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Sociology Test 3 Code 3344 Approach Answer Team LPRPDV

The document consists of a sociology mock test with various questions focusing on topics such as the relationship between caste and class, religious pluralism in India, the relevance of Charles Metcalfe's view on Indian villages, and perspectives on the caste system by G. S. Ghurye and Louis Dumont. Each section requires concise answers that reflect critical sociological insights and examples. The test aims to assess understanding of complex social structures and their evolution in contemporary Indian society.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
71 views35 pages

Sociology Test 3 Code 3344 Approach Answer Team LPRPDV

The document consists of a sociology mock test with various questions focusing on topics such as the relationship between caste and class, religious pluralism in India, the relevance of Charles Metcalfe's view on Indian villages, and perspectives on the caste system by G. S. Ghurye and Louis Dumont. Each section requires concise answers that reflect critical sociological insights and examples. The test aims to assess understanding of complex social structures and their evolution in contemporary Indian society.

Uploaded by

Pritha
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

VISION IAS

www.visionias.in

APPROACH – ANSWER: SOCIOLOGY MOCK TEST - 3344 (2025)

SECTION ‘A’
1. Write a short note on each of the following in not more than 150 words. 10x5=50
(a) ‘The soil grows castes: the machines make classes’. Comment. 10
Approach:

• Explain the quote’s significance in understanding the relationship between caste and class in Indian
society.
• Discuss the connection between caste and agrarian society and explore the shift from caste to class
by economic factors.
• Acknowledge the persistence of caste-based divisions in rural areas despite the rise of class
distinctions.
• Reflect of the complex and evolving nature of social stratification in the conclusion.
Answer:
Introduction
Traditional caste divisions are deeply embedded in rural agrarian settings, whereas rise of class is often
seen in modern industrial and urban contexts, reflecting economic modernization and industrialization

as shifting the basis of social stratification from birth-based systems (caste) to those determined by
economic position (class).
Soil grows castes: Caste rooted in traditional agrarian system:

• Historically, caste systems were closely tied to the land, with social roles and hierarchies being based
on one’s occupation (such as farming, trade, or manual labor). Louis Dumont argued that caste is an
ideological system, rooted in the notion of purity and pollution, and defines social positions and
relationships.
• In an agrarian system, the caste is organized around occupational division of labour, with each caste
having a designated role in the economy, often tied to land and agriculture. The term “soil”
metaphorically represents the agrarian nature of early Indian society, where caste divisions were
strongly tied to land ownership, labor, and inheritance. People’s social positions were inherited, and
mobility across caste boundaries was extremely limited.
• Daniel Thorner also recognized that caste was a key organizing principle in agriculture. He highlighted
how caste played a central role in rural labor relations, with landowners-Malik (often from higher
castes), Peasants-Kisan (often from middle castes) and Mazdoor-laborers (usually from lower castes)
forming a deeply entrenched system of social and economic division.
• The caste system was a key organizing principle in rural India, where people’s positions were largely
determined by their birth and occupation.

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The machines make classes: The rise of class in industrial society

• It highlights the shift in social stratification that occurs with the advent of industrialization and
urbanization. Marx advocates that in modern industrial societies, social stratification is no longer
based on ascriptive factors such as caste, but rather on economic class.
• As industrialization spread, the rise of new professions and occupations blurred traditional caste
boundaries, allowing individuals to rise or fall within a class structure determined by wealth and
occupation, rather than birth.
• Micheal Young highlights the growing importance of education and economic opportunities in
creating conditions for class mobility, where individuals from lower castes could, through education
and employment, move up in the class structure.
Conclusion
While caste identities remain significant, economic development and modernization are reshaping the
nature of social stratification and mobility. Due to this growing influence of class in shaping social and
economic opportunities, its said that, ‘the soil grows castes: the machines make classes’.

1. (b) “Religious pluralism has been both strength and a source of conflict in India.” Discuss with suitable
examples. 10
Approach:
• Give a brief note on the topic in introduction.
• Discuss the strength and conflict under two different headings.
• Conclude by appreciating this unique setting in India.
Answer:
Introduction:
Religious pluralism in India represents a complex social phenomenon characterized by both peaceful

coexistence and periodic tensions. This duality has deep historical roots and continues to shape
contemporary Indian society.
Pluralism as Strength:
• The development of syncretic traditions like Sufism and Bhakti movements demonstrates historical
interfaith dialogue, as seen in the teachings of Kabir and Guru Nanak.
• Constitutional secularism emerged from India's pluralistic tradition, providing legal framework for
religious coexistence through Articles 25-28.
• Shared cultural practices across religious communities create what Ashis Nandy calls "everyday
pluralism," seen in common participation in festivals and shrine worship.
• Religious diversity contributes to cultural richness through what T.N. Madan terms "composite
culture," exemplified in art, music, and architecture.
• Inter-religious economic networks and occupational interdependence foster social cohesion, as
studied by Dipankar Gupta in urban markets.
Sources of Conflict:
• Colonial policies of divide and rule institutionalized religious differences, leading to what Gyanendra
Pandey calls "construction of communalism."
• Political mobilization based on religious identity creates what Paul Brass terms "elite manipulation"
of religious symbols for power.

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• Contested religious sites like Ayodhya become focal points of conflict through what Peter van der
Veer describes as "religious nationalism."
• Modern media and technology sometimes amplify religious tensions through rapid spread of
inflammatory content.
• Economic competition and resource distribution often get articulated through religious identities,
especially in urban areas.
Conclusion:
India's experience with religious pluralism demonstrates both the possibilities of peaceful coexistence and
the challenges of managing diversity in a modern democracy. Understanding this duality is crucial for
developing policies that strengthen pluralistic traditions while addressing sources of conflict.

1. (c) To what extent is Charles Metcalfe’s view of Indian villages as isolated and self-sufficient still
relevant? 10
Approach:

• Broadly describe Charles Metcalfe’s view of Indian villages.


• Discuss the key aspects of Charles Metcalfe’s view of Indian villages and provide examples from Indian
society to justify the relevance
• Then provide counter-views on how his approach faces challenges in the study of Indian society.
• Conclude with one counter-thought and then a way forward citing some other sociologists’ views.
Answer:
Introduction
Charles Metcalfe, a British colonial official, portrayed Indian villages as isolated and self-sufficient units in
the early 19th century. He argued that each village functioned autonomously, with limited interaction with
external forces. However, contemporary sociological perspectives and developments in Indian society

challenge and redefine this view.


Metcalf’s view of Indian villages still holds relevance due to the following aspects:
Metcalfe’s view on Indian villages:

• Charles Metcalfe described Indian villages as “little republics,” isolated and self-sufficient units.
• This view highlights their economic independence, social cohesion, and minimal reliance on external
systems during pre-colonial times.
Persistence of isolation in rural india:
• Many Indian villages remain isolated due to poor infrastructure and limited access to urban markets,
education, and healthcare.
• Tribal areas in Jharkhand and Odisha exemplify villages with minimal external interaction.
• M.N. Srinivas emphasized the role of caste and traditional customs in maintaining social control and
isolating villages.
Economic and social self-sufficiency:

• Agriculture and allied activities continue to dominate rural economies, ensuring self-reliance to some
extent.
• Festivals, rituals, and local governance (panchayats) exhibit self-sufficient social structures.

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Challenges to the relevance of metcalfe’s view:

• Globalization, migration, and communication technologies have integrated villages into larger
economic and political frameworks.
• Andre Béteille critiqued the static view of villages, emphasizing their dynamic and evolving nature.
• Rural development schemes like MNREGA and PMGSY have increased connectivity and external
dependence.
Contemporary examples:

• Remote Himalayan villages remain isolated and rely on local resources.


• However, urban-rural linkages through remittances and digital penetration challenge Metcalfe’s idea
of complete self-sufficiency.
Modern sociological thought suggests that Indian villages are increasingly interconnected and
influenced by external factors:

• Changing social structures:


o Metcalfe's view of Indian villages as isolated fails to consider the dynamic nature of social
structures. According to Talcott Parsons, society is a complex network of interrelated parts. Indian
villages, historically isolated, are now interconnected through various social and economic
channels.
o For instance, migration to urban areas for work, access to education, and exposure to media have
blurred the boundaries between rural and urban, making villages less self-sufficient.
• Economic interdependence:
o The economic autonomy Metcalfe described is no longer as prevalent. Emile Durkheim’s
theory of social solidarity highlights how modern societies are increasingly interdependent. In
India, the agrarian economy of villages is heavily influenced by the broader market forces,
government policies, and technological advancements.
o For example, the Green Revolution and agricultural subsidies have integrated rural economies
with national and global markets, challenging Metcalfe’s isolated model.

• Political influence:
o Villages, once largely unaffected by central government policies, are now deeply intertwined with
state and national politics. Max Weber’s concept of authority illustrates how political control and
governance have moved from local autonomy to a more centralized model.
o For instance, in India, policies related to rural development, subsidies, and welfare programs
have made villages dependent on government intervention, especially on the Ministry of Rural
Development. Similarly, some of the most prominent politicians of our country have roots in the
rural pockets and villages are sometimes the hotspot of political activity during the state and
general elections.
• Cultural and ritual dynamics:
o Though some cultural practices in villages might appear self-contained, globalization and
technology have led to cultural exchange and change. Villages today witness the influence of
urban culture, media, and even foreign ideologies, which challenge the notion of cultural
isolation.
o For instance, access to social media has showcased the growing influence of western culture on
the village life.

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Conclusion
Therefore, while Charles Metcalfe’s view of Indian villages as isolated and self-sufficient had some truth
during his time, it is increasingly irrelevant in the context of modern India. Sociologists like G. S. Ghurye
and Andre Béteille suggest that the interconnectedness of villages with urban areas, the economy, politics,
and culture reflects a significant departure from Metcalfe’s portrayal. Thus, Indian villages are no longer
isolated entities but dynamic parts of a broader societal framework.

