ABSTRACT

THE POTENTIAL FOR MUSIC TO ELICIT AND FACILITATE

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY
(Under the direction of Norman Mar, Ph.D.)

The present investigation attempts to delineate a comprehensive theory as to how

musical stimuli can potentially elicit and facilitate autobiographical memory. Due to the

unique role music often has in our daily lives, as well as the importance of

autobiographical memories to humankind in general, it is important to understand how

music interacts with autobiographical memories. An exhaustive and thorough review of

the literature pertaining to music, autobiographical memory, and the overlap of the two

provides the groundwork for a comprehensive theory that integrates the physiological,

affective, and cognitive components of autobiographical memory and music. A musical

journal which investigated the impact music had on the affective and cognitive processes

of the author was kept and provided insights into the development of the theory. The

result is a cohesive, temporal, and comprehensive theory of how music has the potential

to elicit and facilitate autobiographical memory. Clinical implications and future research

are also discussed.

THE POTENTIAL FOR MUSIC TO ELICIT AND FACILITATE

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY

By

Jeremy Joseph Senske

Bachelors of Science, Northern Michigan University, 2001

Bachelors of Art, Northern Michigan University, 2001
Masters of Art, Argosy University/Seattle, 2006

A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty of

Argosy University/Seattle

In Partial Fulfillment of
The Requirements for the Degree

DOCTOR OF PSYCHOLOGY

SEATTLE, WASHINGTON

2008
Title of Dissertation: The Potential for Music to Elicit and Facilitate
Autobiographical Memory

Author: Jeremy J. Senske

Approved: _____________________________ _______________

Norman Mar, Ph.D. Date
Dissertation Committee Chair

_____________________________ _______________
Dana Waters, Psy.D., ABPP Date
Committee Member

_____________________________ _______________
Elizabeth Milo, Ph.D. Date
Committee Member

Accepted: _____________________________ _______________

Deann Ketchum Date
Director of Student Services

_____________________________ _______________
Francis Parks, Ph.D., ABPP Date
Chair, Clinical Department

_____________________________ _______________
Tom Dyer, Ed.D. Date
President
THE POTENTIAL FOR MUSIC TO ELICIT AND FACILITATE

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY

© 2008

Jeremy J. Senske

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Dedication

To my loving wife and son whose continued patience

and understanding has turned this leap of faith into a reality.

iv
Acknowledgments

The present work has been in the makings since the late 1990s. Many individuals

have influenced its conception and subsequent development. I would like to thank my

dissertation committee, Norm Mar, Dana Waters, and Zanny Milo for their commitment,

investment, and trust. I owe my committee chair, Norm Mar, a special debt of gratitude in

supporting my endeavor of a theoretical dissertation, remaining flexible during the

process, and trusting in my ability to seek out further guidance when necessary. Dana

Waters provided crucial feedback into the logistics of writing this particular brand of

cerebral exercise, which resulted in critical organization and smooth transitions

throughout the entire dissertation process. Zanny Milo provided invaluable clinical

supervision and grounds which facilitated discussions leading to the synthesis of two of

my greatest passions, music and memory. I want to thank the psychology staff at the City

of Hope, particularly my supervisors Randi McAllister-Black, Anne Turk, and Sue

Harden for their support and encouragement in the completion of this project. Of my

friends I would like to thank Gunars Neiders for his conversations which pushed me to

consider alternative ideas, while continuing to hint that I was on the right track. I want to

thank my mother and father for their unconditional confidence and faith in me, along

with my brother Jason for his camaraderie, sense of humor, and relentless positive

attitude which continue to be a beacon of honesty for me. Most importantly, I would like

to express my utmost gratitude and love to my wife, Ashly, and my son Zakary, for their

encouragement, support, and patience during this process. It was their trust, faith, and

confidence in me that made this dissertation possible.

v
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Dedication .......................................................................................................................... iv

Acknowledgments................................................................................................................v

Table of Contents............................................................................................................... vi

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION.........................................................................................1

Statement of the Problem.....................................................................................................3

Purpose of the Study ............................................................................................................5

Limitations and Assumptions ..............................................................................................6

Definitions............................................................................................................................7

Significance of the Study .....................................................................................................8

CHAPTER II: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...........................................................10

Introduction........................................................................................................................10

Physiology, Neuroanatomy and Autobiographical Memory .............................................12

Physiology, Neuroanatomy and Music ..............................................................................18

Affective Components of Autobiographical Memory .......................................................24

Affective Components of Music........................................................................................29

Cognitive Components of Autobiographical Memory ......................................................33

Cognitive Components of Music .......................................................................................39

CHAPTER III: METHODOLOGY ...................................................................................47

CHAPTER IV: MUSIC AND ITS ELICITATION AND FACILITATION OF

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY: A COMPREHENSIVE THEORY.......................49

Overview............................................................................................................................49

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Arousal Levels and Individual Differences .......................................................................50

The Role of Familiarity in Musical Perception..................................................................55

Music and Autobiographical Memory: The Elicitation Phase...........................................57

Music and Autobiographical Memory: The Facilitation Phase .........................................61

The Issue of Choice and Autobiographical Reminiscing .................................................64

Goals of the Self in Relation to Autobiographical Remembering .....................................66

Older Versus Newer Memories .........................................................................................68

A Theory of how Music can Elicit and Facilitate Autobiographical Memory ..................70

CHAPTER V: CONCLUSIONS AND PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS .........................75

Overview............................................................................................................................75

Case Number 1: Post-traumatic stress ..................................................................81

Case Number 2: Depression..................................................................................85

Case Number 3: Dementia ....................................................................................87

Case Number 4: Cancer ........................................................................................89

Diversity Considerations....................................................................................................91

Ethical Considerations .......................................................................................................93

Concluding Remarks and Future Directions......................................................................98

List of References ............................................................................................................104

Appendices.......................................................................................................................115

Appendix A: Neuroanatomical Regions and Autobiographical Memory............116

Appendix B: Neuroanatomical Regions and Musical Processing .......................121

vii
CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Music has been in existence since the beginning of man; its origins can be traced

back 30,000 years ago to bone flutes, percussive instruments, and harps. All known

societies have had music, it is found in every culture and historical period, and this will

likely continue into the future (Lowis, 2002; Weinberger, 2004). Music has the ability to

increase motivation, elevate mood, and increase feelings of control in young and old alike

(McCaffrey & Freeman, 2003). As individuals, we spend numerous hours listening to

music or playing a musical instrument daily. Music permeates every aspect of our

culture, interpersonal relationships and our individual consciousness. Music has

demonstrated its curing power in stroke patients (Schauer & Mauritz, 2003), sleep-related

complaints in older adults (Lai & Good, 2004), and memory problems (Optale et al.,

2001). Various reasons exist for listening to music, most notably its ability to remind us

of things in the past, induce the experience pleasure and shift us into a better mood

(Lowis, 2002). Listening to music can have a profound impact on our emotions and our

cognition. Music, therefore, has the potential to elicit and even facilitate autobiographical

memories, and may provide a means for eliciting and accessing more, higher quality

information in clinical interviews.

Because music plays such a vital role to our well-being, I find it rather interesting

that we don’t spend more time understanding how it can facilitate autobiographical

memory. Autobiographical memories are often triggered by environmental stimuli

1
involving sensory or perceptual cues (Mace, 2005). These types of memories help us to

orient ourselves in time; Conway and Holmes (2004) state that “[a]utobiographical

memories define the self” (p.161). Autobiographical remembering can be a means of

emotional expression, as well as a means to assess emotions. In support of this, Alea,

Bluck, and Semegon (2004) state, “our emotional experience in everyday life is related to

remembered events and experience” (p.248). Autobiographical memories guide our

future behaviors and help shape our self-concepts (Hou, Miller, Kramer, 2005).

Autobiographical information elicited and facilitated by music can be utilized in a

collaborative fashion by the clinician and client in order to facilitate more cooperative,

emotionally connected sessions, which could result in fewer, more productive sessions

for the client while providing the clinician with a powerful, non-invasive tool.

Autobiographical memory is about defining oneself in time and in relation to others

(Fivush & Nelson, 2004). Music has been shown to evoke certain emotions. In this

regard, music can be seen as an antecedent to emotion, eliciting the desired emotion

according to the type of music selected. Listening to music not only facilitates an

emotional response, it also has a profound impact on physiological responses and

cognitive processes. Music engages many areas of the brain, including cognitive realms,

and it activates some of the same reward systems that are stimulated by food, sex, and

addictive drugs (Weinberger, 2004). Chemically, listening to music can cause the release

of endorphins which facilitate pain relief, decrease blood pressure, heart rate, and

respiratory rate and leads to positive outcomes in affect and attention (McCaffrey &

Freeman, 2003). Music can be seen as the catalyst setting off a complex change in

2
physiology, affect and cognition which can be implemented to elicit short-term, as well

as long-term, positive changes in individuals.

A theory that could delineate how music may elicit and facilitate autobiographical

memory would be a huge step in the process of understanding how the physiological,

affective, and cognitive components of music and autobiographical memory interact. A

better understanding of how these components interact would also provide insight into

reasons why humans listen to music in general. If music is capable of eliciting and

facilitating autobiographical memory, as I posit, then it can be a powerful tool in the

course of clinical information gathering, as well as psychotherapy in general.

Psychotherapy is a process by which an individual gains insight into their thoughts,

feelings and behaviors; if listening to music is capable of arousing thoughts, feelings, and

behaviors related to our past, then it could become an integral intervention in the field of

clinical psychology.

Statement of the Problem

According to Wright, Rivera, Shyan, Hulse, and Neiworth (2000) “[m]usic is

considered among cultures’ highest achievements” (p. 291). It has demonstrated its

ability to have an impact on physiological, emotional, and cognitive levels. Music is all

around us in modern society—our television, radio, homes, shopping malls, grocery

stores, and restaurants. It has the ability to stimulate memories, especially those involving

significant life events (Allan, 2006). Autobiographical memories increase the degree of

personal significance in popular music. These memories help construct an understanding

of the self through time. The current conceptualization of the self also influences the

construction of the past and the future (Fivush & Nelson, 2004). We often gravitate

3
toward music that allows us to reminisce of past events that are emotionally significant.

A song can come on and we immediately begin to relive an episode from our past. Music

and autobiographical memory are unquestionably intertwined, yet it is unclear exactly

how music may elicit and facilitate autobiographical memory.

No theories thus far have attempted to delineate a connection between music and

autobiographical memory. Most theories focus on either one or the other and fail to

address the physiological, affective, and cognitive aspects together. Physiological and

neuroanatomical studies of music or autobiographical memory have focused on the

distinct areas, such as the frontal and medial temporal lobes, that are responsible for the

processing of auditory or memory material (Schmidt & Trainor, 2001). Emotional

theories focus on both arousal and valence in regards to musical and autobiographical

material (Balch, Myers, & Papotto, 1999). Cognitive theories rely heavily on either

physiological neural connections or computer models, such as connectionism, in order to

explain how we mentally represent and utilize music or autobiographical memory.

Although these theories do justice in their respective domains, they do not attempt to

explain the connection between music and autobiographical memory, nor do they attempt

to unify the physiological, cognitive, and affective operations of each. A theory that can

explain how music may elicit and facilitate autobiographical memory by unifying the

cognitive, affective, and physiological research to date is essential in laying the

groundwork for future research in the area of music, memory, and the interaction of the

two.

4
Purpose of the Study

The ability of music to elicit autobiographical memories often goes without

notice. One of the main reasons we listen to music is because of its ability to remind us of

things in the past (Lowis, 2002). Listening to music can also shift our moods and induce

the experience of pleasure, nostalgia, or other mood states thus acting as an external

mood regulator. Memory of our personal past serves as a guide in the present, as well as

assists in establishing goals for the future. Autobiographical memories help us to

understand our past experience in order modify our behavior in the future, while

providing a template for developing our sense of self in the present. If music can facilitate

autobiographical memory, then it can be said that music is also an integral part of how we

define ourselves; we often listen to specific songs because we can identify with them,

either from past experience, the present situation, or hope for the future.

Autobiographical memory and music are closely tied and it remains a mystery as to how

they work together.

The main goal of the present study is to provide a thorough analysis and critical

review of literature pertaining to music and autobiographical memory. Through analysis

and review, a theory will be developed that will unite the cognitive, affective, and

physiological implications of how music may elicit and facilitate autobiographical

memory. The purpose of the present theory will be to provide a framework for future

research in the field of music, autobiographical memory, or the interface between the

two.

It will be beneficial to address how the theory relates to professionals and patients

in the field of clinical psychology. As much of our time is spent gathering

5
autobiographical information from our clients on an ongoing basis, anything that can

enhance this process is welcomed. Many of us work through different modalities and it

may be useful to understand how music and autobiographical memory operate from

affective, cognitive, and physiological points of view, while also understanding how they

may operate as a system. Interventions that utilize music can be developed and

implemented in practice to elicit more qualitative or quantitative results during the course

of treatment.

Limitations and Assumptions

The proposed study will begin by reviewing and examining music and

autobiographical memory as separate entities from established cognitive, affective, and

physiological theories. The main theories frequently cited by researchers in these

domains are related to the functioning in frontal and medial temporal lobes

(physiological), arousal and valence (affective), and connectionism or spreading

activation (cognitive). In addition to these theories of how music and autobiographical

memory function separately, research combining the two will also be examined. Research

pertaining to cognitive, affective, and physiological functioning of autobiographical

memory and music separately is vast, whereas research that explores the functioning of

the two together is relatively limited.

Although it is the author’s opinion that music can elicit and facilitate

autobiographical memory, it is not outside the realm of reason that it is the other way

around. In fact, it is highly plausible that the two interact cyclically and music may be the

facilitator under a set of circumstances, whereas autobiographical memory may facilitate

under others. All textual references will be indexed so that others can replicate the

6
process of analyzing the same collection of research. A table of locations and functions

for discussed cortical regions can be found in Appendix A. Appendix B will consist of a

table of locations and functions for discussed neuroanatomical auditory regions.

Definitions

The definitions below are provided to orient those unfamiliar with language

associated with cognition, memory, and music. Many of the definitions will be somewhat

familiar, while others will be provided in the context of their respective cognitive and

musical domains.

Autobiographical memory-recall and recognition of personal incidents and events,

specific time and place, and the ability to travel mentally in time to these incidents and

events (Moss et al., 2003).

Declarative memory-conscious, effortful memory of things such as events and facts

(Squire, 1992).

Episodic memory-autobiographical episodes or specific events including the context of

the experience and the spatial-temporal context. Autobiographical memories are an

example of this type of memory (Moscovitch et al., 2005).

Semantic memory-knowledge of factual information, such as one’s age, place of

residence, what the word “tree” means, etc. (Moss et al., 2003).

Explicit memory-also referred to as declarative memory.

Implicit memory- Memory that refers to non-conscious, automatic, and effortless

learning. This type of memory pertains to the acquisition of skills, especially motor skills

and early stage cognitive skill learning. It is also associated with more primitive

mechanisms, such as conditioning and priming (Squire, 1992).

7
Connectionism- A cognitive theory in which mental phenomena are described by simple

units that form interconnected networks. Connections and units can differ from model to

model. Some units could represent neurons (connections are then synapses), while other

units could be single pieces of information, such as a word, and each connection could be

an indication of phonetic similarity. Connectionism is often referred to as parallel

distributed processing or associationism.

Arousal-overall intensity of a specific mood state (Schmidt & Trainor, 2001).

Valence-overall quality of a mood state, such as happy, sad, anxious, etc. (Schmidt &

Trainor, 2001).

Medial Temporal Lobe (MTL)-brain structure often associated with short-term to long-

term memory consolidation. Related structures include the hippocampus,

parahippocampus, perirhinal cortex, and entorhinal cortex (Squire, 1992).

Melody-overall relation among musical notes (Wright et al., 2000).

Contour-pattern of up and down changes in pitch (Wright et al., 2000).

Pitch-position of sound in a musical scale (Kolb & Whishaw, 2003).

Interval-sequence of pitch distances (Wright et al., 2000).

Timbre-character of sound. Example would be the difference between hearing a

trumphet and piano in the same key (Kolb & Whishaw, 2003).

Significance of the Study

The study will entail a detailed look into the cognitive, affective, and

physiological workings of both autobiographical memory and music to theorize how

music may elicit and facilitate autobiographical memory into a comprehensive rationale.

The study will attempt to delineate a unified theory of how music facilitates

8
autobiographical memory with the hopes that the present theory can provide a framework

for future research in the fields of music, autobiographical memory, or both. Furthermore,

this study will provide insight into the use of musical interventions for mental health

professionals working with patients who are providing and working with

autobiographical information on an ongoing basis. By combining the information

presented in music literature with autobiographical memory literature as they pertain to

cognitive, affective, and physiological domains, the study will provide a complete picture

of how music can elicit and facilitate autobiographical memory.

9
CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Introduction

Theoretical dissertations, by critically reviewing and analyzing previous literature,

question the results and assumptions made by past research. All research is based on

theory and it is these theories which provide a framework for all research. Without a

theory behind research, there is no framework to guide the procedure and give it a

coherent sense of meaning. Theoretical dissertations can also provide an updated and

systematized amalgamate of past theories which set out to unify or clarify previous

notions. The data to be analyzed for this study are previous published writings pertaining

to music and autobiographical memory. A preliminary literature review will provide a

broad outline of the topic, as the ongoing study of the literature itself, along with the

author’s phenomenological experience with music, will serve to alter both the continuing

review and the final presentation itself. Several salient themes have emerged that will

guide the entire study.

This chapter will begin by exploring the physiological bases to both music and

autobiography; a neural substratum gives rise to all subsequent cognitive and affective

experiences within the human being. This section will address where (neuroanatomy) and

how (neurophysiology) autobiographical memories and music are represented in the

cortex. The following section will address the affective, or emotional, components to

autobiographical and musical information. Several theories will be explored with

10
emphasis on how autobiographical memories and music contribute to both valence

(specific emotions, such as anger, sadness, happiness, etc.) and arousal (intensity of

emotion) in regards to affect. Finally, cognitive theories and implications in regards to

music and autobiographical memory will be addressed next, with an added emphasis to

connectionist principles associated with spreading activation and parallel distributed

processing. Each section will end by summarizing the literature and its connection to

autobiographical memory and music. The purpose of this review is to elucidate the

current attempts to characterize autobiographical memory and music from each of the

perspectives mentioned above, while setting up a ground for the development of a unified

theory as to how music facilitates autobiographical memory.

Music plays a very important role in our lives; it is ubiquitous and extremely

powerful. It can remind us of past experiences, increase or decrease our level of

physiological and affective arousal, shift our mood for better or worse, and have an

impact on our ability to pay attention to and remember things in our environment.

