History of India-III

UNIT 11 CASTES, GENDER AND

PROFESSIONS1
Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Sources
11.3 Different Perspectives
11.4 Social Transformation
11.5 The New Social Order
11.5.1 Brahmanas
11.5.2 Ruling Class
11.5.3 Vaishyas
11.5.4 Sudras
11.5.5 The Untouchables
11.5.6 The New Groups: The Kayasthas and the Vaidyas
11.6 Tribes
11.7 Slaves
11.8 Mlechhas
11.9 Gender Relations
11.9.1 Property Rights of Women
11.9.2 Marriage and Divorce
11.9.3 Widowhood and Niyoga
11.9.4 Sati (Widow Burning)
11.9.5 Women’s Education
11.9.6 Some Exceptions
11.10 Summary
11.11 Key Words
11.12 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
11.13 Suggested Readings

11.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will learn about:
 various literary and archaeological sources for the reconstruction of the social
history of this period;
1
This Unit has been taken from BHIC 132, Unit 14.
182
 the distinctive features of the social life of the period; Castes, Gender and
Professions
 various social groups and interrelations among them;
 the elements of change and continuity in the social structure and gender
relations during the period;
 the role of different agencies or factors in social transformation; and
 the emerging trends in economy, polity and culture corresponding to social
transformations.

11.1 INTRODUCTION
The time period from c. 700 to 1200 CE is termed as “early medieval” in Indian
history. The early medieval period sets in with the decline of the Gupta Empire in
northern India and ends with the coming of political Islam in India. The nature of
early medieval society, economy and polity has been a debatable issue among
historians.
The background to social transformations is provided by certain economic and
political developments. Pervasive land-grants across the sub-continent arguably
became the root cause for all political, economic and socio-cultural developments.
The Brahmanical social ideal of the four-fold varna order gave way to a more
complex, heterogeneous and regionally varied jati (caste) system. While the
construct of the four-fold varna system continued to persist in the Dharmashastras
– the Brahmanical normative texts – it never remained the same in this period as
it was perceived earlier. The varna system worked at a theoretical level in the
Brahmanical discourse on society, while the jati (caste) system provided the
functional aspect of society. In other words, the varna system got incorporated
into the caste system. Sometimes, even the terms varna and jati were used
interchangeably particularly for the brahmana varna.
The caste identity emerged dominant from the early medieval period onwards.
The changing nature of social structure provided avenues for both upward and
downward social mobility. The social transformation in the early medieval period
was also portrayed as the coming of kaliyuga or kali age crisis, expansion of class
distinctions and hierarchies and subjugation of women. The notion of kali age
itself represents a great departure from the Vedic traditions.
This Unit aims to not only provide a comprehensive account of social structure,
but also include women and gender relations in the social history of the period.

11.2 SOURCES
Sanskrit became the language of politics and literature. By the end of the period,
the emergent vernacular languages started challenging the domination of Sanskrit
in literary production. Various kinds of literary works were produced. These
included religious texts, poetry and drama (kavya-nataka), philosophical texts,
technical treatises on mathematics, grammar, medicine, music, architecture,
lexicography, etc. The proliferation of regional states also led to the production of
royal biographies such as Banabhatta’s Harshacharita, Sandhyakaranandin’s
Ramacharita, Padmagupta’s Navasahasankacharita, Bilhana’s Vikraman- 183
History of India-III kadevacharita, Hemachandra’s Kumarapalacharita and anonymously authored
Prithvirajavijaya, Chand Bardai’s Prithvirajaraso, etc. Kalhana also wrote
Rajatatrangini – the earliest known historical chronicle in India – about the rulers
and dynasties of Kashmir. The composition and compilation of Puranas continued
throughout the early medieval period. While the Bhagavata Purana, the
Brahmavaivarta Purana and Kalika Purana were authored, some older Puranas
were added to and some Upapuranas were composed. Some Dharmasutras were
also compiled such as Chaturvimshatimata, Lakshmidhara’s Krityakalpataru and
Devanabhatta’s Smritichandrika. Jimutavahana also wrote an influential work on
law called Vyavaharamatrika and a digest called Dayabhaga. Commentaries on
Smritis and Mimansa texts provided fresh interpretations in accordance with time
and space, thereby factoring in the changing social milieu of the period.
Besides Sanskrit, in other languages too, the flowering of literature took place.
Some Jaina texts were written in Maharashtri Prakrit. One can also trace the
influence of Apabhramsha on Jaina texts. In south India, hagiographies of Alvar
and Nyanmar saints were composed in Tamil. Royal houses from south like
Rashtrakutas, Hoyasalas and Chalukyas also patronized literature including some
Kannada works. Besides these texts, Lekhapaddhati, a collection of model forms
of legal and other documents from Gujarat; Krishiparashara, a treatise on
agriculture from Bengal; Dharmakatha, a collection of Jaina folk tales; and
Mahaviracharya’s Ganitasarasangraha and Bhaskaracharya’s Lilavati on
mathematics also offer important historical information.
Chinese and Arab travelers’ accounts are also an important source of information
for the period. Xuan-Zang and Yijing from China visited India, while Arab travelers
such as Sulaiman, Al-Masudi, Abu Zaid, Al-Biduri, Ibn Haukal, Al Biruni,
Muhammad Ufi and Ibn Batuta left rich accounts on India.
Besides the large number of literary sources, inscriptions from the period constitute
a major source of information for the reconstruction of social history. Land-grants
given to temples, priests and officials contain largest amount of historical data of
the period though the meagre archaeological and numismatic data have yet to
prove their usefulness for the period.

