POLS 109: Nigerian Indigenous Political Systems

Distance Learning Centre

AHMADU BELLO UNIVERSITY
ZARIA, NIGERIA

COURSE MATERIAL

FOR

Course Code & Title:

POLS 201/NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT & POLITICS I

Programme Title:
B.Sc. POLITICAL SCIENCE & INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

© 2020 Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) Zaria, Nigeria

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or
by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise
without the prior permission of the Director, Distance Learning Centre,
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria.

Published and Printed by

Ahmadu Bello University Press Limited
Zaria, Kaduna State, Nigeria.
Tel: 08065949711
E-mail: [email protected];
[email protected]; Website: www.abupress.org

ii Distance Learning Centre A.B.U, Course Materials

POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

Course Writers/
Development team
Editor
Prof. M.I Sule

Course Materials Development Overseer

Dr. Usman Abubakar Zaria

Subject Matter Expert

Dr. David Omeiza Moveh & Mr. Usman Muideen

Subject Matter Reviewer

Mr. Usman Muideen

Language Reviewer
Mr. Yusuf Mohammed

Instructional Designers/Graphics
Mr. Ibrahim Hassan Otukoya, Nasiru Tanko, & Mr. Haruna Abubakar

Course Coordinator
Mr. Usman Muideen

ODL Expert
Prof. Aliyu Yahaya

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

Contents
Title Page…………………………………………………………….…1
Acknowledgement Page…………………………………………… …2
Copyright Page………………………………………………………..…2
Course Writers/Development Team……………………………………3
Table of Content………………………………..………………………4-5
COURSE STUDY GUIDE……………………………………………6
i. Course Information-------------------------------------------------6
ii. Course Introduction and Description--------------------------6-7
iii. Course Prerequisites------------------------------------------------7
iv. Course Learning Resources---------------------------------------7-8
v. Course Objectives and Outcomes--------------------------------8
vi. Activities to Meet Course Objectives-----------------------------8
vii. Time (To complete Syllabus/Course)----------------------------9
viii. Grading Criteria and Scale-----------------------------------------9-10
ix. OER Resources--------------------------------------------------------10-12
x. ABU DLC Academic Calendar----------------------------------13
xi. Course Structure and Outline-------------------------------------14-17
xii. STUDY MODULES--------------------------------------------------18

Module 1:Background to Nigerian Government and Politics (Pre-Colonial

and Colonial era)-------------------------------------------------------19
Study Session 1:Pre-colonial states and nations in Nigeria (Centralized and
Non-centralized political systems)---------------------------------19-29
Study Session 2: Colonialism, the Evolution of the Nigerian state (1861-1914) and
the Policy of Indirect Rule-------------------------------------30-45

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Study Session 3: Economic and political imperatives of colonialism--------46-49

Study Session 4: Nigerian Nationalism: Traditional and Modern Nationalism-50-61

Module 2: Nigerian Constitutional Development and Federal System---62

Study Session 1: The Concept of constitution and constitutionalism, types of constitution-------
62-70
Study Session 2: Sir Hugh Clifford‟s constitution of 1922, Sir Arthur Richards‟s
Constitution of 1946 and McPherson‟s constitution of 1951----------------------71-78
Study Session 3: Oliver Lyttletons constitution of 1954, Independence constitution of 1960
and the Republican constitution of 1963--------------------------------------------79-83
Study Session 4: Concept and theory of Federalism and the Evolution of Nigeria‟s Federal
System.-----------------------------------------------------------84-87

Module 3: Pre-Independence Political Parties-------------------------------------88

Study Session 1: The formation of United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA)-88-102
Study Session 2: The Evolution and pattern of political party formation in Nigeria-103-117
Study Session 3: The United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC)--------------118-126
Study Session 4: Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU)-----------127-139
Study Session 5: National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC)-140-145

XIII. Glossary----------------------------------------------------------------------146-147

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

Course Study Guide

i. COURSE INFORMATION
Course Code:POLS 201
Course Title: Nigerian Government and Politics I
Credit Units: 3
Year of Study: 2
Semester: First

ii. COURSE INTRODUCTION AND DESCRIPTION

Introduction:
Welcome to POLS 201, Nigerian Government and Politics.This course is designed
to expose you to some fundamental aspects of Nigerian government and politics
from the pre-colonial, through the colonial to the post-colonial period. The major
topics to be covered include: Pre-colonial states and nations in Nigeria, colonialism
and the evolution of the Nigerian state, the rise of Nigerian nationalism (traditional
and modern nationalism) as well as Nigerian constitutional development. We shall
also examine the structure and major features of Nigeria‟s post-independence
government and politics.

Description:

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

The Nigerian state is a British colonial creation. The pre-colonial socio-political

systems in the area today known as Nigeria were brought together through British
colonialism by a series of amalgamations to form the Nigerian state. In
1960Nigeria gained political independence from the British and the country has
continued to evolve on the foundations laid by British colonialism.
Today Nigeria is a federation of 36 states with a federal capital territory. There are
also over two hundred and fifty ethnic groups constituting the Nigerian state; and
over the years the goal of achieving unity in diversity have tended to generate
crisis and this continues to attract scholarly attention. The course shall within the
context of Nigeria‟s historical evolution; examine some of the major events and
developments that have shaped, and continues to shape Nigeria‟s government and
politics.

iii. COURSE PREREQUISITES

You should note that although this course has no subject pre-requisite, you are
expected to have:
1. Satisfactory level of English proficiency
2. Basic Computer Operations proficiency
3. Online interaction proficiency
4. Web 2.0 and Social media interactive skills

iv. COURSE LEARNING RESOURCES

Afigbo, A. E. (1991), Background to Nigerian federalism: Federalfeatures in
the colonial state. Publius: The Journal of Federalism,21(4), 13-29.
Coleman J (1958) Nigeria: Background to Nationalism, California,

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

University of California Press.

Dudley, B. J (1982), An Introduction to Nigerian Government &Politics.
Bloomington, Indiana University Press.
Dudley, B. J. (1973), Instability and Political Order: Politics and Crisis in
Nigeria. Ibadan: University Press.
Falola .T. and Heaton M. (2008), A History of Nigeria, New York, Cambridge
University, press.
Mackintosh, J. O. (1966),Nigerian Government and Politics. Evanston: North
western University Press.

v. COURSE OUTCOMES
After studying this course, you should be able to:
1. Understand the nature of the pre-colonial socio-political systems that existed
in the area today known as Nigeria.
2. Understand the role played by colonialism in the emergence of the Nigerian
state.
3. Understand the major periods and outcomes of Nigeria‟s nationalist
movement.
4. Explain topical issues in Nigerian post-independence government and
politics.

vi. ACTIVITIES TO MEET COURSE OBJECTIVES

Specifically, this course shall comprise of the following activities:
1. Studying courseware
2. Listening to course audios

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3. Watching relevant course videos

4. Field activities, industrial attachment or internship, laboratory or
studio work (whichever is applicable)
5. Course assignments (individual and group)
6. Forum discussion participation
7. Tutorials (optional)
8. Semester examinations (CBT and essay based).

vii. TIME (TO COMPLETE SYLABUS/COURSE)

To cope with this course, you would be expected to commit a minimum of 3hours
weekly for the Course.

viii. GRADING CRITERIA AND SCALE

Grading Criteria
A. Formative assessment
Grades will be based on the following:
Individual assignments/test (CA 1,2 etc) 20
Group assignments (GCA 1, 2 etc) 10
Discussions/Quizzes/Out of class engagements etc 10

B. Summative assessment (Semester examination)

CBT based 30
Essay based 30
TOTAL 100%

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

C. Grading Scale:
A = 70-100
B = 60 – 69
C = 50 - 59
D = 45-49
F = 0-44

D. Feedback
Courseware based:
1. In-text questions and answers (answers preceding references)
2. 5.0 Self-Assessment Question(s) and answers (answers preceding references)

Tutor based:
1. Discussion Forum tutor input
2. Graded Continuous assessments

Student based:
1. Online programme assessment (administration, learning resource,
deployment, and assessment).

IX. LINKS TO OPEN EDUCATION RESOURCES

OSS Watch provides tips for selecting open source, or for procuring free or open
software.

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SchoolForge and SourceForge are good places to find, create, and publish open
software. SourceForge, for one, has millions of downloads each day.
Open Source Education Foundation and Open Source Initiative, and other
organisation like these, help disseminate knowledge.
Creative Commons has a number of open projects from Khan
Academy to Curriki where teachers and parents can find educational materials for
children or learn about Creative Commons licenses. Also, they recently launched
the School of Open that offers courses on the meaning, application, and impact of
"openness."
Numerous open or open educational resource databases and search engines
exist. Some examples include:
 OEDb: over 10,000 free courses from universities as well as reviews of colleges
and rankings of college degree programmes
 Open Tapestry: over 100,000 open licensed online learning resources for an
academic and general audience
 OER Commons: over 40,000 open educational resources from elementary school
through to higher education; many of the elementary, middle, and high school
resources are aligned to the Common Core State Standards
 Open Content: a blog, definition, and game of open source as well as a friendly
search engine for open educational resources from MIT, Stanford, and other
universities with subject and description listings
 Academic Earth: over 1,500 video lectures from MIT, Stanford, Berkeley,
Harvard, Princeton, and Yale

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

 JISC: Joint Information Systems Committee works on behalf of UK higher

education and is involved in many open resources and open projects including
digitising British newspapers from 1620-1900!

Other sources for open education resources

Universities
 The University of Cambridge's guide on Open Educational Resources for Teacher
Education (ORBIT)
 OpenLearn from Open University in the UK

Global
 Unesco's searchable open database is a portal to worldwide courses and research
initiatives
 African Virtual University (http://oer.avu.org/) has numerous modules on subjects
in English, French, and Portuguese
 https://code.google.com/p/course-builder/ is Google's open source software that is
designed to let anyone create online education courses
 Global Voices (http://globalvoicesonline.org/) is an international community of
bloggers who report on blogs and citizen media from around the world, including
on open source and open educational resources

Individuals (which include OERs)

 Librarian Chick: everything from books to quizzes and videos here, includes
directories on open source and open educational resources
 K-12 Tech Tools: OERs, from art to special education

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

 Web 2.0: Cool Tools for Schools: audio and video tools
 Web 2.0 Guru: animation and various collections of free open source software
 Livebinders: search, create, or organise digital information binders by age, grade,
or subject (why re-invent the wheel?)

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X. ABU DLC ACADEMIC CALENDAR/PLANNER

PERIOD
Semester Semester 1 Semester 2 Semester 3
Activity JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEPT OCT NOV DEC
Registration
Resumption
Late Registn.
Facilitation
Revision/
Consolidation
Semester
Examination

N.B: - All Sessions commence in January

- 1 Week break between Semesters and 6 Weeks vocation at end of session.
- Semester 3 is OPTIONAL (Fast-tracking, making up carry-overs & deferments)

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

XI. COURSE STRUCTURE AND OUTLINE

Course Structure
WEE MODU STUDY ACTIVITY
SESSION
K LE

Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.

1: 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Title: 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
Precolonial 4. View any other Video/U-tube
States and (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ESvgMuODXAw&nohtml5=Falsehttps://www.youtube.com/w
1& 2 Nations in atch?v=OaHXxUaBfyo)
Nigeria 5. View referred Animation (Address/Site?????
(Centralised https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Pre-
and Non- colonial+states+and+nations+in+Nigeria+%28Centralized+
Centralised and+Non+centralized+political+systems%29)
Political
Systems).
pp. 25
Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.
2 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Title: 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
Colonialism 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wb_VeU4gOCE&t=88s
and the https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uhmJsMsT5Dk)
STUDY
Evolution of 5. View referred Animation (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=
MODU the Nigerian Colonialism%2C+the+Evolution+of+the+Nigerian+ state+%281861-
State (1861- 1914%29+and+the+Policy+of+Indirect+Rule)
LE 1 1914).
pp. 36

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.

3 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Title: 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
Economic and 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Os0uZNBUsBY)
Political 5. View referred OER (address/site??????)
Imperatives of 6. (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=
Colonialism. Economic+and+political+imperatives+of+colonialism)
pp. 52
Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.
4 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Title: Nigerian 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
Nationalism: 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wXBqKb6cTOk)
Traditional 5. View referred Animation (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query
and Modern =Nigerian+Nationalism%3A+Traditional+ and+Modern+Nationalism)
Nationalism
pp. 56
Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.
1 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Title: The 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
Concept of 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1v_QIhlLBC4
constitution https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rk-RpqBXLDQ)
3&4 and 5. View referred Animation (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_
constitutionali query=The+Concept+of+constitution+and+ constitutionalism%2C+types+of+constitution)
sm, types of
constitution
pp. 68
Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.
STUDY 2 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Title: Sir 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
MODU Hugh Clifford 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Sir+
LE 2 Constitution Hugh+Clifford%E2%80%99s+constitution+of+1922%2C+
of 1922, Sir Sir+Arthur+Richards%E2%80%99s+Constitution+of+1946+

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

Arthur and+McPherson%E2%80%99s+constitution+of+1951)
Richards
Constitution
of 1946 and
McPherson‟s
Constitution
of 1951 pp. 77
Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.
3 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Title: Oliver 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
Lyttleton 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Pi672lu_5w
Constitution https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HMC34KhZCf8&t=64s)
of 1954, 5. View referred Animation (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query
Independence =Oliver+Lyttletons+constitution+of+1954%2C)
Constitution
5&6 of 1960 and
the Republican
Constitution
of 1963.Pp. 85
Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.
4 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Title: Concept 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
and Theory of 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nkfk2EJBDPk)
Federalism 5. View referred Animation (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=
and the Concept+and+theory+of+Federalism+and+
Evolution of the+Evolution+of+Nigeria%E2%80%99s+Federal+System.%0)
Nigeria‟s
Federal
Structure
pp. 91
Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.
1 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

Title: The 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session

formation of 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SZJ0zkGvKnI
the United https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zqvVGRYQ4wA&t=52s)
7&8 Progressive 5. View referred Animation (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=
Grand The+rise+and+fall+of+Nigeria%E2%80%99s+first+republic)
Alliance
(UPGA)
pp. 96
STUDY Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.
MODU 2 Title: The 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Evolution and 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
LE 3 pattern of 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u9hv_3qZel4&t=10s
Political Party https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t4dDsm3o-TE&list=PL6J1OzLHamQ-
Formation in jJKBo1st6QSA_x8SgMWN8)
Nigeria 5. View referred Animation (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=
pp. 112 Military+intervention+in+Nigerian+politics)
Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.
3 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Title: The 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
United Middle 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TJGccVKwZWA)
Belt Congress 5. View referred Animation (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=
9 & 10 (UMBC) Government+and+politics+in+ Nigeria%E2%80%99s+second+republic)
pp. 127
Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.
4 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
Title: Northern 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
Element 4. View any other Video/U-tube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RNiKgdhYcKI
Progressive https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MPhYz_OsXok)
Union 5. View referred Animation (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=
(NEPU) Transition+to+civil+rule+and+democratic+
Pp136 consolidation+in+Nigeria%E2%80%99s+fourth+republic)

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

Study Session 1. Read Courseware for the corresponding Study Session.

5 2. View the Video(s) on this Study Session
11 & Title: National 3. Listen to the Audio on this Study Session
12 Council of 4. View referred Animation (https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=
Nigeria and Nigeria+in+the+International+System)
the Cameroons
(NCNC)
pp. 149
Week REVISION/TUTORIALS (On Campus or Online)& CONSOLIDATION WEEK
13

Week SEMESTER EXAMINATION

14&
15

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Course Outline
MODULE1: Background to Nigerian Government and Politics (Pre-
Colonial and Colonial Era)
Study Session 1: Pre-colonial states and nations in Nigeria (Centralized and
Non-centralized political systems).
Study Session 2: Colonialism, the Evolution of the Nigerian state (1861-1914)
and the Policy of Indirect Rule
Study Session 3: Economic and political imperatives of colonialism
Study Session 4: Nigerian Nationalism: Traditional and Modern Nationalism

MODULE 2: Nigerian Constitutional Development And Federal System

Study Session1: The Concept of constitution and constitutionalism, types of
constitution
Study Session 2: Sir Hugh Clifford‟s constitution of 1922, Sir Arthur Richards‟s
Constitution of 1946 and McPherson‟s constitution of 1951
Study Session 3: Oliver Lyttletons constitution of 1954, Independence
constitution of 1960 and the Republican constitution of 1963
Study Session 4: Concept and theory of Federalism and the Evolution of
Nigeria‟s Federal System.

Module 3: Pre-Independence Political Parties

Study Session 1: The formation of United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA)
Study Session 2: The Evolution and pattern of political party formation in
Nigeria
Study Session 3: The United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC)

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

Study Session 4: Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU)

Study Session 5: National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC)

Study Module

Module 1
History of Nigerian Government and
Politics (Pre- Colonial and Colonial Era)
Contents:
Study Session 1: Pre-colonial states and nations in Nigeria (Centralized and
Non-centralized political systems).
Study Session 2: Colonialism, the Evolution of the Nigerian state (1861-1914)
and the Policy of Indirect Rule
Study Session 3: Economic and political imperatives of colonialism
Study Session 4: Nigerian Nationalism: Traditional and Modern Nationalism

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Study Session 1
Pre-colonial States and Nations in Nigeria
(Centralized and Non-centralized Political
Systems).
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- The Centralized System of Pre-Colonial Northern Nigeria: Hausa
/Fulani Pre-Colonial Political System
2.2- Centralized System of Pre-Colonial Western Nigeria: Yoruba Pre-
Colonial Political System
2.3- The Decentralized Political System of Eastern Nigeria: The Igbo
3.0Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.05.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)
7.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction:
Welcome to the first session of POLS 201. Here, you will be introduced to the
Pre-colonial states and nations in Nigeria. States and nations in this context
refers to the indigenous systems of political organizations that existed in the
area today known as Nigeria. The pre-colonial states and nations varied in form
and size. While some like the village republics in the eastern part of
contemporary Nigeria were small, simple and very loosely organized, others

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

like the Oyo Empire and the Sokoto caliphate were large, complex and highly
organized.
You will get to know that according to Falola and Heaton (2008), although
migration played an important role in the growth of centralized states in the
forest zone, savanna, and Sahel, particularly through the growth of trade and the
spread of Islam in the north, immigrants should not be seen as the sole providers
of state formation in the region. The pre-colonial decentralized and centralized
states that developed during this time were all essentially indigenous in origin.

The administrative structure and powers of the pre-colonial states and nations in
Nigeria were equally diverse, with some like the small simple states based on
rule by the clan or village elders, while the big complex states developed a more
elaborate structure of rule with the Oba (King) and Sultan (Emir) at the apex.
Hence the categorization of these systems as either centralized or non-
centralized. The non-centralized systems had within its fold, most of the states
in the present day eastern Nigeria, some parts of the north central and parts of
the western region of Nigeria. These states were seen as non-centralized
because there were essentially agglomerations of clans interacting on an
independent basis with no central authority overseeing their affairs.

It is also important to let you know that, the states that emerged in pre-colonial
Nigeria were more or less autonomous. Both centralized and decentralized
states had contact with each other throughout this period, and, as a result,
developed sophisticated political, economic, and cultural relationships across
societies. Many scholars initially believed that state formation was an inherently
on-African idea, and that any ideas of state centralization must have been
brought into the region by foreigners. Dubbed the „„Hamitic thesis, ‟this idea
that any sophisticated political, economic, or social institutionsin Africa had to

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come only from outsiders has been seriously questioned in recent decades.
Interestingly, you ought to acknowledge the fact that Scholars now widely
recognize the structures upon which centralized states were formed in the region
pre-dated outside influence, and it is increasingly clear that many of the
centralized states that developed in pre-colonial Nigeria emerged from the
decentralized formations that preceded them, not solely from the outside
influence of immigrants (Falola and Heaton 2008).

1.0 Study Session Learning Outcomes

After studying this session, I expect you to be able to:
1. Describe the structure of the political systems in pre-colonial eastern,
northern and western Nigeria.
2. Identify the major differences between the centralized and decentralized
political systems in pre-colonial Nigeria.

2.0 Main Content

2.1 The Centralized System of Pre-Colonial Northern Nigeria (Sokoto
Caliphate): Hausa /Fulani Pre-Colonial Political System
The centralized system of pre-colonial northern Nigeria sometimes referred to
as the Hausa/Fulani pre-colonial system can be traced to the Holy Jihad fought
by UthmanDanfodio in 1804 which gave rise to the Sokoto Caliphate.

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

Map of the Sokoto caliphate

The Sokoto Caliphate in Northern Nigeriawas one of the largest empires in

Africa during the 19th century. The empire developed as a result of the Fulani
jihads (holy wars) which took place in the first decade of the 19th century
across what is now Northern Nigeria. The Sokoto Caliphate was the center
of politics and economics in the region until it fell to British colonial armies in
the early 20th Century (Falola and Heaton 2008).

The Sokoto Caliphate was founded in 1804 by UthmandanFodio who became

the first Sultan of Sokoto or in the terminology of the time, the first
sarkinmusulmi(commander of the faithful). Although danFodio refused to
embrace the term Sultan, each of his successors called himself the Sultan of
Sokoto.
Dan Fodio, a Fulani religious leader and teacher who lived in the Hausacity
state of Gobir, initiated the jihad in 1804 after he and his followers were
expelled from the city. From exile he called for holy war against the leaders of

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Gobir and other Hausa city states. Gathering a large army of Fulani and Hausa
supporters he conquered Gobir and eventually Sokoto, Kano, Katsina, and the
other major city states. By 1815 when his armies ended their conquests,
UthmandanFodio's religious empire included most of what is now northern
Nigeria and northern Cameroon as well as parts of Niger (Falola and Heaton
2008).

According to Falola and Heaton (2008). By 1810 the caliphate had vanquished
all the Hausa states and had also brought provinces that had previously been
under the influence of Borno under a new Islamic government. Over the next
two decades, other emirates were added to the south and southeast of Hausa
land. Thus, the political system consisted mostly of the Hausa/Fulani, the
Nupes, and parts of the Yoruba speaking peoples. The pre-colonial political
system in northern Nigeria was also monarchical in nature hence the term
centralized systems. The method of administration involved an Emirate system
with Emirs as the head of each emirates. There were two headquarters, in
Sokoto and Gwandu headed by Emirs of Sokoto and Gwandu respectively and
Islamic law was adopted as the guiding principle of the administration.
The main political institutions in the centralized pre-colonial political system of
northern Nigeria include:
i. The Emir: The Emir is the head of an emirate, vested with legislative,
executive and judicial power. He was an absolute ruler. That is, the Emir
is supreme in decision making and whatsoever he ordered must be carried
out, though within the tenet of Islamic laws called Sharia. Therefore, the
Emir was both the political and religious head because he ensures that the
provisions of Sharia are adequately followed without any reservation. The
Emir‟s court was the highest and final. The Emir also had the right to
levy tax and decision made can‟t be changed by anybody.

