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FONTANUS MONOGRAPH SERIES
XV

ETHNOGRAPHY
AND

DEVELOPMENT
THE WORK OF
RICHARD F. SALISBURY
The FONTANUS MONOGRAPH SERIES
and the annual journal FONTANUS,
published by the McGill University Libraries,
are devoted to the exploration
and presentation of the collections
of the McGill University
libraries, museums and archives

General Editor
Hans Moller

XV. Marilyn Silverman,

Ethnography and Development: The Work of Richard F. Salisbury,
2004
FONTANUS MONOGRAPH SERIES
XV

ETHNOGRAPHY
AND

DEVELOPMENT
THE WORK OF
RICHARD F. SALISBURY
Edited by

Marilyn Silverman

with contributions by

Harvey A. Feit
Henry J. Rutz
Colin H. Scott
Marilyn Silverman

McGill University Libraries

Montreal, 2004
Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data

Main Entry under title:

Ethnography and Development: The Work of Richard F. Salisbury

ISBN 0-7717-0622-7
ISSN 1183-1774

General Editor: Hans Moller

Editor: Marilyn Silverman

with contributions by
Harvey A. Feit
Henry J. Rutz
Colin H. Scott
Marilyn Silverman

Design: Andrew Ensslen

Printing: AGMV Marquis, Montreal

Copyright ©, McGill University Libraries, 2004

3459 McTavish Street
Montreal, QC
H3A 1Y1

All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be
reproduced in any form or by any means without the prior
permission of the McGill University Libraries
RICHARD F. SALISBURY
(1926-1989)
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Generous support from McGill University Faculty of Arts and the

Department of Anthropology, as well as additional support from various anonymous
donors, made the publication of this volume possible.
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Editor's Note v

I. In Memoriam etAd Futuram: 1

The Anthropology of Richard F. Salisbury (1926-1989)
by Marilyn Silverman

II. Ethnography and Social Structure in New Guinea: The Early Years 11
by Henry J. Rutz

Essays by Richard E Salisbury:

1. Siane Kinship: The Internal Structure of the Clan 29
and the Child's Adaptation To It (1954)
2. Structuring Ignorance: 47
The Genesis of a Myth in New Guinea (1966)
3. Asymmetrical Marriage Systems (1956) 61
4. New Guinea Highland Models and Descent Theory (1964) 83

III. Political Anthropology: Systems, Transactions and Regions 91

by Marilyn Silverman

Essays by Richard E Salisbury:

5. Political Consolidation and Economic Development - 107
Vunamami: Economic transformation in a Traditional Society (1970)
6. An Anthropologist's Use of Historical Methods (1967) 123
7. Transactional Politics: Factions and Beyond (1977) 133

IV. Anthropological Economics 153

by Henry J. Rutz

Essays by Richard F. Salisbury:

8. Anthropology and Economics (1968) 165
9. Formal Analysis and Anthropological Economics: 179
The Rossel Island Case (1968)
10. Non-equilibrium Models in New Guinea Ecology (1975) 197

iii
11. Introduction - Vunamami: Economic Transformation 215
in a Traditional Society (1970)

V. Applying Knowledge: Anthropological Praxis and Public Policy 233

by Harvey A. Feit and Colin H. Scott

Essays by Richard F. Salisbury:

12. The Nature of the Present Study: Development and]ames Bay: 257
Social Implications of the Hydro-electric Proposals (1972)
13. The Anthropologist as Societal Ombudsman (1976) 269
14. The North as a Developing Nation (1979) 281
15. Application and Theory in Canadian Anthropology: 295
The James BayAgreement (1979)
16. The Economics of Development Through Services: 309
Findings of the McGill Programme Among the Cree (1988)

VI. Organizing for the Common Good: Developing Anthropology 329

by Colin H. Scott

17. Applied Anthropology in Canada: Problems and Prospects 355

by Richard F. Salisbury (1983)
18. Les Defls et Contraintes de I'Anthropologie du Developpement: 367
Entrevue avec Richard F. Salisbury (1983)

VII. Richard F. Salisbury: A Chronological Bibliography 373

Compiled by Richard T. McCutcheon

VIII. The Contributors 385

IX. Index 389

IV
EDITOR'S NOTE
Typographical errors in the original publications, when found, have
been corrected. References have been added at the end of Salisbury's articles in cases
where such references were originally appended at the end of entire edited volume.
The occasional grammatical error, when found, has been corrected.
The article, "An Anthropologist's Use of Historical Methods," was
originally an oral presentation. The version here has been edited to enhance clarity in
its written form.
Typographical and stylistic differences, which typified the various
publications in which Salisbury's articles were published, have been partly modified to
create some uniformity of style in the present volume.
My thanks to Professor P.H. Gulliver, York University, for his help
in preparing this manuscript; and to Professors Hans Moller and Bruce Trigger, both
of McGill University, for their help in expediting the publication of this memorial vol-
ume.