11.3 DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES

It was the national movement that brought the “question of women” to a central
position. The socio-religious movements fought for the cause of women and many
of the pre-colonial practices like Sati (widow-immolation), celibate widowhood,
prohibition of widow remarriage, polygamy and child-marriage came under attack.
Many Indian reformists and, later, nationalist-minded historians ventured into the
ancient texts to study the position of women. Earlier studies were generally
concerned with examining the social position of women with reference to certain
select parameters such as their right to property, education and participation in
assemblies, as well as their role and position in relation to their male relatives
within the limited context of family. Earlier studies on women also primarily
drew upon Brahmanical texts, ignoring their in-built gender bias. As a consequence
of this selective reading and interpretation of sources, the nationalist history-writing
184 generally projected a high social position of women in ancient India. Representative
of such tendency is the highly influential work, The Position of Women in Hindu Castes, Gender and
Professions
Civilization by A.S. Altekar who took the same conventional position as earlier
historians such as R. C. Dutt. They glorified Indian womanhood to reject imperialist
writings and always remained selective in their approaches. Later, the Altekarian
paradigm was challenged by almost all feminist historians who called it very limited
and biased. For instance, Uma Chakaravarti, in her article, ‘Beyond the Altekarian
Pardigm: Towards a New Understanding of Gender Relations in Early Indian
History’, stressed on the urgent need to move forward and rewrite history that
does justice to women. Since then, a large numbers of books and articles have
been published on the status of women and gender relations by feminists and
other historians.
As far as social classes are concerned, the nationalist history-writing generally
ignored the study of such social institutions as caste, slavery and untouchability.
However, some Marxist historians such as D. D. Kosambi and R. S. Sharma
produced excellent works on sudras, untouchables, slavery and caste system. But
they were more focused on the material conditions and disabilities of lower castes
and the nature of their socio-economic relations with the higher varnas, rather
than the broader dynamics of inter- and intra-class/caste relations. Marxist histories
also characterized the early medieval period as one of kali-age social crisis; decline
of trade, coinage and urban centers; increased ruralisation of settlements;
feudalisation of social, political and economic relations; decentralization and
parcellization of political authority and, most importantly, the emergence of an
exploitative ‘feudal order’. The Marxist view was later challenged by other
historians such as Herman Kulke and B. D. Chattopadhyaya using new interpretive
models such as the segmentary or integrative state model to study the developments
in this period. These historians used the same set of sources but reached different
conclusions and enhanced our understanding of the period. However, keeping in
mind the vastness of sources at disposal, very few works were produced on the
social dimensions of early medieval India.

11.4 SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION

Early medieval period witnessed great transformations in the society with the
proliferation of castes and sub-castes and their social mobility. This made the
social situation more complex and fluid than before. On the one hand, the social
transformations marked a significant departure from the simplistic ideal of a rigid
social order, i.e. the four-fold varna system, advocated by the Brahmanical texts.
On the other hand, the Brahmanical texts themselves captured the represented
deflections from their ideal in the form of a social crisis known as kali yuga. In
the Brahmanical discourse, the kali-yuga was projected as the polar opposite (in
terms of social decline) of the other three preceding yugas  Sat, treta and dvapara.
Descriptions of the kali age appear in the Epics and Puranas from about 3rd century
CE onward and are also echoed in some early medieval texts and inscriptions.
The kali age crisis not only represents a strong expression of the dissatisfaction of
the authors of Brahmanical texts with the perceived deviation from Brahmanical
social norms, but also comments on the changing social situation in the early
medieval period.
185
History of India-III On the one hand, the Brahmanical scheme of varnashrama-dharma (the ideal
division of society into varnas) and individual’s life into ashramas (stages)
continued to be reiterated in the early medieval texts such as the Smritis,
commentaries (Tika, Bhashya, Vritti) on the Dharmashastras, compilations
(samgraha) or digests (nibandha) of extracts from the Dharmashastras and
Puranas. But, on the other hand, they also made significant departures in
highlighting contemporary social changes. They offered fresh interpretations,
modifications and occasionally substitutions in the light of changing social milieu
of the early medieval period. Many of the early medieval texts created a binary
between the brahmana or dvija (twice-born) and all non-brahmanas or a-dvijas
(not twice-born). Here, the sudras stand for all non-brahmanas. This scheme of
binary division was noticeable in Bengal and Tamil-speaking areas. Interestingly,
this binary division omits the presence of two significant social groups: the
kshatriyas and the vaishyas. Like the texts before, the early medieval Brahmanical
texts also explained the proliferation of castes in terms of the concept of varna-
samkara that denoted marriages between varnas. The result was mishra jatis
(mixed castes), in other words the multiplicity of mixed castes (mishra jatis) and
thereby, an expansion of caste hierarchy. In the inter-varna marraiges, anuloma
(hypergamy) and pratiloma (hypogamy) were conceived as causing varnasamkara
(admixture of varnas). While both were not approved, the offspring of anuloma
was put above that of pratiloma in the varna hierarchy. Nothing remained ‘pure’
when it came to caste level. The Brahmanical varna-jati system adopted various
social groups within it, but also excluded many by placing them outside it. Several
indigenous tribes, frontier people, foreign migrants, occupational groups and
religious sects were incorporated into the varna-jati order, while others were
ostracized as malechhas. However, the inclusion, exclusion and ranking of groups
within the varna-jati scheme were never consistent and uniform in all texts. This
suggests a considerably fluid and regionally variegated social stratification and
thereby explains the differences in Brahmanical perceptions on the constituent
groups of the varna-jati system.