Individual differences are the rule, rather than the exception, but one thing remains the

same: our architecture for, our responses to, and our thinking of music interact in a very

complex way. Music itself is quite complex, but our sensation, perception, and response

to music is even more complex.

Autobiographical memory allows us to create a coherent self in relation to self-in-

time and self-with-other-people. We can mentally transport to past events in order to

analyze them so that we can modify current or future behavior. Reminiscing allows us to

evoke strong emotions of past episodes, reconnect with others who are not in our

immediate proximity, share meaningful stories with others, or process emotions that we

11
have not yet worked through. Based on the literature, we have a good understanding of

how music and autobiographical memory work separately, but we have very little

understanding of how they work together or facilitate one another. As autobiographical

memories are often triggered by external cues, it would be worthwhile to understand how

music may act as this trigger.

Physiology, Neuroanatomy and Autobiographical Memory

Autobiographical memory is a form of explicit memory (also known as

declarative memory). This type of memory refers to the conscious recollection of

experience and facts, in which the medial temporal lobe (MTL) is crucial. Explicit

memory is broken down into episodic (autobiographical episodes or memory of specific

events), semantic (knowledge of facts, contents of experience, non-contextual

information), and familiarity (memory of stimuli without conscious recollection).

Research indicates that each of these types of memories may operate under difference

processes, with different neuroanatomical parts playing different roles (Levine et al.,

2004; Moscovitch, et al., 2005).

So far there has been much disagreement in regards to how autobiographical

memories, and memories in general, are stored in the brain. Much of this debate centers

on whether or not the medial temporal lobe (MTL) and hippocampus (Hc) play a time-

limited role in the storage of memories. Autobiographical memory is mainly comprised

of an interactive network of temporal and prefrontal areas (Vanderkerckhove,

Markowitsch, Mertens, & Woermann, 2005). The following lobes are active in the

encoding or retrieval of autobiographical memories: the neocortex, prefrontal lobes

(ventrolateral, dorsolateral, and anterior medial to superior), parietal lobes, temporal

12
lobes (medial, lateral, and anterior), the diencephalons (thalamus and hypothalamus) and,

to a lesser degree, the cerebellum. Each of these areas will be examined in detail. It can

be assumed, unless otherwise specified, that when discussing these regions I am referring

to bilateral functioning, rather than one hemisphere.

The most known area in regards to memory research is the medial temporal lobe.

The aspects of the medial temporal lobe involved in autobiographical memory are the

hippocampus (Hc), parahippocampus (PHc), entorhinal cortex (ER), perirhinal cortex

(PR), and the mammillary bodies. Functional MRI studies demonstrate increased

activation in the right temporal lobe over the left temporal lobe when individuals are

recalling autobiographical memories. The right side Hc is the primary site for personal

episodic memories, whereas the left side Hc is associated with personal semantic

information (Levine et al., 2004). The PR and PHc have 2/3 of their cortical input into the

ER, while the ER has afferent projections to the Hc. The PR, PHc, and ER also have

reciprocal convergent projections from the association areas in the neocortex. Stated

more clearly, the Hc has reciprocal connections to the ER, which has reciprocal

connections to the PHc and PR, which have reciprocal connections to the neocortex

(Squire, 1992). The mammillary bodies and thalamic connections are responsible for

recollections that rely on temporal-spatial information, while the PR and other

connections to the thalamus are responsible for familiarity. Direct projections from the

MTL and diencephalon to the frontal cortices are important for converting memory into

action. Damage to any of these connections can result in a disruption of memory

functioning by a disruption in the exchange of information from the neocortex to the Hc.

13
The major issue with the MTL is whether or not the Hc plays a time limited role

in memory consolidation and storage. Standard consolidation theory states that

information coming in is first registered in the neocortex and working memory. If it is

required to move to short-term or long-term storage, it is then integrated by the

hippocampal complex and associated MTL and diencephalic structures where it forms a

memory trace, which is eventually reorganized and stored long-term in the neocortex. A

time-limited notion of the Hc is supported by lesion studies where individuals have

profound anterograde amnesia and some loss of retrograde amnesia. Older memories tend

to be spared, while more recent memories are unable to be retrieved and new memories

cannot be formed (Squire, 1992). An fMRI study by Niki and Lou (2002) also confirms

the time-limited role of the MTL in autobiographical memory. Nine right-handed

participants aged 20-33 were asked to recall recent and remote memories over 5 years

old. Results supported the temporal gradient for MTL, where those with MTL damage

lose access to recent past memories more than remote past memories, while very remote

past memories stayed intact. Moss, Kopelman, Cappelletti, de Mornay Davies, & Jaldow

(2003) posit that storage from the MTL to the cortex requires roughly 18 months to 2

years, after which time long-term consolidation is achieved in the neocortex. The idea is

that the neocortex supports slow, gradual learning, while the MTL is responsible for fast,

one-trial learning.

Nadel and Moscovitch (1997) proposed an alternative, multiple trace theory

(MTT) as an alternative to the standard consolidation model. According to this theory,

the hippocampal complex (and possibly the diencephalons) rapidly encodes all attended

information and binds neocortical neurons that represent the experience into a memory

14
trace. The hippocampal complex then acts as an index to the neocortex. In this view, the

MTL helps to encode, retain, and retrieve autobiographical memory regardless of how

old the memories are. The MTL is needed for storage and recovery of the memory trace,

with its contribution diminishing until the neocortex can sustain the memory trace and its

retrieval (Moscovitch et al., 2005). Each time an old memory is retrieved, a new trace

mediated by the Hc is created leading to more or stronger representations. This theory is

supported in research by the authors that demonstrated that the Hc was equally active for

recurrent and remote memories.

Relational binding theory, although different than MTT, supports the notion that

the MTL contributes to the access and retrieval of remote memories over time

(Shimamura, 2002). In relational binding theory, cortical connections to the hippocampus

(Hc) that exists at the time of a retrieval cue can be used as associative links to the

retrieval of memories. These links act as shortcuts to new and old memories. After initial

binding, the link can strengthen or decay, depending upon the frequency of the link’s

activation. In this theory, the links from the MTL to the neocortex facilitate interactions

with nearby cells and contribute to the retrieval of remote memories. Relational binding

theory and multiple trace theory both support the idea that the MTL is always required

for the retrieval of any autobiographical memory, whether it is in the remote or recent

past.

To resolve the role of the MTL and the temporal gradient issue of memory,

Moscovitch et al. (2005) go on to propose that episodic, semantic, and familiarity all

operate under different systems within the cortex. Semantic information is coded and

retrieved more widespread in the cortex than autobiographical memory, leading to more

15
numerous and stronger connections. It is also stored separately from the episode in which

it is obtained and is eventually consolidated in the neocortex, not necessarily requiring

the MTL for retrieval; this type of memory can be directly retrieved from the neocortex.

Autobiographical memory and spatial memory require the MTL in order to achieve

successful retrieval. The authors conclude that the MTL is crucial for detailed

experiencing of the past that encompasses both the experiential and spatial aspects of

autobiographical memory, which is supported by Tranel & Jones (2006), who posit a

similar dissociation in cortical processes for knowing when (semantic) and knowing what

(episodic).

Three other areas, the cingulate cortex, cerebellum, and parietal lobes have shown

to play a lesser role in the retrieval of autobiographical memory. The cingulate cortex is

positioned just above the Hc and has been implicated in the processing of spatial content,

attentional modulation to maintain the episodic retrieval mode, and the re-experiencing of

emotions during recollection of the autobiographical memory. The cerebellum has been

implicated in the cognitive and emotional processing of memory, as well as participating

in the initiating and monitoring of the conscious retrieval of episodic memory

(Vandekerckhove et al., 2005). The parietal lobes are also associated with processing

spatial information, mental imagery (where and when an event took place), and

coordinating for movement (Moscovitch et al., 2005; Vandekerckhove et al., 2005).

Research in autobiographical memory is shifting toward understanding the role of

the frontal lobes in autobiographical recall. In another fMRI study of 16 right-handed

healthy women aged 21-32 years of age, Vandekerckhove et al. (2005) found that the

ventrolateral prefrontal cortex (VLPC), dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (DLPC) and

16
anterior medial (AMFC) to superior frontal cortices (SFC) were active during retrieval of

positive, negative, stressful and neutral autobiographical episodes. The VLPC was active

in maintaining the retrieval information in working memory and evaluating the events for

emotional significance. The DLPC is responsible for the monitoring, operating, and

verification of the retrieval representation. Finally, the AMFC and SFC were implicated

in self-referential processing. Other research has supported the notion of the frontal lobes

in the retrieval process of autobiographical memory (McDermott & Buckner, 2002;

Wagner, 2002)

Another fMRI study done by Levine et al. (2004) revealed that the frontal lobes

function as control operators, processing the autobiographical narrative stream in

working memory. Five healthy individuals aged 26-37 were presented with personal

episodic, personal semantic, other episodic, or general semantic stimuli during fMRI

scanning. Results indicated that the left VLPC, right DLPC, and right temporo-parietal

regions were active during personal episodic memory. The left temporo-parietal region

was active during personal semantic information. This study supports the above notion

that semantic and episodic memory are processed differently, as well as providing

evidence for the involvement of the frontal lobes in the retrieval of autobiographical

memory.

The encoding and recall of autobiographical memories are extremely intricate and

complex tasks that require the interconnections between multiple anatomical systems.

From the flow of information through working memory in the frontal lobes, to short- or

long-term storage in the medial temporal lobes, up to long-term storage in the neocortex,

multiple pathways contribute to the formation of autobiographical memories. As

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complicated as the formation of these memories is, the notion of separate types of

memories encoded and stored through different process and in different areas makes the

physiological underpinnings to autobiographical memory even more complex. Retrieval

is even more complex than encoding, involving processes in the frontal and medial

temporal lobes, along with supporting functions from the parietal lobes, cingulate cortex,

diencephalon, and cerebellum. The debate between the temporally graded encoding and

retrieval mechanism in the MTL continues to exist, with some solace in the reconciliation

that both sides are right. Proponents of the classic consolidation theory posit the MTL to

play a time-limited role in the storage of memories; it operates for a short period of time

until the neocortex can take over and sustain the autobiographical memories

independently. Those supporting the notion of multiple trace theory (MTT), stating that

the MTL is always required to retrieve autobiographical memories, point to the

dissociation between episodic and semantic memory; semantic memory, that of facts and

knowledge about oneself, can be consolidated much quicker in the neocortex than

episodic memory, memory of personally experienced events. Regardless, further research

is required to arrive at a consistent and agreeable hypothesis as to the involvement of the

MTL in autobiographical memory. I will now turn to the physiological elements involved

in musical processing.

Physiology, Neuroanatomy and Music

The origins and adaptive significance of music continue to be a mystery. Darwin

could not discover or discern any adaptive purpose for music, even though it persisted in

the evolutionary cycle and has existed as long as man (Hauser & McDermott, 2003).

Many different areas of the brain respond to the perceptual and emotional aspects of

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music and musical appreciation appears to be innate (Weinberger, 2004). Music is

thought to have developed much the same as language, having a biological basis in which

the brain functionally organizes music. Music is universal across cultures, although its

evolutionary purpose remains a mystery. Music, unless otherwise specified, refers to non-

lyrical productions, such as those most often associated with classical pieces. Lyrical

music would entail the same processes as non-lyrical pieces, with the addition of specific

language centers, such as Wernicke’s (semantic processing) and Broca’s (syntactical

processing) area, being activated and involved (Levitin, 2006).

Tonal melodies have even shown to influence nonhuman primates, further

suggesting an evolutionary basis for music (Hauser & McDermott, 2003). Humans are

also able to demonstrate preference for consonant versus dissonant chords by 16 weeks

old! Infants are sensitive to musical properties, this being evident through our current

cultural use of music in utero (Krumhansl, 2002). It seems evident, then, that music has a

strong biological basis and has an adaptive purpose. Music can regulate and influence

emotions, call attention from one group member to another, and communicate aggression.

Humans have even demonstrated cross-cultural abilities to judge emotions elicited by

music in others (Hauser & McDermott, 2003). Music must, therefore, serve a significant

and highly diverse function in human existence.

Once sound enters the ear and strikes the eardrum, it vibrates and amplifies the

sound wave as it goes to the cochlea. Hair cells that leave the cochlea form the major part

of the auditory nerve, which projects to the medulla in the lower brainstem, and synapses

with either the cochlear nuclei or the superior olivary nucleus. These nerves terminate in

the inferior colliculus, where two distinct pathways emerge. These two pathways go to

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the dorsal and ventral mediate geniculate bodies. The ventral region projects to the

primary auditory cortex, which is connected to the secondary auditory regions. The dorsal

region projects directly to the secondary auditory regions (for a review, see Kolb &

Whishaw, 2003).

Unlike autobiographical memory, an asymmetry exists within the auditory

system. Both hemispheres receive projections from each ear, but the right hemisphere is

more involved in music processing, while the left hemisphere is related to language

processing. Music is most closely associated with temporal lobe functioning; the left

temporal lobe (LTL) mainly processes temporal resolution (speed and frequency

information), while the right temporal lobe (RTL) mainly processes spectral resolution

(pitch and melodic information). Most of the cortex responsible for auditory functions is

located in the temporal lobe (Samson, 1999). Again, there is some overlap of functioning

within each hemisphere, but the majority of musical processing takes place in the right

temporal lobe (Kolb & Whishaw, 2003). Evidence also exists pointing to the role of the

cerebellum in motor learning, error detection, and sensory integration in regards to

musical processing (Penhune, Zatorre, & Evans, 1998). Paralimbic changes have also

been documented in relation to the pleasantness of music (Schmidt & Trainor, 2001).

Schonwiesner, Rubsamen, & Yves von Cramon (2005) examined 19 right-

handed, healthy, 22-30 year olds with a functional MRI (fMRI) in order to ascertain the

locations that process complex sounds in the cerebral hemispheres. Participants were

exposed to acoustic stimuli of varying temporal and spectral complexities. Results

indicated that the asymmetrical processing of complex sounds does not depend upon

semantic, but rather acoustic stimulus characteristics. Results demonstrated that the left

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superior temporal gyrus, located on the left temporal lobe, was responsible for temporal

modulation, while the right superior temporal gyrus was involved in spectral modulation.

These results support the notion that the left temporal lobe processes temporal acoustic

information, whereas the right temporal lobe processes the more complex melodic, pitch,

and timbre information.

The primary auditory cortex, also known as A1 or Brodmann’s area 41, is buried

directly beneath the Sylvian fissure (separates temporal lobe from frontal and parietal

lobes). The secondary auditory cortex exists directly below the primary auditory cortex

on the temporal lobe. The primary auditory cortex is involved in melodic discrimination,

whereas the secondary association areas are involved in the short-term retention of pitch

information. Although the right temporal lobe predominates in musical perception, higher

level melodic processing involves both temporal lobes (Samson, 1999). The medial

temporal lobe (MTL) is also involved in the long-term retention of unfamiliar tunes.

Zatorre (1999) examined the brains of 12 non-musicians using positron emission

tomography (PET) scans, which provides a correlate of brain activity by measuring

cerebral blood flow (CBF). The participants were exposed to noise bursts and melodies.

Cerebral blood flow increased in the right superior temporal gyrus and right secondary

auditory cortices while participants were exposed to melodies. The left temporal gyrus

also showed increased CBF, but it was much weaker than in the right temporal lobe. The

right frontal lobe also demonstrated an increase in CBF, due to its responsibility for

effecting pitch comparisons and serving as an executive music function; the right frontal

lobe is necessary for maintaining pitch information in working memory and monitoring

tones in temporal order. The author concludes that the primary auditory cortex is

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involved in early stage processing of musical stimuli (computation of pitch, duration,

intensity, and spatial location), while the secondary auditory cortex is responsible for

extracting temporal patterns of auditory stimuli.

Alfredson, Risberg, Hagber, and Gustafson (2004) examined the role that

emotionally significant music plays in right temporal lobe activation. Twelve right-

handed, healthy participants with a mean age of 70 selected a piece of music that was

emotionally significant to them. The significant music was then compared to standard

music and silence while regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF) measurements were made.

Results indicate that when emotionally significant music is played, rCBF increases in the

right temporal lobe (TL) and decreases in the right prefrontal cortex (PFC). The authors

conclude that through the recognition of melody, “memories of facts and events linked to

the emotional experience are probably evoked” (p.165).

An interesting study by Schmidt and Trainor (2001) attempted to discover what

role frontal brain activity played in regards to emotion. Their findings indicated that

increased left frontal activity was related to joy and happiness, while right frontal activity

was associated with fear and sadness. As left frontal activity increased, so did approach-

related tendencies. Also, right frontal activity decreased upon exposing a group of

depressed adolescents to rock music. Finally, increased overall frontal activity led to

increased overall intensity of emotional experiences of any kind. It may be possible, then,

to select specific types of music to induce or enhance certain types of emotional

experience via the increase in localized brain activity.

Comparisons are often made between speech and music processing, as they are

both composed of sequential events in time (temporal patterns), operate under rule-based

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systems, are indigenous to humans, and require specific knowledge (Besson, 1999;

Penhune, Zatorre, & Evans, 1998). The main difference is that in speech, an individual

engages in semantic processing in order to access the meaning of what is being said,

whereas in music an individual engages in melodic and harmonic processing, which

supports the notion of the left temporal lobe’s specialization in speech perception and

temporal perception for rhythmic stimuli, whereas the right temporal lobe is involved in

processing more complex acoustic stimuli (Penhune, Zatorre, & Evans, 1998). It could be

assumed, then, that lyrical pieces would actively engage both temporal lobes in the

processing of both complex auditory and speech-related information.

I find that music serves numerous evolutionary purposes. For example, an

individual who becomes depressed will tend to isolate themselves from others, which is

not adaptive and this individual may eventually perish alone. Through the use of music

the individual could regulate negative affect and engage in approach-related behaviors,

which is due to the fact that adults who are more social have increased frontal brain

activity. Music facilitates frontal activity, possibly also facilitating pro-social behavior

(Schmidt & Trainor, 2001). The individual can rejoin society and has successfully

enhanced his or her chances for survival.

Although not as complex as autobiographical memory encoding and retrieval,

musical processing is complex in its own way. Musical processing involves numerous

areas of the brain, much like autobiographical memory. The right and left temporal lobes

are the home of the primary auditory cortices, with the right playing a much bigger role

than the left. The auditory association areas are also located in the temporal lobes and

play a role in pitch processing. The frontal lobes are involved in the affective processing

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of musical information, while the cerebellum works to integrate acoustic sensory

information. The medial temporal lobes (MTL) are also involved in long-term memory of

specific melodies. As with autobiographical memory, many distinct brain regions

contribute to the perception and processing of musical stimuli.

