ANALYSING DISCOURSES ON COMMUNAL VIOLENCE:

A CASE STUDY OF BHAGALPUR RIOT 1989

Dissertation submitted to ]awaharlal Nehru University

in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the award of the degree of

MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY

BINISHMARYAM

CENTRE FOR POLITICAL STUDIES

SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
JAW AHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY
NEW DELHI-110067
2009
Cen"t.re for Poli-tical Sf:udies Tel. : 011-26704413
School of Social Sciences ' Fax : 011-26717603
Gram : JAYENU
Jawaharlal Nehru Universit:y
New Delhi- I I 0067, India

Date-29-07-2009

CERTIFICATE

It is to certify that the dissertation entitled "Analysing Discourses On Communal

Violence: A Case Study of the Bhagalpur Riot 1989" submitted by Binish Maryam is
in the fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Philosophy of
Jawaharlal Nehru University. This dissertation has not been submitted for the award of
any other degree in this University or any other University and is her work.

We recommend that the dissertation be placed before the examiners for evaluation.

Mo~~Y
Dr. Manindra Nath Thakur
Chair erson Supervisor
CHAIRP SON .SUPERVI~Ok
Centre fo 1 . . Centre for Political Studie~
u 11t1cai ~tudi
, cbool c f s<oa. 1 . C1e. School of Stcia] ~ciences
,
es
Taw aharla]l\ b . l ~ces Jawaharlal Nehru Universit) .
N e lU mve .
ew Ddhi-110067 l'Blt.J New Delhi-lll-067
To

Dadda, Papa and Ammi

Acknowledgements

The expedition was extensive and exhaustive but was amazmg and extremely
enriching. I felt touched by the way several people have extended their support in so
many ways. Some gave me company; some gave me directions. Some others
motivated and inspired me when I was feeling tired and lost. All the people whom I
met during this journey left indelible impression in me in making sense of my
exploration.

In the course of my work I realized that learning is passion and hence research also.
My mentor Dr Manindra Nath Thakur, a passionate thinker, an activist at heart and
above all a superb human being always used to charge me with energies required to
tread ahead, with his ideas, critical questioning and at the end leaving several loose
ends for me to tie. I am indebted to him for the patience and support he showed at
every point. Sir I am really grateful to you because without your support this work
would have been a distant dream

Not to mention, without the unconditional love my family has showered on me, I
would not have been able to do justice to my work. Special thanks to some of my
friends who really supported me throughout and made my voyage through the sea of
knowledge an easier one. I am extending this thanks to my childhood friend Nidhi
Sinha who through the approach towards her own work gave me the much needed
inspiration that how to move on even during low moments of research work. I am
also grateful to my school friend Sona Singh for the emotional support she provided
and also helped me by giving a novel related to my work.

Further I would extend my gratitude to my brothers Faisal and Rameez for they
showed trust in me and constantly reminded me of my duty and potential, thus
boosting my moral and helping me go out of way. Also I would like to thanks Chetna,
who really helped me in giving final shape to my work. Last· but not the least I am
grateful to the staffs of Teen Murti Library and the Central Library of Jawaharlal
Nehru University for allowing me to use their facilities.
Above all, this work would not have been possible without the strength showered
upon me by the almighty.
Lastly I am bearing the responsibility of any shortcomings in the work.

Binish Maryam
CONTENTS

Acknowledgement

Abbreviations

INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 1-20

Significance Scope and Method of Study ................................................... 10-12

Civic Engagement and Communal Peace ................................................... 12-20

Chapter One

APPROACIDNG COMMUNAL VIOLENCE •••••••••.•••••••••••••••••.•...•••.••••••.21-60

Institutional Approach ........................................................................... 26-36

Civic Engagement Approach .................................................................. 37-53
Bhagalpur Riot 1989: Approaches ........................................................... .54-59
Conclusion ....................................................................................... 59-60

Chapter Two

THE COMMISSION REPORTS: AN ANALYSIS .••.••••••••••.•••••.....•.••.••• 61-100

The Commissions of Inquiry Act, 1952 .................................................. :63-61

Reports of Bhagalpur Riots Inquiry Commissions ....................................... 67-69
Scope or Purpose of Inquiry .................................................................69-71
Working of the Committee ...................................................................72-76
Reading of the Reports ...................................................................... 76-91
From Responsibility Fixing to Healing ................................................... 91-99
Conclusion ................................................................................... 99-100

Chapter Three

MEDIA REPORTING OF COMMUNAL RIOTS: AN ANALYSIS .....••••••• lOl-136

Study of the Writings and Reports ......................................................... 102-103

Political Parties and Communalism: Media Reporting ................................. 104-111
State Administration and Communal Riots: Media Expectations ..................... 112-121
Role of Police and Politics of Procession ................................................. 121-132
Civic Engagement: The Missing Link .................................................... 132-135
Conclusion .................................................................................... 135-136

<:()~~~1J~I()~ ........••.•..................••...............••••.............••.••••••..... l:J7-l'IO

IJ11J~I()(;~JH[l{ .......................•.................••................................... l"l
Abbreviations

BJP Bhartiya Janta Party

COl Cminnission of Inquiry

DIG Deputy Inspector General

JD(U) Janta Dal United

NGO Non Governmental Organizations

RJD Rashtriya Janta Dal

SP Superintendent of Police

VHP Vishwa Hindu Parishad

INTRODUCTION

"Ethnic conflict and quests for self-determination around the world are likely to be the
most important factors . . . in the next decades . . . this phenomenon should not be seen
as separate from other global problems such as terrorism, failed states. rivalry among
the great powers. access to natural resources and clashes between the modern and the
traditional or between the rich and the poor. ..

David Callahan1

Communalism in India, a problem since a long time, in its recent upsurge has become a
dangerously disruptive phenomenon and a potent threat to Indian peoples struggle for a
better life. Communal violence, it seems has become a part of our life in India. Despite
heinous crimes and unimaginable brutalities committed during riots, our conscience is
not shocked nor do we take these organized killings seriously enough to put our heads
together to fmd some way to arrest this fast spreading canker in our national life. 2

The birth of Pakistan in 1947 did not reconcile Hindu-Muslim differences or end
conflicts. India has regularly experienced communal rioting since its independence in
1947, particularly between Hindus and Muslims, but has occasionally involved other
minority communities too. Even before Independence, there were serious communal
riots in Varanasi (1809), Bareilly (1871), Lahore and Delhi (1825), Kolkata (1851),
Azamgarh (1893), Ayodhya (1912), Kolkata and Dhaka (1926), Ahmedabad and
Mumbai (1941) and of course, the horrendous countrywide riots of 1946 and 1947.3

1
Oberschall, Anthony ,Conflict and Peace Building in Divided Societies Response to Ethnic Conflict.
Routledge,London and New York ,2007 ,pJ.
2
Engineer, A.A (ed),Communal Riots in Post Independence India, ,Sangam Books,l984,p.l
3
K,.Jaishankar and Debrati Haldar ,Religious Identity of the Perpetrators and Victims of Communal
Violence In Post Independence India,ERCES Online Quarterly Review p.2 The Online Quarterly Review
of Crime, Ethics and Social Philosophy, a new interdisciplinary international journal, is the official journal
of the European & International Research Group on Crime, Ethics and Social Philosophy (ERCES).
(www.erces.com)
The above data reflects on the fact that communal riots have been occurring in India
even before the partition days. One would agree with, Bipan Chandra, that virus of
communalism started spreading more rapidly with the coming of Britishers.4
Communalism, it seems is a problem that existed since the colonial era, which took such
a bad shape that it divided the country into two parts. The problem of communalism has
to a large extent led to the miseries of Indian people. The British successfully played the
game of 'Divide and Rule' to extend their domination and sowed the seeds of communal
disharmony by creating fear, hatred and suspicion among diverse linguistic and religious
cultures.

Following independence, it was expected that the fear, hatred and suspicion among the
communities would be diluted gradually and Indian identity would be strengthened. It
was assumed that the parthion of the nation into India and Pakistan will bring in an end
to the problem of communalism. After Independence, perhaps due to witnessing
excessive violence or due to the euphoria of independence there was a deceptive lull and
there was no significant communal tension.

However, the first communal riots broke out in Madhya Pradesh (Jabalpur) in 1961,
which is considered as the first major riot between Hindus and Muslims after partition. It
was shortly followed by riots in Uttar Pradesh and later in Gujarat (Ahmedabad) in 1969,
where approximately 1000 people were killed. The other major riots were Ahmedabad
(1965-66), Bhiwandi (1970), Jamshedpur (1973), Meerut (1973, 1987), Moradabad
(1980), Bhagalpur, (1989). And then the large-scale post-Babri riots in 1992-93 in
Bombay and other places.5

The figures including show that there has been a continuous occurrence of communal
riots even after independence including the period when the Babri Mosque was
demolished .But before discussing the post-Babri riot, I would discuss in brief about

4
Chandra, Bipan, Communalism In Modern India, Vikas Publishing House, 1984, p.9.
5
From K., Jaishankar and Debrati, Haldar, p.2.

2
Bhagalpur and the communal violence of 1989 which is the focus of my work and is also
considered to be one of the major post independence communal riot.

BIHAR

6
Map of Bihar (showing Bhagalpur)

The district of Bhagalpur forms the eastern portion of the state of Bihar (see the map).
The river Ganga crosses the district from West to East dividing it into two uneven parts.
The river separates North Bhagalpur district from its Southern part. It is stretched in a
total area of 5654 square kms and comprises both Hindus and Muslims. The Muslims are
largely concentrated in mohallas with distinct Muslim names ~ke Mulanachak, Tatarpur,
Sujaganj, Kutubganj among others.As I am doing the study of the 1989 riot, therefore I
am giving the population figure of that period. The percentage of the Muslims in the year

6 Source:(http://www.cexranchizone.bih.nic.in)

3
1981 in Bhagalpur town was about 28.97 which further increased in the year 1989.
Mostly Sunnis dominate, but there are a large number of Ansaris also present who are
mostly weavers. The percentage of scheduled caste and scheduled tribe population in the
Bhagalpur town is 7.47 and 3.09 respectively.7

Traditionally famous for silk trade, with its development, two distinct classes of people
came into being - the weavers who crafted silk were mainly Muslims. However, there
was a large Hindu population too. Rich influential and commercial institutions of the
Marwaris dealt with the manufacturing in and outside India. With the enhancement of
commercial development, the weavers and the Marwaris wanted to encroach upon each
others domain. The town that was inhibited originally by the landed gentry, zamindars,
businessmen, aristocrats both Hindus and Muslims living in happy harmony was
replaced by a town with the criminal elements from both the communities8.As Manoj
Kumar Jha puts it that despite long and continued spatial togetherness in same localities,
at least a good number of individuals from both commUnities do realise that two
communities are increasingly getting indifferent and detached from each other. In
Bhagalpur also the relationship between Hindus and Muslims had developed cracks.9

Asghar Ali Engineer has given the detail of this riot in his work, where he mentions that,
just before the outbreak of the infamous riot, various incidents were occurring giving
signals of deteriorating law and order situation. The tension kept marking between the
Hindus and the Muslims and lmally, a Ramshilla Pujan procession was to be taken out
on October 24, 1989 in Bhagalpur. That evening procession turned into a marauding
mob killing people and looting and burning shops and houses. According to the estimates
given, around 3,932 houses were burnt to ashes, 891 shops looted and burnt, 3,000
power-looms looted and burnt, 876 Muslims, 150 Hindus were massacred and 106
people went missing. Around 206 villages were affected by this riot. Around 50000 to
7
Report of Bhagalpur Riot Inquiry Commission 1989, (Honorable Members Report), Secretariat Press,
Bihar, Patna, 1995, p.4.
8
Ibid.p5.
9
Jha, Kumar Manoj, Riots as Rituals, Manak Publications Pvt.Ltd, 2009, p.65.

4
60000 people lost their means of livelihood. The gruesome incidents of murder and
mayhem in Bhagalpur appear worse than what happened during the partition riots. 10

He further states that many were killed in the trains. The rioters found out the name of a
particular community from the reservation charts and attacked them. Near Bhagalpur
station a pregnant woman's body was found burst open by a heavy stone. Small children
were caught by their legs and their heads pounded on .the ground, killing them
instantaneously in front of their mothers. In Jawahar Medical College, one can find many
children whose hand or feet have been severed. So extensive was the killing in the
villages that many bodies were buried, salt sprinkled over them and after being covered
with earth, vegetables were grown on the land to hide the killings. Right up to the second·
week of January 1990, bodies were being fished out of the wells and ponds in and
around the town and the local people maintain that many more lay buried in the
innocuous looking unharvested paddy fields. The police and the administration have
been completely communalized. 11 The Bhagalpur riot of 1989 was a grievous one and a
blot on the secular credentials of our nation.

Numerous occurrences and issues have perpetuated the religious conflict between
Hindus and Muslims over the last decade in India, and the outlook for now remains
rather bleak. On December 6, 1992, a sixteenth-century mosque in Ayodhya, in the north
Indian state of Uttar Pradesh was demolished. During the preceding months, a movement
of political parties, religious groups, and cultural organizations, including the BJP,
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Shiva Sena,
had called for the construction of a temple on the site of the mosque as an integral move
in their struggle for Hindutva, or Hindu rule. Over 150,000 supporters known as kar
sevaks (voluntary workers) converged on Ayodhya, where they attacked the three-domed
mosque with hammers and pick-axes and reduced it to rubble. The destruction touched

10
Engineer, Ali Asghar, Lifting the Veil: Communal Violence and Communal Harmony in Contemporary
India, Sangarn Books India Limited, 1995, p 173-183.
l1 Ibid.pJ81-l82.

5
off Hindu-Muslim rioting across the country that has killed thousands in the past few
years. 12

It is to note that the number of major communal riots in post-Babri Masjid demolition
period went down considerably. 1bree major riots took place in this period, besides
several small riots in which 2 to 6 persons were killed. These three major riots are
Coimbatore in Tamil Nadu in 1997. Kanpur in U.P. in March 2001 and Malegaon in
Maharashtra in October 2001. 13

Communal violence in India reached an unprecedented level in 2002. The communal

violence that occurred recently in Gujarat (2002) is considered as the genocide of
14
Muslims The violence in Gujarat began after a Muslim mob in the town of Godhra
attacked and set fire to two carriages of a train carrying Hindu activists. Fifty-eight
people were killed, many of them women and children. The activists were returning from
Ayodhya. Uttar Pradesh. where they supported a campaign led by the Vishwa Hindu
Parishad to construct a temple to the Hindu avatar Ram on the site of a sixteenth century
mosque destroyed by Hindu militants in 1992. The Ayodhya campaign continues to raise
the spectre of further violence in the country.

Between February 28 and March 2. 2002. a three-day retaliatory killing spree by Hindus
left hundreds dead and tens of thousands homeless and dispossessed. marking the
country's worst religious bloodletting in a decade. The looting and burning of Muslim
homes. shops, restaurants, and places of worship was also widespread. Tragically
consistent with the longstanding pattern of attacks on minorities in India, and with
previous episodes of large-scale communal violence in India, scores of Muslim girls and
women were brutally raped in Gujarat before being mutilated and burnt to death.
According to the official records, since February 27, 2002, more than 850 people have
12
From K, Jaishankar and Debrati, Haldar p.3.
13
Ibid.p.3.
14
Genocide is a crime of destroying or conspiring to destroy a group of people because of their ethnic,
national, racial or religious identity

6
been killed in communal violence in the state of Gujarat, most of them Muslims.
Unofficial estimates put the death toll as high as 2,000. 15

Describing the Gujarat violence, Engineer says that many eyewitnesses also pointed out
that police officials also were leading marauding mobs and many places were set on fire
right under the nose of police stations. The worst incident occurred at a slum in the city
called Naroda-Patia where more than 100 persons, all poor Muslims, were burnt alive in
full view of the police force. Many Muslim girls and women from Naroda-Patia were
raped before being burnt alive. One case of a pregnant woman is heart-rending. The mob
ripped her womb with a sword, extracted the fetus and burnt it before burning her. 16

The above detail on Gujarat ri~t projects the severity with which communal riots have
increased in India and the failure on the part of the Government to control it. lnfact the
massacre in Gujarat was more or less like genocide. It was cold blooded killing of the
minority community at the hands of the majority. With full support of the state
government, police and the administration, the incident led to brutal killings of the
Muslim minority in large number. The Gujarat riot is supposed to be a stain on the
secular mores of our nation.

More recently the history has virtually repeated itself. But this time the crisis is much
worse in that, it has turned into a fountainhead of hatred. In December 2007, it was in
Kandhamal that Swami Lakshmananand was attacked over a scuffle between two
communities. That incident too had resulted in violence, further widening the gap
between the Christian and the Hindu communities. Four people had died during the week
long riot and many more were rendered homeless. 17

15
lbid.p.3.
16
Engineer, Asghar Ali, Gujarat Riots in the Light of the History of Communal Violence, Economic and
Political Weekly, Vol. 37, No. 50, Dec 2002,p5052.
Singh, D.N., Kandhamal Crisis: Hatred lbrough The Cracks In Harmony, zeenews.com~July
17

15,2009,p.l.

7
The incident of the night of August 24 was the beginning of a terror that has shaken the
very foundations of the amity, if there was any left. between the two communities. The
Swami along with four of his disciples was brutally gunned down by still-unidentified
assailants. The religious fervor at the Palsapeta ashram was soon overwhelmed by an
uneasy silence. Hatred came out naked the day next. The idiocies of orthodoxy prevailed
over centuries old harmony and brutal vengeance was unleashed by blood thirsty
elements. Hundreds of houses, prayer houses and churches were ransacked. Worse than
that, the attackers started killing people. This has now opened the floodgates for religious
compartmentalization. The minority forum in the state claimed that more than 5000
people have fled to the jungles to escape the terror and about 600 churches are damaged.
The common man in Kandhamal is simply tom between the fear of the loss of life and
the desire to live. 18

Through the above examples that I have discussed on incidents of communal eruption, I
aim to show the severity of the problem of communalism in India. The communal riots
that occurred in independent India after partition were no less in their magnitude for the
destruction they spread. These riots are not simply a case of killing and murder; its
repercussions are too bad and can lead to long lasting hatred and detestation. The fabrics
of trust, faith, love and unity is tom apart between the communities because of the
cowardly acts of rapacious groups of different communities. The venom of hatred is
spilled out which further results in the widening of gap among people of different
religion, region and caste.