Marilyn Silverman
Toronto, 2004

The following have kindly given permission to reproduce materials:

American Anthropologist
"Asymmetrical Marriage Systems" (1956), American Anthropologist 58, pp. 639-
655.

Anthropologica
"Structuring Ignorance: The Genesis of a Myth in New Guinea" (1966),
Anthropologica N.S., Vol. VIII, No. 2, pp.315-328.

"Non-equilibrium Models in New Guinea Ecology" (i975)> Anthropologica 17(2),

pp. 127-147-

Institute for Social and Economic Research (ISER), Memorial University of

Newfoundland
"Transactional Politics: Factions and Beyond" (1977), from Marilyn Silverman
and Richard F. Salisbury (eds.), A House Divided: Anthropological
Studies of Factionalism, pp. 111-127.

v
Man
"New Guinea Highland Models and Descent Theory" (1964), Man 64 (Nov.-Dec.),
pp. 168-171.

McGill University Programme in the Anthropology of Development

"The Nature of the Present Study" (1972), from Development and James Bay:
Social Implications of the Hydro-electric Proposals, pp. 1-15.

Royal Society of Canada

"Application and Theory in Canadian Anthropology: The James Bay Agreement"
(1979), from Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Series IV,
Vol. XVII, pp. 229-241.

Salisbury, Mary
"Siane: The Social Structure of the Siane People, Eastern Highlands, New
Guinea" (1954), unpublished report; and "An Anthropologist's Use of
Historical Methods" (1967), unpublished paper.

University of California Press

"Introduction," pp. 1-16; and Chapter X: "Political Consolidation and Economic
Development," pp.334~35i, from Vunamami: Economic
Transformation in a Traditional Society (1970).

University of Pittsburgh Press

"Formal Analysis and Anthropological Economics: The Rossel Island Case"
(1968), from Ira R. Buchler and Hugo G. Nutini (eds.), Game Theory in
the Behavioural Sciences.

"Anthropology and Economics" (1968), from Otto von Maring and Leonard
Kasdan (eds.), Anthropology and Neighboring Disciplines.

University Press of America

"The Economics of Development Through Services: Findings of the McGill
Programme Among the Cree" (1988), from John Bennett (ed.),
Production and Autonomy: Anthropological Studies and Critiques of
Development. Society for Economic Anthropology Monographs No. 5,
pp. 239-256.

VI
I
IN MEMORIAM ET AD FUTURAM:
THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF RICHARD F. SALISBURY
(1926-1989)

by

Marilyn Silverman

Crees believe that all honourable men belong to

the same tribe. Richard Salisbury was an hon-
ourable man (Philip Aashish, Executive Chief
of the Grand Council of the Crees of Quebec,
Memorial service for Richard F. Salisbury,
September 28, 1989).

It sometimes happens that a profoundly influential and extremely

active anthropologist emerges who gains international renown and respect. Such
anthropologists spend years in the field, publish widely and intensively, and profound-
ly affect those around them and those who come after through their writings, teach-
ing, personal dedication and organizational acumen. One such anthropologist was
Richard F. Salisbury.

Born in Chelsea, England, in 1926, Salisbury served in the Royal

Marines between 1945 and 1948. He then studied Modern Languages at Cambridge
University (B.A. 1949), received a certificate in Spanish in 1950 and studied anthro-
pology with Meyer Fortes during 1950-1. He went on to do graduate work in
Anthropology at Harvard University (A.M. 1955) and the Australian National
University (PhD. 1957). While studying at Harvard, he married Mary Roseborough, a
fellow graduate student from Toronto. He taught at the Harvard School of Public
Health, Tufts University and the University of California before coming to McGill
University in 1962 as an Associate Professor. He remained at McGill for the rest of
his life. He was appointed Full Professor in 1966 and, in 1967 and 1984, he held
Visiting Professorships at the University of Papua and New Guinea. He was elected
to the Royal Society of Canada in 1974, and was awarded the prestigious Killam
Foundation Senior Research Fellowship for 1980-82.