Affective Components of Autobiographical Memory

It is without question that remembering episodes from our past can elicit strong

emotions within us. A prime source of our security and self-esteem arise from our

autobiographical memories (Foster & Valentine, 2001). Autobiographical memories are

often triggered by external cues, such as sights, sounds and particular episodic

experiences. These memories can also be triggered by other autobiographical memories,

creating a chain of events that can be linked together. As we remember these situations,

the emotions that accompanied them are often present and are often the triggers for

further elaboration and vividness. Reminiscing provides us with the opportunity to travel

back into our past, a past where we remember specific events and episodes that may have

evoked strong emotions within us. Our personality, as well as our age, influences the way

we remember past episodes.

Alea, Bluck, and Semegon (2004) state that “[m]uch of our emotional experience

in everyday life is related to remembered events and experience” (p.248). They explain

emotions as existing on two levels: the valence, or specific type, of emotion (i.e. sad,

angry, anxious, fearful, etc.) and the intensity, or overall arousal level, of the emotion.

The valence of emotion consists of the frequency of experiencing positive or negative

emotions, as well as the frequency of experiencing discrete emotions themselves. The

intensity consists of the overall, or general, intensity of the emotion, as well as the

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specific intensity of the discrete emotion. The above authors conducted a study in which

they examined the impact that autobiographical memories had on older and younger

adults. Fifty-six younger adults and 37 older adults were asked to recall the outcome of

the O.J. Simpson trial according to their personal memory of their own reactions before,

during and after the verdict, as well as to report the events on television before, during

and after the verdict. They then reported their intensity and frequency of emotions related

to the event. The results indicated that the older adults had increased salience of

emotional experience, focused on negative emotions, and experienced them with more

intensity. A specific event may not have had the emotional valence or intensity required

to bring out a reaction among the younger cohort. The authors stated that

autobiographical remembering can be a means of emotional expression and it is possible

to use autobiographical memory to assess emotions.

A study conducted by Kennedy, Mather, and Carstensen (2004) found a positivity

effect in older adults who remembered past events. A positivity effect refers to the bias of

remembering past events more emotionally positive or satisfying. In 1987, the authors

gave a questionnaire to 862 nuns that required the participants to report autobiographical

information. An emotional questionnaire also accompanied the biographical

questionnaire. Fourteen years later, 300 nuns were contacted and randomly assigned to an

accuracy-focused, emotionally-focused, or control condition. The accuracy-focused

condition consisted of a questionnaire that prompted the participants to try and remember

the autobiographical events as accurately as possible; the emotionally-focused condition

prompted the participants on how they were feeling while answering the questions; and

the control condition asked the participants to answer the questions as they did 14 years

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earlier. Results indicated that those who were focused on mood showed more positive

and less negative moods than their accuracy counterparts. The data was then analyzed

comparing the youngest controls versus the oldest controls. The authors concluded that

older adults remember past events more emotionally positive compared to younger

adults. They explain that this is due to older adults’ motivation to regulate their current

emotional experience, especially in a positive manner.

Another study conducted by Comblain, D’Argembeau, and Van der Linden

(2005) examined the phenomenal characteristics of autobiographical memories for

emotional and neutral events in older and younger adults. Forty younger adults (ages 17-

31) and forty older adults (ages 59-71) were given a questionnaire in which they were to

recall 6 personal experiences in the past 5 years that were at least 6 months old. Two of

the memories were to be positive, two negative, and two neutral in emotional valence.

Results indicated that positive and negative events were reported more vividly and had

more detail than neutral events, and were equal in vividness when compared to each

other. The ability to recall spatial locations of objects and people was highest for positive

and negative events. Interestingly, the storylines were more complex for negative events.

Older adults tended to remember events more positively and the authors conclude that

this is due to the older adults’ increased ability to regulate their emotional states. These

results could also point to the fact that older adults are more distanced from their

memories, have memories with less detail, and may have a positive bias. The authors also

concluded that younger adults may extract more negative information from negative

events in order to handle them better in the future, which supports the notion that

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autobiographical memories that are high in emotion serve to inform our present situation

and can lead to the modification of behavior in the here-and-now.

Memories that are close or more recent have an increased emotional connection,

which is especially true for young people, allowing for an increased connection with

one’s past. Positive or negative emotional meaning can influence the phenomenal

characteristics of autobiographical memory, leading to increased sensory and contextual

details compared to those that are neutral. From the above study, it can be seen that,

although the phenomenal characteristics of autobiographical memories may be similar in

younger and older adults, older adults tend to reappraise negative events in a positive

light. The authors concluded that emotional well being tends to remain stable and may

even enhance with ageing. Older adults are also more likely to focus on the emotional

aspects of autobiographical memories, especially since the positive emotions tend to be

more valued with age (Comblain et al., 2005).

Cue words have been demonstrated to be effective in generating autobiographical

memories of specific episodes. Andersson, Boethius, Svirsky, and Carlberg (2006)

examined the ability of cue words to elicit autobiographical memory in 31

psychotherapists, 10 teachers of the disabled and 9 music therapists. Four cue words were

presented (ashamed, elated, irritating, loving) and participants were asked to recall

episodes from therapy and rate importance of the episode on the outcome of therapy.

Results indicated that the cue words increased the specificity of recalled episodes and

those events associated with the cue words loving, irritating, and elated were more

important in the outcome of therapy. The authors concluded that positive

autobiographical memories are easier to recall and have more vivid details than neutral or

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negative memories. It is important to note that this finding may stand true for adults and

older adults, but contradicts the Comblain et al., study. Regardless, as the emotional

valence increases, the emotional episodes are more likely to stand out and be remembered

more vividly, supporting the idea of using external cues to elicit autobiographical

memories.

Personality style also impacts the encoding and access to personal memories.

Dickson & Bates (2005) examined autobiographical retrieval of 166 undergraduate

students with different personality styles. The participants were given anxiety, depression

and social measures and then performed an autobiographical memory and a future event

task. The authors then selected words from each participant’s autobiographical memory

and future event task for cues. Once presented with the cues, the participants were to give

a written response to the cues. Results indicated that those who had a repressive

personality style selectively accessed personal memories and future events that were

relatively free of unpleasant or painful experiences. The authors concluded that the

encoding of an aversive situation may be less elaborate in this personality style, due to

decreased associational links that can disrupt retrieval of specific events. It could also be

postulated that the links are present, just inaccessible. It may be possible, through the use

of some other external stimuli, to stimulate these connections and allow for the

processing and reorganization of the experience.

Autobiographical memories are often recalled in accordance with their valence

and intensity of emotion. Recent autobiographical events have a stronger emotional

connection and it is often easier to associate the accompanying emotions with a more

recent episode. Results of autobiographical memories, emotion, and ageing are mixed,

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with some stating that older adults tend to reminisce in a positive manner, while others

show that this is just the opposite. Older adults tend to focus on the emotional aspects of

memories and may tend to remember events in a positive light. Younger adults tend to

remember more negative events; this may serve to alter behavior in the future.

Personality style may influence the ability to recall autobiographical memories, as those

with repressive styles tend to not remember aversive situations. Finally, the use of cue

words has demonstrated a unique ability to elicit autobiographical memories.

Affective Components of Music

Emotions are an important determinant in the neuronal activation of music.

Emotionally arousing music can decrease the frequency of agitated behavior, encourage

those with movement disorders to move and increase overall self-esteem (Alfredson et

al., 2004). Music and emotion, as well as music and speech, play a vital role in early

emotional communication. Each person has their own sensitivity level to music and the

experience of pleasure from music is result of how it changes as a function of time

(Jeong, Joung, & Kim, 1998). Music has demonstrated an ability to increase the sleep

quality in older adults with sleep-related complaints through its relaxing qualities (Lai &

Good, 2005). Music has even demonstrated an ability to trigger peak experiences in many

individuals (Lowis, 2002). I will now turn to how music works to elicit its mood altering

qualities.

We have already discussed how positive, fearful and sad music can increase left

and right frontal lobe activity, respectively (Schmidt & Trainor, 2001). Music also has a

profound impact on our autonomic nervous system. When music is experienced as sad,

large changes have been documented in heart rate, blood pressure, skin conductance, and

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temperature. Music that is experienced as fearful elicits its largest change in blood transit

time and amplitude. Finally, music that is experienced as happy elicits a large change in

respiration. Schmidt and Trainor (2001) stated that “music is known to be a powerful

elicitor of emotion” (p.491). Music has the ability to alter both the valence and intensity

of emotional experience.

The cortex is a highly nonlinear, chaotic system. Distinct cortical states have

distinct chaotic dynamics. Jeong, Joung, & Kim (1998) examined the way in which the

emotional responses to music are reflected in the electrical activities of the cortex. Ten

participants ages 7-26 were presented with different sequences (Hertz) of musical notes

(flat, somewhat variable, extremely variable) while an electroencephalogram (EEG)

measured the activity in their brains. Results indicated that music is aesthetically

interesting if it has a balanced mixture between recognition and surprise. Musical

sequences that are flat and easily learned become boring, while those that are

unpredictable and extremely variable are irritating. Rhythmic variations were found to

contribute to the positive response to music more so than melodic variations. As pleasure

resulting from the music increased, electrical chaos in the brain decreased. The synchrony

of music that evokes pleasure may also be said to sync the brain.

Tempo has been shown to influence the arousal dimension of mood. In a series of

studies, Balch & Lewis (1996) examined the influence that tempo (fast or slow), type of

music (classical or jazz), recall context (same context, different tempo, different type of

music), and timbre (brass or piano) had on mood. The first experiment consisted of 168

undergraduate students who were presented a list of words under a specific condition

(tempo, type of music, recall context), presented distraction music, and then alternated

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the condition at recall. The second experiment consisted of 128 undergraduate students

who underwent the same procedure, with the context condition eliminated and a timbre

condition added. The third experiment examined 64 undergraduate students under the

same procedure as experiment 2, with the participants rating their mood on valence and

intensity. Finally, the fourth experiment examined 48 undergraduate students with the

same procedure as experiment 2, this time using only the brass timbre and alternating the

tempo. Results indicate that tempo alone has the ability to impact the arousal, or

intensity, level of mood. Individuals who were exposed to fast tempo experienced an

increase in arousal. The authors concluded the series of studies by also stating that “old

songs bring back associated memories” (p.1362). It may be the intensity component of

mood that may be responsible for triggering autobiographical memories. Alternately, it

may be music’s ability to influence both the intensity and valence components of mood

that leads to the triggering of autobiographical memories. More studies examining music,

mood, and autobiographical memories are necessary to understand this complex

relationship.

Lai & Good (2005) investigated the impact that music had on sleep-related

problems in older adults. Sixty older adults, ages 60-83, were given a choice between 6

types of sedative music. Each participant then listened to the sedative music for 45

minutes at bedtime for 3 weeks. Results indicated increases in global sleep quality and

individual components (perceived sleep quality, sleep latency, sleep efficiency, and

decreased daytime dysfunction) of sleep quality. The authors attribute the increases in

sleep quality to the relaxation induced by the music which ultimately reduced circulating

noradrenaline in the body.

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Peak experiences, often associated with Abraham Maslow (1962), refer to

experiences that cause perceptions of absorption with the environment, being “one” with

the environment, total involvement, or “flow” of being. A study pertaining to peak

experiences by Lowis (2002) examined 102 staff members from a university. Participants

filled out a series of questionnaires examining musical involvement and reactions to

music. There were no significant differences as to demographics of gender, age, or

education. Peak experiences are associated with strong physical and emotional reaction,

accompanied by a cognitive appraisal of the music or situation. Music is the most

frequently cited antecedent to peak experiences, with the overall reaction being that

music reminded individuals of things from the past. The author concluded that music and

memory are often associated by earlier experiences and the music that accompanied

them. Music could act as a trigger to a past experience, eliciting emotions or vivid

experiences that were originally associated with a specific song or style of music.

Music has the ability to elicit a wide range of emotions through various affective

and physiological mechanisms. It can alter the autonomic nervous system, changing heart

rate, blood pressure, skin conductance, and respirations. Music that is balanced in

complexity can evoke strong feelings of well-being and happiness, while music that is too

complex or not complex enough can be irritating or boring. The tempo of the musical

piece influences the arousal dimension of mood, possibly intensifying or reducing a pre-

existing emotional state. Music has the ability to trigger peak experiences in people,

mainly by evoking memories of the past. Finally, music has demonstrated its ability to

work as a sedative in older adults who were experiencing sleep problems. Music has a

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profound impact on our affective states, having the ability to arouse us for better or

worse.

Cognitive Components of Autobiographical Memory

If it has not already, it will become evident that the physiological, affective and

cognitive processes of autobiographical memory overlap. The physiological substratum

provides the basis in which the affective and cognitive components come to be. The

cognitive components are often interrelated with, or dependent upon, the affective

components. The purpose of this section is to provide an overview and critique of some

of the literature that is more focused on the cognitive components of autobiographical

memory. By the end, it will be evident that, although the cognitive components can be

described in isolation from the affective and physiological components, it is almost

impossible to abstract them from their counterparts.

A commonly known model in cognitive psychology and science, as well as

neuroscience, is that of connectionism. In the early 20th century, Edward Thorndike was

conducting experiments on learning that posited a connectionist type network.

Thorndike’s work was heavily debated at the time, mainly by Edward Tolman (Tolman,

1936). During the 1940s and 1950s, this model was also advocated by researchers such as

Donald Hebb and Karl Lashley. I will now provide a brief overview of the common

connectionist model.

The central principle in connectionism is that mental phenomena can be described

by simple units that form interconnected networks. Connections and units can differ from

model to model. Some units could represent neurons (connections are then synapses),

while other units could be single pieces of information, such as a word, and each

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connection could be an indication of phonetic similarity. In regards to this particular

dissertation, I will focus on units representing neurons (or groups of neurons) and

connections representing synapses (or groups of synapses). Networks of neurons change

over time. Spreading activation refers to the unit’s activation spreading to all other units

connected to it. The more frequent a connection is activated, the stronger this connection

gets and the greater the likelihood it will spread to adjacent connections, which, in turn,

increases the likelihood of activation of more and more networks within the unit.

Basically, the unit and the connection represent a basic stimulus-response (S-R)

relationship, with the addition of spreading activation that allows for more complex and

continuous connections throughout the network.

One of the problems often associated with connectionism is that of activation and

inhibition. If spreading activation does occur and the cortex is entirely interconnected,

than what is to stop a stimulus from setting off activation of the entire cortex? Raffone &

van Leeuwen (2001) propose a synchronization model of connectionism and spreading

activation. These authors state that the synchrony between two neurons is a transitive

relationship, that is, if B’s firing is synchronized to A’s firing, then A’s firing is also

synchronized to B’s firing. The model posits a bidirectional excitational connection

between neurons with inhibitory connections between nodes that are mutually exclusive.

The notion of temporal coding also plays a role, as action potentials of neurons coding

the features of the same object are synchronized, while being actively desynchronized

from neurons coding features of other objects. In sum, synchronization of specific

neurons or sets of neurons, along with inhibitory connections between these sets, allows

for spreading activation that does not infiltrate the entire cortex, which could explain how

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autobiographical memories are represented as specific temporal episodes that begin

(activation), unfold (spreading activation), and end (inhibition). It could also account for

the triggering of related episodes when remembering a single autobiographical memory.

Long-term potentiation (LTP) also influences the ways in which connections

(synapses) are made between neurons (units). Long-term potentiation states that if a pre-

synaptic neuron is stimulated and fires, and the synapse is active when the post-synaptic

neuron is active, the synapse will be strengthened (Gazzaniga, Ivry, & Mangun, 1998).

Later stimulus will increase the post-synaptic responses. The aforementioned is true if

more than one input is active at the same time (cooperativity), weaker inputs are

potentiated when co-occurring with stronger inputs (association), and only the stimulated

synapse shows potentiation (specificity), which is in agreement with basic connectionistic

principles and is also in line with the connectionist theory of Raffone & Van Leeuwen

above.

Involuntary recall of autobiographical memories occurs routinely throughout the

day. These memories are often triggered by external cues in our environment, such as

language, sensory or perceptual experiences, activities or actions and specific moods or

bodily states (Mace, 2005). Thoughts, which are internal cues, are also capable of

triggering autobiographical memories. These internal or external cues prime the retrieval

of autobiographical memories. Mace (2005) goes on to state that thinking “about the past

could cause spreading activation to occur throughout a network of related memories”

(p.875). As the activation is more frequent over time, it becomes stronger, and more

autobiographical memories can come into conscious awareness. A series of studies

conducted by the above author examined the impact of cues on autobiographical memory

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in 16 university faculty, staff and undergraduate students. Participants wrote in a diary in

which they were to note the memory, date, retrieval cue, thoughts prior to the memory,

and activity prior to the memory. Results indicated that 92% of the memories reported

had identifiable cues. Thirty percent of the memories were preceded by a thought, 31%

by speech, 27% by sensory or perceptual experiences, and 4% by mood or bodily

experiences. The author concludes that retrieval is not entirely random and that there is

most likely an associative priming effect from external or internal cues in regards to

autobiographical memories.

Autobiographical memories often become reorganized or even fictionalized to fit

schema, or framework, demands. The temporal, spatial, and causal schema in which a

memory is recalled can have a significant impact on the output of an autobiographical

memory. Radvansky, Copeland, & Zwaan (2005) investigated the structure of narrative

and autobiographical memories in 24 undergraduate students. Participants read a book

and were then submitted to a recall test and a recognition test. In the recall condition, 10

episodes were asked to be recalled forward, backward, or from a central point. In the

recognition test, participants had to discern 3 incorrect and 3 correct details from the

original 10 episodes. Results indicated that the temporal sequence of events is important,

as individuals recalled episodes much faster in the forward recall condition and supports

the notion of spreading activation, as remembering a single episode from the starting

point tends to initiate a cascade that unfolds the event until its end.

Cognitive control processes that modulate the construction of autobiographical

memories rely on underlying physiological processes and neuroanatomical regions.

Conway, et al. (1999) examined the PET scans of 6 young, healthy, right-handed

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individuals under a rest condition, paired association recall task, and a recent (12 mo) and

remote (15 years or older) autobiographical memory task. Results indicated that the left

frontal lobe was active in both autobiographical conditions, while the hippocampus was

active in all conditions. Activation shifted from the left frontal lobe to the right frontal,

temporal, and occipital lobes once the memory was retrieved. The authors set forth two

different mechanisms in the retrieval of autobiographical memories. Generative retrieval

requires a retrieval template in which the search process is provided with increasingly

more elaborate or specific cues that focus or localize the activation. A stable pattern of

activation is eventually achieved. Direct retrieval occurs when a single cue leads to the

activation of a single item that spreads to associated events and lifetime period. They

concluded that generative retrieval is processed in the left frontal lobe, whereas direct

retrieval occurs in the right frontal, temporal and occipital lobes. Generative retrieval

begins in the left frontal lobe when recalling an autobiographical memory; once this

memory is recalled, the right frontal, temporal and occipital lobes maintain the memory.