11.5 THE NEW SOCIAL ORDER

The period witnessed great transformations in every aspect of society. Early
medieval processes led to transformations from varna to jatis. The proliferation
of jatis became a distinctive feature of the society. The society moved beyond the
two fold classification of dvija and a-dvija. Combinations and permutations within
the varna order started the process of proliferation of mishra jatis or mixed castes.
This is well attested by various sources including Rajatarangini, the twelfth-century
chronicle from Kashmir. Jati created hierarchies at various levels. Three categories
were created: uttamasamkara, madhyamasamkara and adhamasamkara. The jati
system transformed simple sedentary societies into more complex endogamous
groups. Occupational, indigenous and non-indigenous groups were incorporated
at various levels within the jati system. Proliferation of gotras also continued in
the period along with caste and reached up to 500 by the fourteenth century CE.
11.5.1 Brahmanas

186 The brahmanas did not constitute a monolithic or homogenous group. They were
subdivided into several gotras, pravaras, vamshas, pakshas, anvayas, ganas, Castes, Gender and
Professions
gamis, etc. Inscriptions use various descriptors such as shrotiya, acharya, purohita,
pandita, maharaja pandita, pathaka, tripathi, dvivedin, trivedin, chaturvedin,
dikshita, yajnika, shukla, agnihotrin, avasathika, avasthin. They also indicate that
their identity varied according to their distinct territorial origins, ancestry or lineage,
school of Vedic learning and priestly functions, etc. Notwithstanding these
differences, their varna identity remained intact. The proliferation of brahmana
sub-castes also led to a monumental increase in the number of gotras in the early
medieval period. North-south binary led to the creation of two different set of
brahmanas associated with their regions: the pancha-gaudas (the northern group)
and the pancha-dravidas (the southern group). Their territorial affiliations were
narrowed down to important learning centers that they belonged to and even up to
their native villages. For instance, in Bengal and Mithila, the brahmanas were
divided into number of sub-castes on the basis of their gamis and mulas.
They continued to occupy the upper echelons of the early medieval society through
their power over land, ritual and scriptures. The proliferation of regional states
also served the purpose of brahmanas. In the struggle for power and legitimation,
the brahmanas received patronage from the emergent ruling families in return for
creating concocted genealogies linking them to Epic and Puranic heroes and deities,
and performing grand sacrifices for them. At the political level, the brahmanas
emerged as ideologues and legitimizers of political power. They were granted
land with fiscal, administrative and judicial rights. Such land grants were made
not only individually but also collectively or institutionally. The brahmanas and
their religious establishments such as temples or mathas emerged as the largest
beneficiaries of land grants. The proliferation of polities accelerated land-grant
donations to new areas and created a distinct class of landowners
(Brahmanagraharins), who were neither feudatories nor agriculturists in the sense
that they enjoyed land and revenue from it, without tilling it, without paying taxes
or tributes to the ruler. In other words, they became feudal lords minus the feudal
responsibilities.
From the early medieval period onwards the brahmanas got incorporated into the
rural society or agrarian community. They emerged as the major landholding
community or rural landed aristocracy in the early medieval period. They
empowered themselves through land grants, migrations, administration of
Brahmanical temples and monasteries and connection with the ruling elites. They
acted as agents of transformation of diverse societies of the subcontinent. In this
period they penetrated deep into the rural society via land grants and migrations.
Study of land grants indicates that the brahmanas appeared as donees in most of
the cases. They were represented in both agrahara and non-agrahara settlements
and helped in agrarian expansion. They were not only instrumental in setting up
new settlements but also introduced class and caste society to the new settlements.
Whether they cultivated land themselves or not cannot be ascertained but it is
certain that they became part of the peasant household. They emerged as landed
magnates and wielded their authority in nexus with other social groups like
mahattamas, kutumbins, kayasthas, etc. This led to a further rise in their power
based on rituals, scriptures and land. On the other hand, the ruling elites also
reclaimed their authority in rural areas through brahmanas, and led to further
subinfeudation of rural society. The proliferation of regional polities also helped 187
History of India-III them in enhancing their status not only through land-grants but also by conferring
extensive privileges, covering a vast range of resource and rights. Both of them
legitimized each other in the process. With command over vast resources and
labour, the brahmanas cemented their position in the rural society. Migratory
networks, kinship relations, academic credentials, royal connections  all
amplified the magnitude of their domination. The period also witnessed the
emergence of Brahmanical religious centers or complexes across the subcontinent.
The expansion of Brahmanism in rural areas enhanced the importance of priestly
class in extravagant rituals, vrata and prayaschittas. Apart from land-grants, they
also received dakshina and dana in return for their services to common people.
Decline in the Vedic sacrificial rituals opened new avenues for the brahmanas.
Land grants, migrations, state-formation and agrarian expansion made a conducive
environment for the brahmanas to pursue non-religious occupations such as
agriculture, trade, administrative and military services, etc. There are numerous
examples in the epigraphic and literary sources of brahmanas following a variety
of occupations. Ksemendra’s Dashavataracharita (11th century CE) disapprovingly
describes some brahmanas as following the degrading occupations of artisans,
dancers, sellers of wine, clarified butter, salt, etc.; and others as becoming
‘degraded’ for giving up their religious duties. This, however, does not signify
that they left their priestly vocation altogether. Proliferation in devotional cults,
pilgrimages, worships, vows, penances and recitation of Puranas continued to
supply them with a good source of income. They acquired considerable property
and prestige on account of their relation with the ruling elites, feudatories, land-
grants and other kinds of gifts.
The brahmanas not only adopted agriculture which was the primary occupation
of vaishya-sudras, but also took up various non-traditional professions including
trade. Charudatta, the hero of the play Mrichchhakatika, is a merchant by profession
and a ‘pious’ brahmana. It cannot be generalized that all members of the priestly
class enjoyed material prosperity; some of them resorted to lower works as well.
With the development of jajmani system the brahmanas also became immobile
and remained attached to local social groups who provided patronage in lieu of
services offered by the brahmanas. Brahmanical texts do not attest the provision
of brahmana’s services to certain mixed castes. Those who served were declared
degraded or patita, equal to the status of the mixed castes they served. Al-beruni
also mentions a degraded brahmana called Maga or Shakadvipi brahmanas of
Iranian origin.
Sheer occupational diversity and clear gradation of status emerged. For example
there were raja-brahmanas, ksatra-brahmanas, vaishya-brahmanas and even sudra-
brahmanas, indicating downward and upward social mobility. A section of
brahmanas moved from the status of landed aristocracy and acquired territorial
powers and became the ruling elite, now claiming to belong to the kshatriya status.
The combination of brahma-kshatra was not an open status so they dropped the
brahmana status altogether and purely claimed kshatriya origins. The emerging
ruling families of Rajasthan, viz. Cahamanas, Pratiharas, and Guhilas, first claimed
descent from the union of two varnas because of their brahmana origins but took
the role of kshatriyas alone once they established themselves.
188
Thus, we see that the brahmana’s position became more complex and fluid in the Castes, Gender and
Professions
early medieval period owing to proliferation of numerous sub-castes of brahmanas.
11.5.2 Ruling Class
The proliferation of regional polities or ruling houses led to many social
transformations. New clan-based social groups emerged who were called
“Rajputras or Rajputs” in the early medieval period. They claimed kshatriya status.
Early medieval works like Kumarapalacarita, Varnaratnakara, Rajatarangini,
etc mention thirty-six clans of Rajputs. But the list of 36 clans varies from text to
text. While some clans like Cahamanas and Pratiharas occurred regularly in the
list.
The origin of Rajput is a much debated topic; still it is difficult to conclude whether
they were foreign immigrants or indigenous tribes or older kshatriyas/brahmanas
or ranked feudatories. From the 8th century onwards many such groups emerged
in western and central India and captured political space. Later on the same process
repeated itself in other parts of the Indian subcontinent. Many new lineages acquired
political status through the process of ‘Rajputization’. The process of Rajputization
started from the 7-8th century CE and reached its climax in 12th century CE. The
Rajputs enhanced their power and status through the creation of origin myths,
marriage alliances, support of brahmanas, sectarian bhakti cults etc. Many new
clans of Rajputs emerged and many major clans got subdivided into minor clans.
[Link] explains the origin of Rajputs with regard to the early