1. (d) Compare and contrast G. S. Ghurye’s and Louis Dumont’s perspectives on the caste system in India.
10
Approach:
• Define caste in introduction
• Give G. S. Ghurye’s Perspective on Caste.
• Write the perspective of Louis Dumont on Caste.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
Introduction
According to M.N. Srinivas, Caste is defined as "a hereditary, endogamous and usually localized group,
having a traditional association with an occupation, and occupying a particular position in the local
hierarchy of castes."
G. S. Ghurye’s perspective on caste:

• Caste as a social institution:


o Ghurye, often regarded as the "father of Indian sociology," provided an empirical and historical
understanding of caste. He viewed caste as a social system rooted in Indian history and tradition.
o He identified six key features of caste: hierarchy, endogamy, occupational specialization,

restrictions on food and social interaction, cultural differences, and segmental division.
• Caste and Hinduism: Ghurye emphasized the link between caste and religion, particularly Hinduism.
He argued that caste originated from the Varna system described in ancient texts.
o E.g., division of society into Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras reflects the religious basis
of caste.
• Caste as a product of Indian Society: Ghurye viewed caste as a historically evolved social system
unique to India but not rigid. He also acknowledged the impact of urbanization and modernization on
weakening caste barriers.
o E.g., in modern cities, people interact across caste lines for economic and social reasons, reducing
traditional caste-based restrictions.
Louis Dumont’spPerspective on caste:

• Caste as a hierarchical system: Dumont, in his work “Homo Hierarchicus”, focused on the ideological
and structural aspects of caste. He argued that caste is primarily a hierarchical system based on the
opposition between “pure” and “impure”.
o E.g., the Brahmins, considered ritually pure, are placed at the top, while castes engaged in
occupations deemed impure (like manual scavenging) are at the bottom.
• Concept of "Homo Hierarchicus": Dumont contrasted Indian society with the individualism of Western
society. He argued that Indian society is holistic, where the caste system prioritizes the group over
the individual. In contrast, Western society values individual freedom and equality.
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o E.g., in traditional Indian society, a person’s caste determined their role and identity, while in
Western societies; roles are based on individual merit and achievement.
• Religion and ideology: Dumont emphasized that caste is rooted in religious ideology and not just a
social phenomenon.
o E.g., the concept of “purity and pollution” is deeply tied to religious practices, such as Brahmins
performing rituals while avoiding contact with objects or people considered impure.
Conclusion
Together, their perspectives enrich our sociological understanding of the caste system in India by
combining empirical observations with theoretical insights.

1. (e) "Family is the primary unit of social control in India." Discuss the validity of this statement. 10
Approach:

• Define family and explain its role in social control.


• Discuss family as a unit of social control and present the argument that social control is now influenced
by institutions other than family also.
• Conclude appropriately by acknowledging the family’s role in social control, but also recognizing the
diminishing influence in urban settings due to modern influences.
Answer:
Introduction
Although there is no universally accepted definition of family in sociology, it can be defined as a socially
recognized group (usually joined by blood, marriage, cohabitation, or adoption) that forms an emotional
connection among its members, allows reproduction and that serves as an economic unit of society.
Family as a primary unit of social control:

• Family plays a crucial role in maintaining social control by instilling norms, values, and expectations
in individuals from a young age. Durkheim believed it enforces moral regulations and social solidarity,
which is apt for Indian families as well. For instance, values of sharing, respect for elders/authority,
etc. are taught in the family and punishment are given if not obeyed.
• Marxist Feminist Nivedita Menon believes family to be the reason for the sustenance of patriarchy.
She believes that family is the primary reason for gender socialisation and social control.
• The Indian family, particularly in rural areas, is tightly linked to caste norms and expectations, which
can limit individual mobility/choices with respect to food, choice of occupation, marriage, etc. and
reinforce hierarchical social structures.
• Simone de Beauvoir criticizes the family as a site of patriarchal control. The family enforces gender
norms, with women often confined to domestic spheres while men assume external roles. This sexual
division of labor reinforces male dominance and restricts women's autonomy, thereby ensuring their
subordination within society.
• Judith Butler, in her gender performativity says that family reinforces heterosexuality and binary
gender identities. The family norms suppress alternative family arrangements and queer identities.
• Postmodern views question the traditional belief that the family is the main force behind social
control. Instead, they highlight the importance of other institutions such as the media, government,
and education. In today’s India, the rise of global culture and modern media has changed the way
families function, leading to a shift in how social control is maintained.

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Conclusion
Therefore, family is a crucial unit of social control, which enforces norms and values, maintains social
order, and often perpetuates social hierarchies. However, with the influence of globalization, modernity,
and social media, the family’s role in social control has diminished in urban settings and among younger
generations.

2. (a) Examine MN Srinivas's concept of Sanskritization. How useful is it in understanding caste mobility?
20
Approach:

• Define Sanskritisation.
• Mention key elements of sanskritisation.
• Explain how it is useful in caste mobility.
• Discuss limitations in concept in understanding mobility.
• Conclude appreciating the concept.
Answer:
Introduction:
M.N. Srinivas's concept of Sanskritization, first observed in his study of the Coorg community, describes
the process through which lower castes adopt the practices, rituals, and lifestyle of upper castes to claim
higher social status. This concept has become fundamental in understanding traditional patterns of social
mobility within India's caste system.
Key elements of sanskritization:
• Sanskritization involves adoption of upper-caste practices like vegetarianism, teetotalism, and Sanskrit
rituals. For instance, Srinivas documented how Lingayats in Karnataka adopted Brahmanical practices.
• Yogendra Singh notes that the process includes changes in customs, dress, language, and social

outlook spanning generations, as seen in the upward mobility of certain agricultural castes.
• Economic advancement often precedes cultural change, what D.N. Majumdar observed among the
Kahar community who claimed Kshatriya status after acquiring land.
• McKim Marriott emphasized how this process involves "parochialization" where Sanskrit traditions
are adapted to local contexts.
• Religious legitimation through adoption of Vedic rituals and practices serves as a crucial marker of
elevated status, as noted by Louis Dumont.
Understanding caste mobility through Sanskritization:
• The concept explains collective rather than individual mobility, as seen in I.P. Desai's studies of how
entire jatis in Gujarat moved up the caste hierarchy.
• A.M. Shah documented how economic prosperity led to claims of higher ritual status among trading
communities in Western India.
• Bernard Cohn's studies show how colonial policies inadvertently facilitated Sanskritization by
recording and formalizing caste claims.
• The process often involves what Milton Singer calls "compartmentalization," where groups maintain
some traditional practices while adopting new ones.
• André Béteille notes how Sanskritization operates differently in urban contexts, often combining with
modern education and occupational mobility.

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Limitations:
• Critics like Ambedkar argue that it reinforces rather than challenges caste hierarchy by accepting
Brahmanical superiority.
• D.P. Mukherjee points out its inability to explain modern forms of mobility through secular education
and urbanization.
• Regional variations and non-Brahmanical models of status advancement are not adequately captured.
• The theory struggles to explain contemporary Dalit assertions and alternative mobility strategies.
• Gail Omvedt argues that it overlooks the role of anti-caste movements and alternative cultural
traditions.
Conclusion:
While Sanskritization provides valuable insights into traditional patterns of caste mobility, understanding
contemporary social change requires complementing it with newer theoretical frameworks. Its enduring
relevance lies in explaining historical patterns of status mobility within the caste system, even as modern
forms of social mobility operate through different mechanisms.

2. (b) "Indian sociology developed as a dialogue between colonial knowledge systems and indigenous
intellectual traditions." Critically examine. 20
Approach:
• Give a brief outline for the answer in the introduction.
• Discuss the influence of Colonial knowledge systems.
• Explain the response of indigenous intellectual traditions.
• Conclude by appreciating the development of Indian Sociology.
Answer:
Introduction:

Indian sociology emerged through a complex interplay between colonial epistemologies and indigenous
intellectual traditions. This development reflects both the influence of Western sociological theories and
the attempts to understand Indian social reality through indigenous perspectives.
Colonial knowledge systems' influence:
• British colonial administrators like Henry Maine and James Mill introduced Western frameworks for
understanding Indian society, particularly through concepts like traditional vs. modern societies.
• Census operations and ethnographic surveys by colonial officials created categories and classifications
that influenced how Indian society was understood and studied.
• The establishment of universities following Western models shaped early sociological education in
India, as seen in the works of pioneers like G.S. Ghurye.
• Colonial anthropological studies created what Bernard Cohn calls "investigative modalities" that
influenced how Indian social institutions were documented and analyzed.
• The emphasis on caste and village studies reflected colonial interests in understanding and
administering Indian society.
• The orientalist tradition, exemplified by scholars like Max Müller, shaped how Indian religious and
cultural texts were interpreted and categorized.
• Colonial legal frameworks influenced the understanding of customary laws and social practices,
particularly in areas of family and property relations.

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• The creation of "criminal tribes" categories demonstrated how colonial knowledge systems reshaped
social identities.
Indigenous intellectual response:
• Indian sociologists like D.P. Mukerji and Radhakamal Mukerjee developed distinctive approaches
combining Western theories with Indian philosophical traditions.
• M.N. Srinivas introduced concepts like "Sanskritization" that emerged from indigenous understanding
of social mobility and cultural change.
• The study of Indian social institutions incorporated traditional knowledge systems and textual sources
along with empirical observation.
• Nationalist scholars challenged colonial interpretations, developing alternative frameworks for
understanding Indian society.
• Contemporary Indian sociology increasingly emphasizes what Yogendra Singh terms "indigenization
of sociological knowledge."
• A.K. Saran's critique of Western modernity offered an alternative vision based on Indian philosophical
traditions.
• Benoy Kumar Sarkar emphasized the importance of studying Indian society through indigenous
categories and concepts.
• The Lucknow School of sociology, led by D.P. Mukerji and D.N. Majumdar, developed a distinctive
approach combining Marxist analysis with Indian traditions.
Conclusion:
The development of Indian sociology represents a complex dialogue between colonial and indigenous
knowledge systems, resulting in unique theoretical perspectives and methodological approaches. This
synthesis continues to influence contemporary sociological understanding of Indian society, while also
raising important questions about decolonizing social science knowledge.