1
I. INMEMORIAM ETAD FUTURAM-. THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF RICHARD F. SALISBURY (1926-1989)

During this time, Salisbury was the author (or co-author) of 20

books, monographs and reports, more than 60 articles, and numerous other reviews
and commentaries. This immense corpus spanned several locales (New Guinea,
Guyana, Canada) and a wide spectrum of anthropological topics: economics, kinship,
religion, linguistics, politics, development, and human rights. His numerous insights,
theoretical ideas, and applied concerns helped to shape how his generation of schol-
ars around the world did anthropology. They also underlie much of contemporary
Canadian anthropology in particular and social anthropology in general. Moreover,
Salisbury was not simply a highly productive and influential scholar. He also was a fine
teacher who supervised over 30 graduate theses. Through them, and their subsequent
careers in anthropology, Salisbury helped to reproduce the discipline both in Canada
and abroad.

Salisbury also was extraordinarily active in promoting the organi-

zational and institutional infrastructure of the discipline. The list of his administrative
involvements is daunting: from chair of McGiU's anthropology department and Dean
of Arts to president of five anthropology associations.1 He served also on the Social
Science Research Council of Canada (1969-72), the Academic Advisory Panel of the
Canada Council (1974-1978), the Board of the Institut Quebecois de la Recherche sur
la Culture (1979-84), and as Programme Chair for the Eleventh International
Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences (1983). He was co-founder,
and later director, of the Centre for Developing Area Studies at McGill, he served on
the board of the Canadian Human Rights Foundation, and he was a member of the
Quebec Commission on Higher Education (1977). Throughout, he
combined a career of high-quality scholarly
research and active publication with a devotion
to teaching, promoting the scholarly growth of
social science organizations, and service to the
people of Canada and New Guinea. His bril-
liant intellect, personal integrity, and the energy
with which he worked to help others won him
widespread admiration (Trigger 1989:3).

I enrolled at McGill for graduate studies in

anthropology in 1976, drawn mainly by the
work of Dick Salisbury and his students at the
Programme in the Anthropology of
Development. ... As Dick let me know in our

2
very first conversation, he thought that my
view of the politics of development was over-
ly polarized. ... I thought Dick's view of the
world was too optimistic, assumed too much
liberal decency on the part of social actors; and I
certainly let him know. If this ever taxed his
patience, he never lost his humour. He was
adept at seizing the right opportunity to inject
an unsettling comment, question or fact that as
often as not left me with the feeling that he was
the realist, not I (Scott 1990:18).

When graduate students returned from the

field, our discussions ... [often] ... took place in
each other's apartments. ... Dick Salisbury was
a frequent visitor at these gatherings, usually
sitting on the floor with four or five students
gathered around. Who can forget those
sparkling eyes, wavy black hair combed straight
back, the omnipresent bow tie, or those large
hands poised in mid-air? (Hedican 1990:16)

An academic whose career has spanned 27 years has necessarily

touched many people who retain stories, recollections and memories. Perhaps the
most insightful are those of his students. As both an undergraduate and graduate stu-
dent at McGill, I have many recollections of Dick. Like others, they offer glimpses
into the style and essence of a fine scholar and mentor.

I recall, for example, how disconcerting it was as an undergraduate

to sit in a small class with a professor who knew so much. In a fourth-year theory class,
in 1966, we were discussing Levi-Strauss. A question was asked, and Dick proceeded
to answer it. To do so, he gave an impromptu, one-hour lecture on culture and per-
sonality theory, Freud and Jung. I remember looking around the room. In typical fash-
ion, we undergraduates had put down our pens for this stuff obviously would not be
on the exam. Yet I remember being profoundly struck, and still am, with the breadth
of his knowledge, with his ability to move into other disciplines, and with his capacity
to pursue issues laterally, into adjacent theoretical areas. This marked not only his
teaching but was an essential part of his ability to contribute theoretically to the
discipline.

3
I. INMEMORIAM ETAD FUTURAM: THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF RICHARD F. SALISBURY (1926-1989)

But it sometimes made it difficult to follow his thinking. Most of

Dick's students can recall his "quizzical look" - which usually followed what the stu-
dent thought was a particularly erudite question. This look, as I recall it now, came
about because, for Dick, the answer was so often self-evident. I remember taking away
with me several of his responses which followed on his quizzical look: answers which
seemingly were off-topic and not at all self-evident. It would take about 48 hours, a
lot of thinking, and occasionally a trip to the library. Then the penny would drop.
"Why," I asked one day, "did American acculturation studies move in such a sterile
direction?" With a quizzical look, Dick told me that it was the influence of Fred
Eggan. I was already on my way to the library before he had finished his sentence.