The authors mention that the role of the left frontal lobe is that of the “working self”. The

working self is responsible for part of the cognitive control process in autobiographical

memory.

The goals of the self play a role in the encoding and retrieval of autobiographical

memory. Autobiographical memories that are high in self-relevance at encoding are

easier to retrieve. Memories are often remembered in accordance with our working-self’s

current goals. Conway and Holmes (2004) examined the relationship between

autobiographical memories and Erikson’s psychosocial stages. Fifty participants, ages

62-89, wrote autobiographical memories in 7 decade increments (0-9, 10-19, etc. up to

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60+). These memories were then coded according to Erikson’s psychosocial stages.

Results indicated that autobiographical memories were related to the psychosocial stages,

while memory for events during the ages of 10-30 accounted for over 35% of the

memories. The authors attribute this to the abundance of self-relevant events during this

time period, as well as the development of an enduring and stable sense of self. The

authors also concluded that the goals of the working self mediate the encoding of new

experiences and when a goal is active in the working self, it influences how and what

information is retained. Current goals can therefore selectively trigger specific

autobiographical memories, making one’s current situation a potential trigger for

autobiographical memories. It is also important to realize that the individual’s current

notion of their self will impact how they retrieve and perceive their past memories.

Autobiographical memory is an interaction of personal temporality, self-agency,

self-reflection and self-ownership (Klein, German, Cosmides, & Gabriel, 2004). We

transform our memorial representations of our self into autobiographical memories. The

self is constructed out of the memories of past experience, the ability to recall these

experiences and one’s present self-awareness. The above authors also stated that the

capacity for self-reflection, sense of personal agency and ability to think of time as

unfolding are all necessary cognitive components in order to achieve episodic retrieval.

Individual differences in cognitive style, age, personality and overall functioning

can impact the accurate retrieval of autobiographical memories. Autobiographical

memories can vary each time they are recalled, especially for episodes that are not

frequently rehearsed. Anderson, Cohen, & Taylor (2000) investigated the variability of

autobiographical memories in a series of experiments that examined the effects of age,

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the age of the memory and the memory characteristics. Results indicated that older

memories are more schematized with less detail, therefore increasing their stability over

time. Older adults had more stable recollections, while younger adults had more specific

details. The authors concluded that older adults tend to access precompiled and

reproduced memories, whereas their younger counterparts engage in a slower, more

dynamic process in which memories are constructed at the time of retrieval, which could

also explain why current goals influence autobiographical memories so much, especially

for younger adults who are in specific psychosocial stages that pull for goal completion.

The theory of connectionism, along with associative priming, spreading

activation, temporal coding, and long-term potentiation, provides an excellent cognitive

model for explaining the processes of autobiographical encoding and retrieval. Cognitive

control processes, mediated by the frontal lobes, engage and sustain autobiographical

retrieval mechanisms. The stability of autobiographical memories over time depends

upon numerous factors related to age of the person, age of the memory, motivation for

the memory and the interaction of current goals with past memories. It is clear that,

although autobiographical memory can be conceptualized from a purely cognitive

standpoint, there are many underlying physiological and affective components that

contribute to the richness of autobiographical encoding and retrieval.

Cognitive Components of Music

As with autobiographical memory, the cognitive components of music are often

interrelated with the affective components. It is often the case that the affective

components mediate the cognitive components; music influences one’s arousal level

according to how they feel, which impacts the ability to engage in specific cognitive

39
processes. Music is one of the most complex cognitive functions (Zatorre, 1999).

Personality factors, such as being introverted or extraverted, affect the ability engage in

cognitive tasks while music is present. Music has been demonstrated as an effective

component in the treatment of cognitive impairments and stroke, often seen as a means to

facilitate cognitive processes. Individuals who are highly involved with music, or are

musicians, tend to show increase brain volume in specific regions of the cortex,

suggesting that music can facilitate plasticity and increase synaptic connections

throughout the brain. Finally, music can be a mnemonic or associational device that can

facilitate, or trigger, recall of other information stored in the cortex.

Introverts and extraverts show a differential preference for music, especially in

relation to performing cognitive tasks while music is playing. Furnham & Bradley (1997)

investigated 20 undergraduate students (10 extraverts, 10 introverts) under quiet and

music conditions while taking a memory test and a reading comprehension test. Results

indicated that immediate recall was no different between the two personality types and

both performed marginally lower under the music condition. Overall, introverts were

affected more by the music condition and performed worse than extraverts. The authors

conclude that music is more of a distraction, than a facilitator, on cognitive tasks and that

it’s most notable impact is seen in attention and recall of information (this is especially

true for introverts, due to their presumed lower level of optimal arousal). It may be

plausible, under the right musical stimulus conditions, that music could facilitate these

processes as well. Individuals who are performing rather mundane or boring tasks may

benefit from the extra musical stimulus in the background. Music could raise their arousal

40
level into a more optimal range and enhance their attention to the task at hand (Olivers &

Nieuwenhuis, 2005).

The rhythm or melody of music is one of its most recognized and notable

qualities, which is interesting, as our speech patterns and other activity patterns, such as

walking, working, or even our hobbies, are often performed in a methodical and

rhythmical manner. Schauer & Mauritz (2003) decided to investigate the application of

music to stroke rehabilitation. Twenty-three stroke patients were equipped with sensory

insoles in their shoes that detected the ground contact of their heels. The shoes were

hooked up to a portable digital music player. These participants underwent musical motor

feedback (MMF) training 5 days a week, 20 minutes a day, for 5 sessions. Each time their

heel would hit the ground, they would receive musical feedback through headphones.

Results indicated that MMF increased overall stride execution by acting as an external

synchrony cue. The authors conclude that rhythmic music enhances gait training in stroke

patients by replacing the patient’s pace information with movement feedback information

in a musical context (the patients adapted their gait to the interval between musical

beats). This finding is also interesting in that the majority of stroke patients were affected

on their left side, resulting in right side weakness, which suggests that both hemispheres,

via the corpus collosum, are able to reorganize with the aid of musical stimuli.

Music is often combined with pre-existing forms of treatment to add as an adjunct

or secondary treatment. Capodieci, Pinelli, Zara, Gamberini, & Riva (2001) examined the

use of music along with virtual reality in the rehabilitation of cognitive processes and

functional abilities. A 65-year-old female who was experiencing increasing difficulty in

memory-related cognitive processes was provided with virtual reality experiences alone,

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as well as those with music. She would listen to stories, alternated with virtual reality

experiences for two weeks. After this, she was exposed to stories with background music,

as well as virtual reality with background music. Results indicated that she showed an

improved clinical condition that was confirmed by her performance of various

neuropsychological tests. She was also able to maintain these results at 3-month follow-

up. The large drawback of this study is that it is unclear whether or not music alone

facilitated the enhancement of her cognitive functioning. The music and virtual reality are

confounded in this particular experiment. Further research comparing music and virtual

reality in cognitive rehabilitation are needed in order to discern the effectiveness each

has.

Individuals suffering from dementia often complain of numerous cognitive

problems, especially those involving memory. The biggest obstacle faced by individuals

with dementia is the inability to learn new things, especially new episodic memories.

Foster & Valentine (2001) investigated the role that music plays in autobiographical

recall in individuals suffering from dementia. Twenty-nine participants with dementia

were asked to answer autobiographical memory questions from three life eras (remote,

medium-remote, and recent) in familiar music, novel music, cafeteria noise and quite

conditions. Results indicated that recall was better in all three sound conditions,

especially for familiar music, compared to the quite condition, and older memories were

remembered best. The authors concluded that music can act as a stimulant or tranquilizer,

as well as increase social activity, mood and autobiographical recall. They attributed this

to the ability of music to facilitate arousal or attention and operate as an associative

facilitator of autobiographical memories.

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Many of our schools use melody as a context for learning other material. We have

songs for the alphabet, songs to remember the 50 states and even songs to remember

body parts. Wallace (1994) examined the role that melody plays in learning and recall of

information. Sixty-four undergraduate students were exposed to 3-verse ballads, either

sung or spoken for 1, 2, and 5 repetitions. The participants were then asked to recall the

words two minutes after completion of the sung or spoken condition. Results indicated

that verbatim recall of the words increased in the sung condition. The author concluded

that melody acts as a context that can facilitate the recall of information accompanying it.

Music chunks words and phrases, identifies line lengths, identifies stress patterns in

speech and adds emphasis. The author also concluded that melody and text may cue each

other, acting as an associative network, and could be the case for melody and

autobiographical memory as well.

The type of music, as well as the personality of the individual, also impacts

cognitive task performance. Hallam, Price, & Katsarou (2002) investigated the impact

calm, arousing, and no music had on 10-12 year olds’ performance on arithmetic and

memory tasks. Thirty participants were exposed to quiet, arousing/aggressive, or calm

music while they completed math problems or recalled words from a sentence. Results

indicated that calm and relaxing music increased the number of math problems completed

and amount of material remembered. The authors also had the participants read story

excerpts and choose an ending, either altruistic or aggressive. Participants listening to

calm music demonstrated more pro-social behavior than those listening to arousing or

aggressive music. It is possible that specific music could be used as a means to promote

desired behaviors, as well as enhance cognitive performance. The authors conclude that

43
music mediates arousal and mood rather than cognition directly and attests to the close

and often inseparable relationship between affect and cognition in regards to musical

processing.

Radio and television commercials are almost always accompanied by background

music. Commercials today often utilize music, either in the form of a song or an artist, as

the main selling point of a product. Yalch (1991) examined the impact that music has on

memory in 103 undergraduate students. Half of the participants were presented with

slogans and music, while the other half was exposed only to the slogans. Results

indicated that those participants exposed to music had better memory for the slogans. The

author concluded that music can act as a mnemonic aid that creates an elaborate network

of associations that facilitate memory retrieval, while also accelerating the learning

process. It does seem that music can act as a facilitator, rather than a distractor, under

certain conditions and with certain types of people.

Musicians and non-musicians process musical information, such as contour and

interval, automatically in the auditory cortex. Fujioka, Trainor, Ross, Kakigi, & Pantev

(2004) investigated the differences between 12 trained musicians and 12 non-musicians

ability to detect contour and interval information on magnetic encephalogram (MEG)

measures. Results indicated that musical training increases the ability to automatically

register abstract changes in the pitch structure of melodies. The authors attribute this

ability to the increased size of the corpus collosum in musicians, stating that musical

involvement can increase the overall use of the brain. These results also point to the

plastic changes that occur in the brains of those musically involved in regards to

increased musical perception and overall performance. It seems that those with enhanced

44
involvement with music, especially trained musicians, have increased connections within

the cortex and process music differently than the average person.

Music tends to facilitate cognitive processes, such as memory and attention, rather

than affecting them directly. The type of music, as well as the personality factors of the

individual themselves, play a role in just how well music can facilitate cognitive

processes. Music has demonstrated its ability as an enhancement to the treatment of

stroke and other cognitive impairments, most often as an adjunctive agent. Musically

involved individuals, especially those formally trained, show increases in the brain

volume of specific areas, suggesting that music can aid in neural plasticity and overall

cortical connection. Finally, music can act either as a context or a mnemonic device,

creating a rich associative network with other pieces of information.

Music and autobiographical memory are dependent upon a physiological and

neuroanatomical substratum that gives rise to affective and cognitive components that

characterize each. Through the interaction of numerous cortical regions, we are able to

engage in the encoding and retrieval of autobiographical memory. The same can be said

for musical processing. The temporal and frontal lobes play a major role in the perception

and representation of both, especially in the right hemisphere of the brain. Both music

and autobiographical memory are capable of triggering strong emotions, which can lead

to further recall of associated autobiographical memories. Music can act as a context or a

cue that aids in, or triggers, the retrieval of many types of memories. Autobiographical

memory encoding and recall is often characterized by complex and intricate cognitive

mechanisms, whereas music operates as more of a facilitator of these processes. Although

45
there are noticeable differences, much is shared in the anatomy, affective quality, and

cognitive processes in both music and autobiographical memory. It is from these

similarities that I will now turn in attempts to explain how music facilitates

autobiographical memory.

Autobiographical memories play an integral part in the development and

conceptualization of who we are. These memories allow us to define ourselves in time, in

relation to each other and in relation to existence itself. We can alter our current and

future courses of action by understanding our past. Our autobiographical memories hold a

plethora of information regarding not only who we were, but how we thought and felt

about ourselves and others. Music is inextricably tied to autobiographical memory; it is

often a song that is associated with a specific event or time in our lives that makes the

memory salient. Music can also evoke strong emotions that we associate with a specific

episode or situation in our lives. It is possibly through this associative mechanism that

music can trigger memories and emotions which allow us to connect with who we were,

how we related to others and what was occurring in our lives at the time. Through a better

ability to access our past, we can open up channels that allow us a better understanding of

our past. By understanding our past we can understand who we are today, while we

aspire to be who we will be in the future.

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CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

The tasks to be accomplished in this dissertation include a thorough review of the

literature pertaining to music and autobiographical memory separately, as well as

literature that examines them together. The literature review, more specifically, will focus

on the cognitive, affective, and physiological processes and theories underlying

autobiographical memory; the cognitive, affective, and physiological processes and

theories underlying music; and the cognitive, affective, and physiological processes that

music and autobiographical memory share. The ongoing review will be based on searches

using the following EBSCO databases: PsychINFO, PsychARTICLES, Psychology and

Behavioral Sciences Collection, Academic Search Premier, SocIndex, and PsycEXTRA.

The review will also include searches using the following OCLC FirstSearch Database:

MEDLINE. Searches will be conducted using the Boolean ‘and’ command with

‘autobiographical memory’ respectively with ‘music’, ‘affect’, ‘emotion’, ‘cognition’,

and ‘physiology’. Next, searches will be conducted using the Boolean ‘and’ command

with ‘music’ respectively with ‘affect’, ‘emotion’, ‘cognition’, ‘physiology’ and

‘memory.’ Finally, searches will be conducted with the words ‘connectionism’,

‘associationism’, ‘neural networking’, and ‘parallel distributed processing’.

I intend to keep an ongoing journal of ideas that arise in development of the

theory of how music has the potential to elicit and facilitate autobiographical memory. I

will carry around a pocket journal in order to write ideas as they arise; these entries will

47
then be transcribed into a word processing document with added comments and thoughts

regarding the initial entry. I will also take notes and critique the ongoing literature

review; these notes and critique of the articles will also be transcribed into the word

processing document with subsequent comments and thoughts. Date and time of entry

will be noted for each entry.

Finally, a separate “music” journal will be kept in which I will listen to individual

pieces of music, followed by a written account of autobiographical memory (or

memories), as well as any other thoughts, that result from this. The artist, genre, and

name of song will be recorded on the paper; I will rate the valence (i.e. anger, sadness,

joy, etc.) and intensity (high, medium, low) of my emotion(s) before listening to the

music, then listen to the song, with a journal record of my thoughts and emotions after

listening to the specific piece of music. Date and time of entry will also be recorded for

each entry.

In conclusion, a theory of how music can elicit and facilitate autobiographical

memory will be developed through continuous journaling of my thoughts on the topic,

notes and critique of literature pertaining to the topic, and a music journal in which I

listen to specific pieces of music and journal the thoughts and emotions which follow.

These journals, in combination with ongoing review of pertinent literature, will provide

the basis for a theory of how music can elicit and facilitate autobiographical memory.

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CHAPTER IV

MUSIC AND ITS ELICITATION AND FACILITATION OF AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL

MEMORY: A COMPREHENSIVE THEORY

Overview

The vast majority of research in the fields of memory, as well as music, focus on

domain-specific inquiries; most memory research examines the processes involved in

consolidation, storage, and retrieval of memory, whereas music research mainly focuses

on the perceptual and subsequent affective or cognitive processes elicited by musical

stimuli. The present theory attempts to delineate not only how music can elicit, as well as

facilitate, autobiographical memories, but also to provide a comprehensive conceptual

framework that unites physiological, cognitive, and affective processes involved therein.

Memories can be triggered by internal or external stimuli and it is often these same

“triggers” that set the retrieval and elaboration process in motion. Music operates as an

external stimulus that can elicit retrieval, and can also be a continuous stimulus that

facilitates the unfolding and enrichment of autobiographical data. In this sense, music

acts firstly as a trigger for memories and secondly as a facilitating construct which

provides context upon which further details and elaboration can be added to an elicited

memory.

No debates exist as to the physiological underpinnings required for the ability to

engage in human remembering or musical perception; various physical and neurological

systems are involved in these two aspects of human experience. Damage to, or defects in,

49
specific areas involved in the perception of music or the recall of memories can render an

individual with distorted auditory perception or dysfunction in their ability to recall

specific episodes from their life. As music is the initial trigger in the present theory, the

processes involved must first come from our previous experiences and preferences. I will

begin, therefore, by examining the roles arousal levels, as well as individual differences,

play in selecting the types of music we enjoy. I will then discuss the importance of

familiarity in relation to musical stimulus. Familiarity plays a role in how much we enjoy

a particular piece of music and how often we will listen to this type of music, which can

lead to the eventual elicitation of autobiographical memories.

Once the roles of arousal levels, individual differences, and familiarity are clear in

the elicitation process, the next step is to discuss how music can facilitate the cued

memory and act as a context for the memory. Music not only acts as the original

stimulus, triggering a memory, but also as the continued stimulus that provides the

ground on which a memory is dynamically recalled and reconstructed. The roles of the

physiological memory systems of the brain, as well as those involved in music

processing, will be discussed along with the cognitive and affective processes that result

from, and run simultaneously with, the physical brain. In addition, I will provide a step

by step outline that will delineate a concise and comprehensive summary of the entire

theory.

Arousal Levels and Individual Differences

Individual differences in regards to music cannot be overlooked; each individual

has specific preferences and different arousal thresholds that influence what types of

stimuli they are drawn to. Arousal is the dimension of mood often associated with the

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autonomic nervous system (ANS), the part of the nervous system that is largely out of

conscious awareness. Music has the ability to alter our autonomic nervous system,

changing our heart rate, blood pressure, and respirations, which we then make a cognitive

appraisal of, and often label with, an affective state (valence dimension of mood). To

highlight this particular section, I will be focusing on the influences of the Yerkes-

Dodson Law in regards to the impact of arousal on performance, as well as the work of

Hans J. Eysenck in regards to the personality factors of introversion and extraversion. I

will briefly explain what each particular component consists of, eventually expanding

upon their application to musical listening and the ability of particular types of music to

elicit and, if optimal criteria are met, facilitate autobiographical memory.