medieval processes such as colonization of new regions through land grants,
expansion of agriculture, extension of village economy, proliferation of castes
etc. The Medas reached the Rajput status from a tribal background. Foreign
immigrants like the Hunas too got incorporated into the Rajput status. The upward
mobility led many groups to compete for Rajput or a kshatriya status.
Land grants also led to the emergence of new classes. Feudal lords or nobles
emerged as a separate class. The Aprajitaprchcha of Bhatta Bhuvanadeva (12th
century) provides eight categories of feudal vassals constituting a structured
hierarchy including mahamandaleshvara, mandalika, mahasamanta, samanta and
laghusamanta. It recommends that the emperor or samrata, who holds the title of
maharajadhiraja parameshvara, should have four mandaleshvaras, 12
mandalikas, 16 mahasamantas, 32 samantas, 160 laghusamantas, and 400
chaturasikas in his court. The rajputras were placed below these categories. It
cannot be ascertained clearly whether these feudal lords held kshatriya or Rajput
status. But it is obvious that initially the Rajputs were placed at the lower order of
feudal hierarchy. Another contemporary text Manasara indicates that irrespective
of varnas two military posts in feudal hierarchy — praharaka and astragrahin,
were open to all the varnas. Despite being lower in rank, the astragrahin was
entitled to possess 500 horses, 5000 elephants, 50000 soldiers, 5000 women and
one queen.
In early medieval period some of vanij castes or merchants and artisans were also
conferred with feudal titles indicating military and administrative ranks. These
administrative ranks enhanced the social status of the holders. Titles like thakur,
raut and nayaka were not only conferred on kshatriyas or Rajputs but also kayasthas
or members of other castes. The adoption of new titles like rajputra, rajakula or 189
History of India-III ranaka was not only limited to Rajput clans but were also open to a few outsiders.
These titles were entirely different from feudal titles like samanta, mahasamanta,
laghusamanta, etc.
In the formative phase all major Rajput clans like Pratiharas, Guhilas and
Cahamanas were feudatories of established dynasties. Gradually, they not only
changed their political status by declaring sovereign power but also claimed
respectable social ancestry by tacing their origins to Kshatriyas of the mythical
past. In the 11-12th centuries CE the proliferation of Rajput clans was the result of
a comprehensive social phenomenon what is called rajputization. This included
the formation of sub-clans or minor clans which emerged from within the main
clans. Doda, a sub-clan of the Paramaras; the Pipadia and Mangalaya, sub-clans
of the Guhilas; the Devada, Mohila and Soni, sub-clans of the Cahamanas; and
the Dadhicha, a sub-clan of the Rathors, were formed in the course of time. Many
factors contributed towards this sub-clan formation such as direct segmentation,
localism, matrimonial alliances.
Divergent social groups, like for instance the sudras, got incorporated into the
new socio-political fold of rajputras. That’s why the Brihad Dharmapurana
regarded rajputras as a mixed caste and sudra-kamalakara equates the Rajputs
with ugra, a mixed caste born of the union of a kshatriya man and a sudra woman.
Arab traveler Ibn Khurdadba’s accounts (10th century CE) reveal two types of
kshatriyas: sat-kshatriyas and asat-kshatriyas. This binary division between pure
and other kshatriya became an important feature of 12thcentuty CE, attested by
many texts and inscriptions. This was meant to segregate superior clans from
other impure ones.
11.5.3 Vaishyas
Vaishya varna also underwent transformation during the early medieval period.
Proliferation of castes led to the inclusion of multiple professions within the vaishya
varna. Vaishyas became synonymous with vanij or merchant during this period.
Expansion of agriculture and conspicuous association of sudras with agriculture
forced the vaishyas to give up their traditional duties assigned by Sruti literature.
Proliferation of crafts and various kinds of artisanal occupations led to the
expansion of vanij category. They were now dealing in gems, pearls, corals, metals,
woven clothes, perfumes and condiments. By the early medieval period the vanij
was a more dominant identity that vaishya varna. Some of the wealthy vanij
families from western India started patronizing religio-cultural activities. The
9th century Siyadoni inscription shows how a salt-dealer or nemaka-vanija, whose
father was also nemaka-vanija, made several donations to religious establishments
and identified himself as belonging to the nemaka-jati.
11.5.4 Sudras
The Vishnudharmamottara Purana ( 8th century CE) refers to the origin of
thousands of mixed castes. Chinese traveler Xuanzang also refers to numerous
castes. A number of low or inferior sudra jatis or mixed castes proliferated. The
emergence of such a large group was neither uniform nor static. Brahmavaivarta
Purana dated between 10th to 15th century CE from Bengal registered 17 sat-
190 sudra jatis and various asat-sudra jatis, with patita and adhama titles implying
their impure or untouchable status. The Brihad Dharma Purana from 12-13th Castes, Gender and
Professions
century Bengal recorded 36 mixed castes or mixed Sudras. It further divided them
into 22 uttama, 12 madhyama and 9 adhama or antyaja categories. It seems 36
emerged a stereotype figure in early medieval time particularly in connection with
class and castes.
11.5.5 The Untouchables
The untouchables were called the fifth varna. Certain groups were placed at the
bottom of social hierarchy. As a result they faced severe socio-cultural
discrimination in the varna-jati order. Chandala, Magadha and Paulkasa are first
mentioned as early as the sixth century BCE. They were treated differently. Around
200 CE the notion of untouchability took a definite shape in the early
Dharmasutras, Arthashastra and Manusmriti. Chandala became a synonym for
untouchables. They were looked down upon by the Brahmanical, Buddhist and
Jaina orders. Along with Chandala, Shvapaka and Antayavasayin became part of
polluted social classes. They were also assigned lowly or impure occupations
such as those of cremators, refuse-cleaners and executioners.
The practice of untouchability intensified in the early medieval period. The
Brahmanical law books like Visnusmriti and Katyayanasmriti use the word
‘asprishya’ for the first time. More groups were added to the list but Chandala
and Shvapaka continued to be treated as untouchables. They were also distinguished
from sudras. Chinese traveler Fa-hsien also attests to the complete social,
occupational and physical segregation of Chandalas. The same treatment was
given by Buddhist and Jaina texts. In 12th century untouchability reached its peak.
With the expansion of Brahmanical society to new areas, various occupational
groups and tribes were incorporated into the untouchable fold. Notion of ritual
purity and impurity sharpened more and these became transmittable even through
sight, shadow, touch, water and food. The Chandalas were the worst hit. Some
groups like Charmakara, Rajaka, Buruda, Nata, Chakri, Dhvaji, Shaundika,
hunters, fishermen, butchers, executioners and scavengers were assigned low status
owing to their occupations. Beef-eaters or gavasanah were for the first time made
untouchable. Several aboriginal tribes such as Bhillas, Kaivartas, Medas and
Kolikas were also made untouchables because of their refusal to accept the
Brahmanical order. Kaivarta and Nishada were not registered as untouchables in
all the Brahmanical texts. Some agricultural castes were also labeled as
untouchables due to their opposition to the Brahmanical system. Attempts were
also made to create a hierarchy among untouchables on the basis of the degree of
untouchability associated with different groups. Sometimes sudras were also
identified as untouchables particularly asat-sudras. In nutshell, untouchability
was used as a weapon to exclude certain groups and to suppress the voice of
dissent. But all untouchables were not excluded from society. Some early medieval
Brahmanical texts provide certain exceptions. The Smrityarthasara permits the
untouchables to enter temples. Atrismriti and Devanna Bhatta’s Smritichandrika
allow mixing with untouchables on several occasions such as in festivals, battles
and religious processions; during calamities and invasions of the country and
villages. Rajatarangini refers to Dombas and Chandalas as playing prominent
role in court politics.
191
History of India-III 11.5.6 The New Groups: The Kayasthas and the Vaidyas
The emergence of Kayastha as a community of scribes is another important social
development of the period. Proliferation of land grants created a class of document
writers or keepers of record. They were known variously as kayastha, karana,
karanika, adhikr, pushtapalaka, chitragupta, lekhaka, divira, dharmalekhin,
aksaracana, akshapatalika and akshapataladhikrta. All of these can be grouped
in the category of kayastha. Initially literate persons from upper varnas were
appointed as Kayastha; later on, writing documents became an open profession.
When the profession became hereditary it took the shape of a caste where members
practiced class endogamy and marriage exogamy. Kayastha’s varna association
cannot be established exactly because of their association with both dvijas and
advijas or sudras.
Brahmanical normative texts declared Ambasthas or Vaidyas or physicians as
sudras and barred the dvijas from taking their profession. Despite the ban, many
groups adopted the profession and became physicians by defying normative texts.
As usual the practice became hereditary and the profession turned into a caste.
When brahmanas themselves started practicing the profession, the prejudice against
the profession declined significantly. The composition of treatises in medicine,
botany and veterinary science also uplifted the spirit of the profession and the
caste.