India it seems has been encountering a long genesis of communal riots. The question that
might baffle a persons mind is that why even after adopting secularism, socialism and
pluralism19 the Indian society failed to put a check on the growing menace of

18
Ibid.p.l.
19
Pluralism as the definition, says has the basis in operating under the principles of acceptance and
diversity. It is promoted as a system for the "common good" of alL It is a coming together with common
recognition and credence to all beliefs and developments of modem social, scientific, and economic
societies. See Heywood Andrew, Political Ideologies An Introduction, Palgrave Macmillan,2007,p.325.

8
communalism. It seems to be a big puzzle that despite adopting the ideal of secularism in
the preamble of our Constitution and providing the citizens with cultural and religious
rights as the Fundamental Right, our nation has failed to establish a peaceful culture of
unity and amity across religious lines.

In India, riot is primadly consid~red as a law and order problem. Therefore, most of the
discourses on riots rely on the government and state administration to fight with the
menace of this kind of violence. But the existence of communal violence and its rampant
outbreak strongly suggests the fact that the administration single handedly is incapable of
controlling communal outbreak.

The state alone cannot control the hazard of communalism, something more is needed to
fight and uproot this problem completely. A simplistic way of looking at the problem of
communal violence is to blame the administration and the state for its occurrence and
reoccurrence. There appears to be a long tradition of blaming the state and the
government or the political party for not being able to establish communal peace and
order in the society.

Whenever there is breakdown of riot in any locality or area, at once administration,

police force and other communal organization are blamed for failing to maintain the law
and order situation in the concerned state or district. The election eve riots are assumed
to be the result of a conspiracy hatched by a particular political party or parties for the
polarization of a community on religion and caste basis, for minor electoral interest.
Steven I. Wilkinson has also supported this idea in his work "Votes and Violence:
Electoral Competition and Communal Riots in India". Not only Wilkinson but other
authors like Paul R. Brass, also gives the idea of 'Institutionalized Riot System', where

·......
'·f.

9
he says that riots are organized pogroms that occur with full support and capacity of the
state.20

But if one refers to the idea that Ashutosh Varshney, provides in his book "Ethnic
Conflict and Civic Life Hindus and Muslims in India", that of inter ethnic or civic
engagement for establishing peace in the society. Reading Varshney's work piqued my
interest and I began looking at the role of civic engagement and inter-community
relations for maintenance of peace in the society. My purpose is to find out whether
various discourses include the question of peace while dealing with riots. This
dissertation will deal with issue of civic engagement and inter community relations.

SIGNIFICANCE, SCOPE AND MEmOD OF THE STUDY

My aim in this work is to investigate, if different discourses on riots give importance to

the question of civic engagement in establishing peace. There are three types of
discourses: academic writings, commission reports and newspaper coverage on
communal violence. In my dissertation, I will try to analyze these different discourses
and find out the status of the peace process in them.

To explore the above said issues, I will take up a case study of the infamous and bloody
Bhagalpur riot of 1989. As we know, a district town in Bihar, Bhagalpur was badly
struck by the communal carnage, one of the worst in post -independent India. Through
the analysis the inquiry commission reports and newspaper reports, on this riot, I have
tried to fmd out, as to how the various discourses reflect on the question of communal
violence. The above discourses, I would try to look into the question of communal and
ethnic conflict and try to bring out the peace process in the limelight.

20
Brass, R Paul, Fonns of CoJlective Violence, Riots, Pogroms and Genocide in Modem India, Three
Essays Collective, 2006, p.xv.

10
While analysing the discourses I will try to explore if they have any significant point to
make regarding the possibility of peace process in these areas.Reading them as text
material, I would fmd out the way communalism is understood in these writings and
whether they reflect on the idea of peace. Do these discourses give any legroom to the
debate on the role played by inter community and civic engagement in maintaining
peace. Are these discourses just discussing about communal violence as a colonial and
religious problem in India or are they also giving some vital suggestions that could
actually help in establishing peace process in the society?

It seems that the various discourses on communal riots and ethnic violence are not
complete and fail to see things in totality. In their study, they focus on the causes and
results of communal violence, where they mainly analyze the role of the state, police and
the political parties in relation to riots. One can easily see that they miss out is the role of
inter-ethnic engagement in maintaining peace in riot tom society.

As the methodology used in my thesis was mostly qualitative in nature and my work was
concerned with reading text of the various discourses, therefore, I have applied the
content analysis method. This work followed mainly the qualitative technique of content
analysis, as it directed towards more subjective information such as attitudes, motives
and values that are essential for the clear understanding of the texts.Z 1

In this work, I have applied both the manifest and the latent ways of analyzing the
writings. Following the manifest method, while reading the various writings. I read the
paragraphs, sentences of the various books, newspapers, magazines and journals as they
had appeared. Further applying the latent method, I was able to read between the lines

21
Ahuja, Ram, Research Methods, Rawat Books, 2007, p.274.

11
and this helped ine in analyzing the obscure meaning of the various writings. My
objective is to find the missing link or points in the various discourses, therefore the
latent content analysis proved to be useful.

cnnCENGAGEMENTANDCOMMmNALPEACE

Civil society, in Havel's description is a crucial condition for strong democracy, it

encompasses associations ranging from churches, cultural associations, sport clubs and
debating societies to independent media, academies, groups of concerned citizens,
grassroots initiatives and organizations of gender, race and sexuality, all the way to
occupational associations, political parties and labor unions. Havel also says that an
effective civil society system is a necessary if not sufficient condition for flourishing of
democracy. 22 Referring to the central idea of this argument, I would now try to replicate
on the role a civil society can play in establishing peace in the society.

The peril of communal violence and communal riots, do impede the secular structure of
a nation. The domino effect of riots is large scale obliteration of life and property in a
locality, town, district or state. This is the damage which is reported and surfaced by the
media, government and the political parties in relation to riots. The print media and the
electronic media as well keep coming up with data related to the loss of life and property
under the effect of violence.

It appears as if not much notice is taken of the other side of the damage which is also the
product of these riots. The collective violence in the form of riots do spoil the inter
community relations between diverse communities. The worst consequence of
communal strife is the construction of the concept of 'the other' in the society. It leaves

22
Flyvbjerg, Bent, Habennas and Foucault: Thinkers for Civil Society?, The British Journal of Sociology,
Vol. 49, No.2 Jun., 1998, p.210.

12
permanent wounds in the minds and heart of the people that damages, the social fabric of
peace and tranquility in the society.

The normal inter-community relations and vibrant plural society presupposes the absence
of mutual mistrust and suspicion as a priori condition. The appalling memories caused by
communal expressions of violence take very long in getting obliterated; it might take
more than a generation or two before scars are completely over. The phenomena of
communal expressions which have existed for so long, poses problem of various
dimensions and hence doubly difficult are to prescribe remedy for such an issue.23

The above view emerge to illustrate the significance of good inter community relation
and civic engagement as an indispensable condition for the smooth running of a plural
society. Strong inter community relation could be formed only in an atmosphere of peace
and conviction. There should be complete absence of feelings such as suspicion, odium
and fright. However this situation is possible only in case of strong social, cultural and
civic ties between two communities or more.

The worst consequence of communal riots is the tearing apart of the delicate fabric of
faith and accord existing among communities. The sufferers and the survivor of the
violence are generally left with a terrified memory of bloodshed. To establish communal
harmony in true sense it is imperative that the inhabitants of diverse communities join
hands together.

Referring to the Gandhian Approach to Communal Harmony,M.L.Sharma says that the

people have not been able to outgrow their communal temperaments liberal attitudes
because they have been lacking an inter-communal and inter-cultural understanding
which could save one from falling prey to the vested interests, the excitement of

23
Shahjahan, S.K ,Communal Expressions and Secular Engagements in Municipal Corporations of Greater
Mumbai and Thane, PhD Thesis, Department of Social Work, University of Delhi,p.16.

13
communal passion and the play of religious prejudices. Besides negatively,
communalism is the result of our narrow thinking and narrow perceptions. So it is
necessary to counteract and combat the problem of communalism in the proper way to
establish the harmonious relations among various communities. 24

By bringing in over here the Gandhian approach to communal harmony, I want to

advocate the significance of inter-community relations and civic engagement for the
continuance and perseverance of communal peace in India. Gandhi in the above section
suggests the functions that communities can play in the construction of peaceful structure
in the society. In a plural society like the one India is the work of staying in peace and
harmony is a collective responsibility of the people. Solely relying on the structure of
state, administration and political party, for maintaining and preserving the secular
character of the nation, might become too vast a task to fulfill.

One might question as to what are the ways through which this inter-community
bondage can be developed that could ultimately help in peaceful co-existence of the
people in the society. Many ways or processes can be practiced for the establishment of
strong inter-communal ties. But I will broadly focus on the four different methods to
establish sturdy mutual relation among the communities. These are civic engagements,
peace committees, shared institutions and decommunalised cultural actions. 25

Roma Chateijee and Deepak Mehta give the idea that community members can play an
important role in reducing the threat of violence, if at all they bring changes in their
thinking. The members of the community need an ability to communicate effectively,
and should have a talent for establishing good human relations. If the members of the

24
Sharma, ML,CommunaJ Problem in India a Symposium (ed),Chapter Gandhi's Approach to Communal
Harmony, 1988,p.l82-197.
25
Shahjahan1S.K ,Op.Cit,p,I93.

14
community are strongly integrated then they can easily help in controlling the building of
tensions. 26

The argument made in the section above, declares the role of community as central in
fighting the threat of violence. The civil society and inter community structures prove to
be crucial ingredients for building the edifice of secularism and communal harmony.
Here, I will discuss the importance of civic engagement, and in this context we cannot
ignore the idea formed by Varshney in relation to the same.

Varshney, from his analysis of Hindu-Muslim violence in India since the 1950s argues
that wherever inter-ethnic engagements exist, the chances of occurrence of violent
conflicts are less. He further states that such engagements if substantially strong can even
withstand exogenous factors such as political mobilizations. In his thesis, Civic
Engagements, he discusses two aspects of this engagement such as quotidian and
associational which operate as cushions against, even intense political mobilizations to a
great extent. ?:7

Varshney suggests that routine engagements, including occasional visits, informal

neighborhood gatherings etc, allows people to come together and form organization in
times of tension. Such organizations, though only temporary, turned out to be highly
significant in dealing with tensions turning to violent conflicts. Formation and
functioning of such neighborhood networks are difficult where everyday interaction do
not cross religious lines, or when Hindu and Muslims lived in highly segregated
neighborhoods. 28

26
Chateijee, Roma and Mehta, Deepak, Living With Violence: An Anthropology of Events and Everyday
Life, Routledge,2007 ,p.28-60.
27
Varshney, Ashutosb ,Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life Hindus and Muslims in India, Oxford University
Press.2002,p.xi-xii
28
Shabjaban, S.K.Op.Cit.p.187

15
Varshney in his work strongly advocates the role of civic engagement and inter-
community relations for developing ties between communities that will help in the
establishment of communal peace. It appears that a bondage between communities keep
them united and help them in tackling with the threat of any communal violence. If
people of two different communities stay as neighbors and exchange a healthy relation of
love, trust and co-operation, then it will help them to stand together at time of any
external threats, like riots.

To give an evidential support to the above point, I would discuss some examples from
Ashish Nandy's work. He discusses the 1989 riot that took place in Jaipur. He writes,
''The fate of Jamil, was decided by his Hindu neighbors. Pappu, the young son of Chatar
Singh, came to know of the presence of a lone Muslim tenant in a neighboring house.
While a crowd was shouting 'Jai Shri Ram' and banging at his door, Chatar Singh and
another neighborhood, Babula! Bijwala , leapt across the roof and persuaded Jamil to
open the backdoor. 'We dragged Jamilbhai to safety', Pappu says.''29

Quoting another example from Ashish Nandy, where he talks about Gangadevi, the wife
of Babula! Bijwala, she recounted her family's close relation with the Muslims Manihar
family. She says: "For twenty years we Jived in a basti in huts. They [the Manihar
family] had a hutment and so did we. Then they were allotted a plot. We had very good
relations with them, no sense of being Hindu or Muslim." Gangadevi was shocked that
religious violence had erupted in Jaipur at all. 'This is the first time I've heard of such a
thing [the riot].But nothing happened in our neighborhood." 30

It can be assumed from the examples cited by Nandy in his work that the role of "civic
engagement"31 , can help keeping the community united even at the time of crisis. The
external forces even if they try to damage the communal harmony existing between

29
Nandy, Ashish, Exiled at Home, Creating a Nationality, Oxford University Press, 2007, p.152.
30
Ibid.p.l53.
31
As used by Ashutosh Varshney.

16
communities, if the bonding is solid then it is not so easy to spread hatred among people.
There is a need for the people to come together and amalgamate their ideas, culture and
social habits. The people of different communities need to understand the importance of
togetherness and if a respect and love is developed in the hearts of each other than it
might help to strengthen the ties and community bondage. Then people can co-exist in a
harmonious environment.

The peace committees are another plausible way to reinforce the bonds of unity between
communities. These informal peace committees can be formed by the coming together of
the members of the two communities and then they can give lessons and teach people the
importance of mutual co-existence. Toleration and respect for each others culture,
religion and tradition is an essential criterion for peaceful co-existence. The peace
committees can instruct or edify the members of various communities to live in peace
and harmony. They can spread the message of humility, tolerance, liberal attitude, self
purification, Jove, compassion and loving attitude towards the member of the other
community. By informing the subjects of the danger of violence, detestation or hatred
they can help building a peaceful attitude in the minds of the people. So that whenever
violence breaks the member of various communities fight the menace together and
prevent it from spreading.

Here I will put forward Oberschall's idea and how he gives importance to the role of
inter-ethnic, civic engagement as important tools of ethnic conflict management. To
quote he says:

The school will become a learning experience for ethnic conflict management. In the
long term, the logic of ethnic separation will lose force both within and outside the
schools, and ethnicity will reduce to in-group preferences in private and intimate
domains that it is not the business of the state to interfere with in a free society. The
reason that sharing is preferable to separation and avoidance is that recent history has
repeatedly shown how "live and let live" separatism rapidly descends into ethnic warfare
in a crisis, as in the Balkans. Trust, inter-ethnic relations, social capital, cooperation, and

17
ethnic conflict management are learned in shared institutions and are transferable to all
32
domains of ethnic relations and from one generation to the succeeding ones.

The above lines talk about the significant role a 'shared institutions' can play in
maintaining peace and enhancing the trust and unity between the communities. Anthony
Oberschall gives the idea of school which can become a learning room for ethnic conflict
management. If the members share a common school where secular education is
imparted, then it can further coagulate the tie between them. Drawing from Oberschall
ideas, I feel that through shared institutions, people will come to know more about each
other and they can get a com mon platform where they will be able to share their ideas
and experiences. It might enhance the level of communication among the members of
community and thus help in their assimilation and integration.

Finally, decommunalised cultural action also plays a vital part in enhancing inter-
community relations. "Culture is both a uniting factor as well as most contested terms in
analysing social relations. Cultural action has to be the path by which people become
aware of the shaky bases of the myths and stereotypes they hold close to their minds vis
a vis others. Community celebration of festivals forms a part of the collective memory of
the local culture. Several participants recollected such celebrations as one such
opportunity which brought people of a locality together irrespective of the religious
community they belonged to. Conscious revival of such traditions is reported to have the
potential for breaking inter-religious barriers in social interaction."33

The above idea projects the fact as to how mutual cultural action can bring in the people
together and help building a peaceful relation. There would be no fear or feeling of
suspect among people. A sense of respect and recognition will come out for the
traditions and culture and customs of each other that will act as a cementing factor of
relations between communities. Thus this section on civic engagement and communal

32
Oberschall, Anthony (2007), p234.
33
Shahjahan, P.K, Op.Cit., p.193.

18
harmony tries to transport the importance of civil society and ethnic engagement in
maintaining peace in the society.

This thesis has three chapters. The first chapter has looked into the academic writings
where I have focused on the work of Paul R. Brass, Steven I. Wilkinson, Ashutosh
Varshney and Asghar Ali Engineer. In the later part of the chapter, I have discussed the
writings which are specifically on the Bhagalpur riot of 1989.The purpose is to
understand the text and look into the question of peace. The chapter also discusses the
two broad approaches in academic discourses on riots. Through this chapter, I have
examined whether the academic writings deal with the question of peace while dealing
with riots. The aim of the chapter is to see as to how these writings imagine about peace.

The second chapter deals with various reports that include the two reports of the
Bhagalpur Riot Inquiry Commission 1995; N.N.Singh Commission Interim Report 2006
and the Survey Report of the Muslim United Front that came on the Bhagalpur riot in
2006. This chapter talks about the commission and how they are constituted and role the
commission has played. I have discussed in detail also the Inquiry Commission Act 1952
and made some critical examination of it. In this chapter I would look into as in what is
the focal point in these reports. what things they reflect upon and what are the points that
they fail to notice. The aim of this chapter is to see whether these reports only do the
responsibility fixing job or do they work on healing and peace building.

The third chapter has looked into the newspaper reports on the Bhagalpur riot of 1989.
The four newspapers I have taken are The Hindustan Times. The Hindu, The Times of
India and the Aryavarta (Hindi edition) on this riot. The chapter starts by discussing the
importance of the role of media. The print media plays a vital role in moulding the
attitude and behavior pattern of the members of the society. It helps in educating the
masses on any vital issue. It is one of the way through which the people are informed
about any incident. My chapter inquiries into the newspaper and magazine report and

19
fmd out how they deal with question of communal violence in their work. The aim again
of this chapter is to see if the print media brings in the question of peace while writing on
riots.

