since 2019, a change that was reported by Nikkei Asia, which described the city as “muzzled”. National Public Radio noted that “heavy security” was in place across cities in mainland China and Hong Kong ahead of and on the anniversary date.
In the days running up to June 4, Hong Kong made its first arrests under Article 23, among them detained rights activist Chow Hang-tung, who organised the Tiananmen crackdown vigils. The BBC reported that Amnesty International had called the arrests a “shameful attempt at suppressing peaceful commemoration of the Tiananmen crackdown”.
Performance artist Sanmu Chan was briefly detained by police on June 3rd after writing the Chinese characters for “8964” with his finger in the air, referencing the June 4, 1989 crackdown in YYMD format. The AP reported that Chan’s detention underlined “the city’s shrinking freedom of expression”.
Departure of foreign judges
Five foreign judges left Hong Kong’s Court of Final Appeal in 2024, but none so spectacularly as Jonathan Sumption. Soon after announcing his resignation as an overseas non-permanent judge on the apex court, Sumption wrote an op-ed for the Financial Times, in which he said that Hong Kong was “slowly becoming a totalitarian state”.
Sumption also appeared on BBC Radio 4’s Today programme, saying: “The problem in Hong Kong has been building up over the last four years, and I think all the judges on the court feel concerned about this… I have reached the point eventually where I don’t think that my continuing presence on the court is serving any useful purpose.”
HKJA head fired by Wall Street Journal
When Selina Cheng, chairperson of the Hong Kong Journalists Association (HKJA), was fired by The Wall Street Journal in July, just weeks after she was elected to lead the press union, her dismissal was reported by news outlets across the globe.
Selina Cheng, chair of the Hong Kong Journalists Association, speaks to reporters after being fired from The Wall Street Journal, allegedly over her role in the press union, on July 17, 2024. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP. Used with permission.
While the newspaper said Cheng’s dismissal was down to “restructuring”, Cheng said it came after she was directed to withdraw from the HKJA leadership election by a supervisor in the UK.
Cheng said the company had told her that employees of The Wall Street Journal should not be seen as advocating for press freedom “in a place like Hong Kong”, even though they “can in Western countries where it is already established”.
Al Jazeera reported: “The Wall Street Journal is embroiled in a controversy over press freedom after one of its reporters said she was fired for taking a leadership role in Hong Kong’s biggest media union amid deteriorating civil liberties in the Chinese territory.”
First Article 23 prosecution for T-shirt
On September 19, Chu Kai-pong became the first person to be jailed under Article 23 after he pleaded guilty to one count of “doing with a seditious intention an act or acts that had a seditious intention”.
Chu was sentenced to one year and two months in prison for wearing a T-shirt with a 2019 protest slogan on it — “Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times” — which had been ruled to carry secessionist connotations — an offence under the national security law.
“Hong Kong man jailed for ‘seditious’ T-shirt”, reported the BBC, while the English-language edition of Le Monde ran the story with the headline: “In Hong Kong, a young man sentenced for wearing a ‘Liberate Hong Kong’ T-shirt”.
Stand News editors jailed for sedition
Chung Pui-kuen and Patrick Lam, both former top editors of the independent media outlet Stand News, were found guilty in August of taking part in a conspiracy to publish and reproduce “seditious” materials.
Former Stand News editor-in-chief Chung Pui-kuen leaves District Court in Wan Chai, Hong Kong, on August 29th, 2024, after being found guilty of conspiring to publish “seditious” materials. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP. Used with permission.
The following month, the pair were in court again to hear their sentences. Chung was handed 21 months behind bars, while Lam, who has a rare kidney condition, was able to walk free despite receiving an initial sentence of 14 months. Both spent almost a year in pre-trial detention.
Their trial was widely reported in international media, with the BBC saying: “The case has drawn international scrutiny and condemnation from Western countries.” The AP, meanwhile, said the case was “widely seen as an indicator of media freedom in the city, once hailed as a beacon of press freedom in Asia”.