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ii. Emir’s Ministers: These were the Emirs advisory council who helped in
day to day administration of the Emirate. These groups of people were
popularly regarded as the Emir‟s ministers assigned to various offices for
the purpose of administrative activities. The Wazirican be regarded as the
senior official and head of administration. Not only that, he was in charge
of all ministries and carry out the day to day administrative responsibility
on behalf of the Emir.
iii. District Head (Hakimi): The emirate system was divided into a number
of districts headed by „Hakimi‟. The Hakimi‟s responsibility is that of tax
collection and he was responsible to the Emir.
iv. The Village Heads: Each district is divided into villages headed by
village heads. The village heads helps to maintain peace and order in the
village administration and he also helps the Hakimi to collect tax. The
village heads and the Hakimi were both responsible to the Emir.
v. The Alkali Court: The Alkali court takes charge of judicial
administration of the emirate under Islamic tenet called „Sharia
In-text Question 1 List four political institutions that existed in the Hausa/Fulani pre-
colonial Political system

Answer Four political institutions that existed in the Hausa Fulani pre-colonial political
system are: the Emir, the Emir’s ministers, the District Heads and the Alkali court

2.2 Centralized System of Pre-Colonial Western Nigeria (The Oyo

Empire): “Yoruba Pre-Colonial Political System”
The political system in the Yoruba speaking areas of pre-colonial Western
Nigeria, like in the northern part of Nigeria was monarchical in nature. At the
apex of the “Yoruba precolonial system” was the king who was assisted by
other chiefs. It is important to note that the pre-colonial administration of these
Yoruba speaking areas was not as highly centralized as the Hausa/Fulani
system. The reason being that the Oba was not an absolute ruler as there was the

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principle of checks and balance. Examples of Yoruba kingdoms include the Oyo
kingdom, Ijesha, Ilesa, Ijebu, Abeokuta, etc. In this case, Oyo Empire is taken
as case study.
The Oyo Empire was based around the city of Oyo Ile, situated south of the
river Niger in the savanna zone near its convergence with the forest zone in
what is today the northeastern corner of Oyo State. According to Falola and
Heaton (2008), It is unclear when exactly the town of Oyo Ile was founded, but
archaeological testing indicates that the town was inhabited as early as the
eighth century AD. Oyo Ile was a well-established urban center by the fifteenth
century, when the neighboringNupe sacked the city. The Oyo monarchy sought
refuge among the Borgu, another neighboring people, to the west, where it
reconstituted itself. By the early sixteenth century Oyo had moved its capital to
Igboho, roughly forty miles west of Oyo Ile, and sometime in the late sixteenth
century, under the reign of Ajiboyede, the Oyo defeated the Nupe and reclaimed
Oyo Ile. From about 1600 the Oyo Empire underwent rapid expansion into the
forest zone to the south and southeast, becoming one of the largest empires in
the Nigerian region. At its largest size in the eighteenth century, the Oyo
Empire stretched from the river Moshi in the north down the river Nigerian the
east to Ogudu, which was a Nupe settlement. In the east, Oyo may have
stretched as far as the river Osin in Igbomina territory, while, in the southeast,
Oyo bordered on the lands of the Ekiti and the state of Ife. Oyo reached as far
south as the present town of Oyo, while the river Opara marked the western
boundary of the empire. In all, the area of the empire was somewhere in the
range of 18,000 square miles (Falola and Heaton 2008).
Some of the major political Institutions of Oyo Empire include:
I. The Alaafin:
The leader of the Oyo empire was known as the alafin. As was the case
with most Yoruba states, the Alafin traced his authority back to

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descendants of Oduduwa, the founder of the Yoruba people, who spread

out from Ife. Oyo‟s tradition claims that the city of Oyo was founded by
Oranmiyan, a son of Oduduwa. This link to Oduduwa and Ife was not the
only foundation upon which the Alafin‟s authority rested. The Alafin also
claimed descent from Sango, an early King of Oyo later deified as the
god of thunder, further` mystifying the office of Alafin and connecting
it to the realm of the gods. The office of Alafinwas therefore seen as
having supreme authority, and only the Alafin or one of his proxies could
make policy decisions, order executions, and create and confer titles.
The Alaafinor Oba (King) was therefore the highest authority in the Oyo
Empire; though he was not an absolute ruler. He was both political and
spiritual head of the Oyo kingdom. Yet, the Alafin‟s powers were
checked by other institutions like Oyomesi, Ogboni cult, warlords, etc. as
he was expected to always respect the views of the people of the society.
The Alafin ruled with the assistance of chiefs called Ijoye like Otun,
Iyalode etc. With these chiefs, the Alafin can exercise judicial, legislative
and executive power particularly over serious cases like land dispute,
crimes etc.
II. The Oyomesi: Oyomesi can be regarded as king makers. They were
prominent chiefs comprising seven notable individuals within the
community. Specifically, Oyomesi are the institutions charged with the
responsibility of appointing the king from a royal family. It is headed by
Bashorun. The Oba also required the consent of the Oyomesi before
taking a serious decision. The oyomesi was the principal institution for
checking the excesses of the Oba. They could compel the king to open
calabash (an order to commit suicide) if the king was dictatorial and
arbitrary in ruling the people.

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III. The Ogboni Cults: The Ogboni was a very powerful secret society
composed of freemen noted for their age, wisdom and importance in
religious and political affairs. Its members enjoyed immense power over
the common people due to their religious station. Aside from their duties
in respect to the worship of the earth, they were responsible for judging
any case dealing with the spilling of blood and they served as a key
institution in checking the powers of the oba and the Oyomesi. The leader
of the Ogboni, the Oluwo, had the unqualified right of direct access to the
Oba on any matter.

In-text Question 1 List three political institutions that existed in the Yoruba
pre-colonial Political system

Answer Three political institutions that existed in the Yoruba pre-colonial

political system are: the Alaafin, the Oyomesi and the Ogboni cult.

2.3. The Decentralized Political System of Eastern Nigeria: The Igbo

Political System
The Igbo occupied the Eastern part of Nigeria. The administrative system was
decentralized as there was no central symbol of authority like the emir or the
Oba. The Igbo political system was therefore segmentary and egalitarian in
nature. Each of the villages in Igbo society was normally administered like a
Republic, independent or sovereign state. There were however a number of
institutions in this society charged with the responsibility of judicial, legislative
and executive functions like: the family group, village council, Ozo title holder,
age grades and the Ala.

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i. The Family Group: the family group was one of the most recognized
institutions in pre-colonial Igbo society. It comprises people of the same
family. Not only that, each family group was autonomously headed by
the title holder called „Okpara‟. The Okpara controls the family and
judges any family disputes. He performs ritual and ceremonial functions
on behalf of the family.
ii. The Village Council: The Village Council is popularly known as council
of elders, it comprises of all the family heads in the village. However, the
most important thing is that each village was administered as a sovereign
entity and each family heads (Okpara) were reckoned or named an „Ofo‟
title holders in the village. They have the responsibility of discussing the
matters that affect the life of the citizens. They also help in maintaining
law and order in the society as well as settlement of dispute between or
among group of families. The chairman of this council is known as the
oldest of the Okparas.
iii. The Ozo: The Ozo title Holders can be seen as the highest title of honour
which is given to the specific individuals in pre-colonial Igbo society. To
become an Ozotitle holder, one must be prestigious, popular and wealthy.
The most amazing thing is that the position is not hereditary. Ozos are
highly influential. They settle and adjudicate on different disputes. Not
only that, they rendered valuable advice to the family heads (the
Okparas).
iv. Age Grades: Age grade is another important institution in pre-colonial
Igbo society. They are group of young men organized on the basis of age.
These age grades carry out lots of responsibilities like maintenance of
peace and order, sanitation of the community, helping each other during
harvesting period, enforcement of law, etc.

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v. The Ala: The Ala is another political institution in pre-colonial Igbo

society. Alawas popularly known as the goddess of the land. Cases like
murder, homicide, etc were judged by the Ala.
In-text Question 1 List three political institutions that existed in the Igbo pre-colonial
Political system

Answer Three political institutions that existed in the Igbo pre-colonial political system are:
the family group, the village council and the Ozo.

3.0Conclusion/Summary
You are now aware that Pre-colonial Nigeria consisted of diverse socio-political
formations with differences in form and size. These diverse formations served
as the basis of the emergence of the contemporary Nigerian state through the
colonial experience of the country.
The pre-colonial states and nations in Nigeria varied in form and size. While the
large complex states in the northern and western part of pre-colonial Nigeria
developed a centralized and elaborate system of government with the Emir or
Oba at the apex, the decentralized states in the eastern part of the country were
loosely organized around the village council of elders.

4.0Self-Assessment Question
1. With relevant examples attempt an analysis of the pre-colonial states
and nations in Nigeria.
Self-Assessment Answer:
The history of the territories which since 1900 have been known under the
name of Nigeria during the pre-colonial period (16th to 18th centuries) was
dominated by a number of powerful West African kingdoms or empires, such
as the Oyo Empire and the Islamic KanimBorno Empire in the north and west,
and the Igbo kingdom of Onitsha in the southeast and various Hausa-Fulani

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kingdoms.
Past archaeological digs have uncovered the fairly advanced lifestyle of some
of the Hausa civilizations. Some were able to work iron which helped with
tool and weapon making. They also showed a vast advancement in cultural
expression which was rare for civilizations in the area around that time. Many
of the settlements also contained expertly coursed stone walls which showed
the need for either protection from animals or other settlements. These various
settlements would later clash, craving a rise in power which may explain these
elements uncovered in the archaeological sites.
These kingdoms developed in the context of the trans-Saharan slave trade, but
they peaked in power in the late 18th century, thriving on the Atlantic slave
trade due to the great demand for slaves by the European colonies. During and
after the Napoleonic period, the western powers gradually abolished slavery,
which led to a collapse in demand and consequently a decline of the West
African empires, and the gradual increase of western influence during the 19th
century (the “Scramble for Africa”), in the case of Nigeria concluding with
the British protectorates of Northern and Southern Nigeria in 1900.

5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)

a. Visit U-tube addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OaHXxUaBfyo. Watch
the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Pre-
colonial+states+and+nations+in+Nigeria+%28Centralized+and+Non+centralize
d+political+systems%29 and critique it in the discussion forum

6.0 References/Further Reading

Coleman, J. (1958). Nigeria: Background to Nationalism, California,
University of California Press.
Falola, T. & Heaton, M. (2008).A History of Nigeria, New York,
CambridgeUniversity, press.

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Study Session 2
The Evolution of the Nigerian state (1861-
1914) and the Policy of Indirect Rule
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1-Colonial Policy of Indirect Rule
2.2- Assessment of Indirect Rule
2.3- Merits and Demerits of Indirect Rule
2.4- The Demerits of Indirect Rule
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.05.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction:
Welcome to the second session of POLS 201. Here, you will be introduced to
Colonialism, the Evolution of the Nigerian state (1861-1914) and the Policy of
Indirect Rule. The story of the colonial origin of the Nigerian state cannot be
fully told without mentioning the role played by slave trade between the coastal
states and Western Europe. Between the 15th and 18th century slave trade had
flourished in response to the rising capitalist economy of Western Europe which
at its early stage was in high need of labour to work on plantations in Western
Europe and its colonies in the new world (North and South America). In the 19 th

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century however, the attainment of the industrial stage of capitalism ensured

that machines effectively took the place of human labour. Slave trade therefore
became outdated and unnecessary.
Related to the foregoing development was the fact that the products from the
emerging industries of Western Europe needed to be disposed in an enlarged
and stable market; just as new sources of raw materials need to be secured.
Continued trade in slaves therefore became a serious hindrance to the realization
of these economic objectives and therefore it need to be stopped. It was the
campaign to stop slave trade and replace it with the so called legitimate trade in
other goods aside human beings which triggered the factors that culminated in
physical occupation and subjugation of the pre-colonial Nigerian territories by
the British.
By about 1850 political and economic transformations had begun to alter the
make-up of states in the Nigerian region, to a greater or lesser degree. As the
savanna was reconfigured into an Islamic empire centered on Sokoto, the states
of Yorubaland grappled with the collapse of
the Oyo empire. In the Niger delta and
Calabar, established slave traders began to
transform their business practices and power
bases towards palm oil exports and were
dealing with new forms of competition. Also
affecting political, economic, and social
processes was the growing influence of
British agents, in the form of Christian missionaries, trading interests, and
political officials, all of whom were primarily concerned with increasing British
influence against what they saw as the nefarious activities of indigenous rulers
and other European powers, notably France and Germany. The power and
influence of the British over the Nigerian territories became tangible from

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around the middle of the nineteenth century, and by the end of the century
circumstances had led to a dovetailing of British interests that resulted in the
colonial occupation of the territories that would become Nigeria (Falola and
Heaton, 2008).

Fig. 2.1 British colonial army and their indigenous allies.

The circumstances under which colonial rule took hold were different in each of
these regions, with the result that the process of colonization was drawn out:
over forty years elapsed between the annexation of Lagos in1861 and the
occupation of Sokoto in 1903. Differing regional circumstances also meant that
different tactics were attempted in order to gain control of these regions. In the
end, however, the most common and most effective tool of colonial expansion
was the British willingness to use superior military might to subdue any
opposition violently. By 1903 British predominance had been extended at the
barrel of a gun to create the Colony and Protectorate of Lagos, the Protectorate
of Southern Nigeria, and the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria where previously
had existed autonomous, independent states under indigenous leadership (Falola
and Heaton 2008).

The colonization of Nigeria was also accomplished through a series of British

maneuvers emanating from Lagos in the west, which became the base for all

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colonial operations in Yoruba land, and from the trading states of the Niger
delta and Calabar in the east. Direct British interference in Lagos politics began
in 1851, when missionaries at Abeokuta convinced John Bee croft, the British
consul for the Bights of Benin and Biafra, to use his military power to unseat
Kosoko, the reigning King of Lagos, in favor of a rival claimant, an Egbaroyal
named Akitoye. Kosoko had been belligerent towards both missionaries and
British trading activity in Lagos, and had made no serious effort to end the
ongoing slave trade in the region. Bee croft hoped that replacing Kosoko with
Akitoye would bring an end to the slave trade and stabilize the region for the
spread of „„legitimate‟‟ commerce. Therefore, in December 1851 he ordered the
bombardment of Lagos, forcing Kosoko to flee. Akitoyewas put on the throne
under the precondition that he sign an anti-slave-trade treaty. Unfortunately,
over the next ten years Akitoye and his successors were unable to bring stability
to the region that the British had hoped for, and, in 1861, Lagos was annexed as
a British colony under the direct political control of a British governor. The
colonization of Nigeria had officially begun (Falola and Heaton 2008).

In the course of time, other precolonial Nigerian territories were also brought
under British occupation and political subjugation through coercion and by
diplomacy and fraud. The Lagos colony was gradually expanded to cover other
towns and villages in the Yoruba hinterland; and from 1863-1889 the
area became known as the colony and protectorate of Lagos.
In the eastern part of what later became known as Nigeria the British were also
consolidating their influence. In the port cities of the Bight of Biafra, as in
Yoruba land, the promotion of anti-slavery and British trading interests was a
key aspect of the British rhetoric that led to colonization of the region.
Regulation was greatly needed in the fiercely competitive commercial
atmosphere of the Bight of Biafra, and both local traders and British firms

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looked to the British consul to negotiate and to settle disputes. Indigenous

political leaders sought the friendship of the consul as an ally against rivals,
preferring to cede authority to the British rather than to local competitors. The
consul therefore achieved a position of great power through his position as
intermediary (Falola and Heaton 2008).The coastal territories which they had
brought under their influence were named oil rivers protectorate. As they
extended their influence to other inland towns and villages, the name was
changed in 1893 to the Niger–coast protectorate.
In the northern part of Nigeria the British trading firms present came together in
1879 to form the Royal Niger Company (RNC). The Royal Niger Company was
granted charter by the British to administer the territories that make up most
parts of contemporary northern Nigeria. Under the terms of the charter, the
RNC came to control the trade on the Niger between the delta and Nupe and on
the Benue as far as Yola. The political power exercised by the RNC varied
across the Niger and Benue region as administration was only the secondary
objective of the company: the primary objective was to monopolize the trade of
the navigable rivers of the Nigerian interior. However, the monopolistic
activities of the RNC provoked widespread criticism of the company in West
Africa and in the United Kingdom alike (Falola and Heaton 2008). Thus, by
1899, the charter of the Royal Niger Company was revoked and the territories
under its control was taken over by the British government. Lord Lugardwas
appointed the High Commissioner of the newly created Northern Nigeria
Protectorate and Zungeru became the headquarters of the protectorate.

Having taken over the administration of the Niger-Benue region from the RNC
the Lugard now faced the task of expanding his newly found protectorate over
the territories of the Sokoto Caliphate. The Sokoto caliphate posed a problem to
British rule for two reasons. First, Lugard feared that, since the caliph had been

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the suzerain over territories such as Bida, Ilorin, and Yola, which were now
under British protection, the influence of the caliph would undermine Lugard‟s
own authority, and could conceivably lead to internal revolts within British-
controlled territories. Second, the Sokoto Caliphate offered yet another avenue
through which the French might make a play for the Niger. By 1900 the French
had expanded their rule over most of the western Sudan, including the territories
directly to the north and west of Sokoto. Thus, if the French conquered the
caliphate before the British moved to do so, the French would be able to move
their forces all the way down to the banks of the Niger from the north. To
prevent French encroachment, the Royal Niger Company had attempted to
establish a military post and a British Resident in Sokoto in 1899, but had been
rebuffed by the caliph. The resistance of the caliph to British influence
convinced Lugard that the only effective way of securing the protectorate and,
by extension, the rivers Niger and Benue, was the military conquest of Sokoto
and its incorporation into the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria (Falola and
Heaton 2008).

The decentralized nature of the caliphate worked against it in the ensuing

campaign against the British takeover. The caliphate‟s lack of a standing army
meant that large numbers of troops could not be dispatched at any given time,
and the emirates were left mostly to fend for themselves against the British
onslaught. Lugard‟s first move was to shore up British control of the emirates of
Bida and Kontagora on the Niger and Yola on the Benue. The emirs of these
states had recently been hostile to company rule, so Lugard took troops into
their territories, deposed the emirs, and replaced them with new emirs whose
primary qualification to rule was willingness to submit to Lugard‟s authority.
From these places, Lugard‟s forces moved north into Bauchi and Gombe, and
by 1902Lugard had conquered Zaria. British forces now faced their greatest

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challenges, in Kano and in Sokoto itself. Kano was occupied after only minor
resistance on February 3, 1903, but fighting outside the city continued for
several weeks afterwards. In the end, the emir fled and the Kanawa troops
surrendered by early March. Caliph Attahiru put up a stiff fight for Sokoto on
March 15, but eventually he, too, was forced to flee, and Sokoto fell to British
troops. Not content to allow the head of such a vast empire possibly to
reconstitute himself elsewhere, Lugard‟s forces pursued Attahiru, killing him
finally on July 27 at the Second Battle of Burmi, some 200 miles southeast of
Kano on the river Gongola. The mighty caliphate founded by Usman danFodio
was no more. Many of its most prominent citizens, rather than submit to alien,
non- Islamic rule, fled east to escape their persecutors. Some went on
pilgrimage to Mecca, others to aid the millenarian campaign of the Mahdi
against the British in Sudan. The caliphate‟s territories were incorporated into
the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria under emirs willing to accept British
colonial rule. Borno, which had always retained its independence from Sokoto,
was occupied by British forces and brought into the protectorate as well, in
1904. The conquest of Sokoto represented the final act in setting the boundaries
of the British Protectorates of Northern and Southern Nigeria (Falola and
Heaton 2008).

Thus, by 1900 three distinct territories engineered by the British had emerged
out of the pre-colonial Nigerian territories namely:
i. The colony and protectorate of Lagos,
ii. The protectorate of Northern Nigeria
iii. The protectorate of Southern Nigeria.

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Fig 2.2 Political Map of Colonial Nigeria as at 1900

In 1906, the two southern Nigerian entities were brought together to form the
colony and protectorate southern Nigeria. Then in 1914 the colony and
protectorate of northern Nigeria was merged with the colony and protectorate of
southern Nigeria to form the colony and protectorate of Nigeria.
Fig. 2.3 Political map of Colonial Nigeria as at 1914

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So Nigeria came into being as a colonial creation through a series of mergers

and amalgamations of precolonial Nigerian territories and Lord Lugard became
the first governor of the unified Nigerian territories.
The colonization of Nigeria was thus a prolonged process, taking more than
forty years to accomplish. Local circumstances and the influence of
missionaries, traders, or French and German incursions tended to dictate the
process of colonization; in the end however, territories were brought into
submission only by the use of force. Colonization brought under the sole rule of
the United Kingdom previously independent states that had been interconnected
commercially and to some extent culturally over the previous centuries, but had
not experienced political unification of any kind. The process of governing the
conglomeration of states that became amalgamated into a single Nigeria was
thus, by necessity, inorganic, alien, and transformative (Falola and Heaton
2008).