To sum up, this dissertation intends to bring out the question of peace. It tries to look on
the peace building process through these various discourses. My aim is to transport the
idea that civic engagement and inter community relations are vital for establishment of
communal peace and harmony in the society. I would investigate the issues on which the
various discourses have highlighted while dealing with the question of communal riots
and the common point where the various discourses fail to reflect upon. My thesis will
look into the whole subject of ethnic conflict management and the ways peace building
and peace settlement can be done in the divided societies. The research will try to give a
peaceful solution to the whole question of communal violence that is so rampant in the
present society. And I will strive to reflect on the importance of inter ethnic co-operation
in maintaining peace and avoiding violence .. The importance and relevance of Inclusive
Community System in establishing communal harmony will be reflected upon and do the
various discourses reflect on this system in giving a solution to communal riots will also
be looked upon.

20
Chapter One

APPROACHING COMMUNAL RIOTS

Communalism in India, a problem for a long time, has become, in its recent upsurge, a
dangerously disruptive phenomenon and a potent threat to Indian peoples struggle for a
better life. Scholars of diverse persuasions have sought to understand and explain it, often
with a view to help in the struggle against communalism. This chapter intends to focus
on the dominant approaches that are applied in the study of understanding communalism
in India. I will be focusing on two main approaches of communal violence:

a)"Institutional Approach"

b) "Civic Engagement Approach"

Under the institutional approach I have analyzed the writings of Steven I Wilkinson and
Paul R Brass, whereas under the civic engagement approach I have focused on the
writings of Ashutosh V arshney and Asghar Ali Engineer. My aim here is to investigate
the question of peace in the study of riots. Does inter ethnic engagement play any vital
role in the whole question of communal violence or the state is the sole organization
responsible for all affairs related to communal riots. If we look into the history of post
partition riots, we will find that soon after independence many riots did occur but its
intensity was not too high. The major breakthrough came in the year 1962, when the
riots broke out in Jabalpur. The intensity was so severe that soon after the riot Jawaharlal
Nehru decided to form the National Integration Council. 3'Tbe National Integration is a
non-constitutional body, to deal with welfare measures for the minorities on an all India

34
Engineer, Ali Asghar, Communalism in India: A Historical and Empirical Study, Vikas Publishing
House, 199S,p.96

21
basis. The National Front Government revived it in 1990, with a broad based
composition, including not only Union Ministers and Chief Ministers of States, but also
representatives of national and regional political parties, labour, women, and public
figures as well as media representatives. The issues before its meeting were communal
harmony, increased violence by secessionists, the problems in respect of Punjab,
Kashmir, and Ram Janambhoomi- Babri Masjid.

After 60's India has been facing many communal riots, some very severe in character.
The Bhagalpur riot of 1989 was considered to be one of the major post partition riots.
The recent Gujarat riot is also an example of the worst genocide of its kind. The worst
thing to be noticed in most of theses brutal acts of violence is the nature of their cruelty.
Women are raped, even the pregnant ones are not spared, and people are charred to death
ranging from an adult to an infant. Citing one example from the Bhagalpur riot of 1989,
The Hindu reported in one of its article that an army official said a pregnant woman had
her stomach crushed with the stones by a mob on the railway track near the Bhagalpur
station in broad daylight resulting in abortion and immediate death. 35

There has been a series of discussion and debate done on the dynamics of communalism.
The social science study has often stayed engaged with solving the puzzle of communal
violence. Since long, that is from the colonial period the virus of communalism has been
troubling the minds of the intellectual class, the elites, the political leaders and the
common masses. Various contesting ideas are forwarded by the scholars while defining
and discussing the problem of communal violence. Here I will present a range of
perspective attached to the idea of communalism in India. Though there are supposed to
be a number of approaches to look into the question of communal violence, like
historical, economic, socio-religious, institutional and the civic engagement approach,
the concern of my thesis would revolve round the last two approaches.

35
"Bhagalpur's Day of Terror", The Hindu, I November,l989.

22
To talk of the historical roots of communalism is a dated academic approach. The
Ancient hatred (AH) assumes that ethnic identities and group membership are
primordial, sharply distinct, resilient to change, salient across all institutions and
activities, and present high risk for repeated destructive conflicts. 36 AH is pessimistic
about ethnic conflict management and about establishing lasting peace. Only separation
will ensure lasting ethnic peace. Mixing or remixing (after ethnic cleansing) the ethnic
groups in the same territory invites renewed violent conflict" To discuss the case of
India , here also the historical images of Mughal emperors like Babar and Auamgzeb or
the concept of jiziya37 , or the memories of pre partition are often kept alive to maintain a
gap between the two communities and keep the communal divide open.

Further moving on to the other dominant approach is the economic approach that gives a
different idea to the concept of communalism. "The process of fragmented and uneven
capitalists development bas created conditions of backwardness which in turn has
facilitated the growth of communalism. Economic stagnation bas led to a situation in
which certain groups treat each other not only with suspicion and hostility, but also as
rivals in the scarce market for jobs, concessions and subsidies." 38

The economic factor has resulted in communal violence in many of post independent
riots in India. For instance as S.K.Ghosh says, some riots based on the economic
approach can be seen in the case of Agra, the leather industry; in Varanasi, silk and zari
industry; in Moradabad, the brassware industry; in Ferozabad, glass industry; in
Mirzapur, the carpet industry. In these places the artisans are almost entirely Muslims,
who have passed the skill from generation to generation and traditionally brought the
raw materials and sold the finished products to Hindu traders. In recent years however,

36
Oberschall, Anthony, Conflict and Peace Building In Divided Societies, Response To Ethnic Conflict,
Routledge, 2007, p.9.
37
Jiziya was the tax system in the medieval era when the Hindus were supposed to pay the taxes whereas
the Muslims were not. This policy was supposed to be anti Hindu.
3
g Hasan, Zoya Khaliq, Communalism and Communal Violence in India, Social Scientist, February
1982,Vol. I O,p.28.

23
Muslim traders have entered the field and this has led to growing rivalry between them,
frequently ending in communal riots 39

To take another example, of Asghar Ali Engineer in his study of riots in India, has
mentioned the economic factor as one of the causes for outbreak of communal riots. To
him economic competition between the two communities often lead to social tensions
which can be easily turned into communal tension by exploiting certain situations on the
occasion of religious festivals, etc. 4 0:lt seems business rivalry and economic competition
causes heartburn and rivalry among members of different communities. The communal
discord thus might occur as a result of stiff economic competition also. It might not
appear to be the direct factor for violence, but economic factor in many cases remains the
underlying cause for communal riots.

The next approach, which is considered vital in the study of communalism, is the socio-
religious approach. faith. Religion seems to be a factor misused by some for their narrow
interest. Mark Juergensmeyer in his work defines terrorism as public act of destruction,
committed without a clear military objective, that arouses widespread sense of fear. To
him this fear turns to anger when one discovers the other characteristic that frequently
attends these acts of public violence: there justification by religion. Most people he says
feel that religion should provide tranquility and peace, not terror. Yet in many of the
cases of violence religion has supplied not only the ideology but also the motivation and
the organizational structure for the perpetrators. 41 This factor it seems to exist forever and
with rising of the problem of terrorism, it has taken a more serious and aggressive shape.

There have been many occasions when small issues have led to breaking of serious
communal riots. Some of the common events that result in riots discussed by Zoya
Hasan: religious festivals, music before mosques, cow slaughter and alleged desecration
39
Ghosh, S.K, Communal Riots in India, Ashish Publishing House, 1987, p.31.
40
Op.Cit.p.36-37.
41
Juergensmeyer, Mark, Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence, University of
California Press, 2000, p.S.

24
of temples provide occasions for aggravation of communalism. Such issues become
contentious because rumors, pamphlets and incendiary speeches reminding Hindus of the
humiliations suffered by them during the Mughal rule .In such an environment, even the
smallest spark can ignite a riot. 42It is well known that religion and faith are matters that
are attached to a person's emotion. People generally are found to be too sensitive about
their belief and faith. The cultural and religious difference between the Hindus and the
Muslims has always remained so stringent that it often leads to communal outbreak

There are scholars like Paul R.Brass who point to the crucial role of the Indian elites in
manipulating religious issues to mobilize communities at some times and not in others.
The fact that many of these movements are timed to take place before elections is strong
evidence of their instrumental and political trends. It is simply not true that religious
belief is the prime motivation for such movements because the issues chosen by
politicians are in any case frequently not those that are most integral to a particular
religious tradition. 43

Francis Robinson responds to Brass by arguing that religious beliefs are much more
important than the instrumentalist acknowledge. First, Francis points out that many of
the elites who led religious movements, such as Sayyid Ahmad Khan, were themselves
quiet devout and often -as for instance in the case of the Muslim League leader the Raja
of Mabmudabad -willing to bear significant economic costs for their beliefs. This
devoutness and willingness to sacrifice for a cause seems to call into question the rather
simple cost benefit analysis that the instrumental perspective suggest. 44

42
Engineer, Ali Asghar, Communal Riots in Post Independence India (ed), Chapter 6 Communalism and
Communal Violence In India, Zoya Khaliq Hasan, Sangam Books India Limited, 1984,p.8l.
43
Wilkinson, I Steven, Religious Politics and Communal Violence, Papaerback, Oxford University Press,
2008, p.5.

44
1bid.p.5.

25
Further Robinson asks a key question that needs to be answered by anyone who
highlights the role of elite manipulation: why do the followers follow? Robinson
suggests that Muslim elites were always constrained by the strength of religious feeling
and religious organization among Muslims as a whole. If elites highlighted Muslim issue
he argues that this reflected both their own religiosity as well as their calculation that
religious appeals were likely to be much more effective in motivating a community for
which religion was important than other appeals. 45

The point being made over here by both Brass and Robinson is that whereas for Brass
the religion factor is applied by the politicians for their political interest, but Robinson
criticizes Brass on ignoring the role of passions, beliefs and emotions and giving too
much stress on the role of the elites and politicians. It is generally assumed tha~ directly
religion is not the reason for communal riots rather it is, manipulated by the politician,
elite and inter group for economic and political incentives. Even Engineer in most of his
writings suggests that "religion is not the root cause of communalism; it is rather a
powerful instrument in the hands of those interests which seek to play their game
through it.''~ough the religious factor might be used as a tool by the parties for
political gains, but it has always been the cause of ruthless communal violence. With the
coming of the Right wing politics, the factor of religion is being utilized to divide the
society and cause communal upheavals whenever needed.

INSTITUTIONAL APPROACH

This approach is one of the most talked about and an accepted formula in the study of
communalism. There are a number of scholars who support this theory of riot. This
approach focuses on the role of the political party, state administration, police etc. in
terms of riot. It means that irresponsible behavior of the politicians and weak law and
45
lbid.p.5.
46
Engineer, Ali Asghar, Conununalism and Conununal Violence in India: An Analytical Approach to
Hindu Muslim Conflict, Ajanta Publications, 1989, p.2.

26
order situation lead to riots. The politicians are believed to escalate Hindu Muslim
violence when it is in their interest. To put in the words of Moin Shakir who suggests,
that riots which used to be two three day affair formerly now continue for weeks
together, showing that there is what may be called a methodical and organized madness.
They are pre planned and politically oriented, preceded by almost identical incidents
which rouse religious passions and followed by the desired similar results conducive to
the growth of anti secular politics. 47

As Wilkinson idea suggests that the state has the capacity to control violence as rioters
are not heroes, further he proposes that the political party or administration will control
riots or protect the minorities if it is in their electoral interest. Even Brass comes up with
this proposal that the politicians try manipulating religious issue to mobilize
communities at times when it is serving their political or electoral interest.

Taking some examples of politically motivated riots to name a few are the Bombay
Bhiwandi riots of 1984,it was due to the campaign of Shiv Sena to revive the party that
was then going through a bad phase. The election frenzy had sparked off the riots in
Aurangabad in 1988. Aurangabad riots are a clear indication of the dangerous
implications of political parties fighting. Serious communal disturbances that took place
in Meerut 1987 and the Bhagalpur in 1989 were directly the result of Ramjanambhoomi-
Babri Masjid controversy. Undoubtedly the controversy was essentially political in
nature. 48

To start my investigation, under the institutional approach I would start by discussing the
work and idea of Steven I Wilkinson. For more than a decade Steven I Wilkinson has
worked on the Hindu Muslim conflict. He was trained first as a historian, wedded to
quantitative methods and to the power of the archives. He has increasingly moved
47
Sbakir,Moin, Analytical View of Communal Violence, in Engineer, Ali Asghar,Communal Riots in Post
Independence India (ed), Sangam Books India Limited,l984,p.91.
48
Engineer, Ali Asghar, Communal Riots after Independence; A Comprehensive Account, Sbipra
Publication, 2004, p.18.

27
towards qualitative mode of analysis. 49 Wilkinson's theory is based on three inter related
concepts. He talks about the State Capacity, Party Competition and the Electoral
Incentives as the three basic areas related to communal riots in India. Let me first take up
his argument regarding state.

Wilkinson argues that the government responsible for law and order (the 28 states in the
Indian federal system) chooses to prevent violence or intervene quickly to stop it when it
does break out. Rioters are not heroes and the state police and the paramilitary forces -
even in states like Bihar where the general quality of administration is far from high -
have shown themselves capable of preventing communal riots when given the right
direction by the ministers. 50 It appears that Wilkinson has full faith in the role of the
"state and its capacity" to control riot. In brief this aspect in Wilkinson's work reflects
the idea that the state has the full capacity to control Hindu Muslim Violence. The author
very well analyses the capacity of the rioters and says that they stand nowhere when
compared to the power of the state forces and the state is capable enough to prevent riots
from breaking.

To support his view, Wilkinson takes the example of Bihar, and argues that Bihar is
known for weak and poor administration, but after the coming of Laloo Prasad Y adav in
power, he has controlled any incident of riot from breaking in Bihar. In 1992, when
Hindu Muslim riots broke out throughout India after the destruction of the Ayodhya
mosque, Bihar was one of the few states to remain peaceful. 5 1 This seems to be a valid
point made by Wilkinson, as we all know that Bihar under the rule of Laloo Prasad
Yadav was strictly considered to be a backward state, where the condition of law and
order was bad. But the record suggests that there was no outbreak of communal riots in
Bihar under the R1D rule.

I. Wilkinson. I Steven , Communal Riots in India , Economic and Political Wee1dy , October 29, 2005,
p.4768
5
'Wilkinson, I Steven, (2008)p.l4.
51
Wilkinson, I Steven, Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Communal Riots in India,
Cambridge University Press, New Y ork.p.86.

28
If one draws conclusion from Wilkinson's idea it can be stated that the state has the full
capacity to control riots, if an under developed state like Bihar can control violence, than
there is no excuse left for the developed state to give, in their failure to control riots. The
point that Wilkinson wants to make here is that, if we compare the communal riots data
of a decade b&ek between Bihar and Gujarat. Bihar being a backward state has
successfully put a check on any unlawful incidents breaking under the threat of
communal violence but the Gujarat government has parallely proved to be a failure in
preventing riots despite its capacity to do so.

After discussing the state capacity explanation for communal riots, Wilkinson proceeds
by putting forward the question as to what decides the role of state in regard to
communal riots. When will the state act to control riots and under what situations it will
ignore. To this query Wilkinson puts forward the 'Electoral Incentive' theory. He writes
"the state government protected minorities when it is in their electoral interest to do
so ...."politicians in government will increase the supply of protection to the minorities
when ..... minorities are important part of their party's current support base, or support
base of one of their partners in the coalition government; or when the overall electoral
system in a state is so competitive in terms of effective numbers of parties (ENVP) that
there is therefore high probability that the governing party will have to negotiate or form
coalitions with minority supported party in future ... 52 .

Wilkinson once again, falls on his basic argument where he states that it is just electoral
interest that Jets a political party from controlling riots. If the minority votes are of
importance to any party then it will de:fmitely try to keep communal harmony and peace
in that particular electoral constituency. To be more explicit we can put Wilkinson's
point, by mentioning that a minority, vote if it is worth enough for a political party to gain

29
him power, then definitely that political party will do everything to ensure communal
harmony.

Advancing ahead from the above argument, the question that can be raised over here is
that when does the party or the state decide to prevent anti-minority riots. Here
Wilkinson gives his idea of 'Party Competition' and, states that ,high level of political
competition combined with strong backward caste movements that regard Muslims as
acceptable and valuable coalition partners puts Muslims in an extremely good position to
53
demand security as the price of their votes.

In support of his above argument, Wilkinson says that, "in Kerela and Tamil Nadu, the
Communists and the DMK were only able to win power by actively wooing Muslim
voters. Similarly, in recent years parties such as Janta Dal in Bihar and Samajwadi party
in Uttar Pradesh have only been able to win power by building coalitions that include
Muslims. Because these parties rely on Muslim votes, they have in tum taken strong
54
action to protect Muslims from communal violence." The above argument of
Wilkinson makes it clear that he falls in the institutional approach category towards
communal violence. For him the state, the political party and the role of the police and
the government in power is vital in relation to the riots. The author clearly states that it is
lust for political power in his term "electoral incentive" that leads to the occurrence of
communal violence in a place mainly organized by the parties, which will benefit from
this kind of violence.

Wilkinson has made a relevant point that as level of party competition goes up the level
of communal violence in the state will come down. He has tried to prove his point by
taking example of Uttar Pradesh, BSP and SP parties and in Bihar the party of Laloo
Prasad Yadav (RJD), Ram Vilas Paswan (LJP), Nitish Kumar (JD-U).So with increase of
number of parties the level of competition increases and all these parties depend on the

53
Ibid.p.203.
54
Ibid.p.203.

30
Muslim votes to win election so naturally the threat of communal violence is lessened in
55
the area.

The above points made by Wilkinson justify his support for institutional Approach. But
his writings fail to recognize the role played by ethnic engagement in relation to riots. A
peace researcher might not be convinced solely by the idea given by Wilkinson about
electoral incentives and violence. To establish harmony in the society is it enough to rely
on the political parties. Is it not important to look for an answer to the peace process
which goes beyond all this? Putting aside the part played by party organization, is it not
worth to search for a peaceful solution. The question of inter community relation and
civic engagement as put forward by Varshney has been ignored in Wilkinson's writing,
I will talk about this in detail in the later part of the chapter where I have discussed Brass
and Varshney debate.