A dozen monkeys died at the HK Zoo
The October deaths of 12 monkeys kept at the Hong Kong Zoological and Botanical Gardens as a result of sepsis stemming from melioidosis infection were reported by media outlets across the world.
When the first monkeys were found dead, CBS News focused on the deaths of three cotton-top Tamarins, “considered one of the most endangered species of primates in the world”.
Al Jazeera reported: “Activists said the incident raises concerns that keeping animals in captivity can increase the risk that diseases such as Mpox could jump to humans.”
First dinosaur fossils found
In late October, the government announced that dinosaur fossils had been found in Hong Kong for the first time, on a remote island in the northeast of the city.
CNN spoke to experts in palaeontology, who said, “The landmark discovery is a big deal for Hong Kong, a city with a complex geological history and ever-changing weather patterns.”
45 pro-democracy figures jailed
The sentencing of 45 prominent pro-democracy figures in November attracted a lot of media attention, with several outlets — the Guardian and CBS News among them — noting in their headlines that their jail terms sparked “outrage” or “criticism” internationally.
47 activists from HK pro-democracy camp were charged with subversion under the National Security Law. Image from the Stand News. Used with permission.
The democrats were sentenced to up to 10 years in prison over their involvement in an unofficial primary election designed to help the pan-democratic camp win a majority in the legislature. The court ruled that constituted a conspiracy to subvert state power, an offence under the national security law.
“Anywhere else, it wouldn’t have been controversial,” The New York Times began its report. “But this was Hong Kong, just after the imposition of a national security law by Beijing, and officials had warned that even a straw poll would be taken as defiance”, it continued.
Jimmy Lai begins testimony
Jailed media mogul Jimmy Lai, who is on trial for conspiring to collude with foreign forces under Beijing’s national security law, took to the witness stand on November 20th, and many of the world’s media outlets were in court to hear him speak publicly for the first time since he was detained in December 2020.
Jimmy Lai. Kelly Ho from HKFP.
Reuters spoke to people who had waited overnight in the rain to secure a place in the public gallery to hear Lai’s testimony. “Apple Daily was the voice of many Hongkongers… It’s my political expression to let him [Lai] know I support him. He’s done a lot for Hong Kong”, one retiree told the news agency.
Describing Lai as “defiant”, the Guardian reported that he “stridently defended himself against the charges and spoke proudly of the media company he founded, which has been a thorn in the side of Beijing and the Hong Kong government for decades”. The trial will continue into 2025, with Lai pleading not guilty.
LGBTQ+ rights ruling
Hong Kong’s top court on November 26th affirmed same-sex married couples’ housing and inheritance rights, handing a landmark victory to the city’s LGBTQ+ community following government appeals against previous court rulings.
The Independent cited Jerome Yau, co-founder of the non-profit Hong Kong Marriage Equality, who said after the ruling that the court had made it “very clear” there was no distinction between same-sex and heterosexual marriage: “So I think the next question is, if they are the same, why we should treat them differently?”
Nick Infinger holds a rainbow flag outside Hong Kong’s Court of Final Appeal on November 26, 2024. Photo: Hillary Leung/HKFP. Used with permission.
National security arrest warrants
On December 24, national security police issued arrest warrants for six overseas activists, placing bounties of HKD 1 million on each of their heads. It marked the third round of arrest warrants issued since the security law was imposed. Police last year issued arrest warrants for eight activists in July and a further five last December.
“According to the warrants, the six are wanted for national security offences such as secession, subversion and collusion with foreign forces. They include Tony Chung, the former leader of now-defunct pro-independence group Studentlocalism”, The Washington Post reported.
Also wanted by Hong Kong police are: ex-district councillor Carmen Lau, now an activist with the US-based NGO Hong Kong Democracy Council; Chloe Cheung, an activist with the Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong; political commentator Chung Kim-wah, formerly a pollster at the Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute; ex-TVB actor Joseph Tay, who co-founded the Canada-based NGO HongKonger Station; and YouTuber Victor Ho.
According to Al Jazeera they join a list of “19 campaigners accused of loosely-defined offences of secession, subversion or collusion”.