1.0 Study Session Learning Outcomes

After studying this session, I expect you to be able to:
1. Describe Colonial Policy of Indirect Rule
2. - Assess Indirect Rule
3. – Enumerate the Merits and Demerits of Indirect Rule

2.0 Main Content

2.1 Colonial Policy of Indirect Rule
Lord Frederick Lugard became the Governor-General of Northern and Southern
Nigeria in 1906 and he ruled the two Protectorates (the Colony and Protectorate
of Southern Nigeria and the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria) separately until
1914 when they were amalgamated to form the colony and protectorate of
Nigeria. Before Lord Lugard assumed office, he had introduced the Indirect

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Rule Policy in the Northern Protectorate which was to be, later extended to the
Western and Eastern parts of the country. Indirect Rule can be defined as the
colonial administrative system in which the local Chiefs were used by the
colonial officers to control the colonized people. Under the system, it appeared
the native Chiefs/Obas/Emirs were ruling their people, but in the actual sense, it
was the colonial masters who were actually ruling. Lord Lugard defines Indirect
Rule thus:
Rule through the native Chiefs who are regarded as integral part
of the machinery of Government, with well-defined powers and
functions recognized by the government and by Law, and not
dependent on the caprices of an Executive Officer (Kirk-Greene
1918:68).
Lord Lugard felt that indirect rule was the most efficient ways toward the
realization of his concept of “dual mandate”. The concept of dual mandate was
the belief that British colonial rule should be maximally beneficial both to the
British and to the peoples of Nigeria. The British argued that it was their duty to
run the colonies efficiently and effectively so that the United Kingdom itself
might benefit from extracting Nigeria‟s raw materials and from the opening up
of Nigerian societies to European markets. At the same time, the British claimed
to be bringing „„progress‟‟ and „„civilization‟‟ to otherwise backward African
societies by developing the economy, eradicating slavery in all its forms,
weeding out the corruption they believed existed in traditional political
institutions, promoting a work ethic they believed traditional societies lacked,
and educating populations on European conceptions of health, hygiene, and
cleanliness, among other things (Falola and Heaton 2008). Thus, indirect rule
claimed to respect traditional political institutions and promote continuity
between indigenous and colonial regimes, but in practice indirect rule alienated
traditional authorities from their subject populations through their association

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with the colonial regime. Furthermore, traditional rulers found that they
maintained their power at the behest of British colonial officers, who made sure
that colonial directives were enforced at all times. Insubordinate indigenous
rulers soon found themselves ousted and their places taken by more malleable
replacements (Falola and Heaton 2008).
The reasons for the introduction of indirect rule in colonial Nigeria include:
i. Administrative Convenience: The size of the country was too large and
diverse with a large and scattered population and the Colonial masters
had little knowledge about the indigenous peoples. Lord Lugard met
well-established traditional institutions, with a system of government in
the Northern and Western parts of the country which made the decision to
introduce the Indirect Rule more attractive. He created Warrant Chiefs in
the Eastern part of the country where the people were republican in nature
and therefore had no traditional institution of leadership.
ii. Economic Factor: Another reason for the introduction of the Indirect
Rule was the fact that direct administration would have cost the British
Government a large sum of human and material resources. This system
came about the time Britain herself was facing acute shortage of skilled
personnel at home. Both money and manpower needed for her
development at home would have had to be deployed to rule directly in
Nigeria if the direct rule option was chosen.
iii. Language Barrier: By the time Lord Lugard came to Nigeria there was
language problem because only a few Africans could understand and
speak English Language. Conversely, the British colonial masters could
not speak African languages which made communication with the people
very difficult. Therefore, the best option opened to the colonialist was to
rule the people through their native rulers.

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iv. Sustenance of African Culture: The need to sustain African culture by

the British was another factor for the introduction of Indirect Rule. Unlike
the French colonial policy of assimilation of her African subjects, the
intention of the British‟s policy of association was to sustain and preserve
African culture in her colonial territories. Lastly, Lugard‟s past
experience in the East and Central Africa where he had successfully
established Indirect Rule also informed his decision to repeat the same in
Nigeria.

2.2 Assessment of Indirect Rule

The Indirect Rule was successful in the North and partially successful in the
West but was a failure in the East. The reason for the policy‟s failure in the East
was largely due to lack of a central authority or recognized traditional
institutions in that part of the Country. The policy recorded a huge success in
the North because of the existence of a centralized traditional system of
government headed by the Emirs who enjoyed absolute and unquestionable
loyalty from the people. This was in contrast to the West where although, there
was a centralized traditional system of government headed by the Obas, the
powers and authority of the Obascould be challenged by another traditional
institution or directly by the people.
Indeed, indirect rule was the cheapest, easiest, and most ideologically attractive
way to justify the colonial presence. It theoretically preserved indigenous
political institutions, but the nature of these institutions was significantly altered
by the colonial presence.

2.3 Merits and Demerits of Indirect Rule

Although the Indirect Rule was a colonial invention which was criticized as an
undue interruption of the African native traditional administrative system that

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had existed many centuries before the coming of the colonial masters, it was not
without some advantages as-well-as some drawbacks. Some of the merits of the
indirect rule policy include:
i. Through the taxes collected from the people, the British officials used
part of the proceeds to provide and spread western education, roads, pipe-
borne water and hospitals.
ii. It opened up many rural communities to economic activities resulting in
the production of farm produce for export and local consumption.
iii. The system also taught the traditional rulers the arts of modern
administration and accountability of public fund. For the first time, the
native rulers accounted for the taxes and royalties collected from the
people and explained how the public funds were used. This minimized
cases of corruption and embezzlement of public treasury.
iv. This period could be regarded as the zenith of relevance of the traditional
institution because monarchs were made to play the roles of politicians
and thus, became the pivot around which the decision-making processes
revolved.
v. Indirect Rule system gave quasi-autonomy to the people in the art of
self-government and made Africans to be alive to their civic obligations
and also to be conscious of their civic rights by introducing a modern
judicial system for adjudication and arbitration of disputes between
individuals, communities and traditional institutions.
vi. It preserved the native customs, laws and traditions which made the
British subjects think, talk and behave like Nigerians unlike their
neighboring Francophone Africans that had their culture subsumed by the
French Policy of Assimilation.

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2.4 The Demerits of Indirect Rule

Conversely, there were arguments against the British Indirect Rule in Nigeria,
among which were the followings.
i. It was argued that the system was shrouded in deceit and pretense by the
British for making it appear that the native rulers were ruling but in the
actual fact they took instructions from the colonial masters from the
Governor-General through the Residents to the District Officers who, in
most cases, turned the traditional rulers to puppets and stooges because
they were stark illiterates. The native rulers could not use their position to
get what they thought was good for their people but were rather used by
the British officials to implement their colonial policies.
ii. The deliberate alienation of African elites from the Indirect Rule system
was another sour point against the system. The educated elites who were
better placed to run the judicial system, the public service and manage the
public treasury were excluded to the advantage of the illiterate native
rulers who were susceptible to taking instructions from the colonial
masters hook, line and sinker to the detriment of their people.
iii. The Indirect Rule was also criticized for giving too much powers to
traditional rulers beyond what their communities accorded them thus, the
new status led to unhealthy rivalry among communities over supremacy
and territorial jurisdiction to augment their aggregate revenue and
consequently, their aggregate salaries.
iv. There were cases of arbitrary use of powers by the traditional rulers
against their opponents either over wives, land or chieftaincy titles in
their domain.
v. It is also argued that the system had a negative toll on the myths and
sacredness surrounding the traditional rulers in the context of African
society. For instance, in the Yoruba land Obaswere rarely seen in public

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

except when occasionally, they sat in judgment or had to perform

traditional rites or declare annual festivals open. Most of an Oba s
functions were performed by the Chiefs. In Ghana, the traditional rulers
do not speak directly to the people but through a Palace interpreter. With
the Indirect Rule these traditional conventions became a thing of the past
as Obas, Emirs, Obis became ubiquitous in the sense that they were seen
everywhere in the community.
In-text Question 1 (A short question requiring a single sentence answer for quick reflection
over the read topic): To what extent was the policy of indirect rule successful in the
administration of colonial Nigeria?

AnswerThe Indirect Rule was successful in the North and partially successful in the West but
was a failure in the East. The reason for the policy s failure in the East was largely due to
lack of a central authority or recognized traditional institutions in that part of the Country.
The policy recorded a huge success in the North because of the existence of a centralized
traditional system of government headed by the Emirs who enjoyed absolute and
unquestionable loyalty from the people.

3.0Conclusion/Summary
The Nigerian state was a product of British colonialism. The hitherto pre-
colonial socio-political formations were brought together through a series of
mergers and amalgamations to form the Nigerian state.

The evolution of the Nigerian state took place between 1861 and 1914 thorough
a series of mergers and amalgamations of the indigenous territories in pre-
colonial Nigeria. The major colonial policy adopted in the administration of
colonial Nigeria was the policy of indirect rule which involved the
administration of the natives through their existing political institutions. While
the policy of indirect rule was highly successful in the in the northern and
western parts of Nigeria due to the existence of a centralized system of
government, the policy was not as successful in the eastern part of the country
due to the de-centralized political system of the region.

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4.0 Self-Assessment Question

1. List and explain three factors for the introduction of indirect rule in
Nigeria.
Self-Assessment Answer:
Reasons for Introducing Indirect Rule in Nigeria
i. Large size of the country.
ii. Lack of personnel.
iii. Lack of finance.
iv. Language barrier.
v. Preservation of traditional institutions.
vi. Fierce resistance by Africans.
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations& Out of Class activities)
a. Visit U-tube add
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wb_VeU4gOCE&t=88shttps://www.youtu
be.com/watch?v=uhmJsMsT5Dk Watch the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on
add/sitehttps://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Colonialism%2C+the+
Evolution+of+the+Nigerian+state+%281861-
1914%29+and+the+Policy+of+Indirect+Rule and critique it in the discussion
forum

6.0 References/Further Reading

Coleman, J. (1958). Nigeria: Background to Nationalism, California,
University of California Press.
Dudley, B. (1982). An Introduction to Nigerian Government & Politics,
Bloomington, Indiana University Press.

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

Study Session 3
Economic and Political Imperatives of
Colonialism
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- Economic and Political Imperatives of Colonialism
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.05.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction:
The colonization of Nigeria by the British was not by accident. Indeed, a
number of economic and political factors were very significant in the
colonization of Nigeria. These factors ranged from the need to secure a source
of raw materials for British industries, to the national prestige of the British
government. This session examines the major economic and political factors
that led to the colonization of Nigeria.

1.0 Study Session Learning Outcomes

After studying this session, I expect you to be able to:
1. Discuss the economic and political factors that encouraged the British
government to colonize Nigeria.

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2.0 Main Content

2.1 Economic and Political Imperatives of Colonialism
The economic imperatives of colonialism derives from the fact that colonialism
itself was essentially an economic phenomenon. We noted earlier that the
attainment of the industrial stage of capitalism had driven the British to seek a
so called “legitimate trade” in other goods aside slaves. Indeed, it was the
attempt to realize this legitimate trade that eventually led to the colonization of
the Nigerian territories. The elements of the legitimate trade sought by the
British which are also the economic motives for colonization include:
i. A search for cheap and secure sources of raw materials for British
industries.
ii. An expanded and stable markets for the manufactured goods from British
industries.
iii. Finding new sources of generating capital resources for investment in
Britain
iv. A manpower reserve for the national and economic needs of the British.
These economic imperatives propelled a series of amalgamations of the pre-
colonial Nigerian territories as it became apparent that the territories would be
more efficiently exploited if they were merged than if they were left as separate
disparate entities. The amalgamation of 1914 illustrates this point clearly.
Having created the northern and southern protectorates in 1906 the economic
complementarity of the regions with regards to British colonial motives became
a compelling force for the final amalgamation of 1914. The northern
protectorates were landlocked, and so the British needed the sea ports of the
south for the evacuation of northern produce to Europe. The southern
protectorate in turn would be made more beneficial to the British by bringing in
the north and opening up the territories as one huge entity with attendant
advantages of large labor, commercial and infrastructural pool.

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Related to the economic imperatives of colonialism were the political

imperatives which began with the rivalry amongst the major European powers.
With the scramble for Africa by the major European powers, the British needed
to secure a physical presence in their overseas territories and exclude other
European rivals; and this was to be made possible only if there was a legitimate
claim backed by an effective authority. The Berlin conference of 1885 was
therefore held to
legitimize this process.
These developments
ultimately led to the
conquest and
subjugation of the
Nigeria territories by
the British.
In-text Question 1 Define “legitimate trade”

Answer The “legitimate trade” was used to refer to trade in all other goods asides human
beings which was encouraged by the British following the abolition of slave trade

3.0Conclusion/Summary
Economic and political considerations on the part of the British colonialist
played a major role in the colonization of Nigeria. These consideration includes
the search of sources of raw material and manpower reserves among other
factors.
This session has established that there were economic and political factors that
led to the colonization of Nigeria. These factors include:
i. A search for cheap and secure sources of raw materials for British
industries.

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ii. An expanded and stable markets for the manufactured goods from British
industries.
iii. Finding new sources of generating capital resources for investment in
Britain
iv. A manpower reserve for the national and economic needs of the British.

4.0Self-Assessment Question
1. Define Colonialism.
Self-Assessment Answer:
Colonialism is the extension of the nation‟s sovereignty over territory
beyond its borders by the establishment of either settler colonies in
which indegeneous populations are directly ruled or displaced.
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities) e.g.
a. Visit U-tube addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Os0uZNBUsBY. Watch
the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on
add/sitehttps://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Economic+and+politic
al+imperatives+of+colonialism and critique it in the discussion forum

6.0 References/Further Reading

Havinden, M., & Meredith, D. (1993),.Colonialism and development:
Britain and its tropical colonies, 1850-1960.Psychology Press.

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Study Session 4
Nigerian Nationalism
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1-Traditional Nationalism
2.2- Modern Nationalism:
2.3- Herbert Macaulay and the Nigerian National Democratic Party
(NNDP)
2.4- The Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) and Nationalist Awakening
in Nigeria
2.5- The Role of NnamdiAzikiwe in the Development of Nigerian
Nationalism
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.05.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction:
In a very broad sense Nigerian nationalism can be used to refer to all forms of
thoughts and activities by Nigerians directed against foreign rule or domination.
These thoughts may be in the form of sentiments while activities in the form of
rebellion. In this sense it can be argued that Nigerian nationalism began over
400years ago when Europeans first came into contact with the indigenous

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peoples. For the purpose of clarity however, we shall divide the period of
Nigerian nationalism into two periods: tradition and modern nationalism.

1.0 Study Session Learning Outcomes

After studying this session, I expect you to be able to:
1. Define the concept Nigerian nationalism.
2. Identify the two periods of Nigerian nationalism
3. Differentiate between the two periods of Nigerian nationalism.

2.0 Main Content

2.1 Traditional Nationalism
As noted by James Coleman (1958) traditional nationalism represented the
period of early resistance and protest movement which was targeted against
British penetration and occupation. It was essentially the spontaneous resistance
put up by the indigenous peoples against British occupation.

Throughout the four centuries preceding the imposition of formal British

control, African chiefs in the Niger-delta area effectively prevented the intrusion
of Europeans. This opposition compelled the European traders to recognize the
sovereignty of indigenous African states. However, two developments
weakened this barrier to penetration. One was the decline in the power of the
coastal kingdoms which resulted from revolutionary economic changes

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introduced by the British colonialists, and the other was the decision of the
British government in 1885 to support a more determined and systematic
penetration of the interior, which was to culminate, 15 years later in the
establishment of a formal protectorate supported and controlled by British
power. Once the British had made this decision, the occupation and pacification
of Nigeria were carried out with comparatively little difficulty and with
relatively little expense in arms, money and men.
In general the acquisition of the indigenous territories was accomplished by
force, or by the threat of force. The British obtained cession of Lagos by duress,
after launching an armed attack during which most of the town was destroyed
by fire. In the western region, the Ijebu and the Bini were both victims of
military conquest, the latter after putting up a substantial resistance. In the delta
area, the Royal Niger Company met sporadic opposition to the establishment of
its authority from the riverine tribes whose bitter resentment over the intrusion
of the Europeans was demonstrated in the Akassa massacre.
In the eastern region, between 1900 and 1920, several expeditionary forces were
necessary to establish British control, and as late as 1918 constant patrolling
was still the order of the day. In the north, the Nupe and the Ilorin, with armies
of 30,000 and 8,000 respectively, resisted the forces of the Royal Niger
Company. After the charter of the Royal Niger Company was revoked, and
during the transition to formal British rule, the Nupe and the Kotongora revolted
against British authority. The Yola, Kano, Sokoto and Hadejia emirates were all
conquered in 1903 by Lord Lugard‟s forces after offering initial resistance. The
vast areas of the middle belt were not completely pacified until the end of
World War I. Even after pacification, there were frequent revolts in this area
which was prompted not necessarily by the goal of attaining Political
independence but as a spontaneous resistance to the disruption of indigenous
cultural practices.

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In-text Question 1 What is traditional Nigerian nationalism?

AnswerTraditional Nigerian nationalism refers essentially to the spontaneous resistance put

up by the indigenous peoples against British occupation.

2.2 Modern Nationalism

This was the second period of Nigerian nationalism, which included all forms of
sentiments, activities and organizations which were specifically aimed towards
the achievement of self-government for Nigeria as nation state. Some of the
major features of the modern period of Nigerian nationalism, which
distinguishes it from the traditional period of Nigerian nationalism include:
i. The declaration of self-government as the specific goal of the nationalist
movement.
ii. The evolution for the first time of the concept of Nigerian unity.
iii. The pre-dominance of westernized elites in the nationalist struggles.
iv. The development of permanent political associations to fight for
independence.
v. The predominance of modern political values and ideas.
There were two native foreigners who laid the foundation for the development
of modern nationalism in Nigeria: Edward Wilmot Blyden, who spent very little
of his life in Nigeria and John Payne Jackson, a Liberian who was a close
confidant of Blyden. The early writings of Blyden and Jackson reveal the main
themes of latter-day nationalist ideology in Nigeria. While Blyden emphasized
cultural nationalism, Jackson‟s writings emphasized the political aspects of
nationalism.

The dominant note in Blyden‟s thought was that Africans should not
indiscriminately emulate other races, but should seek the regeneration of their
continent by bringing forth and demonstrating its unique contribution to

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humanity. His writings spanned a period of more than forty years, beginning
with his first published work Liberia’s offering in 1862 and ending with West
Africa before Europe in 1905. Jackson on the other hand contributed to the
development of modern nationalism in Nigeria in the form of militant
journalism. From 1891- to the early 1930s Jackson owned and edited a
newspaper called the Lagos weekly record which was crucial in the propagation
of racial consciousness and a major source of propaganda as to why Africans
should rise against colonialism. For forty years, the record campaigned in
defense of West Africans and Africans against alien white rule.

2.3 Herbert Macaulay and the Nigerian National Democratic Party

(NNDP)

Herbert Macaulay
For the first time in 1922 Nigerians were granted the right to elect members into
the legislative council albeit to a limited electorate in Lagos and Calabar (only
adult males in these areas with an annual income of 100pounds and above could
vote).

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Limited as the elective principle was at that time, it was a significant

achievement in the nationalist struggle and the crucial and dominant personality
during this period was Herbert Macaulay the founder of the Nigeria National
Democratic Party (NNDP). Macaulay was the bête noire (someone or
something greatly detested and avoided) of the colonial government in Nigeria
for nearly forty years. His campaigns against unpopular colonial policies during
his career won him the popular title of the grandfather of Nigerian nationalism
The chief sources of Macaulay‟s strengths were his newspapers, the Lagos daily
news, the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP), the highly organized
market women, the house of Docemo (ObaDosunmu of Lagos) and its
supporters and his unique ability to fire the imagination of the semi-literate and
illiterate masses of Lagos.
Macaulay was one of the first Nigerian nationalists and for most of his life a
strong opponent of many colonial policies. As a reaction to claims by the British
that they were governing with "the true interests of the natives at heart", he
wrote: "The dimensions of "the true interests of the natives at heart" are
algebraically equal to the length, breadth and depth of the Whiteman‟s pocket."
In 1908 he exposed European corruption in the handling of railway finances and
in 1919 he argued successfully for the chiefs whose land had been taken by the
British in front of the Privy Council in London. As a result, the colonial
government was forced to pay compensation to the chiefs.

With the new constitution in effect in 1923, there was an intense competition for
the three elective positions allocated to Lagos and the NNDP under the
leadership of Herbert Macaulay emerged as the most powerful group. The
candidates of the NNDP were victorious in the legislative council elections of
1923, 1928 and 1933. From 1923 to 1933, the NNDP was the major force in the
political awakening of Lagos. Although its principal function was to support

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

candidates for the Lagos seats on the legislative council, its stated aims asserted
a broader nationalist responsibility:
to secure the safety or welfare of the people of the colony
and protectorate of Nigeria as an integral part of the British
imperial common wealth, and to carry the banner of right,
truth, liberty and justice to the empyrean heights of
democracy until the realization of its ambitious goal of a
government of the people, by the people, for the people…
The stated objectives of the NNDP also revealed its nationalist position in the
development of Nigerian nationalism. Its objectives include:
a. The nomination and election of the Lagos members of the legislative
council
b. The achievement of municipal status and complete local self-government
for Lagos.
c. The establishment of branches and auxiliaries of the party in all areas of
Nigeria.
d. The development of higher education and the introduction of compulsory
education throughout Nigeria.
e. Economic development of the natural resources of Nigeria under
controlled private enterprise.
f. Free and fair trade in Nigeria and equal treatment for native traders and
producers of Nigeria.
g. The Africanization of the civil service
Notwithstanding its claims to be a Nigerian and national party, the activities of
the NNDP remained throughout its long history in Lagos. The failure to truly
nationalize the party was partly due to the determination of Macaulay to keep
the party under his firm control as the establishment of branches outside Lagos
could have challenged his leadership. Although the activities of the NNDP was

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largely confined to Lagos, it frequently took a national stand on issues. Thus, it

fostered the consciousness among Lagosians at least, that Lagos was part of a
larger territory called Nigeria.

2.4 The Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) and Nationalist Awakening in

Nigeria
The NYM was formed in 1936 by young educated Nigerian youths who
believed the NNDP was too conservative and restricted in its activities. The
defeat of the NNDP in the legislative council election in 1938 by the NYM was
the first major step in the nationalization of the nationalist movement in Nigeria.
One of the major motivations of the NYM was that Nigerians should assume the
leadership of the country- a reaction to the fact that many of the NNDP‟s
leaders were “native foreigners”.
In 1938, the NYM published the Nigerian youth charter which identified the
following as its major objectives:
a. The unification of all tribes of Nigeria through the encouragement of
better understanding and cooperation to the end of creating a common
ideal.
b. The education of public opinion to a higher moral and intellectual level so
that national consciousness could be developed and the common ideal
realized.
Unlike the NNDP, the NYM was able to establish branches in key centers
throughout Nigeria. In addition to the branches in Yoruba land, the NYM had
branches in Warri and Benin City in the west, Aba Enugu and Port-Harcourt in
the East and among southern expatriate groups in Jos, Kaduna, Zaria and Kano
in the north. In spite of its national spread, the NYM collapsed in 1941 due to
tribal tensions between the Igbos and the Yorubas.