11.6 TRIBES
Land grants made in the interiors made the state society to come face to face with
the tribes inhabiting these spaces. The various forest tribes and those who were
outside the brahmanical four fold division were subjugated and gradually
incorporated into the Brahmanical fold by assigning them a low status. Many
tribes were peasantized. The process was not peaceful in many ways. The tribal
cults and deities were appropriated by the brahmanas and sometimed the tribal
cult was elevated to the status of a royal cult as was the case with the cult of
Jagannatha in early medieval Odisha. There are instances when some tribes were
assigned a high status, for example as a brahmana or kshatriya. At other times
they were assigned a low status such as sudra or even untouchables. Brahmanised
tribal groups such as Abhira brahmanas, Ambastha brahmanas and Boya brahmanas
are some best examples. Boyas who were a prominent tribal community in the
Nellore-Guntur region of Deccan, turned into brahmanas and emerged as a
prominent local power of the Deccan.

11.7 SLAVES
Slavery existed since early Vedic period but slaves were never incorporated into
production-related activities and remained confined to so-called impure household
tasks such as sweeping, removing human excreta and rendering personal services
to the master. Slaves were never a homogenous class. The Arthashastra enumerates
five types of slaves; the Manusmriti, seven types and the Naradasmriti, fifteen
types. There were distinctions among slaves based on their birth, purchase,
192 mortgage, gift, inheritance, voluntary enslavement, capture in war, indebtedness,
etc. The slaves or dasas were distinct from hired servants. Shudraka’s Castes, Gender and
Professions
Mrichchhakatika provides a vivid picture of slaves. Slaves were items of sale and
purchase. The terms like dasaputra, meaning the son of slave, and dasaputri
meaning the daughter a of slave, were used as abusive terms. Lekhapaddhati, a
13th century text, provides in detail the manifold duties of a female slave in the
household and fields and even permits sending them overseas. Slaves totally
depended on their masters for their livelihood. They did not have any kind of
proprietary rights. They were physically abused. The Lekhapaddhati refers to a
female slave being tortured and driven to commit suicide. But their emancipation
was possible. Naradasmriti provides elaborate provisions for it.
Slavery existed in south India since the late Sangam period. In south India, slaves
were considered as private property. Inscriptions record that both male and female
slaves were sold to temples where females were employed as ‘temple-women’.
Slaves were also transferable as a part of dowry in marriages. In some cases slavery
was voluntary where depressed families offered themselves to temples.