2. (c) "The emergence of middle classes in India follows a pattern different from Western societies."
Discuss. 10
Approach:

• Start with uniqueness of Indian middle class.


• Explain the formation of middle class in colonial and post-colonial times.
• Explain contemporary distinctions in the formation of middle class and conclude accordingly.
Answer:
Introduction:
The Indian middle class emerged through a unique historical trajectory distinct from Western societies,
shaped by colonial experience, state policies, and cultural particularities. This distinctive pattern continues
to influence contemporary social stratification in India.
Colonial and post-colonial formation:
• Unlike Western societies where middle classes emerged through industrialization, Indian middle class
initially formed through what B.B. Misra calls "colonial education and administrative service."
• The early middle class was predominantly upper-caste, creating what Sanjay Joshi terms "fractured
modernity" where traditional hierarchies merged with modern education.
• State employment rather than private enterprise characterized early middle-class formation, as noted
by Rajni Kothari in his analysis of post-independence bureaucracy.
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• Professional education, particularly in medicine, law, and engineering, created what André Béteille
calls a "new middle class" distinct from traditional elite groups.
• The role of English education created what M.N. Srinivas termed "Westernized elite" within the
middle class, different from traditional status groups.
Contemporary patterns and distinctions:
• Economic liberalization created what Leela Fernandes calls "new middle class," characterized by
consumption patterns rather than traditional status markers.
• Unlike Western middle classes, Indian middle class maintains strong caste and kinship networks
alongside modern professional identities.
• The role of public sector employment continues to be significant, unlike Western societies'
predominantly private sector middle class.
• Cultural capital operates differently, with what Satish Deshpande notes as simultaneous valorization
of both traditional and modern values.
• The middle class's political role differs, often acting as what Partha Chatterjee terms "civil society"
distinct from political society.
Conclusion:
The Indian middle class's distinctive evolution reflects broader patterns of social transformation in
postcolonial societies, where traditional hierarchies interact with modern institutions to create unique
forms of social stratification.

3. (a) Evaluate the extent to which secularization remains a debated concept in modern society,
incorporating a sociological perspective on recent Supreme Court comments on "secularism." 20
Approach:
• Introduction - Contextualise the statement by providing the constitutional guarantee alongside the
emerging challenges on ground, and the recent SC comments..

• Body: Critically examine the relevance, strength as well as challenges to secularism in Indian society
• Provide examples from the indian society to support all arguments.
• Conclude with a general statement.
Answer:
Introduction
The Indian Constitution guarantees secularism, but its implementation has been a contentious issue,
especially as religion continues to play a significant role in politics, social dynamics, and public life. This
debate has again gained attention following the recent Supreme Court of India’s comments on the concept
of secularism. In October 2024, the Supreme Court said “secularism is an indelible and core part of the
Basic Structure of the Constitution”.
Secularization in India requires a critical examination of sociological theories and illustrations from
Indian society:

• Secularism in the Indian context: Indian secularism is distinct from the Western model, which
advocates a clear separation of religion from state affairs. Rajeev Bhargava argued that Indian
secularism is based on the principle of positive secularism, where the state recognizes and respects all
religions equally, but does not engage in promoting any particular religion.
○ However, this form of secularism has often been criticized for being inconsistent in practice, as
political and religious institutions frequently overlap.
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• Role of religion in Indian politics: Despite India being constitutionally secular, religion plays a
dominant role in politics, with political parties often aligning themselves with religious groups to
mobilize voters.
○ T.N. Madan noted that religion, rather than being relegated to the private sphere, continues to
influence public affairs and the state's political decisions. This intersection of religion and politics
complicates the secularization process, as seen in the rise of Hindu nationalism and the influence
of religious leaders in shaping policies.
• Supreme court of India’s comments on secularism: In recent rulings, the Supreme Court has
emphasized that secularism is a basic structure of the Indian Constitution, and it has insisted on the
equal treatment of all religions by the state, though from a reasonable distance. However, the Court
has also recognized that in certain circumstances, the government’s involvement with religion may be
permissible, especially when it comes to cultural or social reforms (e.g., abolition of untouchability,
reforms in personal laws).
○ This balancing act has been critiqued by scholars like M.N. Srinivas, who noted that while the
Constitution advocates secularism, social practices often undermine this ideal.
• Secularization and social practices in India: The persistence of religious practices in daily life, such as
festivals, rituals, and religious-based communities, challenges the concept of secularization in India.
For example, the prominence of religious processions in cities, political rallies invoking religious
symbols, and the use of religious identity in elections all suggest that secularism in practice is often
compromised.
○ Gail Omvedt pointed out that religion remains a powerful force in shaping the lives of individuals
and communities, particularly in rural areas, where religious identity often dictates social
stratification.
• Illustrations from Indian society: The rise of Hindutva politics and the use of religion by various
political parties for political gains illustrates the ongoing challenges to secularism. Cases like Sabrimala
issue, Triple Talaq, Ram Janmbhoomi judgement, etc is are examples of religion playing a central role
in state decisions. Similarly, the growing popularity of religious-based political movements, such as
the rise of religious leaders in state elections, further complicates secularism in India.

Conclusion:
Secularization, therefore, remains a debated concept in modern India due to the complex relationship
between religion, politics, and society. While India is constitutionally secular, religious identities continue
to shape political, social, and cultural life. The Supreme Court’s stance on secularism highlights the tension
between upholding constitutional secularism and the practical realities of religious influence. Therefore,
secularism in India is not an absolute process of secularization but a negotiated and contested concept,
influenced by historical, cultural, and political forces.

3. (b) Analyze how village studies in India reveal both continuity and change in rural social structure. 20
Approach:

• Start with genesis of Village studies.


• Mention the elements of continuity.
• Explain the changing structure in rural India.
• Conclude by appreciating village studies.

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Answer:
Introduction:
Village studies in Indian sociology have been instrumental in understanding the dynamics of rural social
structure, revealing both persistent traditional elements and significant transformations. From the
pioneering works of M.N. Srinivas to contemporary research, these studies capture the complex interplay
between tradition and modernity.
Elements of continuity:
• The caste system continues to influence social relationships and economic activities, though its
manifestation has changed. For instance, S.C. Dube's studies show how caste remains significant in
social interactions and marriage patterns.
• Traditional power structures persist through what M.N. Srinivas terms "dominant castes," who
maintain influence through land ownership and political connections.
• Kinship networks remain crucial for social support and economic cooperation, as documented in
McKim Marriott's study of social networks in Indian villages.
• Religious practices and festivals continue to organize community life and maintain social bonds, as
observed in village studies by André Béteille.
• Patriarchal family structures persist, influencing gender relations and decision-making patterns in
rural households.
• The jajmani system, though weakened, continues to influence service relationships in some regions,
as noted in Louis Dumont's studies.
• Village deities and local religious traditions maintain their significance in community life, as
documented by Kathleen Gough.
• Traditional dispute resolution mechanisms like caste panchayats continue to function alongside
formal institutions.
Patterns of change:

• Economic transformation through commercialization of agriculture and non-farm employment has


altered traditional occupational patterns, as noted in Jan Breman's studies.
• Political democratization has led to new forms of leadership and power relations, particularly through
Panchayati Raj institutions and reservation policies.
• Educational expansion has created new aspirations and mobility patterns, especially among younger
generations, as documented by Patricia Jeffery's research.
• Communication technology and improved transportation have connected villages to wider networks,
breaking traditional isolation.
• Land relations have transformed due to land reforms, market forces, and changing agricultural
practices, altering traditional economic hierarchies.
• The emergence of rural-urban migration patterns has created new forms of social and economic
relationships, as studied by Jonathan Parry.
• Women's empowerment through self-help groups and political reservations has challenged
traditional gender hierarchies.
• The rise of agrarian movements and farmer organizations has introduced new forms of collective
action and social mobilization.
Conclusion:
Village studies reveal that rural India is neither completely traditional nor fully modernized, but represents
a complex amalgamation where old and new coexist and interact. Understanding these dynamics is crucial
for policy-making and development interventions in rural India.
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3. (c) Critically analyze the statement: "Indian society is transitioning from being caste-based to class-
based." 10
Approach:

• Introduction - Describe the role of caste and emergence of class in the Indian society.
• Body: Provide arguments (with examples from Indian society) supporting the statement that Indian
society is transitioning from caste-based to class-based.
• Provide arguments (with examples from Indian society) against the statement, to show that caste
continues to play a significant role.
• Conclude with one counter-thought suggesting that there is an intersectionality of caste and class
identities instead of a complete transition.
Answer:
Introduction
The statement reflects a shift in the patterns of social stratification in India. Historically, caste has been
the primary marker of social identity, dictating individuals' roles, occupations, and interactions. However,
with modernization, urbanization, and economic liberalization, the prominence of class-based
stratification has increased. This shift has sparked debate among sociologists, with some arguing that caste
is losing its significance, while others contend that caste continues to play a vital role in determining social
status and opportunities.
Indian society is transitioning from caste-based to class-based:

• Economic liberalization and growth of middle class: Economic reforms in the 1990s led to a rise in
India’s middle class, which is more economically defined than caste-defined. Scholars like Dipankar
Gupta argue that the growth of a consumer-oriented economy has made class a more significant
determinant of social status than caste. The middle class, particularly in urban areas, is largely defined
by income, education, and occupation, not caste identity.
• Urbanization and mobility: Urbanization has created opportunities for social mobility where caste is

less visible, and class-based factors such as education and job skills determine social positioning. M.N.
Srinivas's concept of Sanskritization and Louis Dumont's idea of Homo Hierarchicus may explain how
caste had a stronghold in rural areas, but in cities, class factors have begun to overshadow caste-based
hierarchies.
• Education and employment opportunities: Increasing access to education and job opportunities
through merit-based systems (e.g., reservations based on economic criteria rather than caste)
suggests a shift from caste to class. In professions like IT and business, individuals are increasingly
judged based on skills, qualifications, and experience rather than caste.
• Rise of class-based politics: Political mobilization has increasingly centered around class issues rather
than caste. While caste-based political parties still exist, Rajni Kothari argues that economic concerns,
such as job creation and income inequality, have become central to national discourse, especially with
the rise of parties representing urban working-class and middle-class interests.
However, caste continues to play a significant role:

• Caste as a persistent social divisor: Despite modernization, caste continues to be a potent


determinant of social relationships, marriage, and local politics. Gail Omvedt highlights that caste-
based discrimination remains rampant, particularly in rural areas, where caste continues to dictate
economic opportunities and social interactions. M.N. Srinivas’s study on Brahminization and
Sanskritization illustrates how caste continues to shape social mobility, even in the modern context.