Another exponent of this model is Paul R.Brass.His work on communal violence in India
is an extensive one. He has done a through empirical study of the subject, before giving
his idea on communal riots in India. There are various dimensions covered in his
writings, though it is not easy to summarize his ideas in one chapter, but I will try
presenting his basic argument on the subject, his understanding of riots in India and his
debate with Ashutosh Varshney who is the pioneer ofthe civic engagement theory.

He has said Riot is neither spontaneous, nor it is primarily conflict between Hindu and
Muslim crowds rather it is Institutionalized Riot System. Hindu Muslim riots in India of
the past several decades are misnamed, that they could not have been carried out with
such force in so many places, in many cases for extended periods of time, and
repeatedly, without the complicity of the police and the failure of the political parties in

55
Wilkinson, I Steven,"Weak State and Low Violence? Explaining State Variation on Hindu Muslim
Violence: Paper presented at the August 2001 meeting of the American Political Science Association
(http:// pro. Harvard.edu/papers/012/012007).

31
control of government and administrative and police officers in the districts to prevent
riots or at least to contain them once they had begUn. 56

Before giving any detail, it is essential to understand that Brass is an advocate of

Institutional approach to communal violence. He uses the term "production" while
discussing the nature of Hindu-Muslim riots in India. "Production" as a term has several
meanings like construction, creation or manufacture etc. Brass use of the term
"production of riots" means that riots are formally prepared act ofviolent behavior and it
is not a spontaneous eruption of violence. Brass explicitly explains that riots are not just
sudden eruption of violence rather it is well planned process which is executed at the
time when required.

To gain a holistic understanding of communal violence, it is necessary to understand the

role of the state, political parties and police relating to riots. Brass explains the
occurrence of violence, as planned action executed by some force behind it, for their
basic electoral or political gains.

For Brass the riots are not just simple violent eruptions rather they tend to take form of
'pogroms' which means organized persecution of an ethnic group. He in his study
projects that the Muslim minority groups are generally the soft target in these
institutionalized eruption of violence. The lines below justify this argument where Paul
Brass has said "that what are labeled Hindu Muslim riots have, more often then not, been
turned into pogroms and massacres of Muslims, in which few Hindus are killed. Infact,
in sites of endemic rioting, there exists institutionalized riot system, in which the
organizations of militant Hindu nationalism are deeply implicated. 57

5
~rass,R. Paul, Forms of Collective Violence, Riots, Pogroms and Genocide in Modem India, Three
Essays Collective, 2006, p.4.
57
Brass, R Paul ,The Production of Hindu Muslim Violence in Contemporary India ,Seattle University of
Washington Press,2002 and New Delhi Oxford University Press ,2003.

32
Giving importance to the role of organizers in riots, Brass puts forward the idea that riot
are planned at times , if not always He has used the idea of "endemic" riot occurrence
and in support of his idea he has given the example of Aligarh, where situation of
endemic riots prevailed. The point he wants to make is that there are places where riots
are prevalent and common. To understand this endemic riot situation, Brass identifies
three stages of riot production. He explains riots in three phases which are
preparation/rehearsal, activation/enactment and explanation/ interpretation 58 •

As Brass puts it, in sites where riots are endemic, occurring from time to time, and
tensions between communities do not simply simmer, waiting to explode. On the
contrary, they must be kept alive by focusing on, and distorting, everyday incidents that
involve, in actuality or by inference, an insult or threat from a member or members of
one community directed against a member or members of the other community. But, the
second stage of activation/enactment does not follow automatically: the time must be
ripe, and that time, depends on the political circumstances. Explanation and
interpretation, in the third stage, seek to displace blame, drawing attention away from the
production aspect of riots and placing blame on the mass of the people, the police, and
59
the politicians in general. It seems that Brass, tries to give a proper idea as to how
riots are being organized by certain groups .The three stages of production of violence
that he discusses portrays the point as to how this whole system of massacre is executed
in a well organized step by step method. Stressing on the institutional approach to
understand riots Brass has closely looked into the conditions that lead to outburst of
riots.

58
Brass, R Paul, The Theft of an Idol: Text and Context in the Representation of Collective Violence,
Princeton University Press,l997.

59
Brass, R Paul, Riots, Pogroms, and Genocide in Contemporary India: From Partition to the Present,
(Prepared for the Hiroshima Peace Institute Conference on Comparative Research into Genocide and Mass
Violence, Hiroshima, Japan, March 22-26, ~004),p.6-7.

33
The problem that seems to appear in his work is that he has ignored the role that civic
engagement can play in combating violence. Brass in the above explanation, where he
discusses the second stage of enactment/activation says, "When the time comes for a
riot, the instigators will go and recruit in specific localities and pay people to carry out
acts of violence. When it is time to produce the violence, the signal is given, certain
actions take place, and a riot is produced".~e argument made by Brass here suggest
that a small group of men (Sangh Parivar) reach the people when the time is ripe, and
give the call for breaking violence. But what Brass seems to be missing is the role that
the community members can play in preventing riots. Taking the idea from Varshney
who talks about "civic engagemenf' and its importance in building peace. The point that
I want to make here is that if the inter-community relation is strong, then will not it act as
a bulwark to the spread of rumors and defeat the instigators ofvjolence in their plans.

Further in his work Brass talks about the two special roles, what he calls of the "frre
tender" and the "conversion specialist" The frrst role is occupied by the person or
persons whose task it is constantly to keep intercommunal tensions and animosities alive
and active. It is his job to receive reports of the occurrence in the town or city
neighborhoods and roadsides of various types of incidents such as the elopement of a
Hindu girl with a Muslim boy, which will be immediately characterized as a kidnapping
of the former by the latter; the finding of a dead cow on a street or roadside, which will
be characterized as a poisoning;. When the fire tender receives such reports, he must
then decide whether to act upon it His job is not to create a riot, but to inform others in
the community In short, this role is deliberately tension-producing and tension-enlarging.
Discussing over here the role of the fire tenders Brass suggests that they are mainly those
who spread rumors and instigate the people and create situations that might lead to
outbreak of violence. But what I believe, again after reading Varshney, is that rumors are
such that can be nipped in the bud. If the inter community relation is strong and cordial,
then it might suppress the rumor from spreading in negative manner.

60
An Occasional Publication of ethics and Public Policy Centre:Muslism in Hindu Nationalist in India:A
Conversation with Asghar Ali Engineer and Paul R. Brass,Centre Conversations April 2004, p.6

34
The role of the conversion specialist, Brass says, is most often occupied by a local
politician, who may walk alongside a provocative procession or address a crowd
gathered to demonstrate over any of the types of incidents described above. There are
also specific ways in which crowds are organized and directed that give a hint as to
whether or not intercommunal conflict is desired. Further talking about the 'conversion
specialist' whose role is to pacify or inflame the crowd after the fire tenders have done
their job of spreading rumor. They according to Brass walk along side a procession and
may provoke the crowd in such manner that might lead to opening of riots. But in my
understanding if the inter community ties are able to defeat the fire tenders in achieving
their notorious aim of spreading rumors, then the conversion specialist will not be left
with any role to play. 61

In his explanation of riots in India Brass has put a lot of stress the role a political party
can play. He through his study has found that the right wing parties have remained the
main instigators of violence for the last fifteen years of the Indian political system. He
explains the involvement of politicians with the police where the police acted in a very
hostile manner towards the Muslims. Brass also uses the term "Politics of Curfew",
where he .highlights on the role played by police in institutionalized riot system. The
police use the tool of curfew as means of control, victimization and outright violence
against target rather than as devices to bring peace for the benefit of all. Curfew gives the
license to hunt people and attack communities under target. Even state uses curfew as a
method of punishing a segment of its own population. The riot according to Brass has
varied political significance and involvement.

He like Wilkinson gives an electoral theory to the breaking of riots. In an attempt to

explain the "institutionalized system of riot production"(IRS) that are first created and
then activated during periods of political mobilization or at the time of elections , Brass
focuses on two riots in Meerut that occurred in post independence India and were

61
Ibid.p. 7-8

35
divided by a gap of twenty years . The 1961 riot is posed as a benchmark to contrast with
later communal events of 1982."62

Brass states that there is a clear connection in both cases between timing of the riots and
elections, legislative assembly elections in 1961-1962 and municipal elections in 1982,
and involvement of local politicians in the events that led up to riots. Under the case
study of the Meerut riot Brass highlights various points stating that it leads to
polarization on both sides and consolidation of communal voting. -riots and electoral
politics are closely connected. 63

Hence if we closely analyze as to what Brass is trying to convey is that endemic riots
occur with full information and assistance of the political party in power and the police
system .Brass like Wilkinson, holds the view that politician do help in the instigation of
riots when it is in their electoral interest. He states that riots are the results of the
institutions that do get favorable results from them. Here the author wants to say that
large scale endemic riots takes place mainly for political mobilization and electoral
competition where riots are used as device to win over the support of ethnic, religious or
culturally marked community, by emphasizing the need for solidarity in the face of rival
group. The institutionalized approach strongly makes an argument, that state actors are
wholly responsible for communal violence. The role of the non state actors is wholly
ignored over here. This approach tends to give a lot of stress in searching out the reason
for the outbreak of violence. There is no dialogue being made on the role the community
can play in bringing peace. Moving to the next section we will see what the civic
engagement approach has to say.

62
Brass, R Paul, Development of an Institutiom~lized Riot System in Meerut City, 1961 to 1982, Economic
and Political Weekly, October 30, 2004,p.4839.
63
Ibid.p.Jl-12.

36
CIVIC ENGAGEMENT APPROACH

This section will deal with the other approach to look at riots that is the civic engagement
approach. Here I will start by discussing as to what do we mean by this approach and
later will talk about the main exponents of this approach and its relevance in the
discourse on communal violence. As Clifford Manshardt says that in order to break
down breakdown social segregation and the resulting stereotypes, Muslims and Hindus
should participate in civic improvement organizations devoted to common goals such as
improvements in sanitation and housing .The secret of the success of these organizations
is that they deal with common problems and through dealing with common problem
other problems are made common. Common interests are created where they do not
exist. the friendship gained through these activities are a powerful solvent of matters of
controversy Communal harmony will not come until a man realizes that his own interests
are the interest of his brother. 64

In recent times the some of the scholars have come with the idea of civic engagement
and inter ethnic relations as a tool to fight communalism. It is a latest means developed
that is believed by some, that it can reduce communal bigotry and violence. "The broader
social science case for this was put forward in 1950's by the psychologist Gordon
Allport, who explored the impact that equal status social interaction towards common
goals could have on reducing racial conflict in the USA. The positive effects of inter
ethnic social engagement on Hindu -Muslim relations in India were first highlighted
65
even earlier than this, by the missionary and social worker Clifford Manshardt." The
point they make seem to be germane, if social bonds are tightened than it will not be easy
for the third party to spawn difference so easily.

They suggest that if inter ethnic engagement is tight; it might help in maintaining
communal harmony in the society. If the persons in a community form strong inter
64
Wilkinson, I Steven (2008), p.l 0-11.
65
Ibid.p.lO.

37
community relation then there are chances that they could fight the threat of
communalism together. The idea of civic engagement has been strongly proposed by
Ashutosh Varshney in his work. He uses the term "Institutionalized Peace System". and
says that when organizations such as trade unions, associations of businessmen , traders
,teachers , doctors, lawyers and at least some cadre based political parties(different from
the ones that have an interest in communal polarization) are commonly integrated ,
countervailing forces are created associations that would suffer from a communal split
fight for their turf , making not only their members aware of the dangers of communal
violence , but also the public at large Civic organizations for all practical purposes ,
become the eyes and ears of administration. In the end polarizing politicians either don't
succeed or eventually stop trying to divide communities by provoking and fomenting
communal violence. 66

The idea projected above by Varshney gives a solid base to this approach. He shows his
trust in the role of community members in building peace. If the inter communal ties ,
according to him, are strong then definitely the dividing community on religious, ethnic,
class and caste identity will not be an easy job. Besides relying on the administration and
the state for maintaining harmony in the society, people can depend ·on themselves for
maintaining peace.

Asghar Ali Engineer has also supported the idea of civic engagement for building
communal harmony. He says, it is only proper awareness among people and active role
of civil society actors which can help contain major mishaps. We need aware and vibrant
civil society to contain outbreak of major communal violence. 67 He thus gives
importance to the role of civil society and how they can be effective in dealing with
communal disturbances. At one place Asghar has also stated that openness of mind, a
willingness to interact, to forgive and forget, are the qualities that should be imbibed in
the hearts of the Indians to wipe out the evils of communal violence from the country.

66
Ibid.p.ll.
67
Engineer, Ali Asgbar,Communal Riots 2006 Indian Muslims,2007,p.3.

38
This is all the more important in view of the fact that the effective participation of the
people is needed in reducing the frequency and intensity of communal incidents. 68
Therefore Engineer has also given importance to the role of civic engagement in
combating violence.

The civic engagement approach should not let one think that the role of the institutions
that is the state, police and political party are totally ignored by these advocators. Rather
they do give importance to the role played by the above institutions in relation to
violence, but they try also incorporating the idea of civic engagement which according to
them can help reducing violence. The scholars of institutional approach. we find gave
primary importance to state, police and political parties in relation to riots and the role of
civic engagement in preventing riots is a secondary idea to them At the moment my
focus will move on to writings of Ashutosh Varshney and Asghar Ali Engineer, the two
whom I have largely clubbed in the civic engagement approach.

Though one might wonder as to why I am considering the idea of Asghar Ali Engineer
under this approach. Despite the fact that 'civic engagement' theory is more close to the
writings ofVarshney, but my concern is not only to discuss the importance of the idea of
civic engagement; rather the aim of my thesis is to look for a peaceful solution to the
problem of communal violence. And Engineer has in several of his work discussed the
ways to achieve communal harmony, where he has discussed about inter religious
dialogue, civil society etc. Therefore his suggestion regarding establishment of
communal harmony can be taken into consideration.

The civic engagement approach does try to give a holistic perspective, where it reflects
both on the role of the state organization and non state organization equally in respect of
riots. The state organization as commonly understood , does play a major role in the
breaking of violence but do we ever question ourselves as to what role does the civil

68
Engineer, Ali Asghar ( 2004), p.24.

39
society have to play in respect of riots? Here I would try finding the answer to this
question.

This approach is a move towards giving a peaceful solution to the problem of riot. It
besides criticizing the role of the state bodies and the various institutions also tries to
study the role a community and civil society can play in fighting communalism. I
consider that fixing responsibility, is one thing and finding out a peaceful solution to a
problem is another thing altogether. Through the institutional approach we seem to have
clearly understood the role of state and political parties in relation to riots. This approach
in my view will let one understand the importance of inter community and ethnic
engagement, and the vital role that they can play in fighting communal violence.

No doubt the role of the institutions at any time cannot be relegated when discussing the
topic of communal riots but if some peaceful solution is being presented to solve this
problem ,then I think its essential to understand what it says. In this direction I would
first start by discussing the work of Ashutosh V arshney .Before the work of V arsh:Dey
came into light communal ideologies and the behavior of the state was held responsible
for communal riots.

Without minimizing the role of dangerous ideologies, such as Hindu Muslim

Communalism, can play, or the impact vicious state behavior can have, his work
emphasized the role, civil society organizations especially inter communal organizations,
if extensive, can neutralize the violent implications, of communal ideologies and
irresponsjble state conduct. His argument though did not say that communal ideologies
should not be fought, or that pressure should not be exercised on the state to mind its
way and deliver on its constitutional obligations to protect life and property. Rather it
pointed to another way the problem had been dealt with in many parts of India, and

40
could potentially be dealt m the future through integrated civic networks and
organizations. 69

Varshney's argument in his book "Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life Hindus and Muslims in
India" is called as "Quasi Gandhian" 7~ecause Mahatma Gandhi also emphasized on the
role of non state activity and Congress was turned into a mass base organization, with
communal integration as one of its main purpose. I consider it is not wrong to term
Varshney approach as Quasi Gandhian, because Gandhi in while discussing the question
of harmony, felt that the role of the members of the different community are more
important and they can play crucial role in establishing communal harmony. Gandhi
believed that harmony could be established through inter community and inter -cultural
ties. He stressed on the need for inter community interaction and understanding for
building peace in the society. Similarly Varshney also discusses the importance of inter
community ties for establishing peace.

Further Varshney idea of civic engagement nowhere means that the role of the state and
communal ideologies should not be given importance when dealing with riots. Rather it
means that equal importance be also given to establishing inter ethnic alliance and
integration so that it works as a threat to the challenge of communal violence and Hindu
Muslims non state organizations and associations can be faithfully viewed as possible
vehicle of peace.

Before getting into the details, in brief I will discuss the method adopted by Varshney in
his work. The author raises a question as to why in the same state, like Uttar Pradesh
Aligarh is riot prone but Lucknow is not; or in Gujarat Ahmedabad repeatedly goes up in
communal flames whereas Surat rarely does. The question that Varshney tries to raise

69
Varshney, Ashutosh, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India, Yale University
Press, New Haven, 2002.p.x.
70Ib"d
1 .p.x.

41
here is that as to why the same police and the state government tries to instigate violence
in one place and leaves the other place in the same state as peaceful?

To answer this question with respect to Hindu-Muslim violence in India, Varshney went
through all reported Hindu-Muslim riots in the country between 1950-95. Two results
were crucial. First, the share of villages in communal rioting turned out to be remarkably
small. Between 1950-95, rural India, where two-thirds of Indians still live, accounted for
a mere 3.6 per cent of the deaths in communal violence. Hindu-Muslim violence is
primarily an urban phenomenon. 71

Secondly, as Varshney puts it, within urban India too, Hindu-Muslim riots are highly
locally concentrated. Eight cities-- Ahmedabad, Bombay, Aligarh, Hyderabad, Meerut,
Baroda, Calcutta and Delhi -- account for a hugely disproportionate share of communal
violence in the country: a little over half of all urban deaths (and 49 per cent of all
72
deaths) in Hindu-Muslim violence. As a group, however, these eight cities represent a
mere 18 per cent of India's urban population (and about 5-6 per cent of the country's total
population, both urban and rural). Eighty two per cent of urban population has not been
"riot-prone". In other words, India's Hindu-Muslim violence is city-specific. State (and
national) politics is best seen as providing the context within which the local
mechanisms linked with violence get activated. 73

For Varshney to understand communal violence, we must investigate these local

mechanisms. Following this reasoning, his book selected six cities -- three riot-prone,
and three peaceful --and arranged them in three pairs. Thus, each pair had a city where

71
Varshney, Ashutosh, "Civil Society and Ethno communal Conflict", Working Document Department of
Political Science University of Michigan, This present document has been produced to assist working
sessions at the Ill General Assembly of the Club ofMadrid,p.4-5.