11.8 MLECHHAS
The concept was not new; it was introduced much before early medieval period.
It was generally used for those people who did not accept the values, ideas or
norms of the Brahmanical society. It was primarily used for foreigners and
indigenous tribes. The framework was used to safeguard Brahmanical social system
and to create a dichotomy between the cultured and barbarians or Mlechhas. The
notion was not fixed but varied across time and space. The Mlechha groups were
heterogeneous in nature. In early medieval period, large numbers of tribes were
incorporated into the expanding Brahmanical society. However some of them
resisted Brahmanical social order or the expanding state society. They were assigned
a low status and were called as Mlechhas. Several early medieval texts speak
about Mlechhas such as Brhad Dharma Purana, Varnaratnakara etc. In these
literatures some tribes like Bhillas, Pulinds and Sabaras of Vindhyan valley were
depicted as anti-social. Rajatarangini also represents some of Mlechha chiefs of
Astor, Skanda and Gilgit region as backward and outside the pale of Kashmiri
culture.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Which of the following statements is true or false:
a) Brahmanas emerged as rural landed magnates in the early medieval period.
( )
b) Kayasthas and vaidyas emerged as new castes in early medieval India.
( )
c) Slaves were also engaged in production work. ( )
d) Tribes were mostly incorporated as either sudras or untouchables. ( )
e) The status of mlechha declined in early medieval time. ( )
2) Discuss the status of untouchables in the early medieval period.
3) Discuss the changing status of sudras in the early medieval period. 193
History of India-III
11.9 GENDER RELATIONS
With the expansion of agrarian economy during the early medieval period, landed
property emerged as the most valuable form of wealth. The new emerging states
or regional polities wielded much power and exercised superior land rights over
every kind of land. Extensive land grants were made at regional and sub-regional
level, leading to the expansion of state society. Brahmanas ventured into new
areas and accumulated vast land holdings. The above mentioned socio economic
political and cultural developments made gender relations more complex in the
early medieval period.
Gender relations can easily be studied by studying women’s position in the
patriarchal society with regard to her property rights, marriages, widowhood, sati
system, education and their role in politics or administration.
11.9.1 Property Rights of Women
Brahmanical law books recognized woman’s right to inherit property in the absence
of a male heir. Women’s right to property reduced the possibilities of its seizure
by state. Jimutavahana’s Dayabhaga (12th century CE) and Vijnaneshvara’s
Mitakshara (11th century CE) also recognized the widow’s right to inherit.
Inscriptions of king Kumarapala of Gujarat dated 1150 CE prescribes widow’s
right to inherit her husband’s landed property. Another from Achchalpuram, Tamil
Nadu, of Rajaditya Chola II talks about sabha or assembly’s decision of a
brahmadeya village to permit a widow to inherit the lands and other properties of
her husband.
The earlier rights of women in the form of stridhana expanded in the early medieval
period. The early medieval commentaries and digests amplify the scope of stridhana.
Mitakshara interprets it as property belonging to the women. But the definition is
not uniform in all texts. Some texts like Dayabhaga and Smritichandrika
acknowledged the limited scope of stridhana. Initially stridhana was largely limited
to movable wealth. However women did not have absolute ownership rights to
dispose the property through sale, mortgage or gift. Women were given only right to
possess. Family had superior rights over immovable property.
Early medieval inscriptions also indicate that few of the queens and wives of
feudatories became fief-holder in the lifetime of their partners. Some of them
donated their fiefs to temples and brahmanas to gain religions merit. Some of
them contributed towards religious architecture undertook construction, repair
and renovation of temple and tanks. This shows that upper class women had
considerable rights and resources at their disposal. The practice was very common
among the Chola queens and princesses, indicating that they might have enjoyed
personal allowance or personal property. Temple dancing girls or tevaratiyal were
also assigned shares in temple land, revenue and taxes. They had landholding
rights in the temple land. Women’s landholding rights varied according to their
social status. Rajatarangini also mentions many women donors and builders in
Kashmir including female rulers (Sugandha, Didda and Suryamati); queens
(Ratnadevi) and some non-royal woman (e.g., Sussala, Chinta, Valga, and
Sambavati).
194
While women had limited control over resources, men had undisputed rights over Castes, Gender and
Professions
land and other resources and controlled it through family, fief and state system.
Brahmanical normative laws also serve the cause of male domination over women’s
rights. The concept of gender equality was almost invisible. The Kashmir story is
exceptional in case where both men and women defied the traditionally recognized
roles and undertook same projects of donation, building and construction.
11.9.2 Marriage and Divorce
Women’s position in comparison to their men folk within and outside the household
also indicate their gender relations. In the earlier period anuloma marriages were
encouraged and pratiloma marriage were strongly disfavored. Both these marriages
resulted in the inter-mixing of varnas. In the same way marriage of dvija or dvijati
men with lower category girls was disqualified in the early medieval period. Some
texts allowed the union but only for sexual gratification. Smritichandrika allowed
such unions and framed rules of inheritance for their offspring. In the case of
anuloma marriage, the offspring was granted a lower status and not the same
social status as that of their parents. In case of pratiloma marriage, irrespective of
their varna-jati status, offspring was given a sudra status or less than that. But
marriage rules were not fixed and it was more fluid than it was projected.
Early medieval texts increasingly lowered the marriageable age of girls. The same
was not applicable to men. Pre-puberty marriages were made common. Al-beruni
observed the same thing among Hindus and that normal age for a brahmana bride
was 12 years. Early marriage made girls more vulnerable to patriarchal domination.
But the practice of pre-puberty marriage was not universally followed across the
all classes and strata of population. In south India as well, pre-puberty marriages
and bride price (dowry) became the norm. A girl’s birth was not welcomed in the
family. Discrimination against the girl child was sharper in upper classes than in
lower classes. Re-marriage was made next to impossible or was permitted only in
exceptional circumstances.
11.9.3 Widowhood and Niyoga
Brahma Purana allows remarriage of a child widow or one abandoned or abducted.
Medhatithi, a commentary on Manusmriti, and others disapprove widow
remarriage. Lekhapaddhati reveals that divorce was very common among the lower
sections of society while rules for divorce were not enshrined in the Brahmanical