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• Caste-based reservations: The reservation system in education, government jobs, and political
representation is a clear indicator of caste’s continued influence. Jean Dreze and Amartya Sen argue
that while class is important, caste-based affirmative action remains essential for addressing the
historical disadvantages faced by lower-caste groups, indicating that caste remains a key factor in
social stratification.
• Discrimination in urban and professional spaces: Despite the growth of the urban middle class, caste-
based discrimination persists in professional spaces. Studies show that even educated individuals from
lower castes face biases in the workplace, such as in hiring practices, promotions, and job
opportunities. This suggests that caste-based prejudices are deeply ingrained in societal structures,
even in class-based contexts.
• Social networks and marriage: In Indian society, social networks, including marriage, continue to be
strongly influenced by caste. Surinder S. Jodhka argues that even in urban spaces, caste plays a critical
role in the selection of marriage partners, highlighting that caste-based social networks and
institutions remain influential in shaping social mobility.
Conclusion
While there is evidence to suggest that India is transitioning towards a more class-based society due to
economic growth, urbanization, and educational expansion, caste continues to play a significant role in
shaping social hierarchies. Caste and class are not mutually exclusive; rather, they intersect in complex
ways, with caste still influencing access to opportunities and social networks. Thus, the claim that Indian
society is entirely transitioning from caste-based to class-based should be viewed with caution, as caste
remains a crucial factor in the socio-cultural and economic landscape of India.

4. (a) Louis Dumont's concept of purity and pollution puts unnecessary stress on ideology that produced an
intellectualized account of Indian society. How far do you agree? 20
Approach:

• Introduction: Introduce Louis Dumont’s concept of purity and pollution as a central ideological
framework of the caste system.
• Body:
o Explain Dumont's emphasis on ideology.
o Highlight criticisms and discuss alternative perspectives.
• Conclusion: Acknowledge Dumont's contribution while arguing for a more holistic approach that
considers both ideological and material dimensions of the caste system.
Answer:
Introduction
Louis Dumont presented the idea of purity and pollution as a central ideological framework of the Indian
caste system, in his seminal work Homo Hierarchicus. According to him, notions of ritual purity and
pollution organize hierarchical relationships in the caste system.
Dumont viewed caste as primarily an ideological system, rooted in beliefs and values. For him, ideology
was an autonomous sphere, central to understanding Hindu society, and not secondary to politico-
economic factors, as in Marxist theory. However, he has also been criticized for unnecessary stress on
ideology that produced an intellectualized account of Indian society.

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Dumont put unnecessary stress on ideology & produced an intellectualized account of Indian society:

• The pure-impure dichotomy is not an individual perception but a culturally endorsed and universally
accepted framework that governs social relationships in India for Dumont. While Dumont’s focus on
cultural and ideological factors is important, it downplays the material basis of caste oppression,
such as, economic exploitation and political power structures.
• Dumont emphasized that caste is a system of ritual hierarchy, distinct from class-based stratification.
Unlike class, which is based on material power, caste is centered around status, with Brahmins
symbolizing ritual superiority even over Kshatriyas who possess political and economic power.
• Dumont’s framework excludes the role of state policies, reservation systems, and the intersection
of caste with class and gender. A.R. Desai highlighted how caste hierarchies intersect with capitalist
structures to perpetuate socio-economic inequalities.
• Dumont maintained that the structural gap between castes, particularly between Brahmins and
Dalits, is fixed and unamendable. In his criticism of Brahminical bias, Kancha Ilaiah argues that Dalit
and subaltern voices challenge the ideology of purity and pollution, while striving for equality and
justice.
• Dumont critiqued M.N. Srinivas for emphasizing superficial changes in caste due to economic and
political modernization. He argued that even when secular hierarchies shift, the ritual hierarchy
remains intact, as it is a product of deeply entrenched cultural ideology. However, M.N. Srinivas’s
concepts of Sanskritization and dominant caste demonstrate how caste hierarchies adapt and evolve
in response to social mobility, urbanization, and political empowerment.
Conclusion
Therefore, while Louis Dumont’s concept of purity and pollution offers a nuanced understanding of the
caste system as an ideological framework, his rigid emphasis on cultural ideology neglects the dynamic
interplay of caste with political, economic, and subaltern dimensions. The caste system is neither purely
ideological nor entirely static—it is a complex, evolving phenomenon shaped by both tradition and
modernity.

4. (b) Would you agree that the emergence of the new middle class in India has transformed the social
status of women? 20
Approach:
• Introduction - Contextualise the statement by providing the background of the rise of middle class and
implications for owmen.
• Body: Provide both perspectives - how emergence of the new middle class in India has positively
transformed the social status of women, as well as how women still face various challenges.
• Provide examples from the indian society to support all arguments.
• Conclude with a general statement.
Answer:
Introduction
The emergence of the new middle class in India, particularly following the economic liberalization of the
1990s, has brought about significant socio-economic changes. This transformation has impacted various
sections of society, including `n. The social status of women in India has been shaped by both traditional
structures and modern economic developments. This essay critically examines whether the rise of the new
middle class has transformed the social status of women, presenting arguments for and against it.

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Emergence of the new middle class in India has positively transformed the social status of women:

• Economic independence and empowerment: The new middle class has opened up better educational
and employment opportunities for women, particularly in urban areas. Women now participate in the
workforce, particularly in sectors such as IT, media, and service industries.
○ Gail Omvedt in her work on the changing role of women highlights how economic participation
has enhanced women’s autonomy and decision-making power within families.
• Access to education: Economic growth and the rise of the new middle class have led to an increase in
educational opportunities for women. The new middle class values education, and as a result, women
are pursuing higher education and professional careers.
○ This shift reflects the work of sociologist Brahmanand on modernizing influences that emphasize
women’s rights to education and self-development.
• Increased social mobility: The new middle class has facilitated upward mobility for women, especially
in urban areas. With more women in managerial positions and entrepreneurship, there is a growing
sense of equality in social roles.
○ For instance, women in the Indian IT sector, such as those employed in multinational companies,
experience greater recognition and respect.
• Changing social norms and family structures: The rise of the new middle class has also brought about
a shift in traditional family structures, encouraging more egalitarian roles within households.
○ Sociologist N. Jayaram notes that the new middle class promotes more flexible and democratic
family structures where women’s contributions are increasingly valued.
Women still face various challenges:

• Persistence of Patriarchy: Despite the rise of the new middle class, traditional patriarchal values
continue to shape societal expectations of women. In many middle-class families, women are still
expected to prioritize family responsibilities over career aspirations.
○ Leela Dube’s study on gender roles highlights the persistence of patriarchal structures that limit
women's agency, even in urban, middle-class settings.

• Limited Impact in Rural Areas: The transformation of women’s social status has been uneven. While
urban middle-class women experience greater empowerment, women in rural areas remain
constrained by traditional norms, limited access to education, and economic dependence on men.
○ M.N. Srinivas' concept of Sanskritization shows that changes in rural areas often lag behind urban
advancements, resulting in slower improvements in the social status of women.
• Sexual Harassment and Gender Inequality: Women in the new middle class still face significant
challenges in terms of gender inequality, including sexual harassment in the workplace and societal
expectations around appearance and behavior. Despite economic progress, gender bias remains
pervasive, and women often experience discrimination, even in professional environments.
○ Sharmila Rege’s work highlights how caste and class intersect with gender discrimination to
continue marginalizing women.
• Commercialization of Women’s Roles: The rise of the new middle class has also led to the
commercialization of women’s roles, particularly through media representations.
○ Advertisements and entertainment often portray women in stereotypical roles that emphasize
beauty, domesticity, and consumerism rather than intellectual or professional achievements.
Aruna Rao critiques how this commercialization can limit the broader transformation of women’s
roles in society.

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Conclusion:
While the emergence of the new middle class in India has undoubtedly contributed to certain
improvements in the social status of women, such as greater economic independence, access to
education, and social mobility, there are still significant barriers that hinder complete transformation. The
persistence of patriarchy, gender inequality, and regional disparities means that the social status of
women has not undergone a uniform change. Thus, while the new middle class has played a pivotal role,
it has not entirely transformed the social status of women in India.

4. (c) "Land reforms in India were a case of missed opportunities." Evaluate this statement with relevant
examples. 10
Approach:

• Define land reforms and their objectives


• Explain missed opportunities due to various factors like loopholes, caste barriers, bureaucratic
failures, skewed benefits favoring dominant castes, etc.
• Provide alternate views with examples of successes and highlight contemporary issues.
• Acknowledge the paradox of ambition and failure while stressing the need for inclusive and systemic
reforms.
Answer:
Introduction
Land Reforms were a series of laws passed by the government to improve the condition of farmers, bring
food security, reduce rural poverty, improve efficiency and bring social justice. Despite these ambitious
goals, MV Nadkarni says that Land Reforms is a bus which India missed, which may never come again.