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2.5 The Role of NnamdiAzikiwe in the Development of Nigerian

Nationalism

NnamdiAzikiwe
Azikiwe was one of the greatest personalities of Nigerian nationalism.
According to James Coleman during the period 1934-1949, Azikiwe was
undoubtedly the most important and celebrated nationalist leader in the west
coast of Africa, if not the whole of tropical Africa. This was in the period of the
decline of the NYM.

Azikiwe was born in 1904 in Zungeru, the first capital of Nigeria where Lord
Lugard established his headquarters. His father who was an Igbo man was a
clerk in the Nigerian regiment. At the age 21 Azikiwe went to the United States
to study political science. While he was in the US he was exposed to racial
discrimination and the activities of militant Negro nationalism headed by
Marcus Gavey. These exposures strengthened Azikiwe‟s resolve to organize
Africa as part of a worldwide protest towards the freedom of the black race. In
1937, when Azikiwe returned to Nigeria, he established a series of newspapers
in Kano, Lagos, Ibadan, Enugu, and Port Harcourt which were central to the
development of nationalist activities. In his newspapers Azikiwe fought against
racial inequality and injustice perpetuated by the colonial administration and

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their indigenous allies. The newspapers were also central in giving publicity to
all kinds of indigenous social clubs, workers union, tribal organizations and
other local groups; and for the first time these organizations began to see
themselves as a formidable force against colonial rule. Indeed, the militant
journalism practiced by Azikiwe became the basis for the Nigerian awakening.
It was also the journalistic activities of Azikiwe that laid the foundation for the
founding of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) in
1944, with Azikiwe as its first secretary general and then President in 1946.

The NCNC, quickly became the most prominent nationalist organization in

Nigeria. Like the NYM, the NCNC was overtly concerned with fostering a pan-
Nigerian identity and securing self-government for all of Nigeria. The NCNC
was not a political party as such; rather, it was a conglomeration of many ethnic
and social unions, with constituencies throughout Nigeria that aligned under its
banner, although its greatest support was in the south and its center of activity
was Lagos. Nevertheless, the NCNC became the mouthpiece for the concerns of
a broad swath of the Nigerian population. Azikiwe and the NCNC‟s staunch
support for the General Strike of 1945 brought recognition and legitimacy to the
new organization and made Azikiwe, dubbed „„the Great Zik,‟‟ the face of
Nigerian nationalism. Further popularizing his movement, Azikiwe claimed in
1945 that the colonial government had conspired to have him assassinated,
fueling sympathy for himself and the nationalist cause and contempt for the
colonial authorities. After the alleged „„assassination‟‟ attempt, a militant wing
of the NCNC was formed in 1946. Known as the Zikists movement, members
of this movement called for the elimination of the colonial regime by any means
necessary. In pursuance of this goal, the Zikists flirted with leftist ideology and
openly argued for Nigeria to become a socialist state under self-rule.
Communism and socialism in their various forms increasingly appealed to

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Nigerian nationalists, who embraced the ideas of proletariat empowerment and

anti-imperialism that leftist ideologies promoted. The Zikist movement stood at
the vanguard of the radical left until its dissolution in 1950, after being outlawed
for the attempted assassination of the colonial secretary.
In-text Question 1 What were the sources of Hebert Macaulay’s strengths in his campaign
against colonialism

AnswerThe chief sources of Macaulay’s strengths were his newspapers, the Lagos daily
news, the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP), the highly organized market women,
the house of Docemo and its supporters and his unique ability to fire the imagination of the
semi-literate and illiterate masses of Lagos.

3.0 Conclusion/Summary
Nigerian nationalism consists of all thoughts, sentiments and activities directed
against foreign rule and domination. The development of nationalism especially
in the modern era (i.e. from the 1940s) eventually led to the achievement of
political independence for Nigeria.
Nigerian nationalism can be defined as all thoughts, sentiments and activities
directed against foreign rule and domination. The period of Nigerian
nationalism can be divided into two namely traditional and modern nationalism.
While traditional nationalism refers to the spontaneous reactions of the
indigenous peoples against the imposition of colonial rule, the modern period of
Nigerian nationalism refers to all the activities directed towards the achievement
of political independence for Nigeria.

4.0 Self-Assessment Question

1. Discuss the advantage and disadvantage of nationalism.
Self-Assessment Answer:
Nationalism is an ideology where an individual‟s loyalty and devotion to a
nation surpasses other interests to other people and other groups. One

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advantage of Nationalism is that public infrastructure programs are created.

This has the advantage of creating jobs. However, one disadvantage is that it
leads to independence and separation from the rest of the world. Another
disadvantage is that Nationalism can lead to war.
2. List and explain five major features of modern nationalism in Nigeria

5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities) e.g.
a. Visit U-tube addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wXBqKb6cTOk. Watch
the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on
add/sitehttps://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Nigerian+Nationalism
%3A+Traditional+and+Modern+Nationalism and critique it in the discussion
forum

6.0 References/Further Reading

Coleman, J. (1958). Nigeria: Background to Nationalism, California,
University of California Press.

Module 2
Nigerian Constitutional Development and
Federal System
Contents:
Study Session1: The Concept of constitution and constitutionalism, types of

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constitution
Study Session 2: Sir Hugh Clifford‟s constitution of 1922, Sir Arthur Richards‟s
Constitution of 1946 and McPherson‟s constitution of 1951
Study Session 3: Oliver Lyttletons constitution of 1954, Independence
constitution of 1960 and the Republican constitution of 1963
Study Session 4: Concept and theory of Federalism and the Evolution of
Nigeria‟s Federal System.

Study Session 1
The Concept of Constitution And
Constitutionalism, Types of
Constitution
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- Meaning of constitution
2.2- The concept of constitutionalism
2.3- Types of constitution
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.05.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading
Introduction:

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This session examines the meaning of constitution and constitutionalism as well

as the type of constitution that exist generally.

1.0 Study Session Learning Outcomes

After studying this session, I expect you to be able to:
1. Define what is a constitution
2. Describe the concept of constitutionalism
3. Explain the major types of constitutions

2.0 Main Content

2.1 Meaning of Constitution:
In a broad sense, a constitution is a set of rules; that seek to establish the duties,
powers and functions of the various institutions of government, regulate the
relationship between them, and define the relationship between the state and the
individual (Heywood, 2002: 292). The term constitution is also used more
narrowly to refer to a single authoritative document which aims at codifying
major provisions that constitute the highest law of the land. In another
submission a constitution can simply be defined as a collection of norms and
standards according to which a country is governed.

Traditionally, constitutions are seen as important for two reasons. First, they are
believed to provide a description of government itself. Second, they are
regarded as the linchpin of liberal democracy. A constitution defines the
conditions for the exercise of legitimate power, who shall exercise political
power, how they shall exercise their powers and the limits of these powers.
Indeed, the constitution of a state may be a deliberate creation on paper, effected
by some assembly or convention at a particular time. It may be found in the
shape of a document that has altered in response to the requirements of the time

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and age; it may also be a bundle of separate laws assuming special sanctity of
being the fundamental law of the land; or again it may be that the bases of a
constitution are fixed in one or few fundamental laws of the land, while the rest
of it depends for its authority upon the force of custom.

2.2 The Concept of Constitutionalism

Constitutionalism is the idea or principle, often associated with the political
theories of John Locke and the founders of the American republic, which states
that government can and should be legally limited in its powers, and that its
authority or legitimacy depends on its observing these limitations. Simply put,
constitutionalism refers to the administration of a state in accordance with the
prescribe laws contained in the constitution. The principle of constitutionalism
serves as a check to absolute government and the preservation of civil rights.
2.3 Types of Constitution
There are 4 major different types of constitutions namely: a written constitution,
an unwritten constitution, a rigid constitution and a flexible constitution.
A written constitution: A constitution is said to be written if the fundamental
rules / laws and principles concerning the organization of government can be
found in a single document. Examples of countries operating written
constitution are USA, Nigeria, Ghana, Gambia, and Sierra-Leone.

Advantages of a written constitution:

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1. It can be obtained and consulted as a single document.

2. It has easy reference in case of disputes.
3. Lawyers and laymen can get hold of it and read it in order to know their
duties and rights.
4. It removes ambiguity normally experienced with unwritten constitution.
5. It makes it easy to ascertain the constitutional acts of rulers.
6. It helps to remove the dictatorial tendencies of the rulers.
7. It reduces the rate of disputes among organs of government since their
functions are clearly stated.
8. It ensures stability.

Disadvantages of a written constitution

1. They are mostly rigid and creates problems of amendment.
2. It may lead to constant disaffection if it does not favour some sections of
the country.
3. Unless frequently amended, it will not meet both the present and future
needs.
4. It may lead to constant litigation since it is easy to obtain and consult.
5. Frequent declaration of actions of government as unconstitutional acts
will lead to delay in government functions.
6. It is not fit for all types of government e.g. unitary system of government.

An unwritten constitution
An unwritten constitution refers to when the whole body of fundamental laws,
customs, conventions, principles, rules and regulations to which a particular
government of a country operates are not written or codified in a single
document. Britain and New Zealand are good examples of countries that have
unwritten constitution.

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Advantages of an unwritten constitution

1. It has high degree of flexibility which can easily adapt to a country‟s
changing social, political and economic situations.
2. It makes for easy and quick decisions.
3. It does not pose problems of amendment.
4. Unwritten constitution develops from many years of practical experiences
of the people and government of a country.
5. It eliminates many areas of disputes due to the fact that it is not codified
in one document.
6. It meets both the present needs and future needs of a country.
7. It does not lead to constant litigation.

Disadvantages of Unwritten Constitution

1. It is prone to abuse by the government and individuals, since the laws are
not codified in one document.
2. It can encourage dictatorship.
3. It does not create room for individuals to know their duties and rights.
4. It is surrounded with ambiguities.
5. It does not suit a federal system of government.
6. It does not make for easy reference in case of disputes.
7. It does not prevent violation of rights.

Rigid Constitution
A rigid constitution may be defined as that constitution which cannot be
amended or changed so easily because of its special stringent and cumbersome
procedures of amendment. Rigid constitutions are normally written
constitutions but not all sections of a written constitution are difficult to amend.

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USA, Australia, France, Canada, Switzerland, Ghana, Nigeria, Serra Leone,

Gambia etc. have rigid constitution.

Advantages of Rigid Constitution

1. It guarantees careful consideration before its amendment.
2. It prevents dictatorial leaders from amending the constitution to serve
their dictatorial interest.
3. It protects the interest of the minority groups.
4. It ensures political stability in a country because no one section can
amend the constitution to its favour.
5. It allays fears of ethnic domination by the majority groups.
6. It makes for smooth change of government and ensures continuity of the
system of government adopted.
7. It removes constitutional ambiguities.

Disadvantages of rigid constitution

1. Its amendment and change is cumbersome.
2. Its inflexibility makes it difficult to take quick action in times of
emergency.
3. It does not suit the changing social, economic and political situation of a
country.
4. It will be very expensive, time consuming and energy consuming in
conducting referendum for the changing or amending a rigid constitution.

Flexible Constitution
A flexible constitution may be defined as that constitution which can be
amended or changed so easily without stringent and cumbersome procedures of
amendment. It can be amended with the same procedure used in making

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ordinary laws. It requires simple majority for amendment. Britain, Italy, New
Zealand, Ghana are examples of countries that have flexible constitutions.

Advantages of flexible constitution

1. It is easy to amend.
2. It allows for quick action due to its flexibility.
3. Its flexibility does not call for revolution or violent change.
4. Its amendment is less costly, not time and energy consuming.
5. It suits the changing social, economic and political situations of a
country.

Disadvantages of flexible constitution

1. It can be amended in a hasty and thoughtless manner.
2. It encourages dictatorship.
3. It does not ensure political stability because one section of the country
can amend it to its favour.
4. It does not suit a federal system of government where there is division of
powers among different units.
5. It does not adequately protect the interest of the minority groups in a
multi-ethnic domination.
6. It does not allay fear of ethnic domination.
In-text Question 1 (A short question requiring a single sentence answer for quick reflection
over the read topic): What is the major difference between a written and an unwritten
constitution?

AnswerThe major difference between a written and an unwritten constitution is that while
the provisions of a written constitution are codified and contained in a document the
unwritten constitution is not. Instead the provisions of an unwritten constitution are inherent
in the customs and values of societies.

3.0 Conclusion/Summary

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A constitution is a very important document according to which a state is

governed. The principle of constitutionalism on the other hand is very critical in
the sense that it limits the power of government.
This study session has examined the concept of constitution and
constitutionalism as well as the different types of constitutions that exist. While
a constitution refers essential to the body of laws that guide the exercise of
political power, the principle of constitutionalism has to do with the notion of
limited government; that is governance should be according to the laid down
laws in the constitution.

4.0Self-Assessment Question
1. Distinguish between a constitution and constitutionalism.
Self-Assessment Answer:
Constitution is a body of rules that stipulates how a state should be governed,
constitutionalism is the application of the constitution. It can also be seen as
the act of practicing or putting the constitution into practice to achieve settings
goals.
2. Identify and briefly discuss three major types of constitutions

6.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations& Out of Class activities)

a. Visit U-tube
addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1v_QIhlLBC4https://www.youtube.com
/watch?v=Rk-RpqBXLDQ. Watch the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on
add/sitehttps://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=The+Concept+of+cons

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POLS 201: Nigerian Government & Politics I

titution+and+constitutionalism%2C+types+of+constitution and critique it in the

discussion forum

6.0 References/Further Reading

Dudley, B. J. (1982). An Introduction to Nigerian Government & Politics.
Bloomington, Indiana University Press.

Study Session 2
Sir Hugh Clifford’s Constitution of 1922,
Sir Arthur Richards’s Constitution of 1946
and McPherson’s Constitution of 1951
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- Hugh Clifford Constitution of 1922
2.2- Arthur Richards Constitution of 1946
2.3- 1951 Macpherson Constitution
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion

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4.05.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)

5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction:
This session examines the first three constitution that were introduced in
Nigeria following the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates.
These are the Cliffords constitution of 1922, the Arthur Richards constitution of
1946 and the Macphersons constitution of 1951. The major features of each of
these constitutions are examined and discussed.

1.0 Study Session Learning Outcomes

After studying this session, I expect you to be able to:
1. Identify the major provisions of the Clifford‟s constitution of 1922.
2. Identify the major provisions of the Richards constitution of 1946.
3. Identify the major provisions of the Macphersons constitution of 1951.
2.0 Main Content
2.1 Hugh Clifford Constitution of 1922
The first formal constitution introduced in Nigeria was the Clifford constitution
of 1922. The constitution established a new legislative council which served the
colonial government in an advisory capacity. The jurisdiction of the legislative
council covered the whole of the southern protectorate. The legislative council
consisted of 26 officials (23 ex-officio and three nominated), 4 elected members
and nominated non-official members that varied between 13 and 17. Six of the
non- official members were Europeans nominated to represent the commercial
interest. The most significant aspect of the 1922 constitution was the
embodiment of the principle of elections. The elective principle which provided

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for four Nigerians to be elected into the legislative council (3 from Lagos and 1
from Calabar) stimulated the formation of political organizations in the country
such as the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP). Such organizations
provided a more effective vehicle for expressing grievances and aspirations of
Nigerians.

One major defect of the 1922 Constitution however, was the exclusion of the
northern region from the legislative council on the flimsy reason that the
country was too large, coupled with poor communication facilities and ethnic
diversity. Indeed, some have argued that the failure to integrate properly the
northern and southern parts of the country posed a problem to the cause of
national unity in Nigeria. Another defect of the constitution was the absence of
Nigerians in the executive council which was now separated from the legislative
council. The constitution could be said to have been imposed on; and alien to
Nigerians as there was no consultation with the natives before it was imposed.
All these weaknesses of the 1922 Constitution attracted serious criticisms to it
from the indigenous people who had become politically more conscious. The
close involvement of Nigeria in the Second World War, and international call
for self-determination and governance stimulated considerable political
awakening in Nigeria. With the formation of the NCNC in 1944, Nigerians
began to call for a review of the 1922 Constitution to enable them participate

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more in the discussion of their own affairs. Eventually the 1922 Constitution
was replaced with the Richards‟ constitution of 1946.

2.2 Arthur Richards Constitution of 1946

Sir Arthur Richards succeeded Sir Bernard Bourdillon in 1944. In December of
the same year, he published proposals for a new constitution which according to
him was designed to promote the unity of Nigeria, provide adequately for the
diverse elements within the country and secure greater participation of
Nigerians in their own affairs (Olusanya, 1980: 524). As a corollary, the
Richards constitution came into force on 1st January 1947. The constitution
established a new legislative council with jurisdiction to cover the whole
country. The membership and scope of the council was enlarged. Out of 41
members, 28 were non-officials who were nominated by the governor. This
non-official majority widened the basis of representation. However, as
Nwabueze (1982: 44) noted the representation was a “semi representative one”
as not up to half of the members were elected by Nigerians. Greater expression
was however accorded to local opinion through this non-official majority and
the establishment of regional councils which also had non-official majority
whose members was to be elected by the native authorities. Franchise for the
four elected members remained the same except that the income requirement
was reduced to fifty 50 pounds. Another significant attribute of the Richards
constitution of 1946 was that three regional houses of assembly were
established for the northern, eastern and western regions thereby laying the
foundation for the federal structure of the country. In the north and western
region however, a house of chiefs was established in addition to the regional
houses of assembly. While it has been argued that the Richards constitution was
significant in the sense that for the first time since 1923, the northern and
southern parts of Nigeria was brought under a uniform administration, others

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have argued that the constitution encouraged and enforced the concept of
regionalism which marked the beginning of the process of fragmentation in the
Nigerian federation. As the architect of the 1946 constitution Bernard
Bourdillon justified:

The regional structure (which eventually metamorphosed to a

federal system) which was introduced by the constitution was done
on the grounds that the northern region could not speak English
and were unfamiliar with parliamentary procedures, and also on
the grounds that a single unitary body would be too large and time
wasting, coupled with the fact that regional councils could promote
a wider consciousness which would be the necessary pre-requisite
for the growth of national consciousness ( cited in Ndoh and
Emezi, 1997).
In spite of the advancements of the 1946 constitution it was received with great
hostility especially from Nigerian nationalists. Apart from being an imposed
constitution without the consultation of the indigenous people it did not give the
nationalist the greater participation in the whole process of government and
administration which the Nigerian nationalist wanted. The principle of
nomination of members was also opposed because the members were obligatory
to the governor rather than to represent the public. The limited franchise which
was still four was also criticized. Eventually the 1946 constitution was replaced
with another one in 1951.

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2.3 1951 Macpherson Constitution

Following his arrival in Nigeria as Governor General, Sir John Macpherson set
up a select committee of the legislative council in March 1949 to examine the
problems of introducing a new constitution. Consultations were made at the
village level with a general conference made up of all non-official members of
the legislative council and representatives of regional councils. Regional
conferences also took place at Ibadan Enugu and Kaduna respectively where it
was agreed that a federal system of government should be adopted. As a
corollary a constitutional drafting committee headed by the chief secretary, Sir
Hugh Foot as well as an all Nigerian constitutional conference met in 1950
under the chairmanship of the Attorney General Sir Gerald Howe, and all
recommended a federal system consisting of three regions, with Lagos as an
independent municipality. The regions of the country ceased to be
administrative regions but became political regions with powers to pass
legislation only effective within their own boundaries. Indeed, this development
was a major step in the evolution of the Nigerian federal system.
The main features of the 1951 Constitution include the establishment of a
central legislature (house of representatives) made up of 148 members, 136 of
whom were to be elected by the Nigerian members of the regional legislatures,
and the establishment of council of ministers to formulate policies and direct
executive actions. The constitution also vested the regions with executive and
legislative powers; powers to make laws for the peace, order and good
government of its area of jurisdiction. Although the inhabitants of the regions
had for the first time been allowed some measure of participation in the making
of their laws, their voice had been weakened by the indirect character of the
elections.

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Similarly, although the autocracy of the governor was substituted with the rule
of the executive councils, majority of whose members were drawn from the
elected members of the legislative houses, the position of these elected members
was seriously weakened by the exercise of reserved powers; conferred upon the
governor in his discretion, and his power to veto a bill passed by the legislature
or to give force of law to a bill rejected by it. The governor could still act in
certain cases without consulting the ministers and even in all cases act against
their advice if he thought it expedient in the interest of public order, public faith
and good government (Nwabueze 1982: 51). Other defects of the constitution
include lack of uniformity in the electoral system.

Despite the advances made in the federal arrangement of the country by the
1951 constitution and the fact that efforts were made towards incorporating the
views of Nigerians, it was still criticized by the nationalist as being so much of a
compromise. NnamdiAzikiwe for example criticized the constitution as not
providing adequately for the ethnic differences and linguistic basis of the
country, while ObafemiAwolowo criticized the imbalance created by having 3
unequal regions knit together by a strong central legislature. The fact that the
central ministers (executive) were to be selected from among the members of
regional legislatures also made the ministers to feel loyal to their regions rather
than the center leading to inter-regional frictions. Indeed, the advances made in
the federal arrangement of the country by the 1951 constitution seemed to have
ushered in the era of ethnic nationalism and reinforce regional divisions. This
continues to be the bane of Nigerian politics. The emergence of regionally
based political parties (the Northern People‟s Congress –NPC and the Action
Group -AG) in the late 1940s/50‟s and other ethno- religious and regional
agendas of recent years are indicative. Eventually, a constitutional conference
was held in London in 1953 and later in Lagos in 1954. This informed the

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enactment of the Lyttleton constitution of 1954 under the governorship of Mr.

Oliver Lyttleton.
In-text Question 1 Which year did Sir John Macpherson set up a select committee of the
legislative council to examine the problems of introducing a new constitution?