texts. Thus, upper-caste men exercised strong control over their women through
the institution of marriage and prohibition of divorce.
The Brahmanical literature also disfavoured the earlier practice of niyoga and the
views remained divided on the issue of paternity of the child born out of niyoga.
Some ascribed paternity to the biological father and some to both. The practice
became deeply problematic during the early medieval period and it seems that
women increasingly lost their control over their reproductive capacity. Further,
niyoga, especially of a woman with her younger brother-in-law, challenged the
gender hierarchy on the one hand the kinship hierarchy on the other. Under such
circumstances, along with the complex inheritance laws, the practice of niyoga
was increasingly discarded in the early medieval period.
195
History of India-III The plight of widows worsened in the early medieval period. More restrictions
were added to widowhood in the early medieval texts. They prescribed the tonsure
of head of widows along with austere, ascetic and celibate lifestyle. They also put
restrictions on diet, attire and self-adornment. In south India, under Brahmanical
influence situation worsened after 7th century CE. The tonsure of head was an
early Tamil practice, later adopted in north India.
11.9.4 Sati (Widow-Burning)
Sati became a pronounced practice in the early medieval India. It was mainly
confined to upper strata of society more particularly to ruling and military elite.
The practice was a product of patriarchal society where women and her sexuality
were considered a threat to the society. Physical death through immolation was
considered easy than prolonged or permanent widowhood. The practice was also
valorized as an act of courage and expression of fidelity. In northern India, practice
of sati was more popular in the north-west, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. The
Brahmanical texts had divergent opinions on the issue. Medhatithi disapproves of
the practice. But sati was practiced in numerous cases. Non-canonical texts and
epigraphic data also attest this practice. Rajatarangini also records several instances
of sati in the royal families of Kashmir. Here, not only royal women but also near
relatives, concubines, ministers, servants and nurses burnt themselves on the funeral
pyre of the masters.
Bana also talks about the practice in Harshacharita. Sati memorial stones from
western Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan and, Satisatta plaques from Ahichchhatra
also attest the practice. The practice was glorified everywhere in India, but it
remained more a status symbol than a common custom for all communities. Like
hero stones, the sati stones became the a symbol of women’s valour.
11.9.5 Women’s Education
Women were not considered fit for formal education. Mitakshara explains that
since women are like sudra, who had no right to upanayana ritual. Thus they were
debarred from entering into educational life. Asahaha, 8th century commentator
on Naradasmriti, justify women’s dependency on the ground that they lacked
proper education and well developed understanding. Though, against textual
traditions, elite women had some access to education and military training. Lower
caste women were allowed traditional training in their caste based professions.
There are some stray references to Sanskrit poetesses. Eminent poet of 9thcentury,
Rajashekhara refers to some poetesses, such as Shilabhattarika, Vijjika, Prabhudevi,
Vikatanitamba and Subhadra. He says that ‘like men, women can also be poets’.
The poet Dhanadeva also mentions some poetesses such as Morika and Marula
who were adept in writing poetry, achieved education, won debates and attained
proficiency in erudite speech. However, we do not get a single kavya written by
any woman; even the verses attributed to them are limited in number (about 140
verses ascribed to 33 poetesses). The authorship of these verses could not be
determined easily, since they are not part of any specific kavya. The woman’s
position in society can be understood through the study of natya literature. In
natya literature, even the high-class women had the right to use Sanskrit in speech.
In Mrichchhakatika, as an exception, ganikaVasantasena speaks in Sanskrit, while
196
other high-class women speak in other dialects than Sanskrit. In Castes, Gender and
Professions
Shringaramanjarikatha, Bhasa describes ganika Shringaramanjari as the epitome
of learning and culture. The gendered Sanskrit literature of early medieval period
shows a very marginal position of literate women.
11.9.6 Some Exceptions
The political domain remained essentially masculine, but women worked in
different capacities which marked a specific feature of gender relation in the early
medieval period. Thes Brahmanical literature favoured males and denied women
public roles of authority. Rajtarangini however reveals the best examples of female
rulership in the early medieval period. The text not only highlights the women
sovereign rulers but also of women’s agency behind the throne. The texts provides
the reign of three female rulers of Kashmir (Yashovati, Sugandha and Didda of
Gonda, Utpala and Yashakara dynasties respectively) in opposition to 104 male
rulers. Besides the rulers, a large number of women also participated actively in
court politics in different capacities as queen, princesses, low caste wives,
concubines and servant girls. Besides these royal women, courtesans, temple
dancers, wives and mother of damaras and widows were also depicted as playing
important roles in court politics. Besides politics, some royal and non-royal women
were also shown patronizing religious buildings and other activities. However,
the nature of society and state remained patriarchal in nature. The power these
royal women exercised essentially remained subject to patriarchal norms.
Elsewhere, Vijayamahadevi became the ruler after her husband’s death during the
reign of Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. Divabbarasi also ruled in lieu of her minor
son for the Kadambas of Vanavasi in Karnataka. We also get some references
from Bhaumakaras of Odisha and Kakatiyas of Warangal (Andhra Pradesh) where
women became rulers. Besides being rulers, some of the royal women were
appointed as governors, administrators, village chieftain, counselor etc. Cross-
cousin marriages and matrimonial alliances among royal families also allowed
women to use their maternal connections politically and socially even after
marriage. Nevertheless, women’s participation in power politics did not remain
uniform in the early medieval times.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Which of the following statement is true or false:
a) Dayabhaga and Mitaksara recognized the widow’s right to inherit. ( )
b) Temple dancing girls were not assigned shares in temple land, revenue
and taxes. ( )
c) Brahmanical literature favoured Niyoga in the early medieval period.
( )
d) Women were considered fit to take formal education. ( )
e) Female ruler Didda belonged to Yashakara dynasty. ( )
2) Discuss the status of widows for the period.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................ 197
History of India-III ........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Discuss the roles of royal and non-royal women in politics and administrations.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................