Land reforms in India a case of missed opportunities:


• Desai argued that post-independence, the Indian state functioned as a capitalist state, safeguarding
the interests of the landed elite. While zamindari abolition removed intermediaries, landlords retained
large landholdings by exploiting loopholes or benami transfers, preserving feudal power and rural

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inequalities. For example, in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, landlords evaded land ceiling laws through
family redistributions or benami transactions.
• Traditional caste hierarchies and kinship networks at the village level also blocked equitable land
redistribution. For example, lower-caste tenants faced resistance and violence when claiming rights
under tenancy reforms, despite legal protections. Satish Deshpade says that land reforms had no
significant effect on the landless position of lower castes and their marginalisation remained the same.
• Burden of proof lied with tenants. Khusro says that land was forcefully evicted and was fraudulently
shown as voluntarily surrendered.
• Local bureaucrats, often aligned with landed elites, failed to enforce land ceiling laws effectively.
States failed to implement tenancy reforms due to bureaucratic inertia and lack of political
commitment.
• Land reforms largely benefited upper and middle castes, while lower castes and Dalits were excluded
due to systemic discrimination. It enabled these groups to consolidate landownership and influence
and emerge as the dominant caste. For example, Jats in Punjab and Haryana or Vanniyars in Tamil
Nadu emerged as a dominant caste by controlling land and resources, marginalizing Dalit laborers
further.
• Yogendra Singh argues that the mechanization and commercialization of agriculture benefited large
landholders while marginalizing small farmers and tenants, deepening rural inequalities.
• Daniel Thorner, in his book ‘Agrarian prospects in India’, says the green revolution and land reforms
did not help the poor, rather led to landlordism, benami transfers, etc. Due to its interplay with caste,
it led to the emergence of class structure in capitalist agrarian economy of India- Malik (upper caste),
Kisan (middle caste), mazdoor (lower caste).
• GS Bhalla and GK Chadha studied the impact of green revolution in 20 villages of Punjab and found
that the benefits of Land Reforms and Green Revolution were pocketed by rich farmers, who have
control over seed cooperatives, credit cooperatives and irrigation cooperatives.
• Due to increasing class difference and inequality as a result of land reforms, more polarisation and
class conflict was visible in the society. Eg. in Bihar caste Senas like Ranveer Sena and Diamond Sena

were formed.
Certain regions saw partial success:
• West Bengal’s Operation Barga empowered sharecroppers by securing tenancy rights, boosting
agricultural productivity.
• Kerala’s Land Reforms redistributed land to the landless under a strong leftist government,
significantly reducing rural inequalities.
• Jammu Kashmir: The abolition of absentee landlordism under J&K’s government redistributed land to
tillers, drastically reducing feudal inequalities and empowering the rural poor.
Conclusion
Land reforms in India represent a paradox of ambition and failure. ML Dantewada says that reforms had
been more or less in the right direction, but due to lack of implementation, results were far from
satisfactory. With reverse tenancy spreading beyond regions like Punjab and Haryana, shrinking size of
landholdings, the rise in agricultural laborers, and the increasing economic unviability of these holdings,
future reforms must focus on addressing systemic inequalities and ensuring inclusive growth.

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SECTION ‘B’
5. Write a short note on each of the following in not more than 150 words. 10x5=50
(a) Can the new Indian middle class be considered a homogenous group? Discuss. 10
Approach:
• Give a brief outline of the answer in introduction.
• Highlight the homogeneity of new middle class.
• Mention the diversity in the middle class.
• Summarize your answer in conclusion.
Answer:
Introduction
The emergence of a new middle class in India has been a significant sociological development, particularly
following the economic liberalization of the 1990s. This new middle class is often considered a driving
force behind the country’s economic growth and modernization.
Aspects highlighting the homogeneity of the New Indian middle class:
• Shared economic privileges: The new middle class shares certain economic privileges, such as a stable
income, access to consumer goods, and a higher standard of living. According to Dipankar Gupta, this
class represents a significant departure from traditional economic hierarchies, enjoying better job
opportunities, particularly in IT, services, and industry. This economic stability creates a common
identity of upward mobility.
• Common aspirations and lifestyle: The new middle class tends to share similar aspirations regarding
education, career, and lifestyle. They place a premium on quality education for their children and seek
better housing and urban amenities. This is exemplified by the growth of private schools, urban
housing complexes, and middle-class consumer markets. T.K. Oommen’s study of the middle class in
India highlights the shared aspiration for globalized, aspirational lifestyles.

• Political influence: The new middle class, as a politically active group, often shares similar political
concerns. This includes a focus on governance, development, and consumer rights. The rise of social
media as a tool for political discourse among this class further unites them around common interests,
as seen in movements like India Against Corruption (2011).
• Urbanization and modernization: This class is predominantly urban, benefiting from urbanization and
globalization. They are part of a globalized consumer culture, as illustrated by the rise of multinational
retail chains like Amazon, Flipkart, and fast-food brands like McDonald's, which cater to the tastes of
the Indian middle class.
Diversity within the New Indian middle class:

• Caste-Based divisions: Despite economic and educational advancements, caste continues to influence
social mobility within the middle class. M.N. Srinivas’s concept of Sanskritization suggests that caste
identities still persist in the new middle class, with upper-caste individuals often enjoying more social
and economic advantages.
○ For instance, Dalit professionals may face discrimination in corporate environments, illustrating
that caste divisions remain a significant factor.
• Regional disparities: India’s vast regional differences make it difficult to consider the new middle class
as homogeneous. The middle class in metropolitan cities like Delhi or Mumbai, with access to global
markets and better opportunities, is significantly different from those in smaller towns or rural areas,
who face regional economic challenges.

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○ C.N. Shankar Rao notes that regional differences in infrastructure, job opportunities, and political
dynamics create different experiences for the middle class across India.
• Occupational and educational differences: The new middle class is not uniform in terms of occupation
or educational background. While many professionals work in the services sector, a significant number
still work in traditional industries or small businesses.
○ As Gail Omvedt observes, there is a distinction between the high-tech professionals in IT sectors
and those working in education or retail services, creating different economic realities within the
same class.
• Social class stratification: There exists internal stratification even within the middle class. Some
segments, particularly those who are upwardly mobile due to recent economic reforms, enjoy a
lifestyle that is closer to the elite, while others are still struggling to attain full middle-class status.
○ The disparity between salaried professionals and entrepreneurs further highlights this internal
division, with the latter group often enjoying more financial flexibility and social prestige.
Conclusion
The idea of a homogenous middle class oversimplifies the complexities of social stratification in
contemporary India. As such, the new middle class should be understood as a heterogeneous group,
shaped by a variety of factors that influence individual experiences and identities.

5. (b) "The definition of tribe in India has been more administrative than anthropological." Comment. 10
Approach:

• In introduction outline the problem in question.


• Describe administrative efforts in definition.
• Discuss the complexities in the definitions of the tribe.
• Summarize the answer in conclusion.
Answer:

Introduction:
The concept of tribe in India reflects a complex interplay between colonial administrative categories and
anthropological understanding. The definition has been largely shaped by administrative needs rather
than anthropological criteria, leading to various implications for tribal identity and development.
Administrative definition and its impact:
• Colonial administrators created tribal categories primarily for revenue and administrative purposes,
what Verrier Elwin termed as "administrative convenience" rather than cultural distinctiveness.
• The Constitutional definition under Article 342 focuses on administrative criteria like geographical
isolation and economic backwardness rather than cultural or anthropological characteristics.
• G.S. Ghurye pointed out how administrative classifications often ignored the continuum between
tribal and non-tribal communities, creating artificial boundaries.
• The Scheduled Areas were demarcated based on administrative feasibility rather than cultural
boundaries, often splitting tribal communities across different administrative units.
• State policies and welfare schemes rely on these administrative definitions, influencing how tribal
identity is officially recognized and resources are allocated.

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Anthropological complexities in definition of tribe:
• N.K. Bose's studies show that many tribal communities in India don't fit classical anthropological
definitions of tribes as isolated, primitive societies.
• The process of what F.G. Bailey calls "tribalization" has sometimes created tribal identities for
communities that were historically part of the caste system.
• André Béteille highlights how many tribal communities are actually peasant societies integrated into
wider regional economies.
• Cultural criteria like language, religion, and social organization vary significantly among officially
designated tribes, challenging uniform anthropological classification.
• The concept of "tribe" itself is questioned by scholars like K.S. Singh who emphasize the historical
interaction between tribal and non-tribal communities.
Conclusion:
The administrative definition of tribes in India, while practical for governance purposes, often overlooks
anthropological complexities and historical realities. This has implications for both tribal identity and
development policies, suggesting the need for a more nuanced understanding that combines
administrative practicality with anthropological insights.

5. (c) Analyze the role of socio-religious reform movements in fostering the social background for Indian
nationalism. 10
Approach:

• Introduce by giving a brief context of Reform movements.


• Explain, with examples, the role of socio-religious reform movements in fostering the social
background for Indian nationalism.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:

Reform movements not only addressed social issues but also fostered a sense of unity, identity, and
confidence that contributed to the rise of nationalism.
Role of socio-religious reform movements:

• Awakening of social consciousness: The reform movements emphasized rationalism, equality, and
progress, which helped create a modern social outlook necessary for national unity.
o E.g., Raja Ram Mohan Roy fought against sati and caste rigidity.
• Religious revivalism and cultural pride: These movements, while critical of social evils, also revived
the cultural and religious heritage of India. This instilled a sense of pride and confidence, essential for
resisting colonial rule.
o E.g., Swami Dayanand Saraswati and the Arya Samaj emphasized the purity of Vedic culture,
propagating the slogan “Back to the Vedas” to revive Hinduism.
• Women’s empowerment: The reform movements worked towards women’s education, abolition of
child marriage, and widow remarriage, fostering the idea of gender equality. The participation of
women in these movements laid the foundation for their involvement in the nationalist struggle.
o E.g., Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar championed widow remarriage and women’s education,
promoting modern values that strengthened social fabric and prepared women for roles in the
independence movement.

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• Promotion of equality: Many reformers sought to eliminate caste-based discrimination, promoting
equality and unity across Indian society, which were critical for nationalism.
o E.g., Jyotirao Phule and the Satyashodhak Samaj challenged Brahmin dominance and worked for
the upliftment of lower castes, paving the way for inclusivity in the nationalist movement.
Conclusion
The socio-religious reform movements laid the foundation for Indian nationalism by addressing social
evils, reviving cultural pride, promoting equality, and introducing modern values.