The basic principle of the Yerkes-Dodson (1908) law is that performance and

arousal are empirically related to the point that performance on a particular task is

enhanced with cognitive arousal, but only to a certain degree. As arousal increases past a

certain degree, performance actually worsens. On simple tasks, the law is represented in a

linear fashion, with arousal enhancing performance (grey line), but on more complex

tasks, the law is represented graphically by an inverted-U shape curve (Figure 1).

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Figure 1. Performance as a function of optimal arousal. The
straight line indicates increased performance as a function of
arousal when completing a simple task, whereas the inverted-U
indicates performance as a function of optimal arousal on more
complex tasks.

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Just as different tasks may require different levels of arousal, different types of

music (and each individual song, for that matter) can provoke different levels of arousal

in certain individuals. For example, difficult tasks that require sustained concentration or

focus may require lower levels of arousal for optimal performance, whereas tasks that

require stamina, such as exercising or cross-training, can be performed better with higher

levels of arousal. Certain types of music, such as rock music or heavy metal music, are

often complex, have a faster tempo, and can often induce high levels of arousal (see

“mosh pitting”) in the listener (Balch & Lewis, 1996). Classical music, conversely, is

typically mellow and tends not to induce high levels of arousal (again, depending upon

the complexity and tempo). In theory, it would be much easier writing a paper or

performing complex math problems while listening to slow, simple music that does not

induce a large amount of arousal, rather than attempting to do the same complex task

while listening to heavy metal music. It is important to note, however, that different

individuals have different levels of optimal arousal and could, theoretically, perform very

complex tasks under highly arousing conditions (rock guitarists or drummers come to

mind).

The main principle in Eysenck’s theory (1967) is that introverts are usually more

aroused than extraverts when responding to incoming stimuli. The theory posits that

extraversion is the result of low cortical functioning of the ascending reticular activating

system. In his early work, Hebb (1955) went so far as to indicate that without the

foundation of an arousal function, external cues that guide our behavior cannot be

effective. Eysenck also draws upon the use of the optimal arousal idea espoused in the

Yerkes-Dodson law above, agreeing with the idea that an individual will perform

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optimally in an optimal state of arousal. Given that introverts are usually more aroused

than their extraverted counterparts in response to incoming stimuli, it would follow that

introverts should perform better under weak external stimulation, whereas extraverts

should perform best under increased external stimulation (Lundin, Zurron, & Diaz,

2007). There are no specific points that define one as extraverted or introverted, rather

there exists a range of differences in extraversion and introversion (Eysenck, 1997).

Eysenck also discussed the possible conditions of novelty, complexity (or more

cognitively demanding), and emotionality as conditions that could generate optimal

arousal in extraverts, while resulting in supraoptimal arousal in introverts. In regards to

music, it is imperative to first understand the overall personality type (extraverted,

introverted, and the range between and beyond) of an individual before one can begin to

speculate what type of music can lead to optimal arousal. A balanced mix between

recognition and surprise is optimal; if the music is too flat or simple, we become bored, if

it is too variable or unpredictable, we become irritated. In the present theory, I posit that,

in order for music to even have a chance of eliciting an autobiographical memory, it must

first pass the test of falling into one’s optimal arousal range.

The rationale behind personality characteristics and optimal arousal impacting

music’s ability to elicit an autobiographical memory is simple: if the music is below the

optimal level, the listener will become bored and either change the song or engage in a

different activity; if the music is above the optimal level, the listener will become

overwhelmed or annoyed and again change the song or discontinue listening altogether.

If the musical stimulus falls within the optimal arousal range, it will continue to play and

have the opportunity to be processed on a higher, more cognitive level. Once it can be

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processed on a more cognitive level, it also provides us with further exposure to the

music, which results in increased familiarity to the particular song or artist.

The Role of Familiarity in Musical Perception

As we go through existence, we are exposed to novel situations as well as

situations we’ve been exposed to a hundred times. If we are able to find some similarity

or familiarity in a novel situation, we are often able to be more at ease with the

strangeness of this new experience. The more familiar I am with a song, the more likely I

am to feel safe with the material and comfortable listening to it. Familiarity is what

allows us to feel safe and comfortable, but can also bias our likes and dislikes. In order to

find safety in music, just as we would with a good friend, we have to trust what we are

hearing, as music is something outside of ourselves. The key to trust lies in one’s

familiarity with the to-be-trusted person, place, or thing.

Familiarity plays a special role in music’s ability to elicit autobiographical

memories. In fact, if we are not familiar with a song, the odds we will continue listening

are not good. If we can associate the song, artist, or genre with one we are familiar with,

the likelihood we will give the song a chance increase, which increases the likelihood the

song will elicit autobiographical material. Music that we are most familiar with tends to

be the very same music that we enjoy and vice-versa. For example, one of my favorite

artists is the rock group Linkin Park. I listen to various songs by this group on a weekly,

and at times, daily, basis. We have a tendency to listen to songs we enjoy more, thus

increasing our familiarity with the song, artist, and even genre. If another song by the

artist were to be played, we are more likely to listen to it as we are familiar with the

artist’s voice, as well as the overall type of music the band is known for. If the artist

55
suddenly shifts their style in a new album, we may find ourselves reaching back for their

old albums and discarding the new because the change in style is strange or even

uncomfortable for us. As we find music we enjoy and become familiar with it, we find

ourselves listening to the music more often, in various situations, which provides the

opportunity for the music to be associated with various situations and activities we are

engaged in.

The more we fall in love with a specific song or group, the more likely we are to

listen to this enjoyed and familiar brand of music. We find ourselves playing the music in

almost every situation possible: in the car, at a party, at home, while we work out, etc.

The more often we play the music, the higher the chances we will associate this music

with a specific event, benign or salient. Then, when we are in an unassociated situation

and we hear the song, the probability that it will elicit the associated memory is

increased. For example, regardless of where I am or what I am doing, if I hear the song

“Here by Me” by 3 Doors Down, I am instantly transported to a memory of dancing with

my beautiful wife, her exquisite dress flowing, at our wedding. I spent months searching

for our wedding song and, after finding it, listened to it numerous times with and without

my then fiancé to make sure it was the one. Another song, “Echo” by Trapt, was a song

on their self-titled album which I listened to countless times in many different situations.

It just so happens that, after the birth of our son, I was listening to this song on the way

home from the hospital. Now, whenever I hear the song, I am reminded of the miracle of

birth and how fortunate it is to be a father. As can be seen, these were two songs I was

familiar with and listened to often, which led to the eventual association of the songs with

a specific autobiographical memory. Once a song is associated with a particular memory,

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each time the song is played and triggers the memory, neocortical connections between

the song and memory are strengthened as well, leading to a greater chance of triggering

the same, specific memory each time the song is played.

Simply because we are unfamiliar with a song does not mean we will not or

cannot enjoy it; if this were true, we would like only one song, band, or genre (or none at

all for that matter). Many individuals gravitate toward a certain type, or genre, of music. I

enjoy most rock music and this predisposes me to select artists and songs from this

particular genre. Even if I hear a new song, if it is from a band I am familiar with, sounds

similar to a known band, or resembles a song I enjoy, I am much more likely to continue

listening to, and probably enjoying, the new music. Familiarity can exist even among

those things we are least familiar with.

The type of music enjoyed is often a product of exposure as a child, but especially

exposure as a teenager when we begin to become more self-aware and identify with the

music. I enjoy most genres of music but am especially fond of rock music I listened to as

a teenager. My father listened to a lot of classic rock when I was a child, which I also

enjoy now, but I find that I am much more familiar with bands such as Tool, Linkin Park,

Trapt, and Staind, compared to Van Halen, Led Zepplin, and Ted Nugent. The familiarity

results from exposure to the music at a time when it was poignant. Familiarity, which

arises from continued, sustained exposure to a song or type of music, is another step in

the process of eliciting an autobiographical memory.

Music and Autobiographical Memory: The Elicitation Phase

A plethora of complex physiological processes are initiated from the time music

enters our ear to when it is actually perceived in the brain. These processes rely on

57
sophisticated neural networks in specific regions of the brain in order for musical

perception to take place. Once the music is perceived, meets the arousal criteria, and is

tagged as familiar, an autobiographical memory can be elicited. The underlying

neuroanatomic structures and neurophysiological processes give rise to complex

cognitive processes which allow musical stimuli to trigger episodic events from our past.

Not only are these events intricately intertwined with the music that provokes them, they

are also intimately related to accompanying emotions; in fact, these autobiographical

memories that are cued by music may actually precede the emotions that seemingly

accompany, or even come before, them.

Just as in real estate, when it comes to music and autobiographical memory, it is

all about location. It is no surprise that many of the cortical and sub-cortical areas

involved in auditory processing are adjacent to areas responsible for the retrieval (and

even encoding) of autobiographical memories. I will now briefly re-examine the basic

neurophysiological processes of musical perception, as well as subsequent

autobiographical recall. After setting the groundwork for the physiological processes that

take place in designated neuroanatomical regions, I will delineate how the physical

processes involved in musical perception influence autobiographical remembering by

putting forth a theory as to how these processes allow music to give rise to the subsequent

cognitive and affective components inherent to autobiographical memories.

Music or more specifically, sound, enters our ears, strikes our eardrums, and

moves to the cochleas where it vibrates hair cells that form the major part of the auditory

nerves. The auditory nerves project to the medulla, the area responsible for autonomic

functions such as blood pressure, heart rate, and respirations. If the sound(s) we are

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hearing fall within the optimal range of arousal, they continue along to neural

connections that synapse with the cochlear nuclei or the superior olivary nucleus and

terminate in the inferior colliculus where two pathways are formed. It is at the medulla

and cerebellum where a primarily subconscious, or nonconscious, judgment is made to

either continue with the sound(s) or discontinue by whatever means possible (changing

song, leaving building, covering ears, etc.). If one continues with the sound(s), the neural

impulse continues to travel to the ventral mediate geniculate in the thalamus, to the

primary auditory cortices and secondary auditory cortices.

Two things can happen depending upon whether the music is judged to be

familiar or unfamiliar (this takes place in the thalamus). If the music is judged to be

familiar by the thalamus, this information is relayed to the hippocampus (via the

mammillary bodies) which will index the neocortex (via the entorhinal cortex,

parahippocampus, and perirhinal cortex) and the associated autobiographical episode will

be cued up or retrieved (via the prefrontal lobes). The cerebellum also plays a major role

in the initiation and monitoring of the conscious retrieval of episodic memory; the

cerebellum plays a major role in many cognitive functions, probably due to its main

function of timing events, as well as coordinating movements. The cerebellum also has

direct reciprocal connections with the frontal lobes and contains approximately 50-80%

of the neurons in the brain! (Levitin, 2006). Once cued up, the facilitation phase begins

and the music shifts from an elicitor to a facilitator, acting as a contextual cue for the

procession of the autobiographical memory. It is at this stage in the process, after the

memory has been triggered, that the subsequent emotional valence is identified in the

amygdala. If the music is judged to be unfamiliar, the hippocampus will communicate

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with the neocortex and attempt to find a similar, or more familiar, artist or song. It is also

plausible that the thalamus simultaneously communicates this unfamiliarity to the

hypothalamus, which has an influence on the autonomic nervous system (this would

serve as a protective function, simulating the fight or flight response upon exposure to

something not recognized). Once an unfamiliar song is associated to a similar song, it

cues an autobiographical memory as explained above. In the event that a similar song

cannot be associated from an unfamiliar song, it is highly unlikely any autobiographical

episode will be triggered, as there is no memory associated with the stimulus.

The plausibility of the ability of music to elicit autobiographical memory is

supported by the idea of incidental reactivation (Nyberg, 2002). Basically, when different

component of an event have been consolidated into long-term memory, functional

connections are established between the neuronal groups that represent the different

components, which are supported by medial temporal lobe structures involved in the

encoding and retrieval of memory. Reactivation of one component during retrieval leads

to reactivation of other components, even if the situation does not demand the retrieval of

the other components, which explains how music has the potential to elicit

autobiographical memory. As an individual listens to a song they are familiar with, the

chances that it will elicit an associated autobiographical memory are inherent to the

listening process, as neurons responsible with the memory have the opportunity to

become excited as they are connected to neurons responsible for identifying the musical

stimulus.

According to Jeff Hawkins (2004), the neocortex stores sequences of patterns in

an invariant form; the brain does not remember exactly what it perceives, but utilizes a

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sort of template, or internal representation, of the world. The brain remembers

relationships in the world that are independent of details. The neocortex stores sequences

of patterns hierarchically in an invariant form; these patterns are recalled in an auto-

associative pattern in which patterns are associated with themselves. The cortex can

recall complete patterns with partial or distorted input by filling in the missing parts of

the patterns that may be missing. Hawkins goes on to state that a cue (in this case music)

begins a cascade of auto-association throughout specific, interrelated neural networks,

resulting in the firing of a limited number of synapses and neurons that can be active at

any one time. Hawkins utilizes the idea of connectionism, long-term potentiation, and

spreading activation to explain how an external sensory cue becomes associated with an

internal physiological process that gives rise to subsequent cognitive and affective

processes. In terms of music, we may need only a part of a song or melody to trigger an

autobiographical memory because our brain “fills in” the missing pieces through

invariant representations and auto-associative networks. Now that the process of how

music can elicit autobiographical memory has been delineated, the next question is what

happens to the memory once it is triggered?

Music and Autobiographical Memory: The Facilitation Phase

Once a memory is cued, the music continues to act as the context upon which the

autobiographical episode is retrieved. A context is necessary in order to provide a

retrieval template for the memory; as episodic memories are often dynamically recalled,

they require a form of retrieval known as generative retrieval. In generative retrieval, as

opposed to direct retrieval, the search process is provided with increasingly more

elaborate or specific cues that focus or localize the activation until a stable pattern of

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activation is achieved (Conway et al., 1999). Direct retrieval occurs when a single cue

leads to the activation of a single item that can spread to other associated events or

lifetime periods. It is possible for autobiographical memories to be elicited by way of

direct retrieval, but it is through generative retrieval that the memories are elaborated or

expanded upon. The prefrontal lobes go to work and, as the memory unfolds, details are

added and emotional recognition and processing can occur. Other areas of the brain, such

as the parietal lobes, cingulate cortex, and cerebellum also get involved in the processing

of the autobiographical information. Each region plays a specific role in the retrieval and

processing of the autobiographical episode, but it is the prefrontal lobes that are

extremely busy at this time.

The prefrontal lobes act as a control operator for processing the narrative stream

in autobiographical memory. More specifically, the ventrolateral prefrontal cortex

maintains the memory in working memory and evaluates the information for emotional

significance. The dorsolateral prefrontal cortex is responsible for monitoring, operating,

and verifying the retrieval representation. Finally, the anterior medial to superior

prefrontal cortex is involved in self-referential processing, the part of the memory that

pertains to ascertaining how the memory is related to the person recalling the episode.

Once the memory is cued, the frontal lobes begin the process of temporally unfolding the

autobiographical memory. A working representation of the memory, from a specific

starting point, begins and the frontal lobes facilitate the process of unfolding the

autobiographical episode. The frontal lobes do not stop at emotionally devoid cognitive

recall processes; they are actually involved in emotional processing depending upon what

emotion is associated with the memory.

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Once the memory is recalled, the emotion(s) associated with the memory are also

remembered, or even re-experienced, as the memory unfolds. The right frontal lobe has

increased activity if the memory is associated with fear or sadness, whereas the left

frontal lobe has increased activity if the memory is related to joy or happiness. If one is

remembering the death of a loved one, it is more likely that the right frontal lobe is more

active in processing this memory, as well as the emotions associated to the memory.

Conversely, if one is remembering the same loved one, but remembering the games they

played as a child it is probable that the left frontal lobe is more active. Regardless, it is

the frontal lobes that are not only facilitating the cognitive processes involved in

autobiographical recall, but also evaluating the memories for emotional significance.

Explaining the process as above also lends support to the idea that the memory is recalled

before the emotion is experienced (to the delight of many cognitive-behavioral scientists).

The frontal lobes also receive massive amounts of input from other regions in the

brain, such as the mammillary bodies and cingulate cortex in the medial temporal lobe, as

well as the parietal lobes and the cerebellum. The cingulate cortex processes spatial

content, facilitates attentional modulation to maintain the retrieval mode, and facilitates

the re-experiencing of emotions during the recollection of autobiographical memories. In

a way, the cingulate cortex keeps our attention on the episode, as well as allows for the

re-experiencing of emotions that are associated with the memory. The mammillary bodies

facilitate recollections that rely on temporal-spatial information, which is exactly what

autobiographical memories are based on: the re-experiencing of episodes in time and

space. The parietal lobes also process spatial information to a degree, but are mainly

responsible for the mental representation of where and when an event took place. In a

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way, the parietal lobes act as our calendar and our global positioning system in regards to

autobiographical memories. Due to the close proximity of the aforementioned brain areas

to the medial temporal lobe, as well as their shared connections to the frontal lobes, it is

clear to see that these areas work very closely with each other, although they are

responsible for very diverse functioning in regards to autobiographical recall.

As the memory unfolds the music continues to provide the background that

facilitates ongoing temporal unfolding of the memory from a start point to an end point.

During this time, details of the memory can be added, modified, or remain unclear. It is

also during this phase that emotions associated with the memory can be re-experienced,

processed, reflected upon, questioned, or even reframed. As the music facilitates the

unfolding of the memory, details can be remembered and added, at which time the

memory can be updated and renewed. It is also during this time that the emotions

experienced at the time of the memory can be elaborated upon and processed, should the

individual choose to do so. The recall of the memory through music is in itself a

fascinating phenomenon, but it is the re-experiencing and potential re-processing of the

emotions associated to the memory that may have the most clinical relevance. In theory,

with the proper cue and functioning neurons it should be possible to access any past

experience. I will discuss the ethical implications of this possibility later.

The Issue of Choice and Autobiographical Reminiscing

It appears that the only choice one may have in regards to music eliciting

memories is that of whether to listen to the particular piece of music or not. If one

chooses not to listen, they appear safe from any episodic recall that may be triggered and

facilitated by the music. On the other hand, an individual who chooses to listen to the

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piece of music appears to be at the mercy of the music; whatever memory has been

associated to the song is bound to be recalled and the individual must suffer (or enjoy) the

re-experiencing of the episode. I would like to argue the freedom to choose what one

listens to, as well as what one remembers.

Although the music can be stopped at any time during the elicitation or

facilitation phases of autobiographical recall, this does not ensure that the memory will

stop. Physiologically, the cascade of neuronal firing has begun and, as anyone suffering

from post-traumatic stress disorder can attest to, the memories can persist long after the

removal of the cue exposure. Simply because the memory has the potential to continue

does not mean that it will indefinitely; the premise of this theory itself is that music has

the potential to elicit and facilitate autobiographical memory, not that it will every time a

song is heard. Human beings can enact their volition even in spite of seeming limitations.