Sometimes, though, the quizzical look was because Dick genuinely

did not understand the student's logic, motivation or, more often, his or her desper-
ate fear of failure. The quizzical look, as I see it now, always meant that he had more
faith in us than we had in ourselves. Just before my PhD defence in 1973,1 went to his
office for some reassurance. I said, trying to be light, that I was very nervous about
being able to answer the questions which would be asked. With his quizzical look,
Dick blurted out: "But you're the world's expert on the topic.You're the only one who
knows the answers!"

Dick taught anthropology, however, not only by in-depth lateral

extrapolations and by quizzical looks. He also taught by example; and there was no
better model than Dick Salisbury in the field. The Research Institute for the Study of
Man (RISM) in New York provided funding for M.A. students from four universities
to do field work for the summer of 1966 in the Caribbean. The McGill team, along
with Dick, went to Guyana - to a bauxite mining town which he had chosen in the inte-
rior, accessible only after an eight-hour boat ride. We all met up in Georgetown, at a
hotel. The first afternoon, we met for drinks. At the bar were several West Indian
literati. Amongst them, as I remember, were novelists George Lamming and Jan
Carew and McGill economist Kari Levitt. The students, along with Dick, joined their
group. The students listened in silence to the conversation, feeling tentative, and pre-
ferring to explore the taste of real rum. After an hour, the group broke up. Dick dis-
appeared, the students went for a walk. Two hours later we were back in the bar. Dick
emerged, waving a sheaf of about a dozen, single-spaced, typed papers. He sat down,
handed the papers to us and announced: "These are field notes of the conversation!"
And we had thought that he had retired for a nap!

The next day, we went up the Demerara River, to Mackenzie, the

mining town. At the time, we wondered why we were going to that particular place.
Looking back, the answer is obvious. Dick was concerned with indigenous local devel-
opment. And Mackenzie, under the aegis of the Alcan Aluminum company, had lit-

4
erally been carved out of the jungle and set up as a company town. Dick saw this as a
perfect opportunity to investigate socio-economic change. The students, in the politi-
cized late-1960s, saw it as a case of Canadian colonialism. Dick saw our point, but his
quizzical look, which he often wore as we argued this point over the weeks, was that
it still provided the chance for original research. The students took the line that, by
simply being there, we were lackeys of western imperialism. So Dick was the only one
who talked to the expatriate company officials that summer while the students stu-
diously maintained a boycott and talked only to Guyanese. Looking back, I realize
that Dick had to exercise the patience of Job that summer and, most importantly, the
patience that came from a man secure in his own convictions.

Such generational and political differences, however, were highly

instructive - both in theory and practice. In Mackenzie, the students had all moved
into a house which Dick had rented from the company. The first morning, Dick
arrived - in khaki bermudas and a sports-shirt, carrying a clipboard. Immediately, the
thought crossed my mind that the field was clearly a different and liminal place: I had
never before seen Dick without a bow tie, and certainly never in shorts. The lesson
continued beyond the etiquette of dress in liminal places, however. We students were
sitting around, drinking coffee, vaguely thinking that, now that we were in the field,
we ought to do field work, and wondering if we were experiencing sufficient culture
shock to be allowed to stay home all day. Dick joined us for a cup of coffee. He then
stood bolt upright, announced that he had three interviews with Alcan executives set
up for the morning, and had to be off. He marched out. A few of us struggled out a
few hours later, for our own initial forays, following his example.

An anthropological colleague has since observed that "the hardest

thing about field work is getting out of the house in the morning." Dick was a sublime
researcher. It came out of the particular kind of detachment, and engagement, which
he carried with him to the field and with which he approached other people and
places. He became, for many - both students and others - a model to emulate.

I ended up on the Gazelle Peninsula ... half way

between Matupit and Vunamami, where about
25 years earlier Bill Epstein and Richard
Salisbury had worked. Frequently I travelled to
both places to listen to Tolai telling me their
histories. In order to explain what I was doing
I only had to refer to my predecessors, who
were both held in high esteem, by elders, and by
people who had never met them, alike. ... In
Vunamami I first elicited no recollections when

5
I. INMEMORIAM ETAD FUTURAM: THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF RlCHARD F. SALISBURY (1926-1989)

I mentioned the name of the scholar who

made the village known among anthropologists
and historians working in the South Pacific.
Soon I found out that Richard Salisbury called
himself (or was called?) ToMas. "Oh yes,
ToMas, of course." And I was told where he
had lived, I was told about his two kids, and
that his wife had been such a good dancer of
the customary malagene. Most of the men
ToMas had interviewed were long dead in
1986/88....