5. (d) Is tradition a barrier to modernisation or does modernisation take the form of traditionalism in Indian
context? 10
Approach:

• Define the interplay between tradition and modernisation in Indian society.


• Discuss how tradition acts as a barrier and explain how modernisation redefines tradition.
• Highlight modernisation taking traditional forms.
• Conclude by emphasizing the hybrid coexistence of tradition and modernisation in Indian society.
Answer:
Introduction
Modernisation and tradition are often seen as opposing forces, yet the relations between the two do not
necessarily involve displacement, conflict, or exclusiveness. While modernisation introduces new values
and institutions, tradition adapts, reshaping itself rather than acting as a static barrier.
Tradition as a barrier to Modernisation:
• Traditional Patriarchal mindset: Leela Dube and Uma Chakravarti says that it restricts women’s roles
primarily to domestic spheres, obstructing their access to education and economic opportunities.

For instance, child marriage, dowry, violence against women, etc. rooted in traditional norms,
continue to curtail women’s autonomy, especially in rural areas. The low female labor force
participation rate (23.3% in 2021) reflects the systemic barriers rooted in traditional gender roles,
despite modern laws, technology and ideas.
• Caste System: Despite affirmative action policies like reservations, caste-based discrimination
persists in educational institutions and workplaces, as seen in cases like the Rohith Vemula incident.
• Overlap of caste with class system: A.R. Desai’s Marxist approach highlighted how caste structures
overlap with class hierarchies, perpetuating socio-economic inequalities in rural and urban contexts.
The practice of manual scavenging, entrenched in caste-based occupational roles, starkly illustrates
how traditional systems hinder progress.
• Cultural Lag: Drawing on Ogburn’s theory of cultural lag, Yogendra Singh observed how traditional
institutions adapt slowly to changes introduced by industrialization and urbanization. For instance,
while cities are becoming hubs of modernization, traditional practices like honor killings persist in peri-
urban and rural regions, where kinship networks retain significant influence.
Modernisation defining/changing tradition:
• Sanskritisation: M.N. Srinivas conceptualized it as the process by which marginalized castes adopt the
rituals, customs, and practices of dominant castes to climb the social hierarchy, demonstrating how
tradition evolves within the broader framework of modernisation. Yogendra Singh extended this

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concept, arguing that Sanskritisation is intertwined with modern processes of urbanization and
economic mobility.
• Westernization: McDonaldization of food habits like the adoption of fast food like pizzas and burgers
has integrated into Indian culture, often modified with local flavors (e.g., paneer tikka pizza).
Similarly, the availability of canned or prepackaged traditional foods like sarso ka saag or gulab jamun
represents how modern consumer culture transforms traditional culinary practices to suit
contemporary lifestyles, blending convenience with heritage.
• Secularisation: Modernisation has today penetrated even in the realm of religion and has started to
change it as seen in electric-cremation, initiatives like interfaith dialogues and eco-friendly Ganesh
Chaturthi practices illustrate how religious practices align with contemporary concerns like
environmentalism.
• Arvind Rajagopal argues that modern media and advertising have transformed festivals into economic
spectacles, fostering a pan-Indian identity while redefining traditional practices. For example, e-
commerce platforms now offer discounts during festivals, integrating traditional celebrations with
global consumer trends.
• Political movements in India often invoke traditional symbols to achieve modern goals. For example,
the use of Bharat Mata imagery in nationalist campaigns. Partha Chatterjee argues that such practices
help integrate modern political ideologies with cultural continuity, enabling tradition to evolve
without losing its essence.
Modernisation taking the form of Traditionalism:

• Modern governance in India has incorporated traditional systems: While functioning within the
modern framework of the Indian Constitution, local governance bodies (PRIs) continue to reflect
traditional power hierarchies and social structures. Andre Béteille has highlighted how these
institutions often retain elements of caste, kinship and gender-based decision-making. For instance,
the concept of Pradhanpati.
• Although urbanization and modernization have led to a shift from joint families to nuclear families,
the essence of intergenerational bonds remains strong in Indian society, to which MN Srinivas calls

functional jointness of residentially nuclear families.


Conclusion
Therefore, the interplay between tradition and modernisation in the Indian context is complex and cannot
be reduced to a simplistic binary of conflict or exclusivity. Tradition can act both as a barrier to
modernisation and as a framework that adapts to and shapes modern processes. Similarly, modernisation
does not necessarily displace tradition but reshapes and redefines it and sometimes even takes the form
of traditionalism, creating hybrid frameworks where old and new coexist.

5. (e) “M N Srinivas took from a state of nowhere to a state of maturity in just two decades”. Analyse. 10
Approach:

• Define M.N. Srinivas’s role in developing Indian sociology.


• Highlight his key contributions: field view, structural-functionalism, concepts like Sanskritization, and
institution building.v
• Provide criticisms in short.
• Conclude by acknowledging his transformative impact on Indian sociology.

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Answer:
Introduction
M N Srinivas is one of the founding fathers of ‘Sociology of India’, away from ‘Sociology for India’ of the
time, which was filled with theoretical works of western scholars. He liberated sociology from book view
tradition (Indology) of the 1950s and took it to maturity within two decades from 1960s to 1980s.
Srinivas’s contribution in maturity of sociology:
• Srinivas emphasized the field view approach, studying society through direct interaction and
participant observation, moving away from bookish knowledge, for example. "Religion and Society
Among the Coorgs"
• His emphasis on field view brought required empiricism and value neutrality in sociological studies,
which was hitherto missing.
• Inspired by Radcliffe-Brown, Srinivas employed structural functionalism to study how social
institutions function and maintain equilibrium.
• He rejected blind application of western sociological concepts and advocated developing ‘Sociology
of India’. He introduced concepts like Sanskritization, westernisation and Dominant Caste, quite
different from western caste studies and it revolutionized caste studies.
• He not only studied social static but understood change as well, in terms of cultural changes
(orthogenetic and heterogenetic), leading to changes in Indian society.
• Srinivas also moved beyond the Marxist emphasis on economic determinism by highlighting cultural
and structural factors in social change.
• He was an institution builder as he created various institutions for sociology in post-independent
India, for example- Department of Sociology at MS University Baroda and Delhi School of Economics.
• His approach was expanded/scrutinised by later sociologists like Sujata Patel, Yogendra Singh, Andre
Beteille, T K Oommen, etc.

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While Srinivas significantly helped in the maturity of Indian sociology, critics argue his work remained
rooted in Brahmanical and upper-caste perspectives. Scholars like Gail Omvedt criticized this bias for
ignoring subaltern voices. His methodology is also criticised for heavily leaning towards social
anthropology by many, including Satish Deshpande.
Conclusion
Despite his criticisms, Srinivas replaced speculative and deterministic approaches of sociology with in-
depth studies of Indian social structures, customs, and institutions. His work made Indian sociology
contextual, distinct, and globally relevant. Hence it's not wrong to say that he took from a state of nowhere
to a state of maturity in just two decades.

6. (a) Analyze how Indian villages illustrate the structural-functional historic relationships among various
communities, with reference to S.C. Dube's Shamirpet study. 20
Approach:
• Introduction - Broadly describe the significance of Indian villages and SC Dube’s study..
• Body: Mention the six factors that contributed to status-differentiation according to Dube.
• Explain how the Indian villages illustrate the structural-functional historic relationships among various
communities. Provide findings of Dube’s studies and examples associated with Indian society.
• Conclude with how applicable is his approach to the study of Indian society.
Answer:
Introduction
Indian villages, as microcosms of society, showcase intricate structural-functional relationships shaped by
history, culture, and social institutions. S.C. Dube’s 1955 study of Samirpeth, titled “Indian Village”, is a
seminal work that unravels these dynamics, emphasizing the interplay of tradition, caste, and community.
According to him, in the post-independence period, the village project became a template for nation

building, and thus the village came to be the ‘laboratory of directed cultural change’.
Dube identified six factors that contributed to status-differentiation or inequality in the village community:

• Caste and religion


• Land-ownership
• Wealth
• Position in government service and village organisation
• Age
• Distinctive personality traits.
In his study, Dube employed the structural-functionalist perspective to examine Indian villages,
emphasizing the influence of various social structures—such as social, economic, ritual, and political—on
shaping village life.
In this context, the Indian villages illustrate the structural-functional historic relationships among
various communities in the following ways:

• Interdependence through division of labor


○ S.C. Dube's Observation: In Samirpeth, caste groups functioned as integral units of the village
economy, with each performing specific roles under the jajmani system.
○ Illustration: For instance, the Brahmins performed priestly duties, while artisans and laborers
supported agriculture, reflecting mutual dependence.
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• Caste as a structural feature
○ Louis Dumont's Perspective: Castes in Indian villages represent a hierarchical yet complementary
system.
○ Samirpeth Insight: The hierarchical relations in Samirpeth reflected broader Indian patterns, with
upper castes holding ritual purity and land, while lower castes performed manual tasks.
• Functional role of festivals and rituals
○ M.N. Srinivas’ Sanskritization: Festivals and rituals in villages reinforced community bonds and
facilitated upward social mobility for some castes.
○ Samirpeth Example: Collective participation in harvest festivals showcased functional unity
despite caste distinctions.
• Continuity and change
○ Dube's Findings: Modern influences like education and migration altered traditional relationships,
yet the village retained its structural essence.
○ Illustration: In Samirpeth, educated youth from lower castes sought alternative livelihoods,
challenging traditional hierarchies.
• Power dynamics in the village
○ S.C.Dube expanded the concept of the dominant caste by introducing the ideas of leadership and
dominant individuals. He observed that political power tends to be concentrated in the hands of
a few individuals rather than being distributed across the caste as a whole. In every village, certain
influential individuals play a pivotal role in shaping the political participation of its members.
Conclusion
Indian villages, exemplified by Samirpeth, reveal how structural-functional relationships sustain
community dynamics while adapting to social change. S.C. Dube’s study underscores the enduring
relevance of these relationships in understanding Indian rural society.