Through various techniques such as distraction, meditation, engaging in alternate

activities, deep breathing, or simply exchanging one song for another, an individual is

able to choose to at least attempt to alter their situation. The same goes for music and

memory.

Again, it is important to stress the issue of choice within limitations, as many

individuals suffering from PTSD are unable to control the recall of adverse events,

especially when exposed to certain cues that trigger the memories. It is possible,

however, for many individuals who are attempting to repress traumatic memories to

obtain medical or psychological treatment that can assist them in reprocessing and

integrating specific memories so they are no longer as traumatic as they once were. I will

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discuss the clinical implications of music and memory in relation to specific clinical

diagnoses, such as depression and PTSD, in chapter 5.

Human beings may not be able to choose what they remember, but they may be

able to choose how they remember. As remembering is a dynamic process, it is plausible

that memories could be remembered in different ways. By accessing memories, reflecting

upon them, and processing emotions that are associated with the memories, an individual

is afforded the prospect of changing how they remember past events. What we remember,

as well as how we remember, is often a function of the goals of the self; that part of an

individual that defines who they are as a human being-in-the-world.

Goals of the Self in Relation to Autobiographical Remembering

Autobiographical memories may be the most important aspect of memory as far

as humans are concerned. The sense of who we are, or a sense of self, is how we see

ourselves in time. Each individual’s definition of who they are is contingent upon

autobiographical memories; our sense of self is a conglomeration of who we are, who we

want to become, and who we were. It is safe to say that one cannot know who they are

unless they can remember who they were. Through the retrieval of autobiographical

memory, we essential re-create memories related to the self. What makes this

phenomenon so interesting is not that we essentially re-create our autobiographical

memories each time according to the needs or goals of the self, but that we can re-create

who we are through retrospective autobiographical remembering.

As we are influenced by specific goals as we remember autobiographical material,

our memories are colored by our current needs or desires. I may have a current need to

reconnect with an old friend, predisposing me to guide an elicited memory down a path

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that involves, or is associated with, a friend who I have not seen in some time. One who

has just failed at something may remember a time when they succeeded. Another

individual who has spent years denying an experience may be in a place where they are

now comfortable with the experience and wish to process the events in full. We often

remember things from our past in order to serve the present moment; these memories act

as a guide, or template, for our current our future behavior. It is important to remember

that, even though we may not be able to choose what memory we elicit from a specific

cue, we can often either choose the cues that elicit the memory or choose whether to

continue to facilitate the unfolding of the memories.

Cues in our environment are spontaneously triggering memories, but we often

choose to ignore them and focus attention elsewhere, as the memories are not fulfilling

the current needs of the self. I may see a picture of myself in a tuxedo on my wedding

day which, if allowed, would trigger many memories, but because I have other goals in

the moment, such as completing a project that is long overdue, I choose to ignore the

memory triggered by the stimulus and shift my attention elsewhere. I may not be able to

control cue exposure, but, in this instance, I can control the unfolding of the memory and

turn my attentional resources elsewhere. It is also possible for me to choose to facilitate a

cued memory and allow for an autobiographical episode to unfold as I actively process,

or reprocess, the memory. Also, as I can choose to ignore a potential cue, I can choose a

cue, such as a song, to trigger an associated memory. The current goals of the self are

quite important in regards to what, when, and how we remember autobiographical

memories.

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As always, I have to stress the notion of choice within limitations, as some

conditions, such as post-traumatic events, do not always obey the command to stop.

Memories such as these are highly salient and bring up intense emotions and vivid

recollections, often to the point that once they are cued, their unfolding is almost

guaranteed to follow regardless of one’s decision to facilitate recall of the memory or not.

Expectations and cognitive predispositions also influence remembering in other

psychological disorders, such as depression or anxiety, although each disorder seems to

influence autobiographical recall in different manners (more of this later in the clinical

discussion section). Memories also seem to be uniquely influence over time, as older

memories tend to be remembered differently than newer memories; older individuals also

tend to remember things differently than younger individuals for various reasons.

Older Versus Newer Memories

More recent memories are usually more emotionally salient and contain more

details than older, less often recalled memories. As memories are recalled less and less,

the connections weaken and the memories become more schematized and vague.

Memories that are recalled more often result in long-term potentiation of the

corresponding neurons and the connections are strengthened, resulting in an increased

likelihood that the event will be recalled more often and in richer detail. Older individuals

tend to remember the basics (who, what, where, etc.) to a memory, whereas younger

individuals tend to remember things more dynamically. Also, the older one gets, the more

likely they are to reappraise negative events in a positive light (Comblain et al., 2005).

As our neurons decay over time, especially those connecting the medial temporal

lobe to the neocortex, we tend to lose details of memories, as well as memories

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themselves. If the neurons in which the memories were encoded, or related pathways, are

disrupted or eliminated, it is highly unlikely we will remember the corresponding

memory. Due to older, more semantically based aspects of memories being stored more

widespread in the neocortex, it is not a surprise that older adults tend to remember more

schematized versions of memories. They may be able to remember who was present,

what the outcome was, and where the episode took place, but may struggle with how the

event unfolded. Younger adults, however, tend to remember episodes much more

dynamically, possibly due to the availability of more numerous and stronger connections.

They also tend to remember the associated emotions and outcomes to events, especially

for negative events, which probably serves to alter future behavior.

As we get older, it is also in our best interest to remember things in a positive

light. An adverse event from our youth, such as being bested in a fight, is often

something we can look back at and laugh about as we get older. Not only is the threat

removed, but the meaning of the memory, along with current goals, is changed. It is

through remembering in a positive light that an elderly adult can reconnect with their kin,

sharing stories and lessons from their younger days. Remembering events in a positive

light is emotionally rewarding for us as we age and also allows us to continue nourishing

life-sustaining social connections.

Our autobiographical memories undergo various cognitive and affective changes

related to the underlying physiological changes in the cortex. As connections and neurons

associated with specific neurons decrease, the memories become less vivid and more

difficult to recall. These memories become schematized and remembered in a more

general, less dynamic, format than they once were resulting in the recall of less detail. As

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younger individuals tend to re-create the memories each time they are recalled, older

adults tend to remember the same general versions. Due to different goals of the self at

different timeframes in the lifespan, older adults tend to remember things in a more

positive light, whereas younger individuals are especially prone to remembering negative

events. As one ages, remembering events for their gains and positive lessons becomes a

priority, whereas the youth remember negative aspects in order to alter their future

behavior. In this sense, as the cognitive and affective goals of the self change over time,

the underlying physiological processes by which we remember change as well. Music,

due to its ability to influence autobiographical memory, can impact the quantity and

quality of the recalled autobiographical episodes.

A Theory of how Music can Elicit and Facilitate Autobiographical Memory

Phase I: Elicitation

1. Musical stimuli enter our ear(s) and are projected to the medulla via the auditory

nerve.

2. If the stimuli are overly simple, boring, too complex, or over stimulating, thus

falling outside of the optimal range of arousal (intensity dimension of emotion),

an individual will attempt to alter the stimuli or remove themselves from it.

3. If the musical stimuli fall within an optimal range of arousal for a given

individual, it continues to travel through various neural pathways until it reaches

the thalamus.

4. In the thalamus, musical stimuli are processed for familiarity; the thalamus,

being the relay center of the brain, communicates with various physiological

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structures throughout the cortex (and neocortex). If the stimuli are judged to be

unfamiliar, the hippocampus will communicate with the neocortex in an attempt

to find a similar, or secondarily associated, artists or songs. In the event a

similar song (or any connection) cannot be associated, it is highly unlikely any

autobiographical memory will be elicited. The stimuli at this point can be

engaged in on a merely aesthetic basis.

5. If the stimuli are judged to be familiar, or if unfamiliar stimuli are associated

with familiar stimuli, this information is relayed to the hippocampus which

indexes the neocortex and cues up the associated autobiographical episode in

the frontal lobes via the processes of spreading activation and incidental

reactivation.

6. Once a memory is cued up, or triggered, the associated emotions (valence

dimension of emotion) are also triggered, and a cognitive appraisal of the

specific type(s) of emotion is made. At this point, the autobiographical memory

can unfold into an episode through the facilitation phase.

Phase II: Facilitation

7. If the memory is cued and the individual continues to focus his/her attention to

the unfolding of an episode, the elicitation phase develops into the facilitation

phase. At this point, the music continues to act as a context upon which the

autobiographical episode is recalled.

8. Through the process of generative or direct retrieval, the autobiographical

memory is recalled, unfolds, and is constantly updated with more details and,

possibly, the re-experiencing and reprocessing of associated emotions. The

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prefrontal lobes act as the control operators, riding on the contextual musical

stimuli, processing the developing narrative stream.

9. The frontal lobes continuously communicate with medial temporal lobe

structures, such as the hippocampus, cingulate cortex, and mammillary bodies,

as well as the parietal lobes and cerebellum. The cingulate cortex is involved in

maintaining the retrieval mode and the re-experiencing of emotions, whereas the

mammillary bodies are involved with temporal-spatial information processing.

The parietal lobes provide a representation of where and when and event took

place, whereas the cerebellum monitors the ongoing retrieval process and

provides information related to timing of events.

10. The recall process occurs at a specific temporal starting point from which the

episode unfolds; it is possible, however, to add more details and alter the

starting point as the musical context provides updated and expanded temporal,

spatial, or semantic information.

11. An individual can choose to intervene and disrupt this process at any point,

within limitations. One can choose to discontinue exposure to the stimuli or, if

unable to, can elect to shift their focus to other stimuli. It must be stressed that

some memories are so salient that, once triggered, their recall and even re-

experience, are inevitable and may be difficult or even impossible to

discontinue recall.

12. Autobiographical recall is influenced by the specific goals of the current self;

autobiographical memories are often remembered in specific ways for specific

purposes. Remembering something in a certain way can offset current

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problematic experiences or aid in overcoming troublesome thoughts or emotions

associated with a current state of being. Music can influence this process by

enhancing the accessibility and quality of retrieved episodes.

13. The older the memory, the more schematized, stable, and general it becomes.

Older memories are also more difficult to retrieve, especially those that are not

retrieved often or are extremely complex, due to the absence of long-term

potentiation which results in decreased neural connections. Music can assist in

the enrichment or addition of autobiographical details.

14. Newer memories are often recalled more dynamically and re-created at the time

of recall (providing the proper physiological mechanisms are in place and not

destroyed, or disrupted, from various insults or disease processes), thus being

more unstable in comparison to their older counterparts.

15. Physical changes in the brain over time result in different retrieval strategies

over time. As an individual ages, they tend to remember autobiographical

episodes in a more schematized and general manner, whereas younger

individuals have a tendency to reconstruct episodes more dynamically each

time. Music may be able to enhance qualitative aspects of autobiographical

recall.

16. Different cultures have different types of music and it is important to be aware

of likes and dislikes, as well as what is common and widely accepted by various

diverse cultural groups. Respect for diversity in music, as well as the role music

plays in specific cultures, is imperative when engaging in research or other

professional activities.

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17. A myriad of ethical implications exist in potentially using music to elicit and

facilitate autobiographical memories. It is important for an individual who plans

on conducting research, as well as working clinically or professionally, to be

aware of the ethical pitfalls and problems that can arise from the use of music in

memory.

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CHAPTER V

CONCLUSIONS AND PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS

Overview

Music, as other external sensory cues, has the potential to elicit and facilitate the

recall and unfolding of autobiographical memories. The process, from the sound entering

the ear, to the completion of an autobiographical episode, is comprised of physiological,

cognitive, and affective processes along the way, which are also influenced by pre-

existing factors related to preference and exposure. The fact that music has the ability

elicit and facilitate autobiographical memory has been delineated; the issues that now

must be addressed are the clinical relevance of this process, as well as the day to day

considerations.

In this section, I will discuss the possibility of using music from a therapeutic

standpoint in general, as well as provide specific case examples. Music can be used to

reprocess, reframe, and even reorganize memories and emotions. It can also lead to

feelings of deep connectedness through peak experiences, possibly enhance existing

neural networks, create more cognitive reserve, calm the sympathetic nervous system,

and lead to more synchronous brain states. Music can be engaged with for aesthetic, as

well as nostalgic, purposes and can allow us to reflect on our being at a deeper, existential

level. Due to the inherent power of music, especially in its potential to elicit and facilitate

autobiographical memories, issues of diversity and ethics must also be considered from

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clinical and social perspectives. I will conclude by discussing potential research in the

area of music and autobiographical memory.

Music holds the potential to elicit all sorts of memories and accompanying

emotions. These memories and emotions, once triggered, offer an invaluable method for

reclaiming or even reprocessing one’s past. Memories that have been long forgotten,

buried deep within ones mind, can be triggered through the strategic use of musical

stimuli. More importantly, the emotions that accompany the memories span the entire

spectrum of human emotional experience. A song can remind an individual of a fond

childhood memory, resulting in feelings of joy and contentment; the same song can also

result in experiencing the complex, poorly understood emotion of nostalgia. Experiencing

joy, happiness, and even nostalgia are seldom undesired by humans and tend not to be

problematic. It is the memories that evoke strong negative emotions, such as anger,

sadness, anxiety, depression, and even loss that can ultimately end up causing more harm

than good.

Many individuals spend a tremendous amount of energy trying not to experience

anything negative. They shy away from news reports, arguments, death, loss, or any other

situation that may make them feel sad; a song that evokes a memory with a negative tone

could be problematic for an individual such as this. What could they do in this situation,

short of shutting the stimulus off, if the memory and subsequent emotion has already

been set in motion? Is the individual stuck re-experiencing the memories and emotions

without an escape? Yes and no. Individuals that understand they are having a memory,

albeit a painful memory, have the option to cognitively reframe the context of the

memory and/or reprocess the emotion(s) involved. Reframing allows an individual to

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shift the context of the memory. For example, an individual who remembers a painful

divorce every time a certain song comes on can usually, after some time of course,

reframe the context of the memory. The memory can shift from “this was such a painful

time in my life” to “this was such a painful time in my life; however, I am in a different

place now.” Reprocessing allows a once threatening emotional experience to be

transformed into a new or revised emotional experience. Emotions that were once

experienced as painful can be altered, or even replaced, into emotions that are less

painful. The sadness mentioned in the memory above can be reflected upon and

transformed into a feeling of accomplishment or satisfaction for one’s ability to overcome

a once painful experience. Reframing and reprocessing, in the context of music, can lead

to neurological reorganization and more physiological stability over time (Ho, Cheung, &

Chan, 2003).

Reframing and reprocessing memories and emotions are easier said than done; a

lot of mental effort must be put forth and patience is the key. Interestingly, the majority

of therapy, either in individual, family, or group format, consists of reframing and

reprocessing thoughts and feelings on new levels. It can take extended periods of time,

even years, however, for a patient to access memories or emotions that are difficult to

handle. Music would provide a means to potentially accelerate this process (with the

disciplined clinical judgment of a trained or educated therapist, of course) and allow

deeper, more connected access to past experiences.

Some individuals, such as those suffering from post-traumatic stress, often have

difficulty differentiating memory from current reality. Intrusive memories, in the form of

flashbacks, can take over unannounced and wreak havoc on an individual’s

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physiological, affective, cognitive, occupational, family, and social functioning. Incessant

nightmares of a traumatic event can leave an individual unable to sleep, engage in

common daily activities, or can even push them to the depths of self-destruction. An

intervention that could assist an individual in the reframing and reprocessing of these

memories, or other related memories (in this case, provided they are triggered by a

musical or even auditory cue), would be an invaluable addition to a clinician’s repertoire

of interventions. Music could lead to the reframing of traumatic memories or the

reprocessing of unwanted or negative emotions associated with the memory, which can

result in overall reorganization of the neural networks as the experience is integrated.

Music can facilitate the extraction and understanding of the emotional meaning of a

memory, while at the same time providing synchrony and stability to a potentially chaotic

neurological situation.

Individuals who are in the grips of a major depressive episode, or even a recurring

major depressive disorder, could benefit from the reframing, reprocessing, and

reorganization that music can provide. Depressing memories can be triggered through

music and reframed and/or reprocessed in order to transform them. If an individual can

either reframe a memory or reprocess the associated emotion, some relief is granted

through the fact that change has occurred. Individuals who are depressed could also

benefit from music that matches their melancholy, providing some resonance, while

eventually moving toward a more present-focused orientation that allows one to reflect

upon their past, rather than being stuck in it.

The use of music may also benefit individuals who are suffering from various

cognitive problems, such as dementia. It may be possible for musical stimuli to trigger

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and facilitate once lost memories. Music can provide the background context to life

reviews in older adults that may lead to the triggering of forgotten autobiographical

material, which would allow an individual to reconnect with a once lost part of their life.

Music may hold the possibility of enhancing pre-existing connections, reconnecting old

connections, or even forming new connections (plasticity). It can provide the encoding

and retrieval support that is currently absent from a specific memory (DeVreese, Neri,

Fioravanti, Belloi, & Zanettie, 2001).

Music could also be used in healthcare settings, more specifically, with oncology

patients. Many patients undergoing treatment for cancer spend countless days or months

in the hospital, often losing touch with who they were before cancer. Music can provide

them a way to reconnect with who they were or even provide a way to reframe and

reprocess their experience, resulting in a new, unified sense of self. The ability to

remember who they are outside of the treatment setting could reinforce their sense of self,

as well as encourage interactions with their peers.

Besides its potential to trigger and facilitate autobiographical memories in the

clinical or personal realm, music can have benefits outside of memory. A specific song,

under the right circumstances, can lead to a peak experience. The music can engage the

individual with a deep sense of connectedness on an extremely existential level. The

experience can be both powerful and transformative, leaving the individual with greater

understanding of being than s/he had before. Peak experiences are profound and seldom

forgetful. They can allow us the opportunity to understand our existence, the essence of

our being, and a feeling of interconnectedness with all that we experience.

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Nostalgia is an often misunderstood emotion that can be triggered by

autobiographical memories. It is often described as a compilation of bittersweet, sad and

happy emotions (Wildschut, Sedikides, Arndt, & Routledge, 2006). I feel nostalgia to be

a separate, complex emotion in its own right, rather than a combination of other, more

basic, emotions. Nostalgia arises when we re-experience a memory that has shifted for us

in some way. We may experience the same emotion tied to a memory, but we are able to

reframe the memory in the present moment. If we cannot reframe the memory, then it is

likely that we have reprocessed the emotions associated with it. Nostalgia may result

from good or bad memories that have been restructured over time.

As music elicits and facilitates memory, it employs and incorporates various

neural networks throughout the cortex. These networks may be utilized to varying

degrees, but musical listening can enhance the amount certain pathways are employed.