During ToMas' stay, Vunamami was probably

indeed "the most advanced village in New
Guinea" (yunamami^ p. 15). When he wrote
about the achievements of Vunamami villagers,
his writing reflects their pride. And, in a way,
his pride to have been accepted, if only tem-
porarily, as one of them. As one of them,
ToMas was a committed advocate of their
interests and rights (Neumann 1989:23-4).

Dick also was a model thesis advisor: one who could find money for
a graduate student whose funds had run out or who had missed a deadline for a grant
competition. He also was extraordinarily prompt and sensitive to the needs of stu-
dents. Harvey Feit recalls that he gave the final draft of his 1000-page thesis to Dick,
for his comments, on a Friday afternoon. The next Monday, Dick gave it back to him,
with comments duly written in the margins, along with several, tightly-typed pages of
additional comment.

Such commitment to students, whilst respecting always their rights

to independent thought and their own visions of their own work, was accompanied,
however, by explicit techniques for getting students on-line. Several of us arrived back
from the field in 1970, after a year or so of research for our doctorates. We naturally
went to see him for the first of what we thought were to be a series of meetings for
discussing our theses. He told each of us that he was very glad to see us back, and won-
dered had we written our Conclusions yet. The response of a surprised "no" elicited
his comment that we should begin our theses with the Conclusions and that we should
come back to see him when they were done. I disappeared for three months, strug-
gling, as he knew I would, with the central issue of what exactly I was going to do with
a trunk full of data and only a vague idea of what it all added up to. I never did write

6
the Conclusions at that time. But I was forced into doing a lot of thinking about what
exactly I wanted my thesis to be. I now use the technique with my own graduate stu-
dents. They also never write the Conclusions first and, in fact, I don't really expect
them to. But the task, especially if I keep a stern face while setting it, certainly centres
their thinking. I have often wondered though, but never remembered to ask, if Dick
wrote his Conclusions first.

In academia today, the pressure for theoretical novelty is so great

that intellectual approaches are old before their implications have been thoroughly
explored and young followers of particular gurus barely have time to write their dis-
sertations before their modes of reasoning have been rendered obsolete. In such an
atmosphere of rapid change, the new must be quickly and dramatically legitimized
and, for this to happen, dialectical reasoning requires that the old must be trashed.
Indeed, "as each successive approach carries the ax to its predecessors, anthropology
comes to resemble a project in intellectual deforestation" (Wolf 1990:588). In such a
context, a discipline is in great danger of losing sight of its roots, of its own history -
as the new not only displaces the old but also designates the past as irrelevant, ignores
its essential place in the present, and denies it a role for the future. The present vol-
ume is in small part an effort to restore some balance: to take the opportunity to
explore our shared anthropological past, to bring that past forward into the present,
and to try to ensure that the past will extend into our future.

When Dick Salisbury died at the very untimely age of 62, he left
behind not only a massive corpus of work, but also a younger generation of social
anthropologists whom he had trained at McGill. Four of us, all academic anthropolo-
gists, decided that his life and work should be celebrated. In the ordinary course of
time, had Dick enjoyed a normal span of years, we would have prepared a festschrift
in his honour. Now that he was gone, we asked ourselves what we might do to honour
his work, express thanks for his accomplishments and speak to his present place in
anthropology. A book made up of our own articles on diverse topics, in memoriam,
would not have accomplished this: it would have shown too little of Dick, the depth of
his work, and the extent of his contribution to contemporary anthropology. So we
decided on something different. Given his extraordinary influence on anthropology,
and given his extensive publications and the facts that a few pieces have never been
published while others are scattered in difficult-to-get-at places, we decided that it
was important to produce a readily-available collection of his writings.

We also decided, however, that we did not want the book to be

seen as having only an antiquarian value. Rather, we wanted to show how Dick's work,

7
I. INMEMORIAM ETAD FUTURAM-. THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF RICHARD F. SALISBURY (1926-1989)

and the issues which he confronted and raised, are also relevant to anthropology, to
the academy, and to a younger generation in the present. We therefore decided to
contextualise his writings: to provide background essays on the kind of anthropology
which he did, the context in which he did it, and the implications which it has for con-
temporary anthropology.