6. (b) “The informal sector forms the backbone of India’s industrial class structure.” Examine the

implications of informality on workers’ rights and social mobility. 20


Approach:
• Give a brief context of informal sector in India.
• Bring out the implications of informality on workers’ rights and social mobility.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
Introduction
The informal sector refers to unorganized, unregistered, and small-scale economic activities that lack
regulation by the state. 90% of the Indian workforce can still be categorized as informally employed,
generating approximately 50% of the national product. This shows that informal sector forms the
backbone of India’s industrial class structure.
Implications of informality on workers’ rights and social mobility:
• Lack of job security and benefits: Workers in the informal sector often face job insecurity, low wages,
and absence of benefits like health insurance, pensions, or paid leave. According to Marxist, this
reflects the capitalist system’s tendency to exploit workers, where surplus labor ensures that workers
remain disposable and underpaid.

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o E.g., Migrant construction workers in cities lack formal contracts and are often denied minimum
wages and safety protections.
• Poor working conditions: Informal workers often endure hazardous working conditions with no legal
recourse. Occupational safety laws are poorly implemented, particularly in unregulated industries.
Jan Breman describes the informal sector as the “footloose proletariat,” emphasizing its precarious
and unregulated nature.
o E.g., Workers in leather tanneries in Kanpur often work long hours in unsafe environments
without protective equipment.
• Limited opportunities for upward mobility: Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of “cultural capital” explains
this stagnation as the workers in the informal sector are unable to acquire the education, skills, or
resources needed to improve their social position.
o E.g., a street vendor’s children may struggle to access quality education, continuing the cycle of
informal, low-paid work.
• Migration and social exclusion: Many informal workers are rural migrants who move to urban areas
for work. They live in poor housing conditions like slums, lacking access to healthcare, sanitation, and
social networks.
o E.g., Migrant workers during the COVID-19 lockdown in 2020 were disproportionately affected,
with job losses and forced reverse migration exposing their precarious existence.
Conclusion
The informal sector undeniably forms the backbone of India’s industrial structure, providing livelihoods to
millions. However, its unregulated nature poses severe challenges for workers’ rights and social mobility.
Addressing these challenges will not only empower workers but also strengthen India’s economic and
social fabric.

6. (c) "Untouchability has changed its form but not disappeared in modern India." Critically analyze. 10
Approach:

• Introduce in relation to Untouchability.


• Discuss how untouchability prevailed.
• Then explain how it persists in its new forms.
• Conclude while summarizing your answer.
Answer:
Introduction:
Untouchability, despite being legally abolished through Article 17 of the Indian Constitution, persists in
modern India through transformed manifestations. While its traditional forms have diminished, new
subtle and institutionalized forms of discrimination continue to perpetuate social exclusion.
Persistence of traditional forms:
• Physical segregation continues through what Gopal Guru calls "geographical apartheid," with Dalit
settlements still separated in many villages.
• Discriminatory practices in religious spaces persist, as documented by studies showing restricted
temple entry and participation in religious ceremonies.
• Social restrictions on inter-dining and marriage across caste lines remain strong, as evidenced by
honor killings and social boycotts.

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• Occupational discrimination continues with Dalits often confined to menial and polluting jobs, despite
legal protections.
• Traditional forms of untouchability in water access persist, with separate wells and water sources still
prevalent in rural areas.
Modern manifestations of untoucability:
• Urban discrimination manifests through housing segregation, with what Sukhadeo Thorat terms
"residential apartheid" in metropolitan areas.
• Educational institutions witness subtle forms of discrimination through social exclusion and
differential treatment, as documented by studies on higher education.
• Economic discrimination persists through restricted access to credit, market participation, and
business opportunities.
• Digital spaces reproduce caste prejudices through what scholars call "digital untouchability," seen in
social media harassment and exclusion.
• Professional environments exhibit subtle forms of discrimination in hiring, promotions, and workplace
interactions.
Conclusion:
While the nature of untouchability has transformed from overt to subtler forms, its fundamental character
of social exclusion remains intact. Addressing these modern manifestations requires both policy
interventions and social transformation to achieve genuine equality and dignity for all.

7. (a) Discuss the relevance of Desai's Marxist approach to studying India society in contemporary socio-
political contexts. 20
Approach:
• Define A.R. Desai’s Marxist approach
• Explain relevance in analyzing various aspects of Indian society like- capitalist state, agrarian struggles,

systemic inequalities, exploitative traditions, etc.


• Provide criticisms, such as neglecting caste, cultural, and gender dimensions.
• Conclude with its contemporary significance for understanding inequalities and crises.
Answer:
Introduction
A.R. Desai, a pioneer of the Marxist approach in India, used historical materialism to analyze Indian socio-
political realities, in contrast to dominant functionalist and culturalist methods, taking into consideration
factors of production and production relationship.
Relevance of Desai's Marxist approach to studying Indian society:

• Capitalist nature of the state: he believed the state to be an instrument of the dominant class,
maintaining hegemony and perpetuating class interests in an essay, “The Myth of Welfare State”. In
his seminal work "Social Background of Indian Nationalism", he critiqued how both colonial and post-
colonial states served capitalist interests. Even today due to corporate-political nexus, policies are
often in favor of elite interests over public welfare.
• Contemporary Farmers’ movement and agrarian distress: Desai’s analysis of peasant struggles, due
to introduction of new modes of production, is still relevant in contemporary farmers’ protests against

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farm laws, debt traps, and land acquisition issues. His insights help contextualize these movements
within larger class conflicts.
• Systemic inequalities and Class struggle: Desai highlighted the significance of class conflicts in shaping
societal change and challenging exploitative systems. Other contemporary movements like the Dalit
assertion, environmental protests, and gender equality campaigns reflect the ongoing struggle
against systemic oppression, aligning with Desai’s emphasis on the contradictions within Indian
society.
• Jajmani System: Desai critiqued the Jajmani system as it upheld feudal hierarchies, sustaining caste
oppression and economic exploitation. Even today, its remnants can be observed in informal labor
practices, bonded labor, and caste-based occupational hierarchies. For example, artisanal work in
rural areas still reflects exploitative traditional systems.
• Exploitative Capitalist system: Like other Marxists, he also criticised capitalist systems for their
exploitative tendencies. Today, economic policies have led to a concentration of wealth among a few
(top 1% of India’s population holds 22.6% of national income and 40.1% of wealth: A paper by
Piketty and others) while also exacerbating labor exploitation. The weakening of labor unions, poor
working conditions in gig economies, and increasing privatization highlight how neoliberal reforms
perpetuate class inequalities, aligning with Desai’s analysis.
However, his framework is not universally relevant and has been criticised for its shortcomings, like:
• Ambekar believes that real conflict in India is between castes, as class structure is yet not well
developed.
• SC Dube and Andre Betteille asserts that Indian sociology must be liberated from economic
determinism.
• Yogendra Singh criticises him for overly prioritizing economic factors and neglecting the roles of
cultural factors like caste.
• TN Madan criticises him for neglecting the role of the Jajmani system in promoting integration and
solidarity in the society.
• Uma Chakravarti points out the lack of focus on patriarchy/gender perspective in Desai’s analysis.

Conclusion
Therefore, although his approach has limitations still it remains relevant in contemporary times, especially
amidst growing economic inequalities, agrarian crisis, and social movements. Its criticism needs to be
addressed in order to do a comprehensive study of contemporary social problems.

7. (b) Discuss the key aspects of G.S. Ghurye's indological approach to Indian society. How applicable is this
perspective in understanding contemporary Indian society? 20
Approach:

• Introduction - Broadly describe the indological approach addicted by G.S. Ghurye.


• Body: Discuss the key aspects of G.S. Ghurye's indological approach. Provide examples of his studies
and findings associated with Indian society.
• Also, provide how applicable is his approach to the study of Indian society.
• Conclude with one counter-thought and then a way forward.

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Answer:
Introduction
G.S. Ghurye, often regarded as the father of Indian sociology, adopted an Indological approach to studying
Indian society. His indology ivolved extensive analysis of classical texts like the Vedas and religious epics
to understand its social and cultural dimensions.
Key aspects of Ghurye’s Indological approach:
• Civilizational perspective: Ghurye analyzed Indian society through its civilizational continuity, focusing
on Sanskritic traditions and cultural unity.
o Example: His study of the caste system highlights its origin in varna and its subsequent regional
variations.
• Caste system: Ghurye viewed caste as a central institution shaping Indian social life, emphasizing its
ritualistic and hierarchical aspects.
o Illustration: His work explains the persistence of caste-based practices, even in modern settings
like urban matrimonial advertisements.
• Tribes and hinduization: Ghurye argued that tribes were an integral part of Hindu society and were
gradually assimilated through Sanskritization.
o Example: The Bhil and Gond tribes adapting Hindu rituals can be interpreted using this
perspective.
• Urbanization and modernity: He examined urbanization's impact on traditional institutions,
highlighting changes in family and caste structures.
o Example: Emerging nuclear families in cities reflect these shifts.
• Cultural pluralism: Ghurye emphasized India's cultural diversity while underlining shared symbols like
festivals and epics.
Applicability in contemporary India:
• Relevance of caste: While caste persists in politics and marriages, its economic and ritual dimensions

have weakened in urban settings (as noted by André Béteille).


• Tribes and integration: Tribal movements resisting assimilation challenge Ghurye’s view, as seen in
Jharkhand’s identity politics.
• Cultural pluralism: His emphasis on shared traditions remains valid, evident in pan-Indian festivals like
Diwali, but fails to address tensions like communalism.
• Urbanization: Ghurye’s insights on changing family structures are evident in rising individualism in
cities.
Conclusion
Thus, while Ghurye’s Indological approach offers a rich framework to study Indian society, its
overemphasis on cultural unity often overlooks growing disparities and conflicts in contemporary India.
Combining his insights with modern theories enhances their relevance.

7. (c) Analyze the impact of colonial policies on tribal social structure and economy. 10
Approaches:

• Give a brief outline of the answer in the question.