72
lbid.p.5.
73
Ibid.p.5.

42
communal violence is endemic, and a city where it is rare, or entirely absent. 74 To
justify his arguments regarding the role of civic engagement, V arshney has used a
comparative method in his work. He compares the city of Aligarh with Calicut and raises
the question that why Hindus and Muslims are capable of living peacefully in Calicut but
not in Aligarh.In my thesis I will discuss one of his example

V arshney mentions that Aligarh and Calicut almost comprise of the same number of
Muslim population. The former being hub of the North Indian Muslims, latter consists
mostly of the Kerela Muslims.· But the difference in the two cities lies when one
considers the kind of civic engagement that exists. According to V arshney a deep
intercommunal civic engagement marks life in Calicut, the neighborhoods there are
remarkably integrated, and so the city's business and professional life. 75

V arshney presents two arguments in his comparative analysis of the two cities. First,
point he makes is that the civic engagement between Hindus and Muslims marks Calicut,
which makes it hard for politicians to play the politics of religious polarization. Some
have tried, most do not, including politicians who would most benefit from such
polarization. Ashutosh Varshney further raises a question as to why Hindus and Muslims
live peacefully in Calicut but not in Aligarh. He further through an example tries to show
how in Aligarh and Calicut similar provocations have different responses. Between 1984
and 1992, when the Hindu nationalist agitation to destroy the Babri mosque in Ayodhya
led to much unprecedented violence in much of India, the two cities responded very
differently.

His work suggests that if we go into the deeper analysis we will find that the state
government and the police alone do not have capability to produce riots. There is
something else also needed that helps actively in the spread of violence. This something
according to Varshney is the absence of inter community alliance that leads to breaking

74
lbid.p.S.
75
Quoted in Varshney (2002), p.121.

43
of riots or spread of rumor and communal tension easily in city or a town. The
fundamental reason for riot lies elsewhere, it is the environment of a peaceful city that
makes the police and the administration perform its law and order function better,
irrespective of the biases or the level of professionalism. As far as riots are concerned
Varshney says that a communally integrated place is simply better administrated and
policed. 76

The difference with which Varshney deals with the issue of communal violence is a new
one. He in his work is trying to give a peaceful solution to the problem of violence. He
moves our attention away from the role of state and political parties to the role of
community. He tries giving a different solution to the problem of riots where be has dealt
with the role of inter community relation and civic engagement.

While talking about the forms of civic engagement, Varshney discusses associational and
everyday form of engagement. "The associational form of engagement means the
formation of civic organization, political parties, unions, business associations,
professional associations, clubs and festival organization where the Hindu Muslim is
strongly integrated together. This association has the capacity to stand sparks of
communal violence." Here Varshney points out the vital role that various civil society
organization can play in maintaining peace. This idea of Varshney serves the purpose of
peace research and various civic associations can be formed for establishing peace.

The other association according to Varshney is the everyday engagement that needs no
organization or association .It is between the Hindu Muslims neighborhood, daily
informal interaction between the two communities etc. But according to Varshney the
associational engagement is more vital in putting a check on communal tensions from

76
Steven. I Wilkinson, Religious Politics and Communal Violence, Chapter 7, Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic
Conflict and Civil Society ,India and Beyond, Paperback,2008

44
taking shape of riots. n Since century's people have relied on the state, political parties
and leaders to end the menace of communalism, but as history is the witness not much
change has been brought in. Today also riots break out; lives and property are loss at
large scale. The trend has always been to fix responsibility and search the causes for such
violence. But not much effort is made to give some solution to the problem and
Varshney with his idea on civic associations has made a beginning.

Now coming to the role, of the state, in instigating riot. Ashutosh Varshney says that
obviously we cannot ignore the role of the state in terms of riot. But in his work he tries
to give "state plus " argument , meaning that state enters the process as ~ spark .The
ideology, action and behavior of the state might generate spark to which different
societies respond differently depending on the type of inter ethnic engagement and
association they share. The inter ethnic ties of a society helps in extinguishing those
sparks and if the engagement in any way is loose it generates into a wild fire that takes
form of communal violence.

This argument is diagrammatically presented in (Figure 1)78 given below. Varshney

builds upon the metaphor of 'sparks' (small clashes, tensions, rumors) and 'fires' (riots
and pogroms) to make the point about the role of civil society. Intercommunal ties
between Hindus and Muslims, not intracommunal ties among the Hindus or among the
Muslims, were a strong bulwark of communal peace.

77
V arshney ,Ashutosh, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life Hindus and Muslims in India, Oxford University
Press, 2005.
78
Varshney ,Asbutosb,Working Group Ill 'Territorially based ethnic, linguistic, religious threats to the
democratic order" Civil Society and Ethno communal Conflict Working Document, Department of Political
Science, University ofMichigan.p.8

45
Intcr-Communal Sparlcs
Civic Engagement .. Extinguished-

/
No Fires

Sparks

~ Intra-Communal
Civic Engagement .... Cotnmnnal Fires

Figure: 1 State, Civil Society and Ethno-communal Violence.

If towns and cities were organized only along intra-Hindu or intra-Muslim lines, the odds
of riots breaking out, given a spark (tensions, rumors, small clashes), were very high. In
Indian cities, bonding social capital was highly correlated with Hindu-Muslim violence,
but bridging ties could put out sparks very effectively, not allowing them to disrupt the
local equilibrium of peace. The local organs of the state -the police and administration -
simply worked better at riot-prevention in integrated cities. 79

The civic engagement approach relies a lot on the role of the members of different
communities and how well can they integrate themselves to curb violence from
occurring. The work of Varshney relegates too much importance to civic engagement
and I suppose that to bring harmony it is essential to look beyond the state. We as
responsible and peace loving citizens should join hands and try defeating the act of any
notorious person who benefits by spreading such violence. If there will be strongly
integrated community then jt can always help in checking the spread of rumors that
might lead to disturbances. A well incorporated peace process can be established with
the help of strong inter communal ties. The need is to take Varshney's advice seriously

7
" lbid.p.9.

46
and try bringing the peace question rather than just discussing communal violence as a
tragedy.

It would be pertinent to compare the ideas of Brass, Wilkinson and Varshney.In brief I
will mention the idea of the three scholars; Wilkinson's focus is on the importance of
politics at the state level as key to explaining the prevalence of communal riots. Paul
Brass has focused on the importance of "Institutional Riot System" in producing large
scale riots in towns in which they are endemic. And Varshney argues that the state and
national level politics are less important than town level civic organizations and
networks: where a town's CIVIC organization IS interethnic and
associational," ... polarizing politicians either don't succeed or eventually sop trying to
divide communities by provoking and fomenting violence." 80

The idea of Brass and Wilkinson are compatible to an extent, because both are the
exponents of institutional approach and do give importance to the role of electoral
incentives and state capacity in the study of riot. Ashutosh Varshney through his work
has given the idea of "Institutionalized Peace System'', where civic organization become
the ears and arms of administration and prevent rumors from spreading and taking form
of communal killings. He suggests that peace can be institutionalized with the help of
strong inter community and civic engagement. Varshney believes that the institutional
approach is fundamentally inadequate, if not entirely useless. To support his idea be
raised doubt on Wilkinson electoral explanation of violence. He says Wilkinson's
argument is implausible. Why did so many riots take place under Nehru and Indira
Gandhi's Congress party rule, despite their pro-Muslim political ideologies and their
control over state governments, especially ofMrs Gandhi's?

80
Steven, I Wilkinson, Communal Riots in India, Economic and Political Weekly, October 29.2005,
p.4768.

47
But responding to Varshney's work Wilkinson says that the main problem we face in
81
testing whether a social capital or contact hypothesis theory of violence actually works
is that there are few good statistics on " social capital" that tell us about town differences
in social interaction, social distance and presence of town level mohalla committees.
Moreover Wilkinson states that as a methodological issue it is very difficult to separate
out the effects of inter ethnic contact and associational life from the influence of all the
other socio economic and political factors likely to predispose a town to peace or
violence.

Wilkinson finds problem in Varshney's work and says are successful inter ethnic
associations really a cause of peace so much as effect. In absence of complete data on
civic engagement, it is difficult to assess He further says that in at least some of the
successes cited by proponents, the levels of civic engagement seem not, ultimately, to
have been sufficient to prevent tensions and violence. For example some violence has
occurred in Bhiwandi despite inter community engagement. In addition Wilkinson marks
that it is unclear about exactly how much civic engagement is necessary to have
desirable effect in terms of reducing violence. 82

Both Wilkinson and Varshney seem to be making some valid points. When Wilkinson
talks about the state capacity relation in controlling riots, he seems to be giving very ·
common sensual understanding of the subject. No doubt the role of political parties has
always remained vital relation to riots. But solely depending on the state and parties for
controlling riots does not seem to be a good idea. Riots damages the common masses of
both the communities, therefore I feel that something valid should be done by the
members themselves to contain this kind of violence. Wilkinson's idea of electoral

81
Social capital is a social science concept used in business, economics, organizational behavior, political
science, public health and sociology that refers to connections within and between social networks. Robert
Putnam's Bowling Alone According to Robert Putnam, social capital "refers to the collective value of all
'social networks' and the inclinations that arise from these networks to do things for each other". According
to Putnam and his followers, social capital is a key component to building and maintaining democracy.
Putnam says that social capital is declining in the United States. This is seen in lower levels of trust in
government and lower levels of civic participation. e
82
Steven, I Wilkinson, (2008) p.I2.

48
incentive and party competition regarding communal violence, fails to give a long term
answer to the question of peace in communal violence.

When Brass comes up with the idea of "Institutionalized Riot System", where he has
discussed how riots are organized violent action that is executed with the help of
organized group of people with "specific roles played by the following identifiable
persons. scouts and informants who report incidents rumor mongers who magnify them
or manufacture them propagandists who create messages to be conveyed to the press and
the public vernacular journalists who publish these messages in the form of "news,.
poster plasterers recruiters who bring out crowds, often of students from local colleges,
and criminals from the slums to kil1, burn, and loot." 83 Similarly, Varshney has given
the idea of Institutionalized Peace System, and discusses the role the member of different
community can play together in preventing rumors from spreading, effectively monitor
the role of the administration, so that it acts promptly, various peace committees can help
the people in staying harmoniously together and prevent the tension from escalating, thus
helping in preventing riot situation.

V arshney has argued, that Brass idea of Institutionalized Riot System is meant that the
politicians and criminals protected by them, "especially the Hindu nationalists," are
involved in riots and "keep the communal pot boiling." He characterizes Brass idea as
one of "boiling pot theory" where he is giving reasons to fix responsibility on people
responsible for riots.

Now approaching to the question of civic engagement Brass argues that, even where
civic engagement do exist in society , they fail to withstand the power of political
movements and forces that seek to create inter communal violence. The political
mobilization of communal sentiment overpowered whatever civic engagement existed in

83
Ibid.p.7.

49
Meerut as well. So the role of inter ethnic engagement in preventing riots holds little
value in the writings of Paul R Brass.

Moreover Brass disagrees with Varshney's view that these riots arise from mass hatreds.
The latest perpetration of this kind of myth again comes from Ashutosh Varshney, who
has invented a new term for collective violence: "ethnic earthquakes." But these things
are not earthquakes; nor do they start like sparks as used by Ashutosh Varshney. 84Brass
further alleges that V arshney through his theory is trying to free the RSS and the Sangh
Parivar role in riots that according to Brass has remained so active for the last ten to
fifteen years. But what I assume of V arshney idea is that fixing responsibility is another
job, but the actual solution to the problem of communalism is by giving importance to
community relation. It might appear to Brass that Varshney has not focused on the role
played by the Right wing organization of India in relation to riots, who according to
Brass are the main perpetrators of violence.

But it seems to me that Varshney through his work is trying to give an alternative
solution of peace where civil society has a major role to play. It is true that at various
places riots do break out despite the existence of inter community relations and
organizations, but that does not mean that the whole idea of civic engagement is useless.
May be some time is needed , but if its serious implementation is done and people
judiciously take up the burden of forming civic associations to fight the virus of
communalism , then there are chances that communal peace and harmony could be
established with the help of community.

Under civic engagement approach I would now reflect on the work of Asghar Ali
Engineer. To be more precise if we compare the work of Asghar Ali Engineer with
Ashutosh V arshney, they seem to be different in many ways but to some extent have a

84
Fwd: Paul Brass's Response to Asbutosh Varshney, ab2303 at columbia.edu, Thu Dec, 2003 .p.3.

50
common thread to share too. He also deals with the question of communal harmony and
tries giving a peaceful solution to the problem of riot. I would start by discussing
Engineer's view on communal violence.

This author takes up an analytical approach to the Hindu Muslim conflict in India. His
work is said to be analytical because he focuses on both the micro and macro level
factor, while discussing the issue of communal riot in India. Whereas macro level factors
are mostly ideologically oriented, the micro level factors tend to be local issue oriented. 85

At the macro level Engineer basically discusses the role played by economic and
political factors in respect of riots. He believes that uneven economic development and
cut throat competition are used largely as reason to create one group hostile against the
other. He says that political parties for trivial electoral gains might play a negative role in
spreading communal tension and violence. Here under the role of political parties Asghar
has not only blamed communal parties but also raised doubt on the role of the secular
parties, as they too at times are responsible in spreading communal vibes just for some
electoral gains. 86

Now coming over to the micro issue, Asghar states that micro level factors and local
issues help spreading violence in particular towns. Under this Asghar discusses a number
of issues that might spread violence. Some objectionable speeches, objectionable
writings, disturbances in religious procession\functions, eve teasing, clashing of times of
prayer of different communities, competition between rural traders or small
manufacturers of the two communities, competition between two gangs of hoodlums
dealing either in smuggling, illicit arms etc.

85
Engineer, Asghar Ali, Communal Riots After Independence: A Comprehensive Account, Shipra,
Mumbai, 2004
86
Engineer, Ali Asghar (1989), p.l 1.

51
After analyzing the micro macro level factors of Asghar, one might wonder why I have
clubbed him under civic engagement approach. No doubt Asghar in his writings
criticizes the role of parties, state and police in playing with the cards of communalism.
But what I found that in his work he in bits and pieces has given a peaceful solution to
this horrific violence.

At one place in his work Engineer has given the idea of social attitudes, prejudices and
stereotypes. Under this broad topic he talks about the behavior of a community and says
that "each community in our complex society entertains certain beliefs and attitudes
87
towards the other." This, attitude is important in shaping the behavior of one
community against the other. The behavior of a community is an important aspect as it
can lead to the outbreak of violent and communal eruptions. Here the point that Engineer
wants to make is that a harmonious relation between the community member, where they
hold a positive attitude towards each other helps in maintaining peace.

He talks of "societal bonds" and gives importance to high degree of social integration,
shared values, necessary economic exchanges and societal structures which are patterns
of relationship among social groups, societal processes, which are the mechanisms
through which the bonds and structures are maintained and changed. The point that
Engineer tries to bring over here is that, community bonds and inter relation can act
effectively in combating communalism. If the people are united they can put the divisive
force on the defensive.

Societal processes according to Engineer must act in responsive ways to maintain

harmony among people .He suggests further that religious and secular leaders from
theses communities should come together and form solidarity committees to fight
communalism. For this it is necessary to do honest and rigorous criticism of what is bad
in one's community and acknowledge with generosity what is good in others

87
Ibid.p.27.

52
88
community. Such an approach according to Asghar can built bridges of understanding
and mutual confidence.

The author also stresses on the need for secular education and also puts emphasis on role
of healthy inter communal relation, by understanding and respecting each others religion,
friendly amalgamation of culture, removal of socio economic backwardness with proper
inter communal integration will defmitely help in the lessening of communal threat and
will help in establishing communal harmony in the society.

The author also tries to present an idea of Sufism to the question of communal harmony.
He gives importance to the idea of inter- religious dialogue in combating the nuisance of
communalism. According to Engineer there is a need to adopt a more tolerant and liberal
attitude by both the communities, if they want to establish communal peace. "It is only
proper awareness among people and active role of civil society actors which can help
contain major mishaps. We need aware and vibrant civil society to contain outbreak of
major communal violence." 89

Therefore we see that Asghar Ali Engineer's work combined with Varshney's does give
a lot of new suggestion as to how to establish peace in society. Though they do hold the
state responsible for spreading violence but the most important development in their
writing is the suggestion for establishing inter ethnic harmony through inter communal
interaction and civic association. The civic engagement approach besides blaming the
role of the state actors, tries to present a peaceful solution to communal violence.

88
Ibid.p.81.
89
Engineer ,Asghar Ali, Connnuna] Riots 2006, ,Indian Muslims, 2007

53
BHAGALPUR RIOT 1989: APPROACHES

In last part of my chapter I would briefly analyze the academic discourses on the
Bhagalpur riot of 1989. Here I will be reflecting on few articles on specific Bhagalpur
riot that were published in various books and journals. My aim here is to fmd out,
whether these articles discuss the question of peace and civic engagement or are they
solely guided by the idea offixing responsibility.

While analyzing there writings on Bhagalpur riot what I found was that they were
basically focusing on similar aspect of the violence. Their paper started with what, how,
when, where of the problem. Here I mean to say that in all these writings mainly the
incidents were described, with more emphasis on cause of the outbreak of violence and
later who was to be held responsible in the whole episode.