To do this, we divided the volume into five sections, each reflecting

one of Dick's major analytical or empirical areas and each reflecting as well a period
of his career. Each section was assigned to a contributor(s) who chose which of Dick's
many writings to include and who wrote an introductory essay for the section. Our aim
was to bring together the most representative materials and to bring out, as well, those
which have never been published. Our concern also was to produce a volume which
had an historical authenticity: about an anthropologist who worked at a particular
time and in particular socio-historical contexts, who had an impact on another gener-
ation, and who confronted theoretical and applied issues which still are central to the
discipline, Finally, our goal was to provide a volume which would be of interest to
numerous constituencies: to those who are involved in economic and/or political
anthropology; to those who are concerned with the anthropology of development and
public policy; to those who work in Melanesia and amongst Native Peoples; and to
those who wish to learn something about what it was like to be a social anthropologist
in Quebec and Canada in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s.

8
NOTES
1. Salisbury served as Chair of the Anthropology Department at McGill (1966-70)
and as Dean of Arts (1986-89). He served, inter alia, as President of the
Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association (1968-1970), the Northeastern
Anthropological Association (1968), the American Ethnological Society (1980),
the Society for Economic Anthropology (1982), and the Society for Applied
Anthropology in Canada (1986). See Scott's essay, section VI of this volume for a
more detailed rendering of Salisbury's immense contribution.

REFERENCES
Aronson, Dan. 1989/90. "In Memoriam: Richard F. Salisbury, 1926-1989 ." McGill News,
Winter.

Feit, Harvey. A. 1983. "An Anthropologist as Primitive Man." Unpublished address. May.

Hedican, Edward. 1990. "Richard Salisbury's Anthropology: A Personal Account." Culture

X(1).

Neumann, Klaus. 1989. "Richard Salisbury." Anthropology Today 5(6).

Salzman, Philip. 1989. "Richard F. Salisbury: An Appreciation." Newsletter, Faculty of Arts,

McGill University. Fall.

Scott, Colin. 1990. "Some Thoughts on Regional Development and the Canadian North in
the Work of Richard F. Salisbury." Culture X(i).

Tremblay, Marc Adelard. 1989. "In Memoriam: Richard Frank Salisbury, 1926-1989."
Address given September 28, McGill University.

Trigger, Bruce C. 1989. "In Memoriam: Richard Frank Salisbury." Proactive: Society of
Applied Anthropology in Canada 8(2).

Wolf, Eric R. 1990. "Distinguished Lecture: Facing Power - Old Insights, New Questions."
American Anthropologist 92(3).

9
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II
ETHNOGRAPHY AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE
IN NEW GUINEA: THE EARLY YEARS
by

Henry J. Rutz

There is no more abstract and formal part of anthropological sci-

ence than kinship, or so it would seem. Irrelevant and out of reach to undergraduate
minds, confounding to graduate students for whom kinship is a dry academic rite de
passage on their way to becoming a Ph.D., the promise of every paradigm in the his-
tory of anthropological ideas nevertheless has been etched in debates about kinship.
Kinship's favourite word is 'structure.' Indeed, 'social structure' is virtually synony-
mous with kinship in the anthropological literature, denoting principles from which
patterned social meaning and action are derived. In 1952, when a young and uniniti-
ated Richard Salisbury went to do fieldwork in the New Guinea highlands, the French
anthropologist Levi-Strauss (1969 [1949]) had recently published his monumental
contribution to kinship studies, in which he attempted to show that patterns of mar-
riage alliance resulting from an exchange of women could be deduced by following
through the logic of different marriage rules. In contrast, several decades of British
anthropologists' work on kinship in Africa was about to be summed up in the publica-
tion of Fortes' (1953) seminal paper, in which he argued that descent principles were
the foundation of social structure, from which marriage practices were derived. The
stage was set for a prolonged debate, from the mid-1950s to the mid-1960s, between
so-called 'descent' and 'alliance' theorists over the best way to solve a number of cul-
tural puzzles in apparently disparate 'systems of consanguinity and affinity in the
human family.'1 But the greater relevance of the debate on kinship lay in its promise
of clarifying the epistemological foundations of a generalizing science of culture by
working through a tangle of problems in phenomena of primordial significance to
every human society. In little more than a decade, every practitioner with a claim to
leadership in the field of social theory carved out a position on the implications of
alliance or descent theory for solving the complex cultural puzzles in apparently dis-
parate 'systems of consanguinity and affinity.'

Richard Salisbury was no exception. His very first publications,

entitled "Unilineal Descent Groups in the New Guinea Highlands" (1956a) and
"Asymmetrical Marriage Systems" (1956b), appeared in Man and American

11
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