AnswerMarch 1949

3.0Conclusion/Summary
The major feature of the Clifford‟s constitution of 1922 was for the first time in
Nigeria‟s history the constitution introduced the elective principle. Three
members form Lagos and one from Calabar were to be elected into the
legislative council based on a limited franchised. Only citizens with a minimum
annual oncome of 100 pounds were allowed to vote. The Richards constitution
on the other hand divided Nigeria into three regions while the Macphersons
constitution of 1951 established the federal structure of Nigeria by granting
executive and legislative powers to the regions.
4.05.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
1. Identify the major features of the Clifford‟s constitution of 1922, the
Richards constitution of 1946 and the Macphersons constitution of
1951.

6.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities) e.g.
a. View the animation on
add/sitehttps://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Sir+Hugh+Clifford%E
2%80%99s+constitution+of+1922%2C+Sir+Arthur+Richards%E2%80%99s+C
onstitution+of+1946+and+McPherson%E2%80%99s+constitution+of+1951
and critique it in the discussion forum

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6.07.0 References/Further Reading

Odumosu, O. I. (1963). The Nigerian Constitution: History and Development
(No. 4), Sweet & Maxwell.

Study Session 3
Oliver Lyttletons Constitution of 1954,
Independence Constitution of 1960 and the
Republican Constitution of 1963
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- Oliver Lyttletons Constitution of 1954
2.2- Independence Constitution of 1960 and the Republican Constitution
of 1963.
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.05.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction:

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This study session examines the Oliver Lyttletons Constitution of 1954,

Independence Constitution of 1960 and the Republican Constitution of 1963.
While the Oliver Lyttletons Constitution of 1954 was the last constitution
introduced in Nigeria before the attainment of political independence, the
Independence Constitution of 1960 and the Republican Constitution of 1963
ushered and consolidated Nigeria‟s political independence.

1.0 Study Session Learning Outcomes

After studying this session, I expect you to be able to:
1. Identify the major provisions of the Oliver Lyttletons Constitution of
1954.
2. Identify the major provisions of the Independence Constitution of
1960 and the Republican Constitution of 1963.

2.0 Main Content

2.1 Oliver Lyttletons Constitution of 1954
On May 20th 1953, the colonial secretary of state Mr. Oliver Lyttleton informed
the British House of Commons about problems of the federal system in Nigeria
and called for redrafting of the Nigerian constitution to provide for greater
regional autonomy. A constitutional conference therefore met in London
between July and August 1953 under Oliver
Lyttleton. The major issues discussed and
recommendations made centered on the
consolidation of the federal system of government,
introduction of exclusive and concurrent list of
subjects, establishment of the principle of collective
responsibility, regionalization of the civil service, revenue allocation to be based
on the principle of derivation and status of Lagos as an independent

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municipality. The 1954 constitution which was a consolidation of the federal

system of government ensured that the three regions had their own separate
executive powers and enjoyed a large measure of autonomy. The constitution
gave residual powers to the regions establishing Nigeria as a federation of three
regions with Lagos as the federal capital territory. However in the case of a
conflict federal laws prevailed over the regional. Regional governors ceased to
be members of the federal council of ministers, as well regional legislative
members ceased to be members of the federal legislature. Full ministerial
responsibility was ensured. The centre and regions shared legislative powers –
reserved powers to the centre and residual powers to the regions.
The absence of a prime minster however weakened the central administration.
The measure of autonomy given to the regions which were imbalance tended to
result in ethnicity, tribalism and differences in the political developments of the
country. For example while the western and eastern regions sought and got
internal self-government in 1956, it took the northern part there more years to
get internal self-government in 1959. Indeed the constitution also brought to the
fore the minority problems in the country. Such groups such as Calabar-Ogoja
Rivers State Movement in the eastern region, the Benin-Delta State movement
in the western region and the Middle belt movement in the western region
emerged. As a result a conference decision in 1957 established a minority‟s
commission (the Willinks commission) which came into existence on August 18
1958. The Willinks commission called for provisions to be made in the
constitution for the creation of more states. Eventually, the constitution was
replaced by the independence constitution of 1960.

2.2 Independence Constitution of 1960 and the Republican Constitution of

1963.

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The independence constitution of 1960 retained most of the provisions of the

Lyttleton constitution. The Queen of England remained Nigeria‟s constitutional
monarch; represented by the Governor General. The final court of Appeal for
Nigeria was the Judicial Committee of the British Privy Council. These
provisions, which were still applicable in “independent” Nigeria, led to agitation
for change. The agitations culminated in a constitutional conference held in
Lagos from 25th –26th July 1963 where Nigerian political leaders resolved that
Nigeria should become a Federal Republic. The republican constitution of 1963
was therefore passed into law by the Federal parliament on 19 th September
1963.

Fig. 6.1 NnamdiAzikiwe- the First President of Nigeria

By the republican constitution, the Queen of England ceased to be Head of State
of Nigeria and the Supreme Court of Nigeria became the final court of appeal.
Indeed, the 1960 (independence) and the 1963 (Republican) constitution were
basically the same. The only differences were the provisions for a ceremonial
President in 1963 in place of the Queen of England and the judicial appeals
system which terminated with Supreme Court rather than the Judicial
Committee of the British Privy Council (Sagay,). The constitutions also retained
the parliamentary system of government and laid down procedures for the
creation of more states.

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In-text Question 1 Identify one of the major provisions of the Lyttleton’s constitution of 1954

AnswerThe constitution gave residual powers to the regions establishing Nigeria as a

federation of three regions with Lagos as the federal capital territory.

3.0Conclusion/Summary
The Oliver Lyttletons constitution of 1954 played a major role in the
consolidation of Nigeria‟s federal structure. While the independence
constitution of 1960 and republican constitution of 1963 secured Nigerian
political independence and republican status respectively.
The Oliver Lyttletons Constitution of 1954 established Nigeria‟s federal
structure by ensuring that the three regions had their own separate executive
powers and enjoyed a large measure of autonomy. The constitution gave
residual powers to the regions thereby establishing Nigeria as a federation of
three regions with Lagos as the federal capital territory. The Independence
Constitution of 1960 on the on the other hand ushered in Nigeria‟s political
independence, while the Republican Constitution of 1963 consolidated on
Nigeria‟s political independence be ensuring that the Queen of England ceased
to be Head of State of Nigeria and the Supreme Court of Nigeria became the
final court of appeal.

4.05.0 Self-Assessment Question

1. What are the major features of the Oliver Lyttletons Constitution
of1954.
Self-Assessment Answer:
FEATURES OF THE LYTTLETON CONSTITUTION
vii. Greater autonomy to the regions.
viii. Concurrent list established.
ix. Residual powers lie with the regions.

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x. Governors for regions, Governor General for the centre.

xi. North and West still bi-cameral, East was uni-cameral.
6.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations& Out of Class activities)
a. Visit U-tube
addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Pi672lu_5whttps://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=HMC34KhZCf8&t=64s. Watch the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on
add/sitehttps://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Oliver+Lyttletons+con
stitution+of+1954%2C and critique it in the discussion forum

6.07.0 References/Further Reading

Odumosu, O. I. (1963), The Nigerian Constitution: History and Development
(No. 4), Sweet & Maxwell.
STUDY SESSION 4
Concept and Theory of Federalism and the Evolution of Nigeria’s Federal
System.
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- Concept and theory of Federalism and the Evolution of Nigeria‟s
Federal System
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.05.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

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Introduction:
Nigeria is a federation of thirty six states with a federal capital territory. The
foundation of the country‟s federal structure was laid when Richards‟s
constitution of 1946 created three regions in the country. Since 1946 the
regional structure has given way to states which have become the federating
units in the country‟s federal system. This section examines the concept and
theory of federalism and the evolution of Nigeria‟s federal structure.

1.0 Study Session Learning Outcomes

After studying this session, I expect you to be able to:
1. Define the concept of federalism.
2. Explain the evolution of Nigeria‟s federal structure.

2.0 Main Content

2.1 Concept and theory of Federalism and the Evolution of Nigeria’s
Federal System
Federalism is a system of government intended to reconcile national unity and
power with the maintenance of state rights. It may also be seen as an association
of states to form a new state. According to
Montesquieu -one of the major theorists of the
principle of federalism, a federal system of
government is a convention by which several
similar states agree to be members of a larger one.
One of the key features of a federal system is that it
is generally believed to be a system of government that bests addresses the
problems of pluralism among the people of a state. The United States of
America for instance opted for a federal system not just to address the
discontent with the articles of confederation but also to accommodate the

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imminent pluralism of a group of independent states. This was the case for
Switzerland when the separate cantons in the neighboring alpine valleys decided
to join forces to secure their continued joint independence, and also in Australia,
when the separately administered British colonies around the coast of the vast
island continent decided to pool their resources. In a differing circumstance,
some modern federations like Canada, Belgium, India and Nigeria are countries
which at a certain stage of their historical development opted for federalism to
accommodate the obvious plural configurations of their peoples. Federalism in
the latter case rather than being purposely for achieving the benefits of unity to
the separate existing units, was the product of the recognition of the fact that the
peoples of these countries were so diverse in culture, language and interests that
it would be impossible for them to be harmoniously administered by one central
government(Price, 1975:59).
Federations, in effect; are products of constitutional arrangements. It should
however be noted that federalism means different things to different countries.
Varieties exist in what constitutes the differences among the federating units
and the ways and manner of allocating powers between the central government
and the sub-units. The concept of federalism therefore spreads through the
whole distance in the continuum between extreme unitarismand
confederation; depending on the degree of sovereignty allowed to the subunits
vis-à-vis the central government. While federal systems may vary across space,
a particular federation may also vary with time as has been the case in Nigeria.
Indeed, the trajectory of Nigeria‟s constitutional development history has over
the years altered the structure of the country‟s federal system. The foundation of
Nigeria‟s federal system was laid in 1946 with the creation of three regions in
the country. Over the years the structure of the country‟s federal system has
evolved to a federation of 36 states with a federal capital territory.

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In-text Question 1 Define federalism

AnswerFederalism is a system of government intended to reconcile national unity and power
with the maintenance of state rights. It may also be seen as an association of states to form a
new state.
The history of Nigeria’s federal system can be traced to the Richards constitution of 1946.
The 1946 constitution for the first time divided Nigeria into three regions (North, West and
Eastern regions), with a house of assembly for each of the regions. In addition to the regional
house of assembly, a house of chiefs was created for the northern region. By 1951, the
federal structure of Nigeria was further enhanced by the constitutional provisions enabling
the Regional legislatures to legislate on a range of issues. In 1954, the Lyttletons constitution
established the federal structure of Nigeria even further, by granting regional autonomy to
each of the regions in the country.
Thus, as at independence, Nigeria was a federation of three regions with Lagos as the federal
capital territory. In 1966 the mid –western region was created from the western region
thereby increasing the number of the federating units to four. Since 1967 till date the
structure of Nigeria’s federal system has undergone changes with states being created out of
the regions. Today, Nigeria is a federation of 36 states with Abuja as the federal capital
territory.
3.0Conclusion/Summary
The foundation of Nigeria‟s federal system was laid in 1946 with the creation of
three regions in the country. Over the years the structure of the country‟s federal
system has evolved to a federation of 36 states with a federal capital territory.
Federalism is a system of government intended to reconcile national unity and
power with the maintenance of state rights. It may also be seen as an association
of states to form a new state. According to Montesquieu -one of the major
theorists of the principle of federalism, a federal system of government is a
convention by which several similar states agree to be members of a larger one
thereby ensuring unity in diversity.

4.0Self-Assessment Question
1. Define federalism.
Self-Assessment Answer:
Federalism is a mixed or compound mode of government that combines a
general government with regional governments in a single political system. Its

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distinctive feature, first embodied in the Constitution of the United States of

1789, is a relationship of parity between the two levels of government
established.
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations& Out of Class activities)
a. Visit U-tube addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nkfk2EJBDPk. Watch
the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on
add/sitehttps://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Concept+and+theory+
of+Federalism+and+the+Evolution+of+Nigeria%E2%80%99s+Federal+System
.%09 and critique it in the discussion forum

References/Further Reading
Afigbo, A. E. (1991).Background to Nigerian federalism: Federal features in
the colonial state,Publius: The Journal of Federalism, 21(4), 13-29

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Module 3
Pre-Independence Political Parties in
Nigeria
Study Session 1: The formation of United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA)
Study Session 2: The Evolution and pattern of political party formation in
Nigeria
Study Session 3: The United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC)
Study Session 4: Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU)
Study Session 5: National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC)

Study Session 1
The United Progressive Grand Alliance
(UPGA)
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- Historical Background of UPGA
2.2- The Impact of the UPGA on the Nigerian Democratic Process
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.0 5.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations &Out of Class activities)

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6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction
At the end of the „independence election‟ held on 12 December 1959, the
conservative NPC and the self-styled progressive NCNC had formed the federal
government throwing the AG, which was increasingly assuming a rather radical
outlook, into the opposition. However, being political strange bed-fellows who
found it impossible to operate on the same political wavelengths; the
NPC/NCNC alliance floundered over irreconcilable standpoints. The failure of
the alliance was predictable: rather than concentrate on stirring the ship of the
newly independent state so as to ensure its viability and sustain its development;
the alliance members spent time and harnessed resources in launching
offensives and counter-offensives against each other. Given the lop-sidedness of
the Nigerian Federation and the „demographical tyranny‟ of Northern Nigeria;
the NCNC was well aware that an alliance with a political party other than the
NPC was non–negotiable for a good electoral showing in the 1964 elections.
Consequently, the party turned to its traditional foe, the AG, for an alliance.
This alliance, formed on 3 June, 1964 was christened the United Progressive
Grand Alliance (UPGA). The UPGA, interpreted by S.L. Akintola as „Useless
People‟s Godless Alliance‟ was made up of the NCNC, AG, and Northern
Progressive Front (NPF, which comprised the Northern Elements Progressive
Union and United Middle Belt Congress), Kano People‟s Party (KPP) and
Zamfara Commoners Party (ZCP). On 20 August 1964, a counter–weight
alliance was formed: the Nigerian National Alliance (NNA), interpreted by
Samuel Aluko, an AG diehard, as “Non-Nationalists Adventurers”. This
alliance comprised the NPC, Nigerian National Democratic Party, Dynamic
Party, Mid–West Democratic Front (MDF), Niger Delta Congress (NDC),
Lagos State United Front (LSUF) and the Republican Party (RP). Candidates

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who contested for parliamentary seats in the 1964 federal elections did so under
these alliance groups.

1.0 Learning Outcome

At the end of this session you should be able to:
1. Narrate the formation of UPGA
2. Critique the formation of UPGA

2.0 Main Content

2.1 Historical Background of UPGA
It must be emphasised that the
UPGA was an enforced
association of incompatibles. Its
two major partners, the NCNC
and the AG, were poles apart in
matters of ideology, party
structure and discipline.39 Right

Figure 3.1.1 Early Nigeria: source: https://bit.ly/2tLYoCD from the foundation of the AG,
its ideology was hinted to be “democracy and socialism”. Indeed, in its editorial
comment of 30 July 1951, the Nigerian Tribune (the AG‟s unofficial mouth
piece) portrayed the NCNC leader, Dr.Azikiwe, as a rich man and warned about
the danger of capitalism if he were to become “the supreme authority in
Nigerian politics”. Also in 1954, Chief S. L. Akintola, the AG‟s Deputy Leader,
described the Action Group victory at the Ikeja by-election as the people‟s
endorsement of the party‟s “socialist and progressive” politics. The party
manifesto for the federal election of that year was even more forthright in its
support for socialism. In it, the party declared that it was “irrevocably

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committed to an ideology which places the interests of the masses first and vests
in the state and public-owned corporations all the major means of production,
distribution and exchange”. Indeed, shortly after it lost the 1959 federal
elections, the AG adopted an ideology entitled „Democratic Socialism‟. On the
other hand, the NCNC, as the Nigerian Tribute quoted above pointed out, was
capitalist–oriented though with strong support for federalism. With reference to
discipline, the two parties had no common ground: while discipline was the
hallmark of the AG; indiscipline was a visible trait of the NCNC.

However, in 1964, the desire to capture power at the federal level, rather than
the glue of ideology and the desire to initiate and sustain national development
compelled an alliance between the two parties. Apparently, the census
controversy over the 1963/64 census figures which ended in favour of the NPC
did not please the NCNC. Also, given the fact that acrimony and rancour were
the hallmarks of the NPC/NCNC alliance; the NCNC could not conceive the
idea of another round of alliance with the NPC. Thus, the NCNC desired an
alliance with the AG because that was probably virtually the only option opened
to it. This may have informed the view expressed by the MDF (an ally of the
NPC) that the NCNC showed interest in the AG only when it found itself in
difficulty. Referring to the post-1959 election negotiations and the 1962 AG
crisis, the MDF recalled that on each occasion, the NCNC supported the NPC
and the UPP against the AG. Indeed Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh dismissed the
alliance as a marriage of convenience. Thus, even though MbazulikeAmechi
opined that the NCNC/AG alliance was in the overall interest of the people of
the progressive elements in the country; the alliance was actually in the interest
and survival of the NCNC. This was because, by 1964, politically, the NCNC
had its back against the wall. Having been a junior partner in a rancorous and
acrimonious alliance with the NPC and having lost the census battle, the only

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alternative opened to the NCNC was the formation of an alliance with the AG.
Thus, the NCNC engaged in an unprincipled search for a short term ally with
which to bolster its dwindling political fortunes. On the other hand, the situation
with the AG was grave and extremely desperate. By 1964, the AG was a sinking
party. With at least 13 of its 75 members elected to the Federal House of
Representatives in 1959 now in other political parties; its high-ranking leaders
behind bars; the defection of many of its members to other political parties and
a devastating exclusion from the systems of rewards since 1962, the AG was a
political beggar with little or no choice. There was therefore a double
coincidence of political want in the formation of the UPGA, which, for all
intents and purposes was an alliance of last resort and certainly not an alliance
to court or pursue sustainable development.

Since the alliance was not a

product of ideological
compatibility or common
programme, its hallmark was
political treachery and could
Figure 3.1.2 AlhajiTafawaBalewa, First Nigerian Prime hardly be said to be meaningful
minister source:https://bit.ly/371hKly
except in so far as necessity kept
the Action Group and the NCNC together. AlhajiTafawaBalewa made this point
very clearly when he dismissed the UPGA as a collection of one-time bitter
opponents who became friends overnight for reasons of „greed, ambition and
selfishness‟. Since Balewa knew too well that there was no modicum of
ideology in the formation of the UPGA; he predicted that the alliance would
break up as soon as the 1964 election results were known.49 Although, the
UPGA may not have immediately broken down after the 1964 election results

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were known; it served no useful purpose thereafter. For example, the NCNC
found it convenient to participate in the so-called „Broad Based Government‟
despite the exclusion of its alliance partner from it. It should be added however
that the same „reasons of greed, ambition and selfishness‟ informed the
formation of the NNA. While it is true that the UPGA began to show signs of
stress almost as soon as it was formed; Balewa‟s NNA was not a product of
ideological compatibility either.

The Impact of the UPGA on the Nigerian Democratic Process

Following its formation and given the purposes for which it was formed, the
UPGA engaged the NNA in cut-throat political rivalry which had far-reaching
impact on the Nigerian democratic process and national development. Among
other things, both alliances utilised the power of incumbency to the fullest. For
example, apart from arresting, detaining and jailing some members of the
UPGA, the NNA deliberately prevented some candidates of the former from
filing nomination papers and declared several of its candidates unopposed even
when they were not. In addition, the alliances engaged in election rigging and
state–sponsored thuggery, violence and arson. AlhajiAminuKano summarised
the situation thus:
The merciless beating up of supporters of opposition parties and
compelling them to join the party in power or else face series of
brutality and prosecution is beyond commonsense. At present (26
August 1964), there are over 200 members of the NEPU jailed on
various pretexts in Sokoto Province. Thousands of UMBC supporters
are languishing in prison in Tiv Division while over 100 people have
lost their lives. Thousands upon thousands of our party supporters were
dumped into jails like bundles of wood or animals; some were brutally
killed wickedness in its highest magnitude was let loose and the

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ordinary mass of men were terrorized, stunned to silence and fear law
and order were raped. It was the most wicked and devilish doctrine
which could not be conceived in hell itself it was an example of sadism
from which even a barbarian can shrink. To give the full account of this
barbaric invasion of justice and democracy will need a volume of over
five one-thousand pages.

While Aminu Kano‟s scary outburst may have contained some elements of
truth; the UPGA also spared no effort, fair or foul, in brutalising members of the
NNA and using state machinery to strengthen its electoral position particularly
in Eastern and Mid-Western Nigeria, where the NCNC held the reins of
government. Even in the Western Region where the NNDP formed the
government, the AG demonstrated that it had its own apparatus of violence. For
example, in 1964, two prominent NNDP leaders: Prince AdepojuOdufanade and
Fakunmoju were killed by political thugs. Of course, tangible socio-economic
and sustainable development is impossible in a political climate characterised
by murders, brigandage and arson.

Figure 3.1.4; Dr.NnamdiAzikiwe, Nigeria’s First President; source:https://bit.ly/2SiL4jm

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The UPGA/NNA rivalry was so intense and pervasive that the former felt that,
given the hate and tension soaked political climate, it would be difficult, indeed
impossible, to conduct a free and fair election. Consequently, it called on Dr.
Nnamdi Azikiwe, (the ceremonial President but sympathetic to UPGA) to
dismiss the Federal Government and appoint an equal number of leaders of the
two alliances to administer the Federation until the country‟s political climate
favoured the conduct of election. In a speech he prepared and never gave but
which was published by the Daily Express of 3 January 1965, the President
claimed that he held a meeting with the Prime Minister on 28 December, 1964
where he suggested to the latter that election be postponed by six months and
that the United Nations be called to supervise it. According to Azikiwe, the
Prime Minister insisted that elections should be heldas scheduled. On the other
hand, the Prime Minister dismissed Azikiwe‟s account as outright falsehood
claiming that in all their discussions, the President never mentioned to him the
question of holding or postponing elections. Be that as it may, one
incontrovertible fact from the above is that there was a great gulf between the
holders of the two highest offices of the Nigerian Structural Frame whose duty
should have been the promotion and harmonisation of plans and policies aimed
at ensuring sustainable development in the country. On 30 December, the
contentious election was held but it was boycotted by the UPGA in Western
Nigeria thereby committing one of the costliest mistakes in the political history
of Nigeria. Boycott of election is not a wise strategy in party politics because
opposing political parties go to the polls and candidates who normally would
have lost elections win by default. The UPGA insisted that to participate in the
election would amount to compromising with evil. When it became clear that
the NNA would go ahead with the election, the UPGA called on the president to
summon a conference of Nigerian political parties to break up the Federation
peacefully.