To start with I will first discuss the chapter written on this ript by Jitendra Narayan. The
chapter opens up by discussing the cause ofthe·riot. The writer starts of by claiming that
the religious procession took out on October 24, 1989 sparked communal riot in the city.
The next section of the chapter takes up the question of how the riot started and spread.
Here Narayan has mentioned reasons for the outbreak of riot.

" ... the trouble began on the morning of October 24(1989)in Nathnagar, a small
town on the outskirts of Bhagalpur which has a large population of Muslim
julahas . A procession of Hindu carrying Ramshilla Pujan bricks started from
Nathnagar for Bhagalpur in the moming ..... The procession shouting anti Muslim
slogans , escorted by a set of policemen and swelling its rank on the way ... The
day before they had detailed discussions with Muslim leaders who had assured
them that procession would be allowed to pass peacefully. The Muslims only
condition was there be no slogan shouting ... Suddenly we saw that the Muslims
were not allowing the procession to go through ... Near the Muslim school ,
bombs started raining on the procession .... .In no time entire city closed down

54
and Muslims stared fleeing the area. By evening Hindu Muslims crowd started
attacking each other ... "
90
(Jitendra Narayan)

Further Narayan tries to investigate the role of police and the political parties. The role of
political parties and the police have remained central in the investigation of riot. He also
gives an analysis of the part played by them during the outbreak of violence. Different
political groups are playing the blame game and holding each other responsible for the
outbreak of riot.

" .... Bhagalpur riot proved disastrous for the Congress (1), for it lost its long
maintained grip on the Muslims and consequently suffered heavy losses in the
Lok Sabha elections held in 1989 eventually failing to form government in the
centre. . ... The political parties were successful in taking advantages of the
situation arising out of the riot in their own way ...... "
(Jitendra Narayan) 91

The above details, deals with the way administration acted to control the riots. Narayan
talks in detail how the administration and the police proved to be a great failure in
bringing situation under controL The incapacity of the government has been dealt with.
The administration is criticized on two grounds first it was not able to assure peaceful
passage of the Ramshilla procession from Muslim locality that led to the eruption and
after the riot broke out, the administration and police proved to be a total failure in
controJling it. Police is accused of having nexus with the criminals, who have sided with
the criminals.

~arayan, Jitendra, Communal Riots In India: A Case Study of the Indian States, Ashish Publishing
House, 1992,p.156.
91
Narayan, Jitendra, Communal Riots In India: A Case Study of the Indian States, Ashish Publishing
House, 1992,p.l56.

55
" ...... Some SP's in Patna pointed out that the apathy ofthe state government had
contributed to growing communalism in the state that eventually led to the riots at
Bhagalpur .....a number of communal cases had lapsed because the police had
never filed charge sheets ...... "
92
(Jitendra Narayan)

In the last section Narayan sums up by saying that "the riot was engineered and escalated
by criminals and communal elements, the role of different political parties and
organizations added fuel to fire. Almost all political parties and their organizations tried
to exploit the situation keeping in view the elections at hand." 93

Narayan in his writing on Bhagalpur has basically failed to reflect on the inter
community relation and did not suggest anything on the civil society role. What was the
condition of inter communal engagement and whether any suggestion for peace building
measures is not given in his writing. Besides blaming the administration what role
community can play in avoiding occurrence of violence, goes missing.

Moving now to the article of N.L.Gupta, we find that he starts by giving a data on the
causalities, loss of property and injuries caused in the wake of this riot. He has given the
details of the damage done due to the riot.

"The Ramjanambhoomi Babri Masjid controversy took a heavy toll of human life.
More than 800 persons died in the rural areas numbering 200 were affected by
riots, 3932 houses were burnt to ashes and 891 shops were looted or gutted. 876
Muslim and 50 Hindus were killed , I 06 persons were missing II 00 Hindus and
900 Muslims were arrested.37 mosques, 7 madarsas and 8 tombs were destroyed
Huge mobs attacked villages even in remote areas. Communal aggressiveness in
the villages was not only a fall out of the events in the bigger city but had spread
quiet widely in villages even before violence rocked the main city and
Bhagalpur."
(N.L.Gupta) 94

92
Ibid.p.l76.
93
Ibid.p.l80.
94
Gupta, N L, Communal Riots, Gyan Books, 2000,p.91.

56
N.L.Gupta has criticized the role of the police in connection to the Bhagalpur riot, he
suggests that the police has acted in an irresponsible manner. They did nothing to bring
the situation under control instead, the police aligned with rioters and led to the
worsening of situation.

"The Ramshila Puja procession passed through the Tatarpur area because it was
not a religious festival procession but a political procession .The processionist
shouted provocative slogans:Hindi Hindu Hindustan, Muslim Jao Kabristan , Jai
maakali, Karo Tatarpur Khali, Babar ki Santano Hindustan Chodo etc.Even Bihar
military police and some other policemen joined slogan shouting ...."and made
provocative slogans which led to the flaring of riots in the town. Even the
policemen joined in the slogan shouting".
(NLGupta) 95 .

No suggestion is at all given relating to peace question. The writer fulfills the role of a
fact finding body, where the incident is reported and data is provided giving an idea of
the damage caused due the violence and responsibility is fixed on the role of the police
mainly in N.L.Gupta writings where he alleged that whole thing happened in the
presence of the police and such large scale massacre is not possible without police
connivance.

Looking into the writing of Indu Bharti, 96 we find that she also has tried to focus on the
reasons for the break up of violence. She writes that" what happened on the morning of
October 24 was, entirely different , as the Ram shila procession entered Tatarpur ,
provocative slogans denouncing Muslims, their religion and their 'suspect patriotism-

95
1bid.p.92.
%Bharti, lndu, BhagaJpur Riots and the Bihar Government, Economic and Political
Weekly, Vol. 24, No. 48, p.2643.

57
such as Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan , Mullah Bhago Pakistan ( India is for Hindi speaking
Hindus , Muslims must go to Pakistan} were renting the air. It was at this point that a
bomb was hurled at the procession by some miscreants and this set off the violence.

Another bomb was hurled at the heavily armed police party and it went on a rampage,
killing four in the indiscriminate firing, and looting and burning Muslim localities in the
area. At places entire families of the minority communities were roasted alive in their
houses which were set ablaze in the dead of the night.Nathnagar, Champanagar,
Nayabazar, Sahebganj, Parbatti, Ishaqchak, Jogsar, Karia, Rehmanpur and Mansurganj
localities have been devastated beyond recognition. The death toll in Bhagalpur and
surrounding areas as per official figures has crossed 259.

Further throwing light on the role of the Government Indu Bharti writes that the any
preventive action on the part of the State Government was totally lacking So casual had
been the role of the state government that even after more than 60 persons had been
killed it continued to maintain that there was no communal tension in the state. Moreover
when violence erupted the police force encouraged it and even participated in it."

In another article By Bharat Dogra also talks bout the Bhagalpur riot and he starts by
discussing as to how the riots in Bhagalpur had spread to villages also and in the next
section he started talking about the causes for the spread of violence. 97The article points
out to the failure of police in controlling the situation. It. also criticizes the role of media
for the playing irresponsible act. The point that again comes out over here is that the
academic discourses are merely dealing with role of the state actor and inter-community
question remain missing. Also Asghar Ali in most of his articles on Bhagalpur riot talks
98
about the causes for the outbreak of riot or gives detail on the loss oflife and property.

97
Dogra: Bharat, Bhagalpur: Communal Violence Spreads to Villages: Economic and Political Weekly,
Vol. 25, No.3, Jan. 20, 1990, p.l45.
98
Engineer, Ali Asghar ,Lifting the Veil; Communal Violence and Communal Hannony in
Contemporary India, Sangam Books, India Limited,l995,p.l71.

58
Fixing responsibility and searching for culprits is the obvious job done by the various
academicians while writing on riots. So on Bhagalpur also these writers mainly looked
for the immediate cause, causality and the role of the state and government in relation to
the aftermath of riot. But in between all this, they miss the point regarding role of inter
ethnic engagement and civic association and what was the effect on it before and after
the outbreak of violence.

CONCLUSION

Thus through this chapter, I have tried to look into the various approaches of communal
violence and what issues hold importance for the academic writers when they deal with
the question of communal violence. Somewhere I think they miss on the point of inter
communal alliance and role of the non governmental organizations in relation to riots,
which also plays a vital role in establishing communal peace. No doubt the writings of
Varshney has given due importance in suggesting on the importance of the idea of non
institutional organization in establishing peace other writings hardly give importance to
this aspect.

Communal violence is looked into as a hitch and most of the time the causes responsible
for its occasion are discussed. The institutions are blamed, the parties and police body is
criticized but what is not taken care of is the question for the establishment of peace. The
role of civil society and peace committees are not given much validity. The major
concern of discussion revolves round the state and its organization.

59
The institutional approach seems to be more dominant and prevalent than the civic
engagement approach. Dialogues on communal violence in the academic writings
largely focus on the role of the state actor and the role of the non state actor is not taken
care of. The question of peace seems to remain missing. The academic talks are more
engaged in looking for the reason of the problem. Not much suggestion is given on how
to peacefully deal with the communal threat.

It appears to me that the question of establishing peace is essential and should be

seriously dealt with. Rather than just looking into the factors leading to riots, one should
try finding out peaceful solution to the problem. The inter community and civic
engagement question if handled with sincerity, then there is possibility, that it might
handle the problem in a much better and effective way. Now in my next chapter I would
analyze the various Commission Reports on the Bhagalpur riot and see how they deal
with the question of peace and civic engagement.

60
Chapter Two

THE COMMISSION REPORTS: AN ANALYSIS

The aim of this chapter is to study the Commission Inquiry Reports and look into the
way they deal with the question of peace in their writings. What are the points that the
commission stresses upon while making an inquiry? Does the report only deal with
fixing responsibility and making an institutionalized survey of the riots or do they go
beyond this in their research? Is the role of state, police and the government the basic
area of study in relation to the occurrence of riots or do they explore something else? In
the earlier chapter, we discussed that in the institutional approach, academic writings
somewhere ignore the question of peace. While the state, political parties and the
administration is their area of interest, the question of peace and the civic engagement
approach remains missing.

In this chapter, by making a detailed study of the various commission reports, I will try
to look into the role they play while discussing riots. My work will deal with the purpose
with which inquiry commissions are set up: Are they like an institutionalized
government set up to give a formal report on the mishappening or do they fulfill some
larger goal? Does the report sufficiently throw light on the role of community relations
existing in a riot-prone society? Do they deal with the immediate causes of the riot or
give a more holistic approach covering the inter-ethnic ties between two communities?
Do commissions of inquiry (COl) appointed by the government to examine issues
ranging from communal riots, scandals and assassinations to inter-state disputes actually
serve any purpose?

Since Independence, India has faced the challenge of containing communal violence in
the society. As already mentioned in the introductory part of my thesis, India witnessed a

61
series of riots after Independence. As a result of the riots, there is a huge loss of life and
property. Under the Commission of Inquiry Act 1952, commissions can be formed and
their purpose is to meet the public demand for impartial and judicial inquires. The
victims are left with no option but to wait for the commission to submit their report so
that justice is met. It is quite natural that a wounded community will pin immense hopes
on the COis to get justice. The 1952 Act says that one of the basic roles of these
commissions is to restore public confidence99•

But the long history of these commissions suggests that they have failed to achieve their
purpose. Over 40 commissions of inquiry that have been appointed to study major
communal riots in the country since Independence and none of the recommendations
have been implemented 100 To name a few are the Justice Jagmohan Reddy COl that
probed the Ahmedabad riots in 1969, the Justice Venugopal COl that investigated the
Kanyakumari riots 1982, the Justice Joseph Vithayathal COl on the Tellicherry
disturbances in 1971 and the Justice Madon COl formed to inquire into the communal
disturbances at Bhiwandi, Jalgaon and Mahad in May, 1970. Almost every commission
that probed these riots, including the Bhagalpur riots of 1989 that left 1,000 dead and the
1961-Jabalpur riots recommended various measures to prevent communal violence,
decommunalise the police, punish the guilty and ensure justice.

It is needless to mention here about what happened to these reports and how much
money is spent on such exercises. Many persons, against whom charges were leveled,
are dead and no prominent leader has ever been punished so far. Such are the frustrating
results of these commissions and committees that jurists and lawmakers critical of them
firmly believe that they are at best a diversionary tactics to hoodwink people as they take
an inordinately long time to deliver reports and their recommendations, when submitted,
are seldom implemented.

99o.Souza,Dilip, Laughing All The Way to the Inquiry., PUCL Bulletin, July, 2000
100
Krishnan, Murali, Do Commissions of Inquiry Serve Any Purpose,Opinion.,January 7, 2007

62
As far as the time and money involved is concerned, looking at the expenses of just a
few of these commissions is enough to understand the quantum of impact - both in terms
of the amount and time spent. The one that tops the chart is the Liberhan Commission.
Set up under retired Justice M S Liberhan on December 16, 1992, to probe into the Babri
mosque demolition, the commission has so far been given more than 41 extensions.
Overall, the government has already spent Rupees ninety million on this single-man
inquiry commission, which is yet to come out with its report. The above mentioned fact
reflects the sad plight of these commissions.

In my first section of Chapter, I will reflect on the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952.
Then, I will make a detailed study of the Bhagalpur. Riot Inquiry Commission Reports
that came out in 1995, and the last section of the chapter will talk about the Interim
Report of the N.N. Singh Commission and the Muslim United Front Survey Report that
came out in the year 2006. Through an examination of these reports, I will try finding
answers to my above mentioned queries.

THE COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY ACT, 1952

In this section, I will discuss the Commission of Inquiry Act, 1952 and will try to give a
critique of it. This is an Act to provide for the appointment of Commissions of Inquiry
and for vesting such commissions with certain powers. Before the enactment of
Commissions of Inquiry Act, 1952, the government ordered public inquiry either by
executive notice under the Public Service Inquiries Act, 1850 or by making an ad hoc
legislation. To meet the growing need for the ever-increasing demand for public
inquiries by an independent and impartial authority, the procedure adopted by the
government was found to be cumbersome and inadequate. Hence, a need for a suitable
legislation was felt, resulting in the Commissions of Inquiry Bill, 1952 in the Parliament.
The Commissions of Inquiry Bill, 1952 was passed by both the Houses of Parliament

63
and after getting assent from the President of India, became the Commissions of Inquiry
Act, 1952. 101

Commissions of inquiry can be instituted either by the central or state government to

inquire into any definite matter of public importance. Such commissions are meant to
conduct an impartial inquiry particularly when the normal investigational agencies are
accused of cominunal biases. As such commissions are routinely appointed after
communal riots, this points out to the routine collapse or even active collusion of the
administration and police during riots. The act addresses precisely such systemic
failures. While the government has the discretionary power to appoint a commission, it
must necessarily appoint such a commission when the legislature passes a resolution. 102

The provision in the Act reads where the appropriate Government is of opinion that
having regard to the nature of the inquiry to be made and other circumstances of the
case, the appropriate government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, direct that
all or such of the said provisions as may be specified in the notification shall apply to
that commission and on the issue of such a notification, the said provisions shall apply
accordingly. 103 Moreover, the Act states that the power to form or appoint members in
the commission are totally in the hands of the government, thus the government enjoys
sufficient control over these COIs. The judicial commissions and commissions of inquiry
have been appointed to look into a wide variety of issues ranging from communal riots to
assassinations and disputes involving states. However, the sources in the legal sections
said they had hardly achieved anything and also feel that commissions of inquiry are
appointed to avert people's attention from the issue.

101
The Commissions Of Inquiry
Act, 1952,www .indiamailways.gov.in/RPF/files/law/bareacts/inquiryact.doc

102
Recalling Bhagalpur: Aftermath of 1989 Riots, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 31, No. 18 May 4,
1996,pp. 1055
103
The Commissions Of Inquiry Act, 1952, www.indianrailways.gov.in
IRPF/files/lawlbareacts/inquiryact.doc

64
Further, the Act reads that any proceeding before the Commission shall be deemed to be
a judicial proceeding within the meaning of Sections 193 and 228 of the Indian Penal
Code. The argument that the criminal justice proceedings cannot be initiated till the
commission of inquiry finishes its task is completely fallacious. A commission of inquiry
is not a substitute to the functioning of the criminal justice system. For it is within the
I

ambit of the Indian Penal Code and the Criminal Procedure Code that the criminals are
prosecuted and justice is meted out in the courts. Thus, the commission is an aid and a
corrective to the functioning of this normal system of criminal justice. For, it may, after
recording the facts constituting the offence and the statement of the accused... forward
the case to a magistrate having jurisdiction to try the same and the evidence gathered by
a commission can be sufficient to enable the government to proceed against those
104
indicted both administratively and under the criminal law of the country.

Moreover, the Act says that the commission shall be deemed to be a civil court and when
any offence as is described in Section 175, Section 178, Section 179, Section 180 or
Section 228 of the Indian Penal Code (45 of 1860) is committed in the view or presence
of the commission, the commission may, after recording the facts constituting the
offence and the statement of the accused as provided for in the Code of Criminal
Procedure, 1898 (5 of 1898) forward the case to a magistrate having jurisdiction to try
the same and the magistrate to whom any such case is forwarded shall proceed to hear
the complaint against the accused as if the case had been forwarded to him under Section
482 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898. 105 The very first section about the Inquiry
Commission Act gives commissions "the power of a Civil Court", in various respects.
But if we actually study the powers of the commission closely, we will find that a
commission is only fictionally a civil court there is no accuser and no specific charges
for trial and the government is not required to pronounce on the findings of the

104
Recalling Bhagalpur. Aftermath of 1989 Riots Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 31, No. 18
(May 4, 1996), pp. l 055
105
The Commissions Oflnquiry Act, 1952,
www.indianrailways.gov.in/RPF/files/law/bareacts/inquiryact.doc

65
co1llinission. The commission does not enjoy the status of an adjudicating body and its
inquiry is neither judicial nor quasi-judicial in nature. It is a civil court by fiction of law~
for only limited purpose enumerated under the relevant provision of this section.