• Discuss how tribal social structure and their economy was impacted by colonialism under separate
heading.
• Conclude by stating the need to understand these historical processes.
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Answer:
Introduction:
Colonial policies fundamentally transformed tribal societies in India through administrative interventions,
economic exploitation, and social restructuring. These policies created lasting changes in tribal social
organization, economic systems, and cultural practices.
Impact on tribal social structure:
• Colonial land policies disrupted traditional communal ownership systems, introducing individual
property rights that weakened tribal collective identities, as documented by Verrier Elwin in Central
India.
• The introduction of forest laws criminalized traditional practices, what Ramachandra Guha terms
"historical injustice," transforming tribes from forest owners to encroachers.
• Administrative categorization created new hierarchies through what K.S. Singh calls "internal
stratification," where certain tribes were classified as more 'primitive' than others.
• Traditional leadership systems were undermined by introducing colonial administrative officers,
disrupting indigenous governance structures.
• Christianity's spread through missionary activities altered tribal religious practices and social
organization, particularly in Northeast India.
Economic transformations:
• The commercialization of forest resources led to tribal displacement and economic marginalization,
as studied by Surajit Sinha in Eastern India.
• Introduction of money economy replaced traditional barter systems, making tribes dependent on
external markets and moneylenders.
• Forest regulations restricted access to traditional livelihood resources, forcing tribes into wage labor
and migration.
• Mining and industrial projects in tribal areas created what Walter Fernandes terms "development-

induced displacement."
• The emergence of contractor and moneylender classes within tribal areas created new forms of
economic exploitation.
Conclusion:
Colonial policies created irreversible changes in tribal societies, leading to their increased vulnerability and
marginalization. Understanding these historical processes is crucial for addressing contemporary tribal
issues and formulating appropriate development policies.

8. (a) Examine the relevance of 'discrete castes and muddled hierarchies' in understanding the changing
features of the caste system in contemporary India. 20
Approach:
• Introduce Dipankar Gupta’s concepts of 'discrete castes and muddled hierarchies'.
• Discuss the relevance of 'discrete castes' and discuss the relevance of 'muddled hierarchies'.
• Acknowledge the persistence of caste-based violence and discrimination, showing that caste remains
a powerful force despite its evolving nature.
• Conclude by emphasizing Gupta’s framework as a tool to understand both the resilience and
transformation of caste in contemporary India, while acknowledging its limitations in certain contexts.

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Answer:
Introduction
Dipankar Gupta, known for his insightful analysis of caste systems in India, argues that the caste system is
a form of differentiation that justifies itself based on putative biological differences. These differences are
emphasized through various social practices.
Understanding his concept on caste:
• His concepts of 'discrete castes and muddled hierarchies' challenge the notion of caste as a rigid,
unchanging structure and highlights its evolving features amidst social, political, and economic
transformations.
• Discrete Caste: These refer to strictly separated social groups with fixed roles, close boundaries and
minimal interaction between them. Each caste had a distinct place in society, making upward mobility
nearly impossible.
• Muddled Hierarchies: These describe a more flexible social structure where caste boundaries are less
rigid or in short it can be called as ‘erosion of caste hierarchies’. Overlapping roles, interactions, and
social changes have blurred traditional distinctions, allowing for greater mobility and fluidity in the
system.
Relevance of 'discrete castes’:
• Caste-based marriage preferences are still common, visible in matrimonial ads and platforms like
Shaadi.com. So caste remains a discrete group.
• Caste-based identities play a significant role in electoral politics. Political parties mobilize voters by
appealing to caste loyalties, as seen in the rise of regional parties
• Caste-based organizations, such as ‘Brahmin Mahasabha’, continue to influence social and political
agendas, often lobbying for reservations or other socio-economic benefits.
• Caste in urban India is less about hierarchical ritual purity and more about identity and community
networks. For instance, caste often influences housing preferences even in metropolitan cities.

Relevance of ‘muddled hierarchies':


• Gupta himself gives the example of Amot castes, who sacrifice the pig, yet Brahmins take water from
them.
• Reservation policies and education opportunities have enabled marginalized groups like Dalits and
OBCs to achieve upward mobility, blurring traditional hierarchies.
• The emergence of a Dalit middle class, as noted by scholars like Gail Omvedt, complicates the
traditional binary of "upper caste vs. lower caste."
• Caste influences are weaker in urban white collar jobs. For instance, A dalit manager can be the boss
of a Brahmin employee.
• M.N. Srinivas’s concept of the dominant caste shows how economically and politically powerful
castes have challenged the traditional supremacy of Brahmins.
However, Gupta’s framework is not universally applicable, as-

• The persistence of caste-based atrocities, such as honor killings or violence against Dalits (e.g.,
Hathras case, Rajasthan and MP violence on Dalit grooms for wedding processions case, etc.),
indicates that caste hierarchies, though muddled, still exert a significant influence in certain regions.
• Caste discrimination has modernized itself, manifesting in subtler forms, such as exclusion in elite
educational institutions or corporate settings, as highlighted by a S. Jodhka in a paper.

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Conclusion
Therefore, Dipankar Gupta's concepts of discrete castes and muddled hierarchies capture both the
persistence and transformation of caste, illustrating its complex and dynamic nature in modern India.

8. (b) How does religious pluralism in India shape inter-community relations, and what are the challenges
in maintaining communal harmony? 20
Approach:

• Define religious pluralism and its significance in the Indian context.


• Explain positive aspects of religious pluralism and challenges to communal harmony.
• Conclude appropriately by emphasizing the dual nature of religious pluralism.
Answer:
Introduction
Religious pluralism may be defined as the state of being where every individual in a religiously diverse
society has the rights, freedoms, and safety to worship, or not, according to their conscience. S.R. Bhatt
says that religious pluralism leading to secularism stands for a complex interpretative process in which
there is transcendence of religion and yet there is a unification of multiple religions
Religious pluralism has its own challenges:
• Rise in religious fundamentalism that emphasizes religious identity over inclusive citizenship, often
polarizing communities, making religious identity a source of division rather than unity.
• Political leaders also sometimes exploit religious divisions for electoral gain, stoking fear and mistrust
between communities.
• India has witnessed many communal violence, stemming from deep-seated prejudices, competition
for resources, and political manipulation, leaving lasting scars on inter-community relations, such as
1984 anti-Sikh riots, 2020 North East Delhi riots, etc.

• Ghettoisation or residential segregation reinforces stereotypes. It often leads to the perception of ‘us
vs them’, which can fuel communal tensions.
• Economic deprivation or feeling of relative deprivation of certain communities can create resentment
and competition for resources, contributing to inter-community strife.
• Ghosh says that Hindu-Muslims riots often reflects the religious fears and socio-economic aspirations
of the Hindus and Muslims.
Conclusion
Therefore, while religious pluralism in India is a source of cultural richness and social integration, it also
presents challenges in maintaining communal harmony. Overcoming these challenges requires collective
efforts from the state, civil society, and religious communities to promote tolerance, equality, and mutual
understanding. Virendra Verma also suggests that -religion should be separated from politics and
communal bodies should be banned.

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8. (c) "Both Ghurye and Elwin offered incomplete solutions to tribal development." Evaluate this statement
in light of contemporary tribal issues. 10
Approach:

• Introduce the views of G.S. Ghurye and Verrier Elwin on tribal development.
• Discuss the shortcomings of Ghurye’s assimilation approach and examine the limitations of Elwin’s
policy of isolation.
• Highlight contemporary tribal issues that reflect the inadequacy of both policies, such as land
displacement, cultural degradation, economic exploitation, and political subjugation.
• Conclude by emphasizing that both Ghurye and Elwin’s approaches were incomplete and propose that
a balanced approach may better address contemporary tribal needs.
Answer:
Introduction
G.S. Ghurye viewed tribal communities as "backward hindus" that needed to be integrated into
mainstream Hindu society i.e. ‘policy of assimilation’. Verrier Elwin, on the other hand, emphasized the
importance of respecting their distinct cultures and traditions and advocated ‘policy of isolation’.
Issues with Ghurey’s policy of assimilation:
• Although Ghurye recognized the uniqueness of tribal societies, he mostly saw them as being at a
"primitive" stage of development. He believed that they could only progress by adopting the customs
and traditions of mainstream Hindu society.
• His approach failed to understand the deep connection that tribal communities have with their land,
culture, and traditions. His view disregarded the socio-political and cultural autonomy of tribes,
leading to a loss of their distinct identity.
• Contemporary tribal issues, such as the struggle for land rights, the preservation of language and
culture, and opposition to forced assimilation or displacement, illustrate the inadequacy of Ghurye's
approach in addressing the realities of tribal life today.

Issues with Elwin’s policy of isolation:

• While his approach was respectful towards preservation of tribal customs, idea of tribal autonomy
and the need for tribals to maintain their way of life, while also benefiting from certain aspects of
modern development, it failed to address the material and political struggles faced by tribal
communities, such as land alienation, displacement due to development projects, and
marginalization in the political system.
• His ideas also lacked a comprehensive vision for economic development that could empower tribal
communities without compromising their identity.
Contemporary tribal issues: due to incomplete solutions to tribal development-

• Issue of Land Displacement: Ghurye’s approach ignored the importance of tribal land rights and
autonomy, making them vulnerable to displacement by large-scale projects. Elwin also, due to his
policy of isolation, did not fully address the economic and land-related struggles faced by tribes,
• Cultural degeneration: Ghurye’s approach tried to fit them into Hindu society, disregarding their
unique cultural identities. Elwin, although advocated for cultural preservation, but did not offer a
sustainable model.
• Economic exploitation: Both relied on external interventions (Ghurey on mainstream Hindu
economic structures and Elwin on state) that did not fully address the economic needs of tribes,
leaving them to be exploited at the hands of market forces.
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• Political subjugation: both overlooked the need for adequate political representation of tribes.
Conclusion
D.N. Majumdar rightly opined that teh best policy for tribes would be controlled (planned) & limited
assimilation. Nehru’s Tribal Panchsheel which was based on the idea that tribal people should develop
along the lines of their own genius also echoed similar sentiments.

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