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It is instructive to note that the NCNC did not boycott the elections in Eastern
and Mid-Western Nigeria, where it held the reins of government. This may have
been because the NCNC was sure of victory in any region–wide election in the
Eastern and Mid–Western Regions. The possibility of the NNA winning by
default in the two regions should the NCNC stage a boycott apparently
informed the NCNC‟s participation in the election. Moreover, the NCNC may
have reasoned that the possibility of an AG victory in Western Nigeria was
extremely remote. Whatever reasons may have informed the NCNC‟s
participation in the election in the Eastern and Mid–Western Regions, it put the
AG in a devastatingly disadvantaged position – a feature of alliances that are
bereft of ideological underpinnings. Although, the President did not heed
UPGA‟s call to summon a conference of Nigerian political parties to break up
the Federation peacefully, he nonetheless rejected the results of the election.
The President insisted that since the rigging that characterised the election was
obvious to most Nigerians, if the results of the elections were accepted, they
would “reopen wounds, exacerbate feelings, prolong bitterness and hasten the
exit of unity and democracy from Nigeria”. Consequently, following the NNA‟s
„electoral victory‟ the President said he would rather resign than call on
anybody to form a government. Thus, the United Progressive Grand Alliance
and the Nigerian National Alliance created an unprecedented electoral and
constitutional debacle which left the country without a legally-constituted
government for three days.

However, following a truce brokered by some prominent legal experts and

political leaders, a six-point plan was agreed upon. Item two of the six-point
plan recommended the formation of a broad-based government led by Sir
AbubakarTafawaBalewa as Prime Minister. Consequently, in a nationwide
broadcast in the evening of 4 January 1965, the president called on

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AlhajiBalewa to form a government and gave assurances that Balewa would

form a „broad–based government‟. About one and a half decades later,
Dr.Azikiwe gave the reason for inviting AlhajiBalewa to form a government in
1965. According to him, as at the time he invited Balewa, all the military
installations in the country were in the defunct Northern Region. The reason
cited by Azikiwe was probably not the primary reason for the invitation. His
pen and paper militancy on the pages of newspapers notwithstanding,
Dr.Azikiwewas not known for staying long in the hottest spot of political battle.
Indeed, the bottom–line of his disagreement with the Zikist Movement (a
radical Association formed by his political admirers and named after him) was
the latter‟s insistence that Azikiwe must match his paper and pen battle with
action; but he never really did this. Many Zikists openly criticised Azikiwe for
backing down during the constitutional standoff mentioned above. Indeed,
R.A.B. Okafor, Parliamentary Secretary in the Eastern Region‟s Ministry of
Justice resigned from the Zikist Movement saying that “our great philosophy
developed cold feet”. But, the Secretary General of the Movement pointed out
that what failed was not Zikism, but the mortal form (Azikiwe) on which
Zikism was hung.

The ambiguous phrase, „broad–based government‟ mentioned above provoked

immediate reactions and divergent interpretations. To many NNA leaders, it
simply meant a government made up of NNA members only since the parties
that formed the alliance traversed the length and breadth of the Federation.
Thus, the NNA‟s interpretation of a „broad–based government‟ was only in
geographical terms; it is therefore not surprising that the 17–member broad-
based government did not include any UPGA members. While it is true that
Festus Okotie–Eboh and K.O. Mbadiwe, the supposed representatives of the
UPGA, were members of the cabinet, they were not members of the UPGA.

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Okotie–Eboh, at least at that time, was more NPC that NCNC and was closer to
NPC leaders than those of his party. Indeed, he and OmoOsagie opposed the
formation of the UPGA and advised the Premier of the Mid-West, Chief
Osadabey, not to have anything to do with it. The conventional reference to
Okotie-Eboh as a representative of the UPGA in the so–called „broad–based
government‟ is not tenable since there is no evidence to show that he ever did or
said anything that could be interpreted as loyalty or support for the alliance.

It would be recalled that Dr.Nbadiwe was the leader of the rebel group which
christened itself the „NCNC Reform Committee‟ which sought to remove
Dr.Azikiwe from the presidency of the NCNC on 14 June 1958 during a
meeting of the party‟s National Executive Committee in Lagos. At that meeting,
Mr. N.O. Egesi had read two documents calling upon Dr.Azikiwe to resign his
presidency of the NCNC and premiership of the Eastern Region. The principal
document was signed by three persons who claimed to have lost confidence in
the leadership of Azikiwe. Seven specific complaints were listed: one, the
removal of MaziMbonuOjike as Eastern Minister of Finance on corruption
charges before the official submission of the report of the probe panel that
investigated the charges; two, the removal of two ministers and three
parliamentary secretaries following the 1957 elections in the Eastern Region;
three, the abolition of elective national officers at the Aba Convention; four, the
alleged failure of Azikiwe to support the party‟s policy on the question of
creating additional states; five, the manner in which the Free Primary Education
Programme was abandoned in Eastern Nigeria; six, the rush to build a
university in the East despite the failure of the Primary Education Scheme and
seven, Azikiwe‟s alleged loss of interest in crucial issues that had to do with the
public image and well–being of the NCNC.

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Consequently, the National Executive Committee of the NCNC expelled

Nbadiwe and his supporters. Shortly after their expulsion the „Reform
Committee‟ launched the Daily Telegraph (in July) and formed a new party -
the Democratic Party of Nigeria and the Cameroons – (in August) with
Nbadiwe as National Chairman. Although, following a reapproachmentbetween
Drs.Azikiwe and Mbadiwe in December 1960, the latter was readmitted into the
NCNC and was subsequently appointed Adviser on African Affairs to the Prime
Minister; elected to the Federal House of Representatives and restored to a
position of cabinet rank in the federal government. The above
reapproachmentnotwithstanding, it is the opinion of the present author that up
till the time he became a member of Balewa‟s „broad–based government‟,
Dr.Nbadiwe did and said nothing outstanding to protect and promote the interest
of the NCNC. Thus, there were no UPGA members in the post 1964 election
federal government. At any rate, appointing people who were members of the
NCNC only in name and who were not likely to lift a finger to advance its
interest was a very good political strategy on the part of the NPC.

Many younger and well-educated Northerners criticised AlhajiBalewa for

finding a place for what they called “the NCNC old guard” in the Council of
Ministers. In a critical and sarcastic article, the Nigerian Citizen faulted Alhaji
Balewa for giving Chief Okotie–Eboh and Dr.Mbadiwe ministerial positions. It
posited that no room should have been found for members of the UPGA in the
Federal Executive Council and warned that should AlhajiAbubakar continue to
„transgress‟, he should be replaced by Sir Kashim Ibrahim, the Governor of
Northern Nigeria. The paper‟s interpretation and definition of „broad–based
government‟ was a government formed by the NPC, NNDP, the Dynamic Party
and other members of the NNA. The paper then suggested that Dr.Chike Obi
should replace Chief Okotie–Eboh in the Council of Ministers which should

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include at least seven representatives of the NNDP and two each from the other
southern allies of the NPC. Moreover, the paper insisted that AlhajiBalewa
should not appoint any member of the UPGA into any post either as minister or
ambassador or even as chairman of a corporation and urged the UPGA to accept
its opposition role „which has become its destiny‟. Less than a month later
however, the paper reversed the above position and suggested another formula
for the composition of the Federal Executive Council that would foster peaceful
co–existence in the country: 50% NPC; 20% NNDP; 10% for other NNA allies;
10% for Independents and the final 10% for the UPGA. The paper argued that
for Nigerian democracy to flourish, the majority party must form alliance with
minority parties, even if the former did not want to do so.

Although, the Prime Minister did not accept the above suggestion, it was
however obvious that anytime reference was made to the inclusion of members
of the UPGA in the Council of Ministers, such references applied only to the
NCNC while the AG was altogether neglected and left in the lurch. The „broad–
based‟ cabinet was made up of 54 ministers, double the number in the previous
government. The NPC had 22 (15 cabinet ranks); NCNC had 16 (11 cabinet
ranks) while the NNDP had 14 (7 cabinet ranks). Apart from excluding the AG,
it was ironic that the NCNC accepted these appointments. It would be recalled
that the UPGA had earlier claimed that the number of ministers in the previous
government was „scandalous‟ and an „unpardonable drain upon the nation‟s
slender resources‟. Be that as it may, the NCNC‟s participation in the broad-
based government may have at least served one useful purpose: it doused the
unprecedented electoral tension that had built up throughout the country thereby
retrieving the country from chaos, at least for a while – before the alliances
would once again engage in another round of fatal rivalry that would eventually
consume the First Republic and a number of its prominent leaders.

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In-text Question: Discuss the impact of UPGA

Answer: Following its formation and given the purposes for which it was formed, the UPGA
engaged the NNA in cut-throat political rivalry which had far-reaching impact on the
Nigerian democratic process and national development.

Summary and Conclusion

This study session explains that ideological underpinnings and compatibility is a
necessary condition for the formation of a workable and purposeful alliance that
could anchor and drive sustainable development. The United Progressive Grand
Alliance was formed and sustained for reasons other than ideology – it was a
product of political expediency and unmitigated desire to control the system of
rewards. Before their marriage of convenience, the NCNC and AG were
inveterate political foes but they glossed over their differences and contracted
an alliance of incompatibles overnight. Consequent upon the absence of the glue
of ideology; the alliance, which created an unprecedented political stalemate in
Nigeria in 1964, fell asunder when the NCNC agreed to participate in an NPC-
led „broad based government‟ that altogether excluded the AG. Indeed, the
democratic history of Nigeria would not have been less fascinating when placed
side by side of those of other climes except for its peculiarity in terms of
deficiency in ideological leanings which, under ideal situation, ought to be one
of the major determinants of identity and identification of „parties of like minds‟
that could form workable and dynamic alliances for the purposes of propelling
sustainable development. Apart from keeping political parties focused and
afloat, ideology positions them for national development and galvanizes them
into making landmark contributions that could engender sustainable
development. Thus, since the importance of the synergy between political
sustainability and socio–economic development cannot be overemphasised, one
of the reasons for lack of sustainable development in Nigeria is the absence of
party ideology which has created a fluid and sycophantic political system – a

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weak foundation that cannot sustain appreciable socio-economic and

technological superstructure. Indeed, rather than thrust the Nigerian state on the
path of development; the UPGA and the NNA did otherwise – the alliances
created one political stalemate after another. This sounded the death knell of the
First Republic and ushered in military dictatorship that arrested the fledging
democratic culture and sustainable development in the country for three odd
decades.

5.0Self-Assessment Question
1. Narrate the formation of UPGA
Self-Assessment Answer:
Parliamentary elections were held in Nigeria on 30 December 1964, although
they were not held until 18 March 1965 in some constituencies in Eastern
Region, Lagos, and Mid-Western Region due to a boycott in December. The
election saw most parties run as part of alliances, the Nigerian National Alliance
(the Northern People's Congress, the Nigerian National Democratic Party, the
Midwest Democratic Front, the Dynamic Party, the Niger Delta Congress, the
Lagos State United Front and the Republican Party) and the United Progressive
Grand Alliance (the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, Action
Group, the Northern Progressive Front, the Kano People's Party, the Northern
Elements Progressive Union, the United Middle Belt Congress and the Zamfara
Commoners Party).

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6.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)

a. Visit U-tube
addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Pi672lu_5whttps://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=HMC34KhZCf8&t=64s. Watch the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on add/site
https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Oliver+Lyttletons+constitution
+of+1954%2C and critique it in the discussion forum

6.0 References/Further Reading

Emmanuel, O. O. (2017). Ideology, Alliances and the Challenge of Sustainable
Development in Nigeria: A Case Study of the United Progressive Grand
Alliance Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa Vol. 19, No. 4,
pp. 1-18

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Study Session 2
The Evolution and Pattern of Political
Party Formation in Nigeria
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- Political party
2.2- Political Party Formation Pattern in Historical Perspective
2.3- The Challenges of Political parties as institutions for National
Integration
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.0 5.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations &Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction
The history of the formation of political party in Nigeria dates back to the
colonial era, before the advent of colonialism, the whole idea of political party
was an alien phenomenon. Ekeh (1983) argued that political party form part of
those institutions he referred to as „migrated social structure‟, by this he means
organisational systems that were literally parceled from metropolitan centres of
Europe to Asia and Africa and engrafted in the new Colonial situation (Ekeh
1983). It is therefore impossible to discuss the nature of political party
formation in Nigeria without coming to grip with the epochal significance and

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legacies of British colonial policies. For Instance, the first political party in
Nigeria, the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) formed in 1923 came
into being as a result of the establishment of the Nigerian Legislative Council
which extended franchise to Lagos and Calabar under the Clifford Constitution
of 1922 (Adebayo 2006). The leading political parties that emerged in colonial
and immediate post-colonial Nigeria were provincial in outlook, having drawn
their provenance from socio cultural and ethnic based associations and this
fitted well into the colonial policy of divide and rule. Independence did not
obliterate deep seated mistrust and rivalry among the leading political class who
perceived themselves first as champions and avatars of their ethnic groups
rather than statesmen saddle with the responsibility of forging national unity
and solidarity.

Objectives of the Study

At the end of this session you should be able to:
1. Narrate the evolution of political parties in Nigeria
2. Critique the pattern of political party formation in Nigeria

Main Content

Political party
Figure 3.2.1 Political party; source: https://bit.ly/35SAEe9

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Political parties constitute an essential component of the modern democratic

tradition. This is evident because without political parties, democracy that is
based on the liberal model of majority rule would be practically impossible.
One of the earliest definitions of political party was given by Edmund Burke, he
conceived of a political party as “a body of men united for promoting by their
joint endeavours, the national interest upon some particular principles in which
they all agreed” (cited in Adebayo 2006, 64). There are several other definitions
of political party as there are scholars interrogating this concept. For
instanceGiovani Satori sees a political party as “any political group that presents
at elections, and is capable of placing through elections, candidates for public
office” (cited in Kopecky&Mair 2003, 29). Satori‟s definition serves two useful
purposes, On the one hand it is precise enough to distinguish political party
from other groups in society, as it is only political parties that field and sponsor
candidates for election. On the other hand, it is broad enough to include all
political parties, whether in non-competitive single party regimes or in
competitive multi-party system.

Scholars, in an effort to capture the essential features of a variety of political

parties across different eras and regions of the world, have developed varying
typologies and classification of political parties. While these classifications
were developed essentially to help in building a theory of political party, it is
also possible to use them in explaining some of the peculiarities and factional
tendencies within these parties. Maurice Duverger (1954) distinguished between
what he called “Cadre Parties”, which are led by individuals with high socio-
economic status, and the “Mass Party”, which according to him, mobilise a
broad segment of members through the development of a large and complex
organisation. He also identified what he called the “Devotee Party”; these party
types are tied to the veneration of a particular charismatic party leader, an

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example being the Leninist communist party (cited in Anifowoshe 2004). Otto
Kircheirmer (1966) advanced four types of party models, namely Bourgeois
parties, Class-Mass parties, Denominational mass parties and Catch-all people‟s
party (cited in Gunther & Diamond 2003). Katz and Mair (1995) identified what
they called the Cartel Party in which public financing of political parties and the
expanded role of the state, induce parties to seek primarily to perpetuate
themselves in power and avail themselves of these resources. Gunther and
Diamond (2003) identified 15 different variants of political parties and
categorised them into three broad spectrums based on; the nature of the party
organisation, whether it is elite based or mass based; the programmatic
orientation of the parties, whether they are ideological or clientele oriented and
their behavioural norm-whether pluralistic and democratic or hegemonic in
outlook and operation.

The various types of political parties are not mutually exclusive, in practical
reality; political parties are often a hybrid of two or even all three types. This is
true of the characters of political parties in Nigeria which have exhibited
features similar to some of these categories discussed. What is also true in the
Nigerian case is the fact that the contexts of the formation of political parties
have had profound impact on the basic nature, outlook and outcome.

In-text Question: Discuss political party

In-text Answer: A political party is an organized group of people who have the same ideology, or who
otherwise have the same political positions, and who field candidates for elections, in an attempt to
get them elected and thereby implement the party’s agenda.

Political Party Formation Pattern in Historical Perspective

In Africa and indeed Nigeria before the advent of colonial rule, political party
was an alien institution. However, nationalist pressures during that era quicken

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the pace of constitutional development and in turn stimulated the development

of political parties (Coleman 1958). Political parties thus form part of what
Ekeh called „migrated social structure‟, referring to institutions and models
almost literally parceled from metropolitan centres of the imperial west to Asia
and Africa and engrafted into the new colonial situation emptied of their moral
content and underlying ethics that sustained them in the metropolis (Ekeh
1983). Thus the history and evolution of political parties in Nigeria has been
undulating just as the quest for democracy, good governance and national
integration has been full of various missteps and unfulfilled expectation.

In discussing the history and evolution of political parties in Nigeria, Ujo (2000)
classified political parties into four generations. (Cited in Saliu& Muhammad
2008). The first generation of political parties according to him consists of the
pre 1945 parties. These included the Nigeria National Democratic Party
(NNDP) and the Nigeria Youth Movement (NYM) formed in 1923 and 1936
respectively. These parties were localised in their base and their interest covered
very narrow and specific policies of the colonial government. This perhaps
explains the limited cases of ethnic and tribal politics in this era. While Herbert
Macaulay led NNDP won, all seats in the legislative council as a result of the
introduction of elective principle by the Clifford constitution of 1922, it was not
until 1938 that it was successfully challenged by the NYM.

The second generation consisted of those parties that emerged between 1945
and the end of the first republic. This group, according to this classification was
the National Council of Nigeria Citizen, (NCNC) the Northern People Congress
(NPC), the Action Group (AG), the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) and
the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU). These parties‟ major
preoccupation was to wrest power from the colonialist, a feat they eventually

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accomplished. One major flaw that characterised these political parties was their
formation pattern and subsequent degeneration into ethnic-based parties and the
personalisation of their operations by founders. The cultural influence in the
formation of these parties undoubtedly played a significant role in this regard.
For instance the Action Group party (AG) which emerged as a response to the
growing popularity of the (NCNC) in the western region is traced to the pan
Yoruba socio-cultural organisation, the „EgbeOmoOduduwa‟ (the gathering of
the descendants of Oduduwa). After series of meetings and preparation, the
cultural organization on March 1951 metamorphosed into a political party and
held its inaugural conference in Owo, a town in the present day Ondo state
Nigeria (Mackintosh 1966).

The same is true of the Northern People‟s Congress which emerged from a
cultural organisation called Jam’iyyarMutanenArewa(Association of People
from the North), formed in June 1949. The leaders of the group announced that
the objective of the group was to combat idleness and injustice in the northern
region. This cultural group eventually transformed into a political party in
October 1951 (Dudley 1968). The cultural and ethnic origin particularly of the
NPC and the AG consequently generated conflict between them as each sort to
protect its regional enclave while they attempted to make electoral inroad into
the political base of the rival party; this strategy only served to inflame ethnic
hatred and animosity. Independence was however achieved in spite of these
rivalries because of a high degree of mobilization of the citizenry to end
colonial rule. However, intra and inter party rivalries characterised these parties
after independence leading to their degeneration into ethnic pressure groups, a
trend that eventually led to the truncation of democratic rule (Yakub 2004).

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The third generations of political parties going by Ujo‟s classification were the
parties of the second republic (1979-1983). The constitutional and political
reforms of 1975-1979, moved the definition of political party away from a
functional notion to a legal-constitutional one. Political parties were defined
more in terms of structure than of functions, with emphasis on structural
requirements for political party registration such as national outlook and spread,
internal organisation or democracy, recognition and registration by an electoral
management body.

The aims of the constitutional and political reforms that preceded the
inauguration of the second republic among other things were to de-personalise
operations of political parties, and to de-ethnicise and give them a national
outlook (Omoruyi 2002). The parties of that era included the Unity Party of
Nigeria (UPN), National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Nigeria People‟s Party (NPP),
the Great Nigeria People‟s Party (GNPP), the People‟s Redemption Party (PRP)
and later National Advance Party (NAP). What characterised political parties of
this dispensation was their degeneration into regional parties. Most of them
turned out to be reincarnates of the first republic parties. The NPN, UPN, NPP
and the PRP were adjudged to be similar both in leadership and orientation to
the Northern People‟s Congress, Action Group, the National Council of Nigeria
Citizen and the Northern Element Progressive Union of the first republic
respectively. Intra and inter party rivalries, corruption and the electoral heist
perpetrated by the National party of Nigeria (NPN) led to the collapse of the
second public (Babarinsa 2003; Joseph 1999).

The fourth generation political parties following Ujo‟s classification included

parties of both the Babangida and Abacha government sponsored and financed
parties. The Social Democratic party (SDP) and the National Republican

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Convention (NRC). Unlike the earlier parties, because of the stringent

requirement for party registration and government funding of the parties, ethnic
and regional rivalries were not pronounced. The evolution of the two political
parties, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican
Convention (NRC), grew out of security and national integration considerations
and led to the gradual reduction of ethno-religious and regional politics during
that era, as the data from the series of elections held between 1989 and 1993
demonstrated.

Omoruyi (2002), posited that the innovation of the two party systems in 1989
introduced some elements of discontinuity between the past and 1989 in terms
of origin, composition, leadership selection, funding and the interest they
served. According to him it removed the idea of „founders‟ and „joiners‟, as all
were joiners. It removed the idea of owners, as the government financed the
operations of the two parties and provided a level playing field for all those who
wanted to stake a political career from either of the two parties.

Figure 3.2.1 MKO Abiola; source: https://bit.ly/2sUocMw

For instance the SDP had a Muslim-Muslim ticket in M.K.O Abiola and
BabaganaKingibe as it is presidential and vice candidates respectively, which
clearly violated known balancing act of Christian-Muslim ticket or vice versa;
yet Nigerians ignored religious affiliations of the presidential candidate and his

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running mate and voted for them en masse. Also, none of the two parties of that
dispensation could be labeled as either belonging to the south or the north.