By engaging pathways over time, connections are strengthened or even created, leading

to more and robust connections throughout the cortex. According to the notion of

cognitive reserve, the more connections throughout the cortex, the more likely we are to

have redundant connections; the more redundant connections we have, the less likely we

are to experience the ill effects of loss or damage to certain neural networks (Allen,

Bruss, & Damasio, 2005).

Listening to music can also result in synchronous brain states, which may further

lead to relaxation of the sympathetic nervous system. The brain is a highly chaotic system

that has synchrony between subsets of neural networks which seem to operate somewhat

independently from each other (Jeong et al., 1998). As one listens to music, the cortex

has a tendency to synchronize and cortical chaos is reduced. Music employs various

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regions and systems of the brain and may act as a conductor to the chaotic orchestra of

the mind. It has the potential to bring various systems in synchrony with one another,

which can lead to a calmer, more relaxed nervous system. Because music has a tendency

to first act on the sympathetic nervous system, as delineated in the present theory,

listening to music could also result in a more relaxed sympathetic nervous system. A

more relaxed sympathetic nervous system would result in lowered blood pressure, along

with calmer respiratory patterns, lower physiological arousal, and less tension (Schmidt

& Trainor, 2001).

The aesthetic experience of musical listening rises above all other intents and

purposes of music. Few things on this earth are as beautiful as a well-composed

symphony, a catchy beat, or touching lyrics. Regardless of what other functions music

may have in store, the sheer fact that it exists for the human experience is beyond

priceless. Music can cut to the essence of our being and impact us in profound ways. One

could go so far as to say that we are what we listen to.

Case Number 1: Post-traumatic stress

Gunner is a 61-year-old divorced Caucasian male who currently resides in a

Michigan veteran’s home. He is no longer ambulatory, as he lost use of his legs after a

raid on his camp during his second tour, and gets around with the use of a wheelchair.

Gunner has lived at the veteran’s home since 1980, when he was transferred from a

psychiatric institution. His diagnosis upon admittance was Posttraumatic stress disorder,

along with a positive history of alcohol abuse and dependence.

Gunner was an infantry lieutenant in the United States Army during the Vietnam

War. His platoon was on a much needed break at their base camp awaiting their next

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orders when they were caught by surprise. A band of enemy guerillas had snuck up on

the base and launched a surprise attack on Gunner’s platoon. Most of his troops were

killed, although a few (Gunner included) managed to survive by seeking safety in the

surrounding jungle. Although a few of the soldiers were able to escape with their lives,

most of them were not able to escape without injuries. Gunner suffered numerous

gunshot wounds to his lower legs and was forced to crawl to safety, but not before he

witnessed many of his soldiers being massacred.

Gunner received and honorable discharge from the Army after the raid and was

sent to a military hospital to recover. Both legs were amputated above the knees, due to

the severity of the injuries. Gunner recovered without significant medical problems and

was discharged from the hospital. He rented a small apartment in a small city and set out

to resume life as a civilian. The only thing holding him back was the fact that any time he

heard loud noises, such as people yelling, he would experience flashbacks of the raid on

his platoon. Worse, he was often unable to sleep at night as recurrent nightmares of the

episode would haunt him. He would spend his days recounting the massacre over and

over without relief.

In attempts to cope with the high states of vigilance, over-arousal, flashbacks,

nightmares, and horrific memories, Gunner turned to alcohol. He would drink

continuously, day after day, in attempts to black out in order to avoid re-experiencing the

horrible memories. One episode of binge drinking went too far and Gunner was found

unconscious on a street corner. A kind-hearted man found him, unconscious and almost

dead, and called an ambulance. Gunner was taken to the emergency room, where he was

treated for alcohol poisoning and sent to the hospital’s detoxification unit until he was

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stable. After meeting with numerous social workers, psychiatrists, and other medical

staff, it was evident that Gunner suffered from severe PTSD. Arrangements were made

for him to obtain residence at a local veteran’s home, where he could be monitored and

receive the treatment that he needed.

Along with conventional psychotherapy and medications for PTSD, Gunner’s

therapist suggested the use of music to help with his arousal states, as well as an aid to

elicit and facilitate some of the traumatic memories he had in attempts to reprocess and

reframe the memories. First, the therapist inquired into any songs that stuck out to

Gunner, especially songs that were played at the base camp. Gunner indicated that one

song in particular, “Paint it Black” by the Rolling Stones, reminded him of the day the

raid took place. He indicated that the platoon had been socializing and relaxing, listening

to the radio as they often did. Gunner could remember the sense of stillness all around

him, with the soldiers hum of conversation and the background of the radio, right before

the ambush took place.

Now that the duo had a song to work with the therapist decided to use it in

session. Gunner arrived and was informed of what he was about to hear. He was

encouraged to report any images, emotions, bodily sensations, or anything else that stood

out as significant while the song was played. As the song began, Gunner reported a vivid

image of himself in front of a mirror, shaving. In the process of shaving, he heard some

shouting and went out to see what it was. Then he heard automatic weapons firing and

went to grab his weapon, but it was too late. The camp was surrounded by the enemy and

he could see his soldiers being shot down. He could smell the smoke from the weapons,

hear the screams of his fellow soldiers, and sense the fear in himself as he went to grab

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his weapon. As he neared his weapon, he felt sharp, stinging sensations in both of his

calves. He attempted to move, but fell to his knees and then face first into the dirt. As he

was reporting his memory, his body began to tremble and his voice became weak. At the

end of the song, all he could say was “why couldn’t I save them?”

The therapist, armed with a detailed account of Gunner’s traumatic memory, was

now in a position to reprocess the emotions tied to the memory, as well as work toward a

reframing of the thoughts attached to it. Through a detailed discussion of the fear, anger,

and sadness accompanying the memories, Gunner was able to reconnect with emotions

that he had shut off and attempted to numb with alcohol. He was able to re-experience

these emotions in the safety of a therapy session, with the guidance of a musically savvy

and trained therapist. After processing the situation, Gunner was able to come to the

realization that it was not his fault; the entire platoon was taken by surprise. He was able

to reframe the memory and reprocess the emotions accompanying it, which resulted in a

reorganization of experience. The nightmares began to abate and the traumatic memory

had been transformed.

Although this is a rather simplistic account of the use of music to elicit and

facilitate autobiographical memories, it does outline how music may be used in this

particular disorder. An ethical, knowledgeable, and supportive therapist can use his/her

clinical training, as well as musical training when applicable, to access traumatic

memories in order to reprocess the emotions and reframe the cognitions of the

experience. In the event that a patient has an adverse reaction to the music, the trained

clinician can intervene in the appropriate manner (i.e. shutting the music off, processing

in the here-and-now, initiating relaxation techniques or other behavioral interventions,

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etc.). It is therefore imperative, just as with other forms of treatment, that a clinician be

aware of the possibility of a negative reaction and be prepared to deal with this situation

accordingly.

Case Number 2: Depression

Madison is a 26-year-old African-American female who presented to her

physician’s office with complaints of depressed mood, loss of interest, insomnia, fatigue,

and feelings of worthlessness and hopelessness. She was prescribed Cymbalta, as well as

given a referral to see a therapist to address some of the underlying cognitive, affective,

and behavioral issues that may be contributing to her constellation of symptoms.

Madison was a bit skeptical of “talk therapy” and had a difficult time expressing

her thoughts and feelings during her weekly sessions with her therapist, Emily. She

realized her mood and her thoughts were out of the usual for her, but could not pinpoint

exactly what was going on inside of her. After a few sessions, she was able to indicate

that she felt empty inside and felt as though she was a failure. Her relationship with her

husband had suffered and the couple barely spoke anymore. Although she was able to

voice these concerns, she continued to struggle identifying exactly what was going on

inside her. Frustrated, Emily inquired into Madison’s interest in music, to which she

indicated that she absolutely loved jazz music, especially Miles Davis. Emily instructed

Madison to create a list of jazz songs, as well as any other songs that she enjoyed, and

bring them to their next session. Madison readily agreed and set out to create the list for

next week’s session.

With list in hand, Madison and Emily identified one specific song that seemed to

resonate with Madison at the current time. Emily played the song during the next session

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and observed Madison’s reaction. As the song went on, Madison’s mood shifted and she

became tearful. Upon completion of the song, Emily asked Madison what she was

thinking and feeling during the song, especially when she became tearful. Madison

explained that she had a miscarriage approximately a year ago and she used to listen to

this particular song while she was pregnant. She remembered how excited she and her

husband were to start their family. She also recalled how lost and disoriented she felt

after the miscarriage. Madison slowly lost interest in most of the things she enjoyed and

experienced her mood dip to lows she had never experienced before in her life. She spent

the days struggling to keep her focus at work, after which she would come home and

spend the rest of the evening in her bedroom alone unable to sleep. Her husband began

working overtime and was not home but a few hours a night to sleep, which he did on the

sofa. Madison’s mood had plummeted, along with her interest, energy, and relationship

with her husband.

Emily and Madison now had more autobiographical material to work with during

their sessions. The duo was able to identify some of Madison’s automatic thoughts, such

as “I’ll never have a family” and “I need to be a mother to be of value.” Through

extensive cognitive-behavioral work, Madison was able to replace some of her negative

automatic thoughts with more rational responses to situations. Furthermore, Madison was

able to identify and challenge some of her irrational core beliefs, such as her belief that

she was damaged and unfit to be a mother. Madison was also able to reach out to her

husband and discuss some of her feelings, as well as her desire to spend more time with

him. He promptly cut back his hours at work and the couple began to spend evenings

together on a regular basis. Madison’s mood had improved, she regained her ability to

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concentrate at work and, most importantly, her relationship with her husband had

reconnected.

In this particular case, music was used to act as a catalyst in therapy; the

autobiographical memory was not the focus of therapy per se, rather it elucidated the

situation that was cause for all of the subsequent symptoms. The therapist was able to use

music when therapy had arrived at an impasse, jump starting the therapeutic process and

allowing the patient to access thoughts that were exacerbating affective symptoms. It is

important to note that, if deemed appropriate by the therapist, processing thoughts and

feelings that come up during the playing of parts of a song can also be done. The therapist

would simply stop the song at the appropriate place and begin reprocessing or reframing

emotions and memories from said point. Alternately (as in the present case), the therapist

could allow the song to play continuously during the recall of the memory and then

reprocess and reframe after completion of the song.

Case Number 3: Dementia

Raleigh is a 78-year-old Caucasian male who was referred to a geropsychologist,

Dr. Wolk in order to obtain emotional support along with possible cognitive

rehabilitation. He was a retired writer who spent a great deal of his adult life traveling the

world and spending time with his family. It became evident through an interview with his

wife, Mary, that he was experiencing difficulty recalling times he had spent with his

children and grandchildren and that this was becoming increasingly stressful for Raleigh,

as well as his family.

Along with structured cognitive rehabilitation, Dr. Wolk decided to administer a

life review, along with background music, with Raleigh. She inquired into Raleigh’s

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musical preferences, if any, with both Raleigh and Mary. Mary indicated that Raleigh

often listened to classical music when his children and grandchildren would visit and

would have it playing in the house almost continuously. He was especially fond of

Beethoven, along with other classical music by Mozart, Haydn, and Bach. Dr. Wolk

decided to play a continuous compact disc of Beethoven while conducting the life review

with Raleigh.

Although Dr. Wolk was not able to obtain much autobiographical data from her

initial interview with Raleigh, the life review with the addition of music provided rich

details into a few of Raleigh’s most significant memories. When listening to “Ode to

Joy,” Raleigh became tearful and explained that the situation reminded him of reading

books with his 4-year-old grandson. He provided an extended account of sitting in a

recliner in his living room, with his grandson on his lap, laughing about a story they had

just read. Upon discussing this memory, it became evident that Raleigh’s mood had

improved and he experienced a sense of happiness upon recall of the memory. He told

Dr. Wolk that he had not recalled such memories in years and that it brought him great

joy to do so, even if the recall was only possible in session and may be short-lived.

In this scenario, the music was able to elicit an autobiographical memory that had

presumably been lost. Upon playing the song, which was the associated cue at the time of

memory consolidation, the associated memory was accessed and recall was made

possible. Furthermore, the patient was able to elaborate on the recalled memory, which

allowed him to access and expand upon a memory that was lost in time. The recall not

only provided him with emotional satisfaction from remembering, it also provided him

with hope and a sense of accomplishment. He could now potentially use other songs to

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elicit and facilitate other autobiographical episodes that may have been buried over time.

The patient could also use songs and recalled memories to strengthen the recall of

unlocked memories or use music as an associative cue that could help him to encode new

autobiographical information as it is experienced.

Case Number 4: Cancer

Lauren is a 14-year-old Hispanic female who was originally diagnosed with

Acute Lymphoblastic Leukemia at the age of 11. She suffered a recent relapse and was

set to have intrathecal chemotherapy and possibly a second stem cell transplant. Lauren

was dreading having to go through the procedures a second time and became very

anxious. All she could think about was the pain of the needle sticks, as well as the

associated nausea and vomiting from the chemotherapy. As the surgery for her Hickman

catheter neared, she became increasingly anxious about returning to the hospital.

Knowing that she would become more ill without the procedure and subsequent

chemotherapy treatments, Lauren needed to find a way to deal with the anxiety she was

experiencing. A nurse on the pediatric unit suggested that she listen to music to help her

calm down and even suggested that she may listen to music during the procedures to

distract herself. Lauren decided to give this idea a try and quickly began compiling

playlists on her iPod. She specifically made one mellow playlist full of Jack Johnson,

Dave Matthews Band, Coldplay, and Jewel to help calm her down. Another playlist

consisted of faster paced music to help distract her during medical or surgical procedures.

Lauren went into her surgery a little less anxious and hoped that the music could help

calm her even more.

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Although the procedure was still painful, she was able to listen to the music

before the procedure to help calm her. She felt remarkably more relaxed and did not

experience the same amount of anxiety she had before. During the procedure, she was

able to distract herself by listening to the faster paced music that she had compiled.

Additionally, she played the distracting music during her chemotherapy treatments and

the time spent seemed to fly by. She also played the calm music a few hours after the

treatment, right about the time that she would become nauseous, and she experienced

fewer episodes of emesis.

After spending so much time in the hospital, Lauren felt like she was confined to

a prison. She lost contact with her friends and could not remember what it was like to

interact with others like a normal teenager. She was, however, able to listen to music that

reminded her of what life was like before her cancer treatment had begun. Through

listening to particular songs, she was able to reconnect with herself and remember who

she was apart from being a cancer survivor. Furthermore, she was able to listen to new

music which kept her up to speed with what her peers were listening to and allowed her

to connect with them socially through the discussion of music.

Music performed many functions in Lauren’s case: it acted as a distractor, as well

as an emotional regulator, before and during her treatments, while becoming a way to

connect with herself and her peers outside of the hospital setting. Through the use of self-

selected music, Lauren was able to regulate negative moods, as well as recall old

memories that allowed her to connect to herself before cancer treatment. Most

importantly, she was able to listen to current music which assisted her in reconnecting

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with her peers on a social level and, quite possibly, assisted her in the formation of new

memories associated to specific music.

The four cases presented above are meant to provide examples as to how music

can be used to elicit and facilitate autobiographical memories in a variety of contexts and

are not meant to be a script as to how to utilize music in the specific cases, or with the

specific presenting issues. Attention must be paid to the likes and dislikes of each

individual, as well as how each person responds to the intervention. Ideally, a music

therapist would be called upon to administer in depth musical interventions; however, an

educated and ethical clinician at any level can implement passive music listening

provided they pay attention to individual preferences and responses to the stimuli. Music

can be a powerful tool that requires careful attention to ethical and diversity

considerations.

Diversity Considerations

Individual difference is the rule when considering the likes and dislikes, as well as

how one responds, to music. Each person has their own unique optimal arousal level that

influences what type and how much of a stimulus is comfortable for them. Typically,

individuals who gravitate toward each other often have similar interests in regards to

music. Although this may be true, it is imperative to first assess a person on an individual

level before making any assumptions about their musical preferences on a cultural level.

One’s culture is important to consider, however, when attempting to understand

the musical preferences of an individual. Different cultures have different languages,

genres, and forms of acceptable music. Although it may be safe to assume that an

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individual from an Islamic or even Buddhist background does not listen to American rap

music, this may not be the case, especially in a highly diverse cultural melting pot such as

the United States. It is always important to assess the musical interests of an individual

before implementing, or even suggesting, musical stimuli therapeutically.

Age, ability, religion, ethnicity, and even availability of music all influence the

preferences of an individual, amongst other things such as exposure and experience. Most

people enjoy music from their adolescence and young adulthood; however, this is not

always the case. I do not share many of the musical preferences of my friends, especially

some of the music that we listened to during high school. Buddhist music differs from

Mormon music and the same can be said for most major religions. Latvians listen to

music that is extremely different from the music that most people in the United Kingdom

enjoy. Those who have a vast collection of music probably differ drastically in their

musical preferences compared to those who are more limited, either from exposure,

geographic location, or financially. Although it appears there are some categories, such as

age, religion, etc., these categories are often a product of social construction. Therefore,

musical preference must be assessed on an individual level.

It also may be inappropriate to listen to certain music, or to listen to music at

certain times. It is probably safe to say that blaring Eminem or gangster rap is not

acceptable at a staff meeting, unless it is at a record label. Context plays an important part

as to what is appropriate and what is not. The assessment of an individual’s preference,

however, remains the bottom line when it comes to musical preference. An individual

assessment allows a clinician to avoid offending a patient or potentially alienating them

from their social groups. Although I have discussed the potential for music to be used for

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the benefit of patients and other individuals, it is always possible for music to be used as

a tool for manipulation and control, resulting in adverse consequences.

Ethical Considerations

Due to the ability of music to elicit and facilitate our memory, as well as our

emotions, the misuse of music lies within the realm of possibility. Just as music can be

used to access memories for reprocessing and reframing, it could also be used to trigger

negative or unwanted memories ad nauseum. Music could also be used for social

manipulation and control, inducing the sort of “mob mentality” that is often witnessed at

concerts. Untrained clinicians or those unfamiliar with using music in practice are also at

risk of either misusing music or being unable to handle situations that may arise through

the use of music in a therapeutic setting.

If a negative or painful memory is associated with a particular song, the individual

is often at the mercy of his or her environment. All attempts can be made to avoid the

song, but if another individual is aware of the particular stimulus, they may be able to

trigger the unwanted memory. The unsuspecting individual is then at the mercy of the

music, as well as the person who is sinister enough to antagonize this individual. A good

example comes from A Clockwork Orange, written by Anthony Burgess (1962) with an

adaptation produced, written, and directed by Stanley Kubrick in 1971.