This idea is also supported by Dilip D'Souza who says that the major drawback of the
Act is that it gives the commissions only the power to make recommendations to the
government whereas, it is in the hands of the government to either implement it or not
The inquiry commission cannot prescribe punishment, though they can recommend it
and the government can ignore their fmdings. So what purpose does an inquiry serve
anyway? The Act tells us that it is supposed to restore "public confidence." 106

Two years ago, the former chief justice of India R.C. Lahoti, expressed reservations
about the importance of COis, calling them the shortcomings of the Commission of
Inquiry Act, which should be corrected by an amendment. "Personally, I feel that no
judge should accept the responsibility of heading commissions of inquiry unless it is
guaranteed that their recommendations and fmdings will be implemented," he remarked.
Lahoti said the appointment of COIs was a diplomatic way of diverting attention of the
people and termed it a "waste of time" and in his reckoning the only way to make
commissions more effective was to amend the law to make it binding on the government
to implement their recommendations.

It seems that the maJor drawback of an inquiry commission IS that it is a

recommendation making body. In addition, it is voluntary on part of the government to
either accept or reject the reports and thus, the government seems to have full control
over these commissions. The Commission of Inquiry Act, 1952, is framed in such a way
that it makes the various commissions a puppet in the hands of the state authority. Their
reports are rarely used to rectify the mistakes; their recommendations are hardly
implemented. In fact, in the Parliament where reports of inquiry commission are tabled

106
Dilip D.Souza Laughing All The Way To The Inquiry, ,PUCL Bulletin, July, 2000

66
along with Action Task Reports should also recommend action and ensure its
implementation. At the end of the day, the government is not serious at all and reports of
such commissions merely gather dust. 107

Section 4 of the Act provides for powers and it is clear that the commission has no power
to compel a person to adduce before it and give evidence. It cannot pass verdicts or
judgments which could be enforceable. The helplessness is such that even if an offence
has been committed in view of or in presence of the commission, it needs to forward the
case to the magistrate for trial as provided in Criminal Procedure Code.

The power that are assigned to the COl under the reference of Commissions of Inquiry
Act 1952, seem to empower it a legal command, like the one which says that any
proceeding before the commission shall be deemed to be a judicial proceeding, but the
major drawback of the Act is that it provides the commission recommendation making
power thus reducing the influence of the commission.

REPORTS OF THE BHAGALPUR RIOTS INQUIRY COMMISSION

Communal dashes and riots had been going on for some time in the country but one of
the worst Hindu-Muslim riots started on October 24, 1989 in Bhagalpur and continued
intermittently up to December, 1989. They again broke out in March 1990, which also
claimed some lives. Bhagalpur was prone to communal disturbances and had witnessed
communal clashes in 1924, 1936, 146 and 1967 but all the previous dashes were
practically confined to Bhagalpur town and had continued for very short period. They
pale into insignificance before the present communal disturbances in brutalities, extent,
duration and magnitude.

107
The Hindu, July 1, 2009

67
The present communal disturbance surpassed all the previous disturbances. This riot took
hundreds of lives while a large number of people also received bodily injuries of serious
nature. Thousands of houses including shops were burnt and demolished, affecting
nearly 50,000 people. The riots spread in about 250 villages lying in 15 Blocks out of 21
Blocks of the District.

The Bihar government in the aftermath of the Bhagalpur massacre decided to appoint a
Commission of Inquiry for the purpose of making an inquiry into the defmite matter of
public importance to wit, the communal disturbances that have occurred in and around
Bhagalpur since October 24th, 1989. In exercise of the power conferred by Section 3 of
the Commission of Inquiry Act, 1952 the Governor of Bihar hereby appoints a single
member Commission of Inquiry, appointing Shri. R Prasad, a retired justice of the Patna
High Court as its sole member. 108

Before dealing with other issues, it is necessary to mention, in brief, the constitution and
reconstitution of the Commission which has had a chequered career. By notification the
state government reconstituted the single member Commission of Inquiry into a three-.
member Commission of Inquiry by adding two more members Sri S. Patanker, lAS
(retired) and Sri SQ Rizvi IPS (retired). The life of the commission was extended up to
October 31, 1991. It was also made clear that the reconstituted commission would
proceed from the stage of inquiry already part of the proceeding. So, Sri S Patankar and
109
Sri S Q Rizvi joined as members on October 4 and October 6, 1991.

But soon the validity of the reconstitution of the Commission of Inquiry was challenged
by Ramshilla Pujan Samiti and Shri Ram Mahayagya Samiti in the Honorable Patna
High Court. The said petition for special leave was fmally disposed of by an order dated

108
Report ofBhagalpur Riot Inquiry Commission 1989 ,( Honorable Chairman's Report)
109
Ibid.p.2.

68
September 20, 1993 with a direction to the state ofBihar to appoint two retired judges as
members of the commission with Mr. R N Prasad as chairman within two weeks from
September 20, 1993.

Thus, the Commission of Inquiry was reconstituted by appointing Justice R C P Sinha

and Justice Shamsul Hasan, retired judges of the Patna High Court as members in place
of Mr. S Patanker and Shri S Q Rizvi, retaining Honorable Justice R N Prasad as
chairman of the commission. The time hereby was also extended up to December 1993.
It was also clarified that the newly constituted Commission of Inquiry would work from
the stage of inquiry already progressed and other documents would deem to be a part of
.the proceeding before the reconstituted commission.

The period of the Commission oflnquiry was extended from time to time and the present
extended period of the Commission expires on February 15, 1995. On the basis of the
above Commission, two reports came on the Bhagalpur riot of 1989, namely:

a) Report of Bhagalpur Riot Inquiry Commission, 1989 (Honorable Members

Report)

b) Report of the Bhagalpur Riot Inquiry Commission 1989 (Honorable Chairman's

Report)

SCOPE OR PURPOSE OF INQUIRY

According to the terms of reference mentioned in the notification containing the

commission of inquiry, the purpose of the commission is to find out the following things:

-To inquire into the facts and circumstances leading to communal disturbances;

69
- To inquire whether these disturbances were pre-planned and, if so the elements
responsible for the same;

-To inquire whether the measures taken by the district administration to prevent and deal
with the said disturbances were timely and adequate and to fix responsibility for lapses;

- To recommend measures for preventing the recurrence of such disturbances;

- To consider such other matter relating to these communal disturbances and make
110
recommendations as the Commission may think proper and necessary.

As the terms of reference mentioned in the notification constituting the Commission of

Inquiry, the Bhagalpur Riot Commission is to go into the question of causes of the
communal disturbances in the district of Bhagalpur and adjacent areas which broke out
on October 24, 1989. It also decided to inquire whether the disturbances were pre- ·
planned and the elements responsible for them. The first two terms of references reflect
the nature of inquiry that is expected to be done by the commission.

Looking into the facts and circumstances leading to the riot, suggests that the role of the
commission is mainly to find out causes for the outbreak of violence. Its purpose it
seems is to figure out the reasons for the outbreak of violence give a detail report on that
basis to the government. This clause in a way limits the scope of the inquiry commission,
it will try fmding out the reasons and causes for the outbreak of riots and there is a
possibility that in doing so they might not take into consideration the possibility of the
peace process.

The third purpose fixed for the inquiry commission empowers it, with the task of looking
into the role played by the administration and the government bodies in their failure to
maintain law and order situation. A thorough inquiry is estimated to be made that will

110
Ibid.p.l.

70
scrutinize the part played by the administration in bringing the situation under control
and fix responsibility for lapses in this regard.

The term of reference clearly mentions that the task of the commission is to fix
responsibility and investigate the part played by the police, administration in this regard.
They fail to include another term of reference that might look into the role played by the
civil society and various peace committees in relation to the riots. They do not to inquire
whether they had any role to play in relation to riots. Do they help in maintaining peace
and harmony at the time when riots break out? The commissions do not inquire about the
situation of inter ethnic engagement and inter community relations at the time of
breaking of the violence.

One might wonder, as to how, the issue of civic engagement can be of any relevance to
the commission, in their inquiry of communal riot. What purpose will be served if one
deals with the question of inter-community relations while making an inquiry report on
the incident? But a person who is dealing with the question of peace may find this aspect
relevant. The riots as we know not only lead to loss of life and property but cause serious
damage to the social fabric of the community. Therefore, solely inquiring about the role
played by the police and administration will not be sufficient enough for the
understanding of communal violence.

To my understanding, it appears that the role of inquiry committees should be broadened

where the scope of inquiry includes the question of peace. No doubt fixing responsibility
and bringing the culprits to book is also essential but it seems to me that due space
should also be given to the question of peace in the whole process of commission
mqurry.

71
WORKING OF THE COMMITTEE

Before discussing the details of the report, I would first reflect on the method adopted by
the commissions for their inquiry of the case. The commission, being· a fact fmding body
follows a very formal procedure to know the facts relating to the incident and then forms
a report on that basis. It tries to access everybody personally involved or otherwise
related or affected by the riot. It also takes a lot of help from various institutions like
newspaper offices, police personnel, party members and non governmental
organizations, among others with a view to collect as many facts as possible from the
various sources and then try to establish the report on its basis.

The report says that public notices were issued through several newspapers calling upon
individuals, group of persons, associations, institutions and organizations having
knowledge directly or indirectly of the facts and circumstances relating to the communal
disturbances that have occurred in and around Bhagalpur from October 24, 1989 and
thereafter and having interest in the proceeding before the commission to submit their
written statements on affidavit, relating to the terms of reference before commission,
personally or through registered post. This notice was published in English, Hindi and
Urdu newspapers. On publication of notice of the constitution of the commission of
inquiry in several newspapers, calling for filing statement of facts regarding the
disturbances at Bhagalpur and its surrounding areas, a large number of written statement
i.e. 481 in number were received by the commission by May 21, 1990. 111

Now, if we carefully analyze the list of witnesses we will find that most of them belong
to either some part or organization and the government itself, so there is a lack of
independent witnesses and although independent witnesses are also present, their number
is comparatively less. Consequently, there are chances that the various witnesses might
give a biased statement depending upon the contending party to which they belong.

111
Report ofBhagalpur Riot Inquiry Commission 1989, (Honorable Members Report), Secretariat Press,
Bihar, Patna, 1995; p.4.

72
Therefore the authenticity of their statement can be questioned and cannot be easily
relied upon.

Besides, if we look into the different statements made by the witnesses, we find that the
question being asked to them is such which will try to locate the role of police,
government body and other people in relation to the riot. The Inquiry Commission
merely tries to fix responsibility and in its attempt to locate the real culprit behind the
massacre, it misses on the question of peace. It does not ask the witness any peace
related question, which means that these commissions do not question the witness if he
or she helped any person of the other community when the violence was on. Some of the
statements made by the witness I would mention here:

Amarkant Jha witness no. 1 ( Bhagwat Prasad Bhagat)

["24-1 0-1989 ko jo Ramshila juloos nikla tha usme mai bhi sammilit tha. Is juloos. mein
adhiktar budhe bachche tatha mahilayaen thin aur kuch hi naujawn the. Juloos wale
bhajan karte huye ja rahe the.vo log musalmano ke virudh koyee nara nahi laga rahe
th e. "]112.

In this statement Bhagwat Prasad Bhagat says that the Ramshilla procession that was
taken out on 24th October 1989, was accompanied by him also. The procession
constituted mostly of old people, children and women and there were very few youths in
it. The processionists were reciting prayer while passing and there was no slogan
shouting being made against the Muslims.

CPI witness no. 15( Kapildev Mandai)

· [Para 1:"24-1 0-1989 ko Manaskamna mein jo julus nikla tha use dekhne ke liye humlog
kuch vidyarthi T .N .B College ke gate ke paas chale gaye the, Julus wale nara laga rahe

1121bid.p.46

73
the Jai Ma Kali Tatarpur Karo Khali, Apmaan ka badla lena hai Babar ki santan se, Jis
Hindu ka khun na khule wah khun nahi hai. "] 113

The witness Kapildev Mandai says that on October 24, 1989, he with some of the
students went near the gate of T.N.B College to watch the procession that was passing
from Manaskamna and the processionist were shouting slogans against Muslims calling
"Jai Ma Kali empty Tatarpur locality, we will take revenge from the sons of Babar and
the Hindu whose blood doesn't boil is not the real blood."

[Para 4:" Juloos ka sanyojak B.J.P, V.H.P aur Bajrangdal ke log tatha Vidhyarti Parishad
ke sadsyahi the. We 1ogju1oos mein bhi shamil hue the."]ll 4

The witness in the above statement says that the perpetrators of the procession were the
members ofB.J.P, V.H.P and Bajrang Dal and they were involved in the procession.

The above statement made by various witnesses reflects upon the type of question that
was being asked by the inquiry commission. They are asking about the nature of the
Ramshilla procession, this would help them in fmding out about the facts and on the
basis of it they would fix responsibility.

["24th October 1989 ko karib 2.00 baje din mein parwati ke musalmano ke gharon ko
charo aur se ghera gaya. Mai us samay wohi par tha. Yun dangiyo me se utar walon ne
sab se pehle mere ghar par hamla kiya. Dangayeen ne sab se pehle humlogo ke gharo ke
saman ko bahar nikala aur uske baad gharo me aag laga di. Iske bad dangayeen log upper
wale manzil per charne ka prayas kame ]age tab humlog kisi tarah chat se kood kar purab

113
Ibid p. 46.
114
Ibid p.47.

74
ki aur bhage us samay Sri Nihal Adhivakta bhi humlog ke saath the. Par bhagte hue we
pakre gaye aur mare gaye."] 115

The above witness says that on the October 24, 1989 at 2.00 pm the house ofMuslims in
the Parwati locality was surrounded by four sides. I was present there at that time.
Among those present, the people from the North were the first to attack my bouse. The
rioters first tried throwing the belongings out of our bouse and after which they burnt our
homes. After this, the rioters started climbing the upper floor of our house, by which
time we managed to escape by jumping from the terrace and started running towards the
east. Politician Nibal was also with us at that time but while running, he was caught and
killed.

[Para 3: "Bhagte hue mai Barechak per pahuncha us samay karib 3.30 sarhe teen baje
boge. Waban main ek police ki jeep mein poliCe ko aatey hue dekha mujhe baad me
maloom hua ki jeep per aarakshi nirakshak K.C.Dubey bhi tha. Jab maine unhe humlogo
ke gbaro pe ja ke suraksha dene ko kaha to unhone mujhe revolver dekhaya aur kaha
"lootne dijiye, jalne dijiye aur marne dijiye". Sri Dubey ke samne hi humlog ke gharo ke
saman ko company bagh ki aur le jaya gaya tha tatha ghraon ko jalaya bhi jar raha
tha.Unho ne unko rokne ka koi prabhand nai kiya."] 116

Here the witness states that while running I reached to Berchak around 3.30 pm. There
was a police jeep coming and Mr. K.C. Dubey was sitting inside the jeep. When I asked
him to provide security to our houses, he pointed a revolver towards me and said, "Let
them destroy, burn and kill." It was in front of Sri Dubey only that our stuff was being
carried away to the company bagb and our houses were being burnt.

115
lbid.p.55.
116
Ibid.p.55.

75
The statement made by the different witnesses tells a lot about the role played by the
police, parties and the rioters in spreading plunder and disorder during riots. This helped
·the commission in its investigations. But the commission failed to put forward any peace
related questions, directing on the inter-community relation during riots. Though this
question might not help the COl in their investigation about the culprits behind the riot,
but the answer to this question can reflect on the type of inter-community bondage
existing in the riot hit areas. If people of different communities have helped the other at
time of riot, then it might help in building inter communal solidarity further and will also
help in establishing trust and unity in the society which is important for communal
harmony. The major focus of the commission is to ask the witness about what actually
happened and what role was played by different people and organization, so that on the
basis of their statement responsibility could be fixed and the wrong doer held.

Moreover, the inquiry commission also relies on the reports of various .newspapers,
which it seems is not free from biases. In addition, the witnesses give different details
about the same incident. Like some witnesses and newspapers read that the Ramshilla
procession was totally peaceful and unarmed, some witnesses state that the procession
was making provocative slogan shouting. Hence, it becomes very difficult to fix
responsibility and to find the truth of the incident. The risk factor always remains there.
The misinformation and fabricated statements made by the witness might misguide the
COl and justice may not be delivered in the true sense.

READING THE REPORT

In this section, I will give a brief account of what are the areas where the reports
emphasize while making its inquiry. My discussion will start by focusing on the fact that
how the two reports give a different account of the same incident. After that I will
mention the various points highlighted by the reports like the causes for the outbreak of
violence, the immediate cause, the role of the police district administration, media and

76
finally I will end this section by pointing out the suggestions made by the commissions
and my own analysis.

To start with the difference in the two reports, whereas the members report of the
Bhagalpur Riots Inquiry Commission presented their conclusions in 128 pages with 423
pages of annexure. It gives a clear chronological account of the 1989-riots and this
account is supported by. independent witnesses and fact-findings of civil rights groups.
The report traces the history of communalism in India, blaming both Hindu and Muslim
fanatics for the hostile relations between the two communities. It also condemns the role
of communal organizations and irresponsible sections of the media in spreading rumors.
It indicts the district administration and the police for: (a) allowing the Ramshila
procession to pass through the sensitive Tatarpur area even though it was not mentioned
in the license issued for the procession (b) Indifference and incompetence in not
anticipating the riots (c) Failure to scotch rumors that were provoking communal
violence (d) Failure to maintain curfew and their own active violation of the curfew
orders, to protest against the transfer of the SP on October 26, 1989. Apart from general
censure of officials and government agencies on grounds of anti-Muslim bias, the
members report names certain officials directly responsible for the happenings: (I) The
superintendent of police, K S Dwivedi, is held wholly responsible for the riots that
occurred. According to the report, the fact that VHP and BJP members along with the
police protested against his transfer, exposes the communal links of key police officials.
(2) Navin Kumar(deputy SP) and KCDubey (officer-in-charge, Kotwali PS), are both
indicted for assisting the SP and being spectator to loot, arson in the Sujaganj and
Parbatti areas of Bhagalpur town. (3) The IG police, G P Dohre, is held to be equally
responsible along with the SP. The report notes that his communal bias was apparent ...
during Muharram, when he said that he would make Bhagalpur another Karbala (where
Husain, son of Ali and grandson of the Prophet, and his Muslim troops were slaughtered
by the Caliphate's army near Baghdad). (4) Officers-in-charge of police stations
Nathnagar and Mojalhidpur are indicted on counts of 'loot, arson, murder or abetting or
deliberately failing to prevent it. ASI Ramachander Singh (PS Jagdishpur) is charged
with personally directing the Logain massacre, along with several others mentioned by

77
name. District administration officials specifically accused in this report are the DM
Arun Jha and the ADM in-charge (control room), executive magistrate, Bhagalpur, the
block development officers ofNathnagar and others. The charges made against them are
117
similar to those against the police in the report.