The two-party system adopted in the truncated Third Republic effectively

discouraged the politicisation of religion and ethnicity the twin evil that have
bedeviled the polity since the pre independence era. In effect, for the first time
in Nigeria‟s history there were political parties in which no one or group of
persons could claim to have founded. The experiment was highly instrumental
to the conduct of Nigeria‟s freest and fairest presidential election of 12th June
1993. Unfortunately the military junta that designed the transition programme
never really intended for the experiment to succeed as it annulled the election,
and halted the match toward democracy and national integration. The five
political parties registered during the Abacha regime, aptly described by Bola
Ige, a frontline opposition figure of that era as “the five fingers of a leprous
hand” were designed to fulfill the ambition of Abacha transforming into a
civilian president and were dissolve after his demise.

The fourth republic has as its take off point after, the death of General
SaniAbacha in June 1998. The transition to civil rule programme of the
Abdulsalami‟s administration lasted for only eleven months, the shortest in the
country‟s history and ushered in the fourth republic. Political parties of this
dispensation in the words of Nigeria‟s first executive President, ShehuShagari
“were created in a matter of weeks and prepared for elections in a matter of
days” (Cited in Saliu and Muhammad 2008, 163). In other words, parties of this
era did not evolve organically to produce a prior long term political association
between the various groups and individuals that came together. This has
impacted on their operation and performance such that nineteen years after the
return to party politics, with over sixty registered parties, their relevance have

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remained contested. Even those that have acquired governmental control have
not significantly contributed to good governance and better quality of life for
the generality of Nigerians nor have they robustly espoused ideas and ideals
aimed at strengthening the fragile nationhood; rather, they have violated every
known rule of decency and probity both in the management of electoral
processes and in the conduct of the affairs of State.

Hence, today political parties mean different things to different people

depending on who is assessing their evolution and relevance.
OlusegunObasanjo for example, once described the political party under whose
platform he rose to become president - the People‟s Democratic Party (PDP) as
“a dynamic amalgam of interest groups held together by, if anything at all, the
fact that the party is in power and therefore the strong expectation of
patronage”(Cited Anifowoshe 2004, 65). In the same vein, BamangaTukur a
former national chairman of the same party was quoted as describing his party
as an amalgam of diverse groups united only by one purpose- to grab power,
but not yet fused into a functional political party for development (This Day
2013).

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These assertions by the national leaders of a party that until recently was in
charge of managing the affairs of the country captures the essence of national
malaise in Nigeria and partly explains why political parties in this dispensation

In-text Question: List contemporary political problems in Nigeria

In-text Answer: 1. Corruption 2. Kidnapping 3. Oil and gas industry 4.Boko Haram
terrorist group 5.Gog-fatherism 6.Tribalism 7.Nigerian Youth and their political activity
8.The Nigerian Media 9.Religions 10. Nigerian citizens

have not fulfilled their role as institutions for national development and
integration. The formation in July 2013 of the All Progressive Congress APC by
leading opposition leaders and a splinter group from the PDP who collapsed
their respective platforms in order to form a broad based party represents a new
phase in the democratic evolution of the country. The new party did not only
hold a successfully national congress to elect officers to administer the party, it
has succeeded in wrestling political power from the former ruling party in the
general elections conducted in March 2015. The successes of these two events
especially the alternation of political power at the national level have expectedly
generated renewed but cautious optimism in the prospect of not only
consolidating democracy but also charting a new course for the development of
the country.

The Challenges of Political parties as institutions for National Integration

Some of the problems of political parties in Nigeria that have served as
hindrance and impediment to the deepening of democracy include the non-
institutionalisation of political party, weak party leadership, absence of party
discipline, little sign of an ideologically coherent party system and a narrow
conception of the responsibilities that political powers demands are well
acknowledged in the literature (Simbine 2002). A closer scrutiny of these

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factors reveals they also largely account for the inability of political parties to
serve as agency for national integration in Nigeria.

Leadership deficit for instance, is an important factor in understanding the

Nigerian predicament. It is a widely acknowledged fact that the progress or
otherwise of any society depends largely on the quality of leadership such a
society or state can muster. This assertion is true with organisations either
public or private and crucially applies to political party leadership. If a political
party is imbued with strong and purposeful leadership, such a party will not
only serve as an effective tool for national integration but will work for the
overall transformation of the country.

While colonial amalgamation brought people of different nationalities under a

single territorial and institutional framework, the leadership of the country was
not sufficiently socialised towards the objectives of evolving a true sense of
national identity and commitment to the survival and development of the
country. The narrow political ambition and class interest of the political elites
who took over from the departing colonialist prevented them from working as
united front once independence was achieved and this factor continues to
undermine the quest for national integration (Ekanola 2006). Successive
political elite have continually resorted to this time tested strategy of the
manipulation of primordial cleavages to further deepen the divisive tendencies
among the people.

The institution of political party has also remained weak and underdeveloped.
Institutionalisation refers to the process by which political party become
established and acquire value and enduring stability (Saliu& Muhammad 2008).
Prolong military rule have stunted the growth of democratic institutions like the

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legislature and political party. They are often among the first casualties in the
event of a military coup. The authoritarian culture of the military now
permeates the psyche of politicians and their conduct within political parties.
This has greatly undermined the ability and capacity of the political parties to
act as effective pillars of democracy and agents of national integration.
Institutionalised parties tend to employ peaceful and democratic means in their
quest for power. It is not uncommon in this era to hear party officials boast of
their intention to capture particular states during electioneering campaigns. The
political parties of the present dispensation have been dominated by retired
military officers and ex-service men with a Command mindset, democratisation
thus carry with it a high dose of military flavor (Adekanye 1999). Nigeria is
currently having her longest spell of democratic rule which has seen the
emergency of dozens of political parties; many of which remain so only in name
and visible only during electioneering campaigns with the intent of cutting
political deals from the more prominent political parties.

3.0 Summary and Conclusion

The above challenge dovetails into the problem of the narrow conception of the
responsibilities that political power demands. Nigeria political elites have a
pathological conception of politics as the super highway to wealth. In a country
where the state controls large resources while the productive sectors remain
largely underdeveloped, the state power of patronage is enormous. There is
therefore, a high premium placed on political office.

All weapons are deployed into the contest, including fanning the embers of
ethno-religious and regional sentiments. The motivation for standing for
election is not primarily to serve, but to secure public office and appropriate its
benefits for personal and group interest. This patron-client relationship in

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politics is what Joseph, referred to as prebendalism (Joseph 1999). The

debilitating effect of this kind of political practice is the weakening of the
capacity of the state to deliver social goods to the populace. Citizens are then
left with no option than to find succor and relief in their ethnic or religious
groupings. The recoil into atavistic enclave has complicated national security
challenge with the evidence that over 30 of the country‟s 36 states of the
federation are currently under one form of undeclared emergency or the other.
At the base of the problem is the withering strength and influence of the
Nigerian state vis-à-vis the rising ferocity of various armed non-state actors
challenging the state monopoly of the instrument of coercion. The
mushrooming of various violent extremist groups with diverse grievances such
as the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger-Delta (MEND), Niger-
Delta Avengers (NDA), Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State
of Biafra, (MASSOB) Indigenous People Of Biafra (IPOB), and the two most
vicious and virulent groups, the Fulani herdsmen and Boko Haram, tells a story
of a country reeling under the weight insecurity occasioned by a declining state
capacity.

4.0 Self-Assessment Question

1. Give the history of political parties in Nigeria
Self-Assessment Answer:
The Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) was Nigeria's first political
party.
Formed in 1923 by Herbert Macaulay to take advantage of the new Clifford
Constitution, which succeeded the 1914 Nigerian Council. The NNDP
successfully organized various Lagos interest groups into a single group that
was able to compete politically. The (NNDP) ran many candidates for seats in
the 1922 elections for the Lagos Legislative Council, winning three seats. The

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party won all the seats in the elections of 1923, 1928 and 1933. Though, the
party's major function was to put candidates into the legislative council, it had a
broader objective of promoting democracy in Nigeria, increasing higher
Nigerian participation in the social, economic and educational development of
Nigeria. The party continued to dominate politics in Lagos until 1938, when the
Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) overtook it in elections.

5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)

a. Visit U-tube
addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Pi672lu_5whttps://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=HMC34KhZCf8&t=64s. Watch the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on add/site
https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Oliver+Lyttletons+constitution
+of+1954%2C and critique it in the discussion forum

6.0 References/Further Reading

Nathaniel, D.,& Kelvin, A. (2018). The Evolution and Pattern of Political Party
formation and the Search for National Integration in Nigeria, Brazilian
Journal of African Studies, Porto Alegre. vol. 3, no.5, pp. 85-100

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Study Session 3
The United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC),
and the Rise of J.S. Tarka
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- The Rise of J.S. Tarka
2.2- The Northern People‟s Congress Administration of Tivland
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.0 5.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations &Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction
The United Middle Belt Congress, (UMBC) was formed in January 1955, in
Kafanchan.(Abeghe,2005:40) At the Lafia conference held in January 1957, J.S.
Tarka became president of the UMBC at the age of 21 (Ujorha,2010). Tarka‟s
immediate concern on becoming UMBC president was how to mobilize the
Middle Belt people to support the struggle for the creation of the Middle Belt
State. Due to financial limitations, Tarka had to look for a party that would
support his ambitions. There was need for an alliance with a stronger party and
the NPC, NCNC and AG provided the choices. Since the struggle for the
creation of a Middle Belt State was seen as a fight against Hausa/Fulani
domination, the party was not interested in an alliance with the NPC. The

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UMBC turned toward to NCNC for an alliance but soon discovered that Azikwe
was uninterested and was not keen on supporting the creation of states in the
minority areas.
Objectives of Study
At the end of this session you should be able to:
1. Comprehend the role of UMBC in Nigerian politics
2. List the weaknesses of UMBC

Main Content
The Rise of J.S. Tarka
Since Tarka did not receive support from Azikwe, he turned to the AG under
Awolowo. This move was timely because the AG was embarking on an
aggressive programme of expansion to become a national party by winning
support in the East and North. To achieve this goal, it
appealed to the tribal sentiments of the minority
groups. The AG therefore readily agreed to support
Tarka and this led to an UMBC/AG alliance. This
alliance between the AG and the UMBC had a major
Figure 3.3.2 Awolowo; source:
https://bit.ly/2rmfztH
impact on the political history of Tivland. Without the
AG support, the UMBC was not in the position to effectively resist NPC
domination. The Tiv people on the other hand, effectively supported J.S. Tarka
and their party the UMBC. The people were to contribute money to help the
party whenever the need arose. The sale of UMBC membership cards raised a
substantial amount of money since the possession of such a card was crucial and
showed that the owner was really a Tiv man (Lam,2006).

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The Tivwere made to understand that their continued stay in the Northern
Region meant their being forced to become Muslims. Based on these assertions,
the Tiv people gave an unflinching loyalty to the UMBC as members regularly
paid their membership dues and had absolute confidence in J.S. Tarka, trusting
him to do whatever he wanted with the money (Daily Times,1962:16). The Tiv
people were said to give Tarka enough gifts of foodstuff to cater for his family
and numerous favor seekers who hung around him in Gboko and did all his
household chores for him.

Late Bola Ige, writing on J.S Tarka maintains:

I have said that J.S was a colossus among the Tivs. He knew every village
and every homestead..J.S had charisma. Wherever he went he symbolized
the struggle against foreign domination and the Tivs worshipped him. I
was always amazed at the unending stream of villagers, many of them
primitive, who would come bearing gifts of yams, chickens, eggs and
goats to him in Gboko. The UMBC was the only political organization
which I knew members paid membership fees regularly
(Ige,cf.middlebeltdialogue.com Assessed 19/06/2011)

Tarka‟s political relevance in Tivland was borne out of the fact that his policy of
ethnicity detested the Hausa/Fulani controlled government and portrayed it as a
threat to Tivland, thus resistance of the UMBC by the NPC. The AG also stood
strongly in support of UMBC members during the turbulent political crisis in
Tivland. Though the non-Tiv groups in the Middle Belt belonged to the NPC
because they were made to believe the UMBC was a southern party, the
AG/UMBC nevertheless made some viable impact on Tiv history.

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It should be noted that the Action Group had earlier advocated and supported
the creation of states in the North and other minority areas, and its desire to
change Northern boundary in order to transfer the Yoruba speaking people of
Ilorin and Kabba provinces to Western region. These proposals by the AG
meant to the NPC a reduction of the Northern population and a reduction of
Northern influence in the scheme of things at the federal level. The Northern
leaders refused this and were not ready to cede any part of Northern territory
and took steps to establish their authority over the whole area, including Tivland
(Paden,1986:252). The activities of the UMBC/AG alliance were viewed with
disdain by the NPC government. The NPC engaged in a series of coercive

In-text Question: When was the UMBC formed

In-text Answer: The United Middle Belt Congress, (UMBC) was formed in
January 1955, in Kafanchan.

measures against the Tiv to penetrate and mobilize Tiv support for its struggles
for power at the federal level and to drive the AG out of Tivland and Northern
Nigeria.

The NPC Administration of Tivland

Figure 3.3.4 TIV; source:https://bit.ly/35SxsPB

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A very important medium used by the NPC to mobilize Tiv support was the Tiv
Native Administration headed by the Tor-Tiv(Paramount ruler of the Tiv ethnic
group), MallamGondoAluor. In theory, emirs and chiefs, civil servants and NA
staff were not allowed to participate in partisan politics in Nigeria, but in reality,
this was not the case. Traditional rulers and NA staff in all the regions openly
supported the government party in their areas, a situation which did not first
exist in Tivland. The Tor Tivfirst supported the UMBC but when it later became
clear that the NPC government was ready to deal with any chief or emir who
did not cooperate with the NPC government. The Tor-Tivhad no alternative
other than to follow the government. He called a meeting of clan heads at
Gboko and intimated them with the political situation on the ground. He advised
them that there was the need to follow the government in power if they hoped to
secure their positions. Consequently, all the clan heads agreed to follow the Tor-
Tiv into the winning party. The Tor-Tivsoon openly declared his support for the
NPC and instructed his district heads to do so and carry their subjects with them
at all cost (NAK/MAKPROF/APL/34 Vol.IV). The decision by the NPC
government to use the Tor-Tiv and the NA personnel for political purposes
brought the Tor-Tivand the NA in direct confrontation with J.S. Tarka and his
party the UMBC. This confrontation contributed to the turbulent political scene
that engulfed Tivland in 1960.

The NPC controlled administration in Tivland used the Native Administration

Police to coerce and intimidate people in especially non NPC members. Since
the policemen were seen as symbols of authority in the North it soon became a
coveted job, and their appointments were marked with corrupt practices.
Policemen in Tivland were dreaded and feared. They arrested people arbitrarily
without giving them reasons for their arrests or the offence they

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committed(Anum,2008). They mistreated people at the slightest provocation,

especially tax evaders.

The role of the Native Administrative Police Forces in Tivland in the turbulent
period preceding Nigeria‟s independence in different parts of the country
especially Tivland was very crucial. The police being a necessary body in any
civil society are charged with the traditional duty of preventing crime. These
roles, however, can be usurped by the government in power. In these cases,
policemen see themselves as loyal servants of the ruling elites and not for the
wellbeing of the general public. The Tiv Native Administrative police found
itself walking a tight rope being accused variously by agents of the Northern
People‟s Congress (NPC), controlled government on one hand and the United
Middle Belt Congress(UMBC), the Tiv party and its Action Group(AG), ally
forming the opposition on the other.

The perception of the police force in Tivland was that it was a Hausa/Fulani
force of occupation designed to extend Hausa/Fulani hegemony. Even the name
that a policeman was called was foreign and hated. The „dogari’ or „yandoka,‟
commonly used in Tivland were not Tiv names but rather Hausa names. The
police in the early years of party politics were encouraged with other N.A
employees to have a stake in the survival of the system by combining their NA
job with membership of the government approved political party the
NPC(Rotimi,2001:146). The police under the control of the District heads and
the NA officials in Tivland molested the Tiv people who were opposed to the
NPC. The police protected NPC members at their rallies from UMBC attacks.
We can see that the Tiv N.A police, instead of maintaining law and order, were
used as an instrument of repression for the harassment of political opponents

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especially the UMBC- AG Alliance.Abeghe maintains that the NA police were

indifferent to maintaining law and order(Abeghe,2005:48).

It is worthy to note that NPC supporters equally complained of police

harassment. In some cases they maintained that the police sided with the UMBC
against NPC members. In a petition written to the Minister of Internal Affairs
by H.O. Abaagu, NPC member in the Federal House of Representatives, he
accused the Tiv NA of taking sides with the UMBC and the police of harassing
the NPC. He speaks of an instance:

At Ihugh in Jechira Intermediate Area, Tiv Division, an NPC who was

addressing a mass meeting was pushed down while a UMBC-AG man jumped
on the table and started to preach UMBC-AG despite he had no permit, yet the
police took no action AK/MAKPROF/APL/34,F9/61).

The Minister reacted swiftly to Abaagu‟s petition, by asking the Resident to

furnish his office with information regarding police participation in politics
(NAK/MAKPROF/MIA711S.1,2/4/1959).This showed how serious the
government took issues when the interest of the NPC was involved. The D.O.
Tiv Division who reacted to the query absolved the NA police of complicity in
the harassment of NPC supporters by UMBC supporters.

Summary and Conclusion

From the foregoing we can safely conclude that the police were serving the
interests of the NPC controlled government. That explains why the riots of 1960
and 1964 were directed against the NPC controlled Native Administration and
the NA police forces led by the Tor TivGondoAluo. While the Tor Tivand the
NA police could not effectively check UMBC fanatics, from disrupting NPC

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rallies, they also did not accede to NPC requests to molest UMBC supporters.
The Tiv riots that broke out, capitalized on these existing divisions. The clashes
started mainly between the supporters of the NPC and UMBC. These riots were
motivated by the perceived marginalization and insecurity on the part of the Tiv
and their feeling that the members of the NPC were responsible for their
condition. The Tiv were suspicious of the authoritarian native administration
system and its attempt to forcefully penetrateTivland. They saw the native
authorities as an embodiment of the NPC. It is against this background serious
political conflicts erupted immediately after independence.

4.0 Self-Assessment Question:

1. Narrate the history of UMBC
Self-Assessment Answer:
United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) was a political party in Nigeria during
the nation's First Republic. The Party was a fusion of two major Middle Belt
organizations, viz. the Middle Zone League and the Middle Belt Peoples' Party.
The party was formed to create a political platform for the various ethnic groups
in central Nigeria covering parts of present-day Benue State, Kogi State, Plateau
State, Nasarawa State, Adamawa State and Kwara State. Its establishment was
an act to ensure an alternative minority voice in the Northern Nigeria Assembly
which was dominated by the Northern People‟s Congress, a political party
which the central Nigerian leaders felt had the potential to curb the middle
belt‟s political voice. The UMBC in due time, became the Third largest
opposition party in the Northern Nigeria Assembly. In 1958, the UMBC entered
into an alliance with the Southwest Nigeria dominant Action Group of Chief
Obafemi Awolowo.

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5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)

a. Visit U-tube
addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Pi672lu_5whttps://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=HMC34KhZCf8&t=64s. Watch the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on add/site
https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Oliver+Lyttletons+constitution
+of+1954%2C and critique it in the discussion forum

6.0 References/Further Reading

Abeghe,T.(2005). The Tiv Riots and the Aftermaths, Makurdi: Oracle Business.
These riots which have become famous were known as the nandenande
(burning burning) and atemityough(head breaking).
Adejo,A.M.(2004). “History, Conflict Resolution and National Unity in
Nigeria” in Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Special
Edition,Vol.1,No.1,
Anifowese, R.(1979) Violence and Politics in Nigeria, TheTiv and Yoruba
Experience Enugu: Nok Publishers.
Aper,J.O.(2008). “Economic Basis of The Nigerian Civil War,” in A.M
Adejo,ed, The Nigerian Civil War, Forty Years After, What Lessons?
Makurdi: Aboki Publishers.
Bello,K.(2006). “Crisis Management in Nigeria: The Governor Boni
Haruna’s Approach to Bachama /Hausa Conflict in Adamawa State” in
TimotyGyuse, OgahAjene (ed),Conflicts in the Benue Valley. Makurdi:
B.S.U.Press.
Bur,A.(1993). “Who are The Tiv? A Socio –Cultural Inquiry into Tiv
Dynamics,” in TerdooAhire, (ed), The Tiv in Contemporary Nigeria.
Zaria: Al-Hudahuda.

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Study Session 4
Northern Element Progressive Union
(NEPU)
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- NEPU as Political Party
2.2- Aminu Kano as a Party National Leader and Figure
2.3- History of NEPU in Some Selected Districts of Southern Katsina
Emirate (1945-1960)
2.4- The NEPU People
2.5- NEPU Manifesto in Katsina
2.6- The Role of Sambon- Barka as a NEPU Figure from the Defunct
Funtua District.
2.7- Nature of the Difficulties Encountered by NEPU People.
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.0 5.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations &Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction
This study session examines the role, manifesto and impact of NEPU as
political party on some selected districts of southern Katsina Emirate in the
1950s. The study has been carried out to highlight the socio-economic and
political/conditions that necessitated the formation of NEPU alongside, there

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was the need to emancipate the deluded masses through allocation of

authoritative values and the quest for power i.e. politics. The study has further
examined the autobiography of late MallamAminu Kano (1938-1983) as a
founding father. At the tail end, the study has shown the nature of the problems
confronted by the political party and its members. Many died-hard politicians
were severely persecuted, forced to migrate and left their home- villages, towns
and cities as exiled politicians. In a nutshell, this demonstrates a history of
political commitments, thought, ideology, patriotism, sacrifice, dedication,
struggles for emancipation, eradication of sufferings and the need to wipe out
political oppression. It should whole heartily be agreed that the overriding
concern of NEPU, was to bring human and material exploitations to an end for
the establishment of an egalitarian society in Nigeria if voted into power.