Secretary for Security Chris Tang separately invoked powers under Article 23 on December 24th to cancel the passports of seven overseas activists: Ted Hui, Anna Kwok, Elmer Yuen, Dennis Kwok, Kevin Yam, Frances Hui and Joey Siu.
The seven, whom Tang declared as “absconders”, were also barred from dealing with funds in Hong Kong.
]]>India’s internet shutdowns are undermining digital rights, economic development, and the fundamental freedoms of its people.
Originally published on Global Voices
Screenshot of interactive map on the Internet Shutdown Tracker website by SFLC.in. Fair use.
Every year, multiple digital rights watchdogs meticulously document the frequency and scale of internet shutdowns occurring globally. One such organization, the Software Freedom Law Centre (SFLC.in), is a Delhi-based not-for-profit. SFLC.in has been running the Internet Shutdown Project, a real-time tracker that monitors and records internet shutdowns in India since 2012. This tracker relies on raw data collected from reports published in both national and regional newspapers, as well as user contributions, making it a comprehensive resource for tracking these disruptions.
Internet shutdowns in India take several forms, including full blackouts, speed throttling, and restrictions on internet access for unverified prepaid SIM cards. These shutdowns are often implemented in response to political unrest or security concerns.
In Manipur, the government imposed a statewide shutdown from May 3 to December 3, 2023, affecting around 3.2 million people for a duration of 212 days. This shutdown was executed through 44 separate orders, with only a brief three-day reprieve in between, highlighting the severity and length of the disruption.
In Jammu and Kashmir, one of the longest internet shutdowns in India, and possibly the world, took place for 18 months. During this time 4G internet access was completely suspended. The blockade was reportedly lifted in 2021.
The alarming surge in internet shutdowns in India
From 2012 to 2024, SFLC.in recorded a staggering 848 government-imposed internet shutdowns in India — an average of approximately 65 shutdowns per year, representing a 2000 percent increase from 2012, which saw only three shutdowns. By comparison, 2023 experienced 96 shutdowns, and 2022 recorded 77 — both exceeding the yearly average.
Notably, the highest numbers of shutdowns have been observed in the past six years, a period during which India has consistently ranked as the global leader in internet shutdowns (from 2018 to 2023). According to a report and press release by Access Now, India reported 116 instances of internet shutdowns and disruptions in 2023 — the highest in the world — followed by Myanmar (37 instances) and Iran (34 instances). The significant margin by which India surpasses other nations in this regard is deeply concerning.
Read more: Netizen Report: Will India’s regional internet shutdowns ever end?
India’s dominance in global shutdowns: A disturbing trend
To fully understand the implications of these disruptions, India's internet shutdown figures must be viewed in a global context. According to Access Now’s 2023 report, “2023 is the worst year of internet shutdowns ever recorded,” with 283 shutdowns across 39 countries — the highest since monitoring began in 2016. Notably, Manipur in northeastern India experienced the world’s longest shutdown in 2023, lasting over 5,000 hours. While the state has faced decades of ethnic tensions, the shutdown followed intense intercommunal clashes, reflecting the authorities’ extreme measures to control information flow under the pretext of suppressing “anti-social elements.”
Read more: An Advox report on digital authoritarianism in India
Digital rights at risk: The societal and economic fallout of shutdowns
Independent VPN review and research organization Top10VPN’s January 2024 report, using the NetBlocks Cost of Shutdown Tool (COST), quantified the economic impact of internet shutdowns in India at USD 585.4 million, resulting from 7,956 hours of service interruptions. India ranked fifth globally in economic losses and third in users affected, with 59.1 million people disrupted, following Brazil (174.2 million), Russia (113 million), and Pakistan (82.9 million).
India's excessive government-imposed internet shutdowns reveal a troubling paradox: while the nation aspires to become a world leader in digital innovation, these disruptions undermine its digital infrastructure, critical services, economy, technological progress, and citizens’ fundamental rights to communication and expression, and their access to global markets.