The dissenting minority report of the chairman, Justice Prasad, is in sharp contrast to the
majority members report. Originally the sole member of the commission, he had
consistently disagreed with the other members. Thus he was opposed to the notices
issued to the district and police officials by the then lAS officer members. Justice Prasad
had not seen the need to inquire into the conduct of these officials, who had held
responsible posts in Bhagalpur at the time of the riots and had failed to control the riots
and had connived with the rioters. From the opening paragraph onwards, the chairman's
report betrays the same communal perceptions which were cultivated and exploited
during the riots. In the chapter on the 'background', the chairman instructs Indian
Muslims to avoid contact with lSI agents if they want restoration of trust in them. He is
of the opinion that the incidents at Fatehpur definitely had nothing to do with the riots,
and officials could not be blamed for not taking precautions. About the Tatarpur incident
which sparked of the riots in Bhagalpur town, it blames the Muslims for throwing bombs
upon a peaceful Ramshila procession when it is by no means clear as to who threw the
bombs. Despite the ample evidence presented to the commission, the chairman fmds,
neither the police nor the administration had a communal bias. They failed in controlling
the riots for which they must be held accountable and if necessary punished.
Significantly, the report omits all mention of the worst massacres at Logain, Chanderi,
and Bhikanipur in which witnesses allege that the police were actively involved. No
attempt is made to fix responsibility for the riots. In fact, A K Singh, ADM, Law and
Order, Bhagalpuir, responsible for uncovering the Logain massacre, has been criticized
for publishing an article exposing the collusion of the district administration with rioters.
118
As is more than apparent, the fmdings of the two reports are completely divergent.

117
Recalling Bhagalpur. Aftermath of 1989 Riots, Economic and Political Weeldy, Vol. 3 I, No. 18 (May 4,
1996), p.l055
118
lbid.p.l056.

78
The members' report was accepted by the legislature by virtue of it being a majority
report. The appointing government is required to lay great stress on the composition of
the commission to ensure that it is unbiased. When, as in the case of the Bhagalpur
commission, a member is biased, the integrity of the commissions of inquiry and the
ability of the state to prevent further communalization gets eroded. The fact that the
composition of the commission could change so frequently and that two reports could be
brought out with diametrically opposed conclusions indicated a deeper problem: the
susceptibility of commissions of inquiry to the inclinations of the government in power
and interventions by the judiciary. 119

As already discussed under the Commission of Inquiry Act 1952, the Commissions
formed are merely fact finding body and is only required to ascertain the people who
were involved in the incident and the manner of involvement and to suggest the action
that could be taken up by the Government. The Commission is just supposed to collect
evidence and probe into the matter referred to it under the terms of reference.

Here, I will start with discussing the causes for the outbreak of communal riots in
Bhagalpur as reported by the Commission. The members report discusses the Ramshilla
Pooja affair under the Ramjanambhoomi case. It tells that the utterances of some of the
leaders made publicly helped to generate the undesirable feeling of anger and dismay
towards the Muslims. Rath yatras through the gangetic valley was organized which
caused minor communal outbreaks en route resulting in violence. In one of the instances
that the report has used mentions the statement made by L.K. Advani in Panchajaniya as
copied by the Times of India, reads: RIOTS WILL STOP IF
MUSLIM .............................IDENTIFY WITH HINDUTVA: ADVANI 120

19
I Jbid.p.} 056.
120
Ibid.p.l5.

79
By the above statement, Advani meant that if the Muslims in the country identify
themselves with the concept of Hindutva, there would not be any reason for riots to take
place. In another statement, Advani said "India is a Hindu Rashtra (Nation) and those
residing in the country are Hindus even though many of them believe in different
religions." He extended this contention to state that those following Islam were
Mohammdi Hindus. Likewise, in his perception, Christians living in the country were
Christian Hindus while Sikhs were termed as Sikh Hindus. The term Hindu Rashtra was
never used during the Jan Sangh days, neither has it ever been mentioned in any
manifestos of the BJP. But the term has gained currency in the wake of the Ayodhya
movement. It is due to this that he wanted to make it clear that he had no hesitation what
so ever in using the term. If ordinary Muslims do not accept the concept of Hindu
Rashtra, he would like to tell the community that there was no difference in the three
terms: Hindu Rashtra, Bhartiya Rashtra and Indian nation. If the attempt is to undermine
the basic Hindu nature of the country by using the term Indian nation, Mr. Advani said
such attempt was wrong. The basic ethos of the country can be described by the word
Hindu, he claimed. 121

The members' report narrates how L.K Advani gave a nation-wide call to the devout
Hindus to prepare shilas of brick wherever they might be in India In hamlets and villages
and towns and after consecrating them to bring them to Ayodhya so that with those
bricks a massive temple to the glory of Lord Rama could be constructed there although
the dispute between the temple and mosque had yet to be resolved. The report further
claims that BJP workers had spread out in villages and towns of India, propagating and
educating and then seeking the co-operation of the masses in the execution of their plan.
This religious and political environment effected Bhagalpur too, a city which later was
engulfed in the atmosphere of religious, political and commercial criminalization.

121
Ibid .p.l5.

80
Now, if we take up the Honorable Chairman's Report it states after analyzing various
oral evidence that Ramshilla procession was leaving peacefully without passing any
provocative slogans or making any harmful gestures. But near the Muslim High School,
the procession was attacked by Muslims through brickbats and bombs after which the
processionists were made to return towards Natbnagar that is towards west of Muslim
High School after the curfew was imposed.

The Report also states that Muslim criminals bad gathered in large number with the
objective of obstructing the procession at any cost. In fact, they also used these weapons
on the police party when they asked them to disperse after curfew was imposed, as a
result of which at least twenty eight police personnel were injured. Thus, the report states
that the first communal attack was made by Muslims, which further led to the outbreak
of violence.

On the other hand, the report of the Honorable Members briefs on the fact that the
Ramshilla procession was not a peaceful one, rather it was deliberately passing through
the Muslim High School and Tatarpur while shouting provocative statements like,
"Parbatti ki kali Tatarpur khali' 122, which in other words meant long live mother Kali of
Parbatti and the Muslim dominated Tatarpur should be freed from Muslim. So such
provocative sloganing were the major cause of opening of violence.

Besides, the fact that the concern of the reports is revolving around finding reasons for
the breakdown of the violence. 123 At several points, the detail presented by the two
reports on the same matter is different. For instance, one report that is the Member's
report states that the Ramshilla procession was a peaceful and totally devotional in their
attitude and were dedicated to the religious task that they were performing but there was
also persons who were armed and their were persons who shouted slogans. This
provocative act of intolerance defiles the sanctity of a purely religious procession and

122
Ibid.p.45.
123
Ibid.p.48-49.

81
also destroyed its purely religious character leading to devastating consequences. Thus,
the report though giving two different evidences is just trying to investigate the causes
for the breaking of violence. Whereas the Chairman's report narrates a different story
altogether, saying that the procession was absolutely peaceful one and there was no
incidence of provocative slogan shouting. This difference in the reports of the two
commissions does reflect on the fact that biasness might come while writing a report.

The Commissions further discuss the "immediate cause" of the flare up of the
communal riots. They have given few reasons which suddenly led to the breaking of
violence. The chairman's report claims that one of the reasons for the riot, being the
attack on the Ramshilla processionist from the Muslim High School. The report in detail
describes as to how attack on the Ramshila procession led to the immediate breaking of
violence .Throughout the investigation we see, that reasons are being searched for the
breaking of the riot.

The chairman's report writes another cause of flare up, was attack on the SP 124 at
Tatarpur chowk on 24th October. It is stated that on October 24, nearly 3 pm a mob of
about 500 persons assembled at Tatarpur and they attacked the police force by throwing
bomb, brick bats and using fire arms. As result thereof 28 police officers and constables
sustained injuries. Repeated attacks were made on Sri K.S Dwivedi, Superintendent of
Police Bbagalpur, who was besieged by the violent mobs of Muslims. The
Supenntendent of Police fired six rounds from his revolver in self defense.

The third cause in the chairman's report was the attack on the Hindu boys in lodges. Of
course, only two Hindu boys died in the attack in the lodges but a rumor was spread that
a large number of Hindu boys were killed in the Muslim lodges This coupled with the
fact that a large number of boys who were living in the lodges, could not return to their
villages borne within reasonable time, gave strength to this rumor and as a result thereof

124
Superintendent of Police

82
riots spread in villages also. Now we see here that the report tries to investigate the
immediate cause which instantly led to the outbreak of violence. Whatever be the reason
for the eruption of the violence, one thing that is very clear from the above reporting is
that the commission tends to be merely fact finding bodies. There investigation of the
whole incident is such that it just tries to discover the main culprit behind the occurrence
of riot. Why so much stress is being given to know about the reason for the flare of
violence, because through it the commission will be able to reach out to the real culprit
of the attack.

Another chief section covered in the members report is the wide description of the
various incidents at different places in Bhagalpur. Starting with incident at village
Lugain, the report states that at this village there was 25 Muslim family having around
170 members in all. On October 27, 1989, at about 7.00 am, the village was attacked by
about 4000 Hindus of the surrounding villages of Hemra, Amhara, Mimagar,
Bhabangama and eight others. Some Muslims escaped and hid in the nearby paddy
fields. When darkness set in they fled to the nearby Babura village, where 180 persons
were killed and there bodies were first thrown into the pond. Later they were dumped
into two wells of the Muslim tola. 125

Then the other village discussed is Chanderi which is a mix of Hindu- Muslim having
nearly fifty houses of the Muslims. On 27th Octoberl989 when the rumor of the reported
killing of the Hindus later found to be false, reached Chanderi the situation changed. Few
Muslim houses in the village on the periphery of Chanderi were burnt and two persons
killed. About 70-80 Muslims huddled together in one house. After their houses were
burnt they had taken shelter in one another house. It appears that no step was taken to
protect these people. The following day at around 8.30 am, they were brought out of the
house on the assurance that they would be safely escorted to the Rajpur village where the
Muslims are in majority. While they were going along side a pond in the middle of the
village, on the way to Rajpur they were attacked from two sides sixty of them were

125
Report ofBhagalpur Riot Inquiry Commission (Honorable Members Report), Superintendent Secretariat
Press, Bihar, Patna, 1995,p.95.

83
killed and their bodies thrown into the pond. Another village Bhatoria had a history of
tension between the Yadav and the Muslims. On 25th October 1989, nearly 30 houses in
Bhatoria were demolished by rampaging mobs. From a distance the Magistrate and the
police force watched helplessly the loot, plunder, killings and the demolition of
houses. 126

The above and many more examples have been discussed in the report where they have
shown as to how the member of one community has tried to attack the member of
another community. There are elements in the report that even describe whole incident
and ways in which people are massacred. Here I would site two examples from the
reports,

The members report sites the example of Adani Nagar situated on the outskirts of the
Nathnagar, the mob entered village, attacked and looted almost all the houses and set
them on fire. The local mosque was also burnt. All the power looms and handlooms were
also burnt. All men and women with children ran across the roads toward Champa
Nagar. One old woman who was left named Zohra Bibi got killed, while two people
Bashir and Kalim received bullet wounds, as they attempted to flee for safety. The other
incident in Chanderi village where one Malika Begum was found crying for help from
inside the pond, with her leg amputated with a sword. 127

The point that I want to bring forward is that the reporting on the various incidents of
massacre, help the commission to find out the actual figure of the people killed and by
addressing the victim by names, they try inquiring as in which community had suffered
more in the attack. All these details might help the commission in its own way but along
with it a major damage is made to the unity and trust of the people of the different
communities. A person of Muslim Or the Hindu community when read the report and
come through the pages where the brutalities done to the other community is discussed in
126
Ibid.p.96-97.
127
Ibid.p.96-99.

84
detail , then this might result in developing feeling of hatred and remorse in a person's
mind belonging to the victim community. So these incidents as discussed in the reports
may lead to the widening of gap between the communities. Here I don't want to say that
the reporting of violence is not needed, rather the point that I want to make is that the
commissions should try giving details about any incident where the members of the two
communities cooperated each other.

128
Moreover, while discussing the incidents of attacks and killings the COl fails to
reflect upon the inter community solidarity. They do not bother to investigate the fact
that whether during incidents of violence the members of the two communities were
making any effort to help each other. One report states about "The Hama Bujrug village
of Rajaon Anchal, in Bhagalpur, in which 27 villages belonging to the minority
community were burnt. Many refugees thronged to the village. Even now some thousand
refugees were being fed by the villagers. This is a composite village consisting of both
the communities. This village like an oasis in a desert was sought to be attacked but the
129
people of the village unitedly resisted."

The commissions in their report do not mention any such incident of cooperation that
took place between the two communities and thus totally ignore the relevance of inter
ethnic engagement. While reading the report what I found was that the reports do not
have any section where any reference was made about the inter-ethnic cooperation if
made during the rioting. lnfact the reports do not bother to look into such incidents of
mutual aid whether took place in the course of rioting between the communities.

One reason for this is that the terms of reference do not ask the commission to look into
such incidents of peace, joint work and help. But I feel that if these incidents, where
member of one community is helping the person of another community and saving his or

128
Commission of Inquiry.
129
Rao ,C.Rajeshwar, General Secretary,CPI, Some Lessons From Bbagalpur Carnage, in Muslim India,
1990,p.lll.

85
her life, is covered as one of the section of the commission report, it may have a good
impact on the minds of readers who go through the reports. It might also reflect on the
importance of inter ethnic engagement, and the role it can play in fighting communal
violence.

Here I will discuss the most important section of the Commission's work that is
analyzing the role of police and district administration regarding communal riots in
Bhagalpur. By just seeing the length of work one can easily make out that the reports
have put a lot of emphasis on this section of their investigation. Thus in relation of the
above, the members report states that if we judge the effectiveness of the police force in
Bhagalpur in containing the communal riots, we may come to the conclusion that they
have failed in Bhagalpur in the same way as they have failed in other parts of Bihar in
matters of crime control. The report says that there is enough evidence on the record to
state that the police did not reach at the place of occurrence and failed to control the riots
at many places.

The extent of the riot and the manner in which it started, developed and continued clearly
indicate lack of adequate will and men and material to control the situation that
developed and total absence of any machinery or if there was one its total incompetence
to anticipate communal outbreak of this magnitude, particularly, when there was patent
signs of its possibilities. The whole matter was further compounded by not only the
inefficiency of those who were handling the situation out, the total undesirable and
mental attitude of those who were expected to handle the situation in a manner that
required them to be fair and unbiased totally devoted as to their employment devoid of
personal feelings, religious belief and attitude.

The members report states that no effort was made whatsoever by the district authority to
prevent the activities of the criminal elements in the town of Bhagalpur whether they
were Hindus or Muslims. It claims that the police force was totally anti Muslim in their

86
attitude and had no desire or will to save the life of innocent Muslims who were killed in
the communal holocaust It further mentions that on evidence of the officials of the
government it is absolutely clear that the condition in Bhagalpur was absolutely chaotic.
The communal animosity that prevailed was handled with pure nonchalance. The
situation was grave but the effort indifferent. Instead of making serious measures no real
or adequate effort was made.

The State government in Patna being fully aware of the situation prevailing in Bhagalpur
did not respond adequately to the seriousness of the situation. If the army would have
been sent on the 24th itself by the Chief Secretary, who should have obtained the order
of the government to that effect and if could have reached Bhagalpur before dawn on
25th and had taken charge of the whole of the town and district totally neutralizing the
district administration and even making them innocuous with shoot at sight orders,
matters had been brought under control.

In the prevailing situation even the higher rank police officers did not prove much
efficient. The report says that the entire responsibility for not taking timely action and for
preventing riot by the criminal elements falls squarely on the district administration,
particularly, and the total incoherent and ineffective steps taken by the State Government
from Patna and the officials of Bhagalpur. Instead of taking effective steps to avoid
escalation of riots, allegations are being treated against each other and they even avoided
appearing before the Commission as requested by it.

The above paragraphs suggest the fact that the COl consider the role of police and state
most important in relation to the riots. They make a detailed analysis of the role played
by the police and the administration in controlling riots. Somewhere it is believed by the
various discourses that it is completely in the hands of the administration to either
instigate or control riots. Therefore such close analysis is made of the part played by it at
the time of violence. I think that there is no harm in making a detail scrutiny of the above

87
institutions, provided that equal effort is even made to find out the role of civil society
and inter community relations play in maintaining peace.

Besides this Honorable Chairman's report has also thrown light on the irresponsible act
of the media. Apart from the role of communal organizations and district officials, the
role of the printing media the newspapers needs a careful scrutiny and consideration. In
this regard the role of some newspaper reporting especially the reporting in the
130
"Hindustan Times", like "Hundreds of Hindus killed", appeared on the front page of
the newspaper and gave the impression that thousands of Hindus were killed.

Further reports like "Muslims had planned to molest Hindu women,. and the other report
saying that the "Principal of S M College cleared the hostel within four hours thus
131
saving many girls from a fate worst than death". Moreover reports like "Bodies
recovered from the well behind the Sanskrit College could have been helpless students.
The well was filled by bodies probably hundred" 132"Th.e foreign hand is behind the riot
and large quantity of foreign arms and ammunitions recovered. However it was stated
that this news was denied by the district administration" 133

As a result the media including "Hindustan Times" of Patna gave wide publicity to these
rumors which made the people to believe these rumors, ultimately resulting to the loss of
the valuable life of hundreds of Muslims. The report thus in short also talks about the
role played by the media in relation to the incident.

After taking note of the state, police and media the reports have furthermore analyzed the
role ofpolitical parties