1.0 Learning Outcomes

At the end of this session you are expected to be able to:
1. Describe the history of NEPU
2. Explain the objectives of NEPU

2.0 Main Content

2.1 NEPU as Political Party
Northern Element Progressive Union was founded in 1947, as a result of the
constructive efforts of RajiAbdullahi and MallamAminu Kano, and after its
formation with its prescribed manifesto was directly, accordingly and
effectively headed by Late Aminu Kano. However, its existence was short-lived
due to the hostilities it faced not only that of the British colonial regime. The
study has rightly observed that the conservative nature of the Emirs in Northern
Nigeria had adversely affected NEPU and its people nearly in all nook and
corners of Nigerian area. For example, in Katsina the formation of NEPU had in

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the fifties (1950‟s) led to the withdrawal of the most radical and consummate
politicians from N.P.C (Northern People Congress) founded by Dr. R.A.B
Dikko to NEPU.Dr. R.A.B. Dikko, was the first Northern Doctor to get himself
fully involved into politics. NEPU had in the fifties witnessed the emergence,
rise, role and influence of its certain consummate and die-hard
politicians,Funtua district in the 1950‟s had witnessed the enormous role of a
young politician and a political activist in person of Late, Alhaji Wada Nas. He
was not only a freedom fighter against maltreatment and oppressive rule. In
Dandume district there was late AlhajiSambon- BarkaKafi- Sambon-Maska
who firmly stood behind the masses and was always in conflict with traditional
authority and non- NEPU political figures because of political- ideological
differences. In Bakori district, there was MallamMammanGetso, who was a
political migrant from Karaye district of Kano province. In Kankara district,
there were great political figures such as late MallamAbdullahiZakiGundawa.
lateMallamDabo, Late, Abdu Zomo and MaitugeMahalbawa in Gundawa,
Ketare district of southern Katsina Emirate. In Malumfashi district NEPU had
also gained recognition, acceptance and loyalty of people such as Alhaji Datti
Ningi of Kofar Gardi.

In-text Question: When was the NEPU formed?

In-text Answer: Northern Element Progressive Union was founded in 1947, as a
result of the constructive efforts of RajiAbdullahi and MallamAminu Kano, and after
its formation with its prescribed manifesto was directly, accordingly and effectively
headed by Late Aminu Kano.

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Aminu Kano as a Party National Leader and Figure

Figure 3.4.1Malam Aminu Kano; source: https://bit.ly/2Qb1wiU

MallamAminu Kano was born in 1938 at Kano. His political and philosophical
ideas on how to revolutionize his immediate society in a positive sense had
enabled him to undergo through some changes over the years for instance, in the
fifties, Aminu and his people of NEPU were fervent, clear-militants and
idealistic. On many occasions never seemed to loose the masses. The traditional
rulers were his constant enemies. Aminu‟s own attitudes towards tradition
accounted to a great extent for what success he was able to achieve in his
approach to tradition-ridden masses, while recognizing that it was basically
harmful against the progress. He knew that it could not be swept away
completely. Aminu states that:
“I have resolved to serve my Nation through the principles of the
NEPU, with the best of my ability in order to ensure true quality of
life to my people. So help me God”.

Aminu and his political party had both attempted to make use of certain
conventional attitude rather than fighting by approaching each group within the
community in this way by establishing rapport quickly and effectively. Aminu
entered the political arena with a reputation and many observers considered the

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1950-1959 as the best part of Aminu‟s life. It is interesting to note that the solid
foundation laid down by Aminu and his political party was basically for the
success of NEPU and the well-being of the Nigerian masses in general,
regardless of religious, tribal, political, economic and socio- cultural
backgrounds. These were some of the fundamental factors that significantly
made the above pointed periods as the most important rather than the high level
decision making and the conscious implementing of pre-determined plans. As a
political party leader had made his big decision of becoming a professional
politician and assumed his role as a mass-leader with the form and shape of his
future clearly in focus, that is not to say that his period began with the
organization of NEPU and ending with Aminu‟s election to the Federal
Parliament in 1959 did not bound in excitement and crisis.

History of NEPU in Some Selected Districts of Southern Katsina Emirate

(1945-1960)
The history of NEPU, as a political party in some selected districts of southern
Katsina Emirate such as Funtua, Malumfashi, Dandume, Ketare and Kankara
cannot be complete without examining the sufferings, persecution, tortures,
political brutalities, difficulties encountered and as well as a series of exiles or
massive migrations of NEPU people witnessed in the area within the above
stated periods. Studies proved that it was consequent upon the failure of the
NEPU members to join other political parties that made their political,
economic, social, and religious life to have encountered challenges from other
opposing political parties especially, NPC.

The NEPU People

For a proper understanding of the people refer to as NEPU members and the
central direction of the study. At this point, it would be appropriate to define the

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concept of politics as a subject of our writings” Politics” is an allocation of

authoritative values and the quest for power/governance” .The NEPU people
on political, philosophical and ideological grounds are equally set of died-hard
and consummate politicians, with a common high-minded political idealism,
radicalism, sense of belongings, oneness, political identity and unity agitating
against the interests of traditional authorities for the well-being of the deluded
masses, i.e. the oppressed ones who constituted the majority of the Nigerian
population.

Similarly, it will not be out of place to mention a few out of the multitude
number of popularly known NEPU died hard politicians, among others include
the former Honourable Minister of Special Duties during late General
SaniAbacha‟s regime, late Alhaji Wada NasFuntua, late
MallamAbdullahiZakiGundawa, in Ketare district, Sambon-Barka of Dandume
district and AlhajiDattiNingi in Malumfashi district. These bonafide members
of NEPU, were described as its political figures in their respective communities.
They were selfless, patriotic, radicals, dedicated, consummate and professional
politicians based on the teachings and ideological guidelines of Aminu. On
contrary, the other opposing political parties including AG, NPC and NNPC
both the political parties‟ leaders and their followers majority of them had
joined politics purely for political positions and material reasons.

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NEPU Manifesto in Katsina

Figure 3.4.2 Katsina, Nigeria; Source: https://bit.ly/2PTFz9j

NEPU‟S manifesto had since in the forties got acceptance and recognition
especially among the patriotic Nigerians including the elites and less privilege
Nigerian individuals. Politically, it has been argued that prior to the formation
of NEPU, there was a serious administrative oppression of the rulers against
their subjects, which had as a result generated a lot of outcry for the restoration
of justice. To evidently support this literature, it can be exemplified with the
imposition of a variety of taxes in the 1930‟s, 1940‟s and 1950‟s. In these
periods, there were land tax, individual tax, cattle tax and cult tax, colonially
imposed and described as occupational tax. NEPU manifesto saw this as human
and material exploitations that must be brought to an end, If voted into power.
Furthermore, NEPU also had it at the back of its mind that if succeeded
politically there would be stable democratic rule, a state free of communal/tribal
conflicts, uprising and societal crime which may lead to the establishment of an
egalitarian society.

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Economically, NEPU in its manifesto had pledged to ensure appropriate

management, distribution and allocation of national resources for the well-being
of Nigerian citizens. It is interesting to note that NEPU‟S manifesto, simplicity,
equity, justice, physical appearance, agitations, struggles, positive ideological
role and exemplary life of its leaders such as Aminu Kano and RajiAbdullahi
had also motivated many to support the party strongly. It was some of these
good qualities stated above that made NEPU to be re-named “SAWABA” which
implies conduciveness. Even after the demise of this political party many of its
members remained under the platform of P.R.P (People Redemption Party) still
led by late Aminu Kano under which he contested for the post of National
President.However, it should be borne in our intellectual minds that past studies
conducted have demonstrated that NEPU‟s political principles, ideologies,
doctrine, philosophy, goals, objectives, missions and teachings of Aminu Kano
in general still exist in the hearts and blood of the surviving members. Most of
these members until this moment they are not willing to change or alter any of
their old existing political ideologies.

Research has further revealed that despite all the political, economic, and social
brutalities underwent through by the people of NEPU had never in any way
attempted to democratically surrender. There were persecutions, tortures,
imprisonment and administrative oppressions encountered by the people of this
political party from the hands of other opposing parties and British colonial
government in collaboration, with the existing indigenous political parties such
as NPC, and NNPC. It was consequent upon this many people of NEPU were
found more politically powerful, sound, aggressive and initiative against
oppressors.

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Furthermore, NEPU‟S methodology of campaigns, thought, enlightenment,

persuasion, mobilization, education, political rallies, mission, public lectures,
political general meetings and seminars differently and occasionally held had
both immensely contributed in making it possible for the party to gain
acceptance and recognition among the general masses. The party members were
as a result also found more dedicated, committed, realistic, selfless and durable
to political and economic difficulties. It has also been observed that Aminu‟s
good political career, selfless and sincere service to humanity shown through
certain national assignments rendered had morally and politically impressed
people and had as a result attracted some Nigerians to vouch for him and his
party.

The Role of Sambon- Barka as a NEPU Figure from the Defunct Funtua
District.

Figure 3.4.3Funtua; Source: https://bit.ly/2QhzzpC

The above named individual personality, popularly known as “ Sambon-

BarkaKafi-Sambon- Maska” hailed from a town called Dandume which is
known as district created out of the defunct Funtua district. He was a powerful
NEPU political figure, fearless, ideologist, consummate politician, radical and

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rigid to the political, economic and social interests of the traditional rulers. He
was also seen as an important political personality or local opinion leader,
influential, generous and a perfect practicing politician. He was by origin said to
have been one of the descendants of Ibrahim Na-Gwamutse‟sfamily.This NEPU
political figure was most of the times at logger head with traditional rulers
because of administrative oppression, political and ideological differences as
well as high level of strong opposition against the interests of each other as
antagonistic camps.Sambon-Barka as a radical politician and local champion
had twice shamelessly, fearlessly and directly opposed the District Head of
Funtua‟s motion, known as (Sarkin- Maska) .the first motion or proposal of the
District Head was opposed in 1945 when he recommended the planting of a
“Dalbejiya” tree in Dandume. In reaction to his approval, the Sambon-Barka
vehemently rejected and quickly instructed NEPU people of that environ to
remove the already planted ones for replacement with “Mangoro” Mango tree
for the satisfaction of NEPU political, economic and ideological interests.The
second political conflict of interest between the three important personalities i.e.
District Head of Funtua. Emir of Katsina, and Sambon-Barka occurred in 1950,
over the formation and construction of Dandume market. When the District
Head proposed the site for the formation of the market, the Emir of Katsina
supported the idea, but Sambon-Barka and his people instantly and strongly
disagreed with the approval and indicated the site of their interest for the
establishment.

Nature of the Difficulties Encountered by NEPU People.

A number of the following problems can be termed as severe punishment or
sufferings underwent through by NEPU people in all nook and corners of
Northern Nigeria, with particular reference to some selected districts of
southern Katsina Emirate. Among the worries encountered included, indignity,

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persecutions, tortures, political discrimination, maltreatment, imprisonment,

denial of access to education, resources, brutal killing, massive migrations and
financial constraints to enable their political party execute its long term
intellectual and political commitments for the attainment of general political,
economic and social interests in accordance with party manifesto. NEPU people
until today at the back of their ideological and political minds they have the
belief that even the seed we sow must die for sacrifice, before it comes into
normal and complete life (being). Similarly, it is equally important to reveal that
on April, 4th 2002, I had an interview with another NEPU Local champion in
person of late MallamDaboGundawa of Ketare district in Kankara local
Government area of Katsina State. He states that to him NEPU and politics are
both do or die affair. This is because. “To be imprisoned is a form of privacy for
further action, brutal execution is a martyrdom, exile from homeland is a
journey of discovery”This aims at highlighting his high level of political
minded idealism, sacrifice, dedication, ideological belief and commitments to a
cause for positive change to be achieved under the pretext of political
revolution.

In-text Question: Who was MallamAminuKano

In-text Answer: MallamAminu Kano was born in 1938 at Kano. His political and
philosophical ideas on how to revolutionize his immediate society in a positive sense had
enabled him to undergo through some changes over the years for instance, in the fifties,
Aminu and his people of NEPU were fervent, clear-militants and idealistic.

3.0 Summary and Conclusion

In conclusion, the study session examined some of the major political,
economic and social circumstances that led to the creation of NEPU as political
party in Nigeria. Among the identified problems included oppressive rule,
imposition of taxes, maltreatment of masses, improper allocation and

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distribution of resources to mention but a few. The study has further shown the
role played by the party and its people for the emancipation of the deluded
masses through political struggles, agitations and other forms of strategy, in
accordance with ideological teachings of Aminu Kano and party manifesto. In
the course of the struggles, many of its members lost their lives, properties,
prestige, some were persecuted, indignified, publically harassed and forced to
leave for exiles. At the tail end, the study portrayed the role of some selected
NEPU figures and their encounters with traditional authorities and opposing
political parties such as NPC. The nature of political, economic and social
brutalities underwent through by NEPU people have also been examined aimed
at proffering solution, so that Nigerian democratic rule will be brighter, stable,
just and powerful in near future and Aminu had diligently and honestly served
his nation through various national assignments and committees. Aminu‟s house
has today become a Centre of Democratic Research and Training known as
(Mambayya), with its location at Gwammaja, in Kano metropolitan city of
Nigeria.

4.0 Self-Assessment Question:

1. Narrate the history of NEPU
Self-Assessment Answer:
The Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) was the first political party
in Northern Nigeria. Founded in Kano on 8 August 1950, it was the offshoot of
a pre-existing political association called the Northern Elements Progressive
Association. It became the main opposition party in Northern Nigeria after the
region was granted self-governance in the 1950s. In the First Republic it
maintained a steady alliance with Zikist National Council of Nigeria and the
Cameroons (NCNC) against the Northern People‟s Congress (NPC)-dominated
Federal Government.

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5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)

a. Visit U-tube
addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Pi672lu_5whttps://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=HMC34KhZCf8&t=64s. Watch the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on add/site
https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Oliver+Lyttletons+constitution
+of+1954%2C and critique it in the discussion forum

6.0 References/Further Reading

Abdullahi, S.U. (1985). GaskiyaDokinKarfe(Kano, Mainasara printing press)
Ade, A. J.F. &Ikara B. (1985). Evolution of Political Culture in Nigeria
(Ibadan University Press)
Asikpo, E. I. (1979). Political Repression and Assassination: A Tribute to the
lateBala Mohammed (Kano, Government office/printer)
Olusanya, G.O. (1980). “Nationalist Movement in Nigeria” in Groundwork of
Nigerian History (Ibadan, Heinmann)
Sun, E.T. (1978).National Building Science: The Political Face of Black Power
Movement (Afro- Press Ibadan)
Usman, Y.B. (1979) For the Liberation of Nigeria (England, New-Beacon Book
Ltd)
Yahaya, A.D. (1980) The Native Authority System in Northern Nigeria (Zaria,
ABU Press)

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Study Session 5
National Council of Nigeria and the
Cameroons (NCNC)
Section and Subsection Headings:
Introduction
1.0 Learning Outcomes
2.0 Main Content
2.1- Pre-independence
2.2- Aims and Objectives of the NCNC
2.3- Contributions of NCNC
2.4- Party Politics
2.5- Criticisms Levelled against NCNC
3.0 Study Session Summary and Conclusion
4.0 5.0 Self-Assessment Question(s)
5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations &Out of Class activities)
6.0 7.0 References/Further Reading

Introduction
The NCNC was formed in August 1944. It was first named National Council of
Nigeria and the Cameroons and later re-named the National Convention of
Nigerian Citizens in 1960 when the Cameroons broke away from Nigeria. The
NCNC was the first Nigerian political party to be organised to seek total
independence for Nigeria. Herbert Macaulay was the first leader and President
of NCNC and Dr.NnamdiAzikiwe the General Secretary. Dr.Azikiwe became
the President of the party after the death of Macaulay in 1946.

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1.0 Learning Outcomes

At the end of this Session, you should be able to:
1. Explain the formation and principles of the NCNC,
2. Describe the role played by Dr.NnamdiAzikiwe and other prominent
NCNC members.

2.0 Main Content

2.1Pre-independence

Figure 3.5.5 pre-independence; source: https://bit.ly/2t0VucD

The first test of the party came in the 1951 election. The party won majority
votes in the Eastern Region of Nigeria‟s House of Assembly but became the
opposition in the western region with Azikiwe as the opposition leader
representing Lagos. Although the Action Group (AG) won a plurality of the
votes in the election, its prospects were uncertain as the NCNC could have
secured a majority if it had been able to persuade the third party, which was an
Ibadan community party and which had been viewed by the NCNC as its ally,
to support it. This it was not able to achieve and the AG therefore formed the
government amid accusations of carpet-crossing by Azikiwe and his NCNC.

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This event is still viewed by some historiographers as the beginning of ethnic

politics in Nigeria. Azikiwe later on became the Premier of Eastern Region,
Nigeria in 1954.

During a national conference in 1954, the party opposed a call to include the
right of secession – a stance which was later exploited by the North and the
West to deny the East the right to secede in the Nigerian Civil War. It had
argued that the country was not a league of forced nations and it would be
ruinous to include such right. The policies of the party, from its inception

In-text Question: When was the NCNC formed?

In-text Answer: The NCNC was formed in August 1944. It was first named National
Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons and later re-named the National Convention of
Nigerian Citizens in 1960 when the Cameroons broke away from Nigeria.

favored a countenance of determined expression for self-government and

nationalism. The major aims of the party taken on subsequent campaigns at
home and abroad were as follows.

2.2 Aims and Objectives of the NCNC

1. To achieve self-government for Nigeria.
2. To spread political education to the people.
3. To arouse the political consciousness of the masses.
4. To establish a platform as a medium of expression in order to achieve social
equality, economic security, religious tolerance, etc.
5. The extension of democratic principles and advancement of the interest of the
people of Nigeria and Cameroons under British mandate.
6. The imparting of political education to the people of Nigeria in order to
prepare them for self-government.

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7. The provision of medium of expression for members of NCNC through

which they would endeavour to secure for Nigeria and the Cameroons.

2.3 Contributions of NCNC

1. The NCNC and its organ the West African Pilot lent its political muscle to
the general strike of 1945.
2. The party played the role of uniting the Nigerian nationalists in the fight for
self-government for Nigeria.
3. Its political education helped to raise the political consciousness of the people
of Nigeria. 4. The party mounted vigorous protest campaign against the
deficiencies of the Richard Constitution of 1946.
5. The NCNC raised the funds which were used in sending protest delegation
against 1946 constitution to London.
6. The party played significant roles at the constitutional conferences that led to
the independence of Nigeria.
7. The NCNC formed the first regional government of Eastern Region and
contributed greatly to its development.
8. The significant contributions of the NCNC made it to be tagged party of the
masses.
9. It formed coalition government with the NPC in 1960 and produced the first
president.

2.4 Party Politics

During a national conference in 1954, the party had opposed a call to include
the right of secession-a stance which was later exploited by the North and the
West to deny the East the right to secede in the Nigerian Civil War. It had
argued that the country was not a league of forced nations and it would be
ruinous to include such right. The policies of the party, from its inception

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favoured a countenance of determined expression for self-government and

nationalism.

2.5 Criticisms Levelled against NCNC

The NCNC was accused by its adversaries of focusing overly on the interests of
the Igbo population. By the late 1940s, the remnant of the Nigerian Youth
Movement, now effectively a western Nigeria political organization, had
decided to support the Action Group accusing the NCNC of ethnic imperialism.
However, the western opposition needed to tactically rev up local sentiments as
its base was made up of local elites who depended little on nationalistic
sentiment but on the local economic and political activity in their various towns
and cities. During the Biafran war
of secession, Azikiwe became a
spokesman for the republic and an
adviser to its leader.

Figure 3.5.6 Biafran war; source: https://bit.ly/2s625mi

In-text Question: What was the criticism levelled against NCNC?

In-text Answer: The NCNC was accused by its adversaries of focusing
overly on the interests of the Igbo population.

3.0 Summary and Conclusion

Under study session five of module three and the last study session in this
course, you have learnt about the activities of one of the pre-independence
political parties in Nigeria i.e. NCNC. You are now familiar with the aims and

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the objectives of the party, achievements and the criticisms levelled against the
party.
4.0 Self-Assessment Question
1. Explain the formation of NCNC
Self-Assessment Answer:
The National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons was formed in 1944 by
Herbert Macaulay. Herbert Macaulay was its first president, while Azikiwe
was its first secretary. The NCNC was made up of a rather long list of
nationalist parties, cultural associations, and labor movements that joined to
form NCNC.

5.0 Additional Activities (Videos, Animations & Out of Class activities)

a. Visit U-tube
addhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Pi672lu_5whttps://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=HMC34KhZCf8&t=64s. Watch the video & summarise in 1 paragraph
b. View the animation on add/site
https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Oliver+Lyttletons+constitution
+of+1954%2C and critique it in the discussion forum

6.0 References/Further Reading

Abdullahi, S.U. (1985). GaskiyaDokinKarfe(Kano, Mainasara printing press)
Ade, A. J.F. &Ikara B. (1985). Evolution of Political Culture in Nigeria
(Ibadan University Press)
Asikpo, E. I. (1979). Political Repression and Assassination: A Tribute to the
lateBala Mohammed (Kano, Government office/printer)
Olusanya, G.O. (1980). “Nationalist Movement in Nigeria” in Groundwork of
Nigerian History (Ibadan, Heinmann)

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Glossary
Amalgamation: the act or process of uniting
Annexation: to incorporate a country or other territory within the domain of a
state.
Colonialism: the control of one country and its people by a usually more
powerful country:
Colony: a body of people living in a new territory but retaining ties with the
parent state
Constitution: the system of beliefs and laws by which a country, state, or
organization is governed
Federalism: the distribution of power in a government between a central
authority and the constituent units
Indirect rule: the colonial policy of ruling the indigenous people through the
indigenous systems of political organization.
Nation: a group of people who share the same language, culture and possess a
more or less defined territory and government
Nationalism: loyalty and devotion to a nation. That is a sense of national
consciousness exalting one nation above all others and placing primary
emphasis on promotion of its culture and interests as opposed to those of other
nations or supranational groups.
Political independence: freedom from foreign rule
Political transition: the process of moving from a regime; usually an
authoritarian regime to a more democratic regime
Protectorate: a country that is controlled by a more powerful one

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Republic: a country that is governed by elected representatives and by an

elected leader (such as a president) rather than by a king or queen
Slavery: the state of a person who is a chattel of another. The period in which
Africans were shipped across the Atlantic by European powers to work on
plantations in Europe and the Americas.
State: a politically organized group of people usually occupying a definite
territory; with sovereignty
Alafin: king of Oyo
Emir: leaders of regions known as emirates in the time of the Sokoto Caliphate
who reported directly to the Sultan of Sokoto.
Oba: king of a Yoruba or Benin state
Oyomesi: chief advisory body to the Alafin of Oyo
Zikists: radical, left-wing group of NCNC supporters who were willing to use
any means necessary, even violence, to attain independence for Nigeria from
British rule in the 1950s.

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