The protagonist of the story, Alex, indulges in an adolescence of debauchery,

thievery, and other illegal activity. He is eventually caught, charged with murder, and

sentenced to 14 years in prison. Alex hears about an experimental technique, called the

“Ludovico Technique,” which promises to cure him of his crime-committing ways, along

with the addition of an early release from prison.

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The technique is a form of aversion therapy, where Alex is conditioned to become

nauseous when exposed to violent stimuli. During one of the conditioning sequences,

Alex’s favorite song, Beethoven’s 9th, accompanies the violent images. Alex pleads for

the song to be removed, but the treatment continues unabated. Alex successfully

completes treatment and is set free.

Out in the real world, Alex becomes nauseous to any exposure of violence. He

runs into some old acquaintances that beat him nearly to death, as he is unable to defend

himself or respond at all to the violence. He is found by a man whom he perpetrated

before prison. The man locks Alex in a room in his house and, unfortunately for Alex,

plays Beethoven’s 9th continuously. Alex experiences such intense nausea from the music

that he attempts suicide by throwing himself out of a second story window.

It is evident from the aforementioned that music can be used maliciously to

torment others in perverse ways. Due to the song being associated with a particular

memory or image, any time the song is heard, the images can come up. In Alex’s case,

any time the song is heard, along with the images or memories it conjures up, he also

experienced the conditioned response of nausea. An example such as this elucidates the

potential for music to be used in destructive, unethical, and malicious ways.

Sustained exposure to irritating or over-stimulating music could also lead to the

manipulation and control at an individual level, as well as on a social level. As mentioned

before, each individual has a sensory arousal threshold and surpassing this leads to

irritation and a desire to remove, or alter, the incoming stimuli. An example of this would

be playing irritating or over-arousing music to break up a rally. As more and more

protesters assemble, authorities become more and more vigilant. It would be possible, in

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theory, for the authorities to gather up speakers and blast the crowd with irritating sounds

or music. The crowd would be faced with the decision to remove themselves from the

premises or remove the source of the stimuli. Either way, the potential ramifications and

repercussions are not desirable.

If the protesters cannot tolerate the noise and decide that they must remove

themselves, their first amendment rights to free speech and assembly have been

compromised. They have the right to voice their opinion and this has been violated by

extremely manipulative means. An alternate decision is to attack the source of the stimuli

in attempts to silence it or destroy it, which would probably result in even worse

consequences to the protesters and the authorities. A full out riot could break out with

violence and bloodshed as a result. Either option is undesirable, but quite possible were

sound to be used in this manner.

The potential for music to be misused exists on a clinical and professional level as

well. Music in the therapeutic setting is often delivered in a controlled manner and

provided live by trained music therapists (Vickers & Cassileth, 2001). Music therapists

have extensive training, both clinically and academically, in the theory and

implementation of music as a treatment modality. Music therapy is ideally provided live

by a trained therapist; however, it can also be delivered in the form of recorded music for

research or even clinical purposes. Although it is ideal to have a music therapist deliver

services, this is not always an option in specific treatment settings. Regardless, the

implementation of music as a treatment modality requires one to be familiar with

literature, as well as potential complications, that may arise through the therapeutic use of

music.

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As mentioned throughout this dissertation, music can potentially be used in a

myriad of clinical disorders. It has the potential to lead to reframing of memories and

reprocessing of negative moods, which can result in healthier, more desired overall

functioning. Music, however, has the potential to elicit bad memories and negative

moods as well and, if not dealt with by a knowledgeable clinician, can exacerbate

existing difficulties. Taking the example of Madison, the young adult with depression

above, it is quite possible for an unsuspecting clinician utilizing music to end up with an

overwhelming situation (or even suicidality) on their hands. Many pitfalls exist where a

naïve clinician could run into clinical and ethical problems, especially those related to the

ethical principles of malfeasance and beneficence.

The first difficulty could arise in the initial decision to implement music in the

first place. A clinician unfamiliar with music as a treatment modality, as well as any other

modality they do not have prior experience, academic training, research, or familiarity

with, should not be utilizing this particular type of treatment in the first place. A therapist

who has no training in hypnotism should not hypnotize, or attempt to hypnotize, their

patients; this particular modality of training exists outside of their scope of expertise and

would require a referral for a consult if deemed appropriate. The same case goes for

music as a therapeutic modality. One does not have to be a music therapist per se to

implement the use of recorded music, but must have some training and familiarity with

the modality. In fact, recorded music has been used in various medical procedures by

various medical professionals familiar with recorded music as an adjunctive treatment

(Kwekkeboom, Bumpus, Wanta, & Serlin, 2008;Windich-Biermeier, Sjoberg, Dale,

Eshelman, & Guzzetta, 2007). It also would be in the best interest of the clinician to at

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least consult with a music therapist when they feel music may be of benefit to their

patient, especially when questionable situations arise in session.

A major ethical problem that could arise is the results of the application of

musical stimuli during treatment sessions. If an individual has an adverse reaction to a

memory that is triggered, or even before a memory is triggered, it is imperative that the

clinician intervene accordingly. Allowing the patient to suffer through the memory of a

long-repressed, troublesome episode without properly intervening (processing, reframing,

relaxation, discontinuing the music, etc.) is not only bad practice, but violates the ethical

principle of doing no harm. It is necessary for the clinician to respond to the patient in the

event of an adverse reaction to the treatment modality applied in order to assuage

suffering and restore the individual to at least baseline functioning. Only a clinician who

is familiar and knowledgeable in the use, as well as repercussions, of music should

implement this form of treatment.

A clinician who decides to use music in a therapeutic context must also recognize

the ramifications of using music therapeutically that can arise outside of formal sessions.

An individual runs the risk of evoking memories in a patient that can turn out to be points

of obsession. A memory may be evoked that is so intriguing and mystifying that the

individual may ritualistically listen to the specific song in order to trigger, and embellish

on, the memory over and over. The slippery slope here is that an individual can become

so engrossed and involved with a particular past episode that they sacrifice the here-and-

now. A situation like this could result in lower functioning of the individual on a social

and occupational level, as well as intrapersonally. It is equally important for the clinician

to educate their patients on the potential use and misuse of a treatment, as well as to be

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educated and familiar with the specific modality of treatment they themselves are

implementing. Precautions in clinical treatment, such as educating one’s patients, can

ensure that the patients are well informed and are able to take responsibility for their own

treatment.

Various ethical considerations need to be considered when implementing any

form of psychological treatment. As with most treatments, music has the ability to create

joy and happiness, as well as pain and suffering. The possibility exists that a nefarious

individual could, in theory, utilize music in order to create more suffering. It is also

possible for groups or individuals to utilize music in order to manipulate or control other

groups or individuals. Clinicians planning on implementing music in therapy sessions

should be familiar with the modality and consult when appropriate. Although an infinite

number of situations could arise that call the ethics of practice into question, these

potential situations lie outside the scope of this particular dissertation. The ethical

considerations discussed in this particular dissertation are meant to address general

principles, thus acting to shed light on and familiarize one with some potential problems

that could arise. By elucidating some of the potential pitfalls, clinicians, researchers, and

other professionals can be better prepared to respond to difficulties that may lie ahead.

Concluding Remarks and Future Directions

From the time that we are very young, our exposure to different types of music

has a very significant impact on the encoding of our autobiographical memories. As we

develop our own musical preferences, we shape which music will be tied to specific

autobiographical events in our lives. The more often we listen to certain types of music,

the chances increase that we will associate this music with a memory. As we get older,

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the way we recall memories changes, but the potential for music to have the ability to

elicit and facilitate autobiographical memories remains. Music first affects us at a basic

arousal level, which is primarily devoid of higher cognitive involvement. Once we are

able to tolerate its uniqueness and strangeness, we become familiar with it much the same

as anything else that impacts our sensory systems. As we relax and find pleasure in

music, we crave it more often and subsequently find ourselves immersed in its universal

qualities. We begin to make cognitive appraisals of music, while attaching it to episodes

we experience in our lives, so that at a later date we can be reminded of our past by the

complexities of a song.

We are not mere slaves to our senses and our environments; we can enact our

choices and preferences once we are able to think outside of our limitations. Our goals

influence what and how we remember, so much so, that they probably influence the

music we currently choose to listen to. Also, if a memory is triggered from some external

cue in our environment, but we have tasks competing for out current attention, we can

choose which way we direct our resources. Sometimes, however, we are unable to

wrestle loose from the grip of a highly significant or emotional memory and are put in a

position where we must confront the episode. It is during these situations that music, with

the help of an educated clinician, can assist us in reframing and reprocessing the

autobiographical episode and the memories attached to them. Reframing and

reprocessing our memories and emotions can lead to further integration of past

experience that allows for us to be more present in the here-and-now, while also allowing

us invaluable knowledge in dealing with what is to come.

99
Music could be a potentially effective intervention for individuals dealing with

mood disorders, anxiety disorders, cognitive disorders, medical conditions with comorbid

psychological conditions, and other disorders that are based in physiological, cognitive,

or affective constructs. Music has the ability to ramp up or decrease physiological

arousal, elicit memories that may be contributing to anxiety, posttraumatic stress, or

depression, and allow access to memories that may not have been triggered for some

time. It can be used as an adjunct to traditional psychological therapy, as well as a

component to the multidisciplinary care model emphasized by most medical settings

today. As music impacts us on a physiological, emotional, and cognitive level, the uses it

has and the settings it can be used in are potentially infinite. Music can be used as a

therapeutic agent to shift arousal, alter mood, and allow for reframing of emotion; it can

also be the trigger to peak experiences, enhance the operation of neural networks, and

potentially boost cognitive functioning.

On an aesthetic level, music can be enjoyed for the sake of music, as well as to

experience a commonly misunderstood emotion, nostalgia. In the event that music is

unfamiliar and cannot be associated to a more familiar song, yet one find the music to be

in the optimal arousal level and continues listening, music can be enjoyed for purely

aesthetic purposes. As no past experience can be associated and conjured up, one listens

to the novel song in the moment as they expand to into the future. An aesthetic

experience allows an individual to operate on a level of appreciation, rather than

judgment and categorization. By contemplating a song or piece of music, rather than

associating it or pairing it with a memory, we can appreciate the complexity and beauty

inherent in music.

100
Music can also bring up feelings of nostalgia, the bitter-sweet emotion that often

accompanies our beloved memories. Although nostalgia appears to be a common

experience that many people have had, it has been poorly understood throughout much of

the literature (Wildschut et al., 2006). Nostalgia is often understood as a mixture of

sadness and joy, however, from a musical standpoint, I find nostalgia to be a much more

complex emotion in its own right. It can be felt as a longing, as a bitter-sweet sadness, as

a fond memory that has passed, or as an experience that we yearn for. The yearning in

nostalgia is a different type of yearning, however. Nostalgia is the experience of

reflecting on a memory from our past in such a way as to desire it, yet to know that even

if we were to re-experience it, it could not be experienced in the same way as it was the

first time. Nostalgia is a reflecting, a reprocessing, and a reframing; it is an emotion that

is complex and unique to human beings. When I am reminded of some past event that I

long for, I am experiencing the recall of the memory, along with the emotion of longing,

in the present moment. Part of me acknowledges the fact that it is impossible to go back,

to re-experience the episode fully, yet it is important to reflect upon the memory, because

it has been transformed in the here-and-now.

Diversity and ethical considerations are imperative when utilizing music with

human beings, clinically and from a research standpoint. One who is preparing to use

music in a clinical or research method must be aware of the pitfalls and problems that

could arise from its application. It is also important for an individual to be aware of

cultural components when conducting research or using music in a clinical capacity with

diverse populations. By ensuring that one has the proper education, understanding,

training, and familiarity with an intervention, one is better prepared to deal with

101
problematic situations, should they arise. Also, by familiarizing oneself with music from

many different cultures, one can be well-versed and prepared to use music in diverse

populations.

Numerous studies could be developed as a result of the theory delineated in this

dissertation. The theory I have developed, in the meshing of memory and music, can

inform research and practice in regards to music and memory. Further research regarding

this theory is imperative, in order to provide validity and credibility to the theory, or to

disprove it altogether. As more research is done in regards to this theory, the theory can

be modified, edited, revised, discarded, or enhanced. Theories inform us and guide our

research and practice; our research and practice provide data as to the validity of a theory.

A two-way street exists between the theory and practice that creates constant modifying

and shaping of each other. I will now briefly discuss two potential research projects that

are informed by this theory and could shed some light as to the appropriateness of this

theory once the research is completed.

A theory that delineates how music may elicit and facilitate autobiographical

memory would be ideal in informing research regarding individuals who have memory

difficulties, most notably Alzheimer’s disease and the dementias. If memory can trigger

and facilitate autobiographical memory, then perhaps it can be of some use in those who

have trouble remembering. A control group of individuals with dementia could be

administered a life review, whereas the experimental group would receive background

music along with the life review. The results could be analyzed qualitatively and

quantitatively in order to assess which group, if any, had more or more detailed

memories. Both groups would require a diagnosis of dementia and would be randomized

102
to one arm of the study. Another spinoff is to compare demographically matched

individuals without dementia with the music condition and the no music condition.

It would also be interesting to see how individuals with dementia compare to

individuals without in regards to the music conditions. The normal “control” group could

be administered a life review, whereas the dementia group would receive music along

with the life review. Results could compare the amount and quality of information

provided in order to assess how much music may improve memory in a life review

situation. If music is shown to be beneficial, imagine how many older adults with

dementia (or even younger adults with memory problems) could benefit from this

intervention! It would also provide the opportunity for caregivers and family members to

reconnect with their older counterparts, many who have been disconnected for years due

to their memory problems.

In conclusion, music has the potential to elicit and facilitate autobiographical

memories. It can bring an individual back in time, to a place where a song was associated

with a memory, in order to reconnect, reprocess, reframe, or reflect on one’s past. Music

impacts physiological, cognitive, and affective processes in the brain in many ways. It

can potentially be used in various clinical disorders, as well as new and exciting research.

Music is something that is near and dear to almost everyone who comes into contact with

it; it can create a sense of well-being, nostalgia, understanding, and connection to our

lives. It is the author’s greatest hope that the theory delineated in this dissertation can

help inform and guide many researchers and clinicians in the field of music and memory.

103
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APPENDICES

115
APPENDIX A

Neuroanatomical Regions and Autobiographical Memory

116
Hippocampus Short-term to long-term memory
consolidation. Right side involved in
personal episodic memory. Left side
involved in personal semantic memory
Entorhinal cortex Has reciprocal connections with the
hippocampus (Hc), Perirhinal cortex (PR),
and Parahippocampus (PHc). Relays
information between Hc and PHc, PR
Parahippocampus Has reciprocal connections to the
neocortex. Relays information between
Entorhinal cortex (ER) and neocortex
Perirhinal cortex Has reciprocal connections to the
neocortex. Relays information between
Entorhinal cortex (ER) and neocortex
Amygdala Encodes emotional significance of
incoming information into memory.
Integrates and coordinates emotional and
motivational activities
Mammillary bodies Responsible for facilitating recollections
relying on temporal-spatial information
Cingulate cortex Lies above the Hippocampus; processes
spatial content, facilitates attentional
modulation to maintain retrieval mode,
facilitates re-experiencing of emotions
during recollection of autobiographical
memories. Also a reward center for food,
water, sex, music, and other rewarding
stimuli
Thalamus Responsible for familiarity and temporal-
spatial information. The brain’s primary
relay center; relays sensory information to
the appropriate cortical areas
Hypothalamus Influences the autonomic nervous system
(ANS), pituitary gland, and endocrine
glands. Plays a role in hunger, sleep, thirst,
and homeostasis
Parietal lobes Processes spatial information, mental
imagery (when and where an event took
place), and coordinates for movement
Cerebellum Responsible for cognitive and emotional
processing of memory, as well as initiating
and monitoring the conscious retrieval of
episodic memory
Prefrontal lobes Active during the retrieval of positive,
negative, stressful and neutral
autobiographical memories. Also

117
responsible for converting memory into
action and acting as a control operator for
processing the narrative stream in
autobiographical memory
Ventrolateral Prefrontal Cortex Maintains information in working memory.
Evaluates events for emotional significance
Dorsolateral Prefrontal Cortex Responsible for monitoring, operating, and
verifying the retrieval representation
Anterior Medial to Superior Self-referential processing
Prefrontal Cortex

118
AUDITORY CORTEX AND THE LOBES OF THE BRAIN

PARIETAL LOBE
OCCIPITAL LOBE
FRONTAL LOBE

PREFRONTAL CORTEX CEREBELLUM

TEMPORAL LOBE

PRIMARY AUDITORY CORTEX

119
MEDIAL TEMPORAL LOBE AND RELATED STRUCTURES

CINGULATE CORTEX THALAMUS

HYPOTHALAMUS

CORTEX
CORTEX

CORPUS CALLOSUM

AMYGDALA

HIPPOCAMPUS
MAMMILLARY BODY

120
APPENDIX B

Neuroanatomical Regions and Musical Processing

121
Outer Ear
Pinna Catches the wave of pressure and directs it
into the external ear canal
External ear canal Amplifies waves from Pinna and directs
them toward the ear drum
Middle Ear
Eardrum Vibrates as the pressure wave strikes it
Malleus (Hammer) Conveys and amplifies sound from the
eardrum to the oval window
Incus (Anvil) Operates same as Malleus
Stapes (Stirrup) Operates same as Incus
Oval Window Sends sound waves to cochlea
Inner Ear
Cochlea Fluid-filled, snail-like organ; houses the
basilar membrane
Basilar membrane Lies within fluid in cochlea, holds organ of
Corti
Organ of Corti Site of hair cells which produce the action
potential along the auditory nerve
Temporal lobe Site of primary auditory and secondary
auditory cortices
Left temporal lobe Processes temporal resolution of sound
(speed and frequency information)
Right temporal lobe Processes spectral resolution of sound
(pitch and melodic information)
Cerebellum Responsible for motor learning, error
detection and sensory integration in
musical processing
Paralimbic regions (Entorhinal cortex, Note changes in pleasantness of music.
parahippocampus, cingulated cortex) Also implicated in the long-term memory
of music
Medial temporal lobe Responsible for the long-term retention of
unfamiliar tunes
Frontal lobes Maintains pitch information in working
memory. Monitors tones in temporal order
Left frontal lobe Associated with emotions of joy and
happiness
Right frontal lobe Associated with emotions of fear and
sadness

122
ANATOMY OF AUDITORY PROCESSING

OUTER EAR MIDDLE EAR INNER EAR

PINNA

MALLEUS (HAMMER)
COCHLEA

INCUS (ANVIL)

EXTERNAL EAR CANAL STAPES (STIRRUP)

123
NEUROANATOMY OF AUDITORY PROCESSING

CORTEX
MEDIAL GENICULATE

COCHLEAR NUCLEUS
INFERIOR COLLICULUS

MEDULLA

124
125