This disparity is poignantly captured in a video post on X (formerly Twitter) by Anup Kaphle, editor-in-chief of Rest of World, showing how slow, interrupted internet access disproportionately hindered students’ ability to study for exams in the northern state of Kashmir.
We asked two Indian students—one in #Kashmir and the other in Tamil Nadu—under lockdown to record their screens as they download the same reading assignment.
This is what it looks like.https://t.co/pB86oU5CIR pic.twitter.com/k2OOj2gUub
— Anup Kaphle
(@AnupKaphle) May 19, 2020
In a scathing critique of government-imposed internet shutdowns and disruptions, Apar Gupta (prominent lawyer and trustee of the Internet Freedom Foundation), reminds us that, despite their widespread use, neither the central government nor any state government has conducted or commissioned any credible study to evaluate the intended objectives or long-term effects of these disruptions.
The highest number of global internet shutdowns have brought India international shame. The institutional solution? “Limited internet shutdowns” for selective banning are now in force at Manipur. Fashioned as a reasonable middle ground, it has zero evidence of benefit but an… pic.twitter.com/3cHurIoxnI
— Apar Gupta (@apar1984) August 3, 2023
“Ample evidence exists for the social and economic harms of shutdowns. On the contrary, some studies even suggest social media creates greater state accountability,” Gupta asserts. Yet, despite this evidence, very little action has been taken to address the negative impacts of these shutdowns.
Read more: What do we know about the ‘Great Firewall of India’?
The Supreme Court’s dilemma: Security concerns vs. civil liberties
While Manipur's case is relatively recent, the Jammu and Kashmir region remains the worst affected by internet shutdowns in India. This region has endured what the International Federation of Journalists and the South Asia Media Solidarity Network has called the “world’s longest communications shutdown” — an unprecedented event from both local and global perspectives. Multiple scholarly inquiries have examined and reported on the harmful consequences of these shutdowns, specifically underscoring how the state power systematically undermine people’s human rights in the region. A recurring theme in these studies is the persistent failure of the top court to effectively protect citizens from the adverse impacts of such overbearing government actions.
Read more: Website blocking in India: One arrow for all
Despite the Supreme Court of India's landmark judgment in Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020), which declared the indefinite suspension of internet services illegal under Indian law, a significant gap remains between this pronouncement and ground realities. Both state and central governments continue to exercise considerable discretion in imposing internet shutdowns across the country, often justifying these actions by making vague references to factors such as “security concerns” or the need to preserve “law and order.” We also have instances in which the state governments of Rajasthan and West Bengal (among others) have shut down and/or disrupted internet services in several districts to prevent paper leaks and cheating during exams.
The legal framework supporting these shutdowns comes from the doctrine of “proportionality,” —a principle affirmed by the top court in a previous landmark right to privacy ruling. Under this standard, the government is permitted to curtail citizens’ fundamental rights, such as the right to free speech and expression, if it can sufficiently justify these actions by presenting more pressing public order claims related to, say, preserving national security or fighting terrorism.
In another 2020 ruling, the Supreme Court of India reaffirmed its stance in Anuradha Bhasin, emphasizing the challenge of balancing national security with personal liberty. However, the court denied substantial relief to petitioners seeking faster internet services, citing threats of border infiltration, national destabilization, and daily violence against civilians and security forces.
Suchitra Vijayan, author of the critically acclaimed book “Midnight's Borders” and the founder of The Polis Project, Inc, encapsulated the essence of the Anuradha Bhasin ruling as such:
Supreme Court says blanket ban of Internet in Kashmir is a violation of freedom.
Yet ban remains.
Remember the blanket ban is a collective punishment, which is a war crime.
And this is the longest ban in the history.
— Suchitra Vijayan
(@suchitrav) January 10, 2020
A glimmer of hope?
India’s strong state control over digital governance makes immediate reforms to its shutdown policies unlikely. However, growing awareness of the social and economic harms caused by shutdowns, coupled with persistent advocacy from civil society groups, scholars, and human rights activists, offers a faint glimmer of hope. Sustained mobilization and resistance could gradually shift the balance toward a more rights-respecting digital future.
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