11.10 SUMMARY
The study of social structure and gender relations in the early medieval period
point to the transformative nature of polity and society. Social norms were fluid.
A hierarchy emerged in rights and statuses. Land grants strengthened the position
of the brahmanas and they emerged powerful in this period. Various sub-castes
emerged within the brahmana varna. The early medieval period also witnessed
the rise of new ruling classes through the process of Rajputization. Rajputs were
not a homogeneous group but divided into numerous clans. Vaishyas were not
just confined to agriculture but played an important role in trade and commerce.
Many new vanij castes emerged. There was an improvement in the status of sudras.
Due to the expansion of agriculture in new areas the class of peasants expanded
and many sudras took to agriculture. The condition of untouchables worsened in
this period. Certain new castes like the kayasthas, vaidyas emerged and these
groups cut across various varnas. Remote areas were brought under the state
society, leading to the subjugation of indigenous tribes or their incorporation into
the Brahmanical order. The dissent groups were suppressed by assigning them a
sudra or untouchable status. The condition of women worsened in this period.
Though lawgivers recognized a woman’s right to property in the absence of a
male heir. The notion of sridhana also expanded in this period. The marriageable
age of girls was lowered to pre-puberty. Lawgivers did not formulate the law for
divorce. Anuloma marriages were encouraged, and pratiloma marriages were
disfavoured. More restrictions were put on widows, and widow burning or sati
became rampant. Brahmanical literature disfavored Niyoga. Women were not
considered fit for formal education. Some upper-class women had greater control
or access to resources, and they also played significant roles in politics or
administration. However, these were exceptions which cannot be used to produce
a generalized picture of women’s status.

11.11 KEY WORDS

Dvija : literally meaning ‘twice born’; those entitled to perform
upanayana (sacred thread) ceremony.
Gotra : the clan system of brahmanas later applicable on non-
brahmanas as well.
Anuloma : marriage between higher varna male and lower varna
198 female.
Pratiloma : reversal of Anuloma. Marriage between lower varna male Castes, Gender and
Professions
and higher varna female.
Patriarchy : A social system where men exercise domination over
women.
Agrahara : land or village gifted by a king.
Niyoga : an ancient tradition in which a woman is allowed to have
sex with her deceased husband’s brother.

11.12 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) a) True, b) True, c) False, d) True, e) True.
2) See Sub-Section 11.5.5
3) See Sub-Section 11.5.4
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) a) True, b) False, c) False, d) False and e) True.
2) See Sub-Sections11.9.3 and 11.9.4
3) See Sub-Section 11.9.6

11.13 SUGGESTED READINGS

Chakravarti, Ranabir (2010). Exploring Early India. Delhi: Macmillan.
Chattopadhyaya, B.D. (1994). The Making of Early Medieval India. New Delhi.
Jha, D.N. (2000). The Feudal Order. New Delhi: Manohar.
Roy, Kumkum (Eds.) (1999). Women in Early Indian Society. Delhi: Manohar.
Sharma, R.S. (1990). Sudras in Ancient India. Delhi: MotilalBanarsidas.
Sharma, R.S. (2003). Early Medieval Indian Society. Delhi: Orient Longman.
Sharma,R.S. (2009). Rethinking India’s Past. New Delhi: Oxford University Presss.
Shrimali and Sharma (eds.) (2008). A Comprehensive History of India. Vol. IV,
Part 2. Delhi: Manohar.
Singh, Upinder. (2008). A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India. Delhi:
Pearson Longman.
Veluthat, Keshavan (2009). The Early Medieval in South India. New Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
Yadav, B.N.S. (1973). Society and Culture in Northern India. Allahabad: Central
Book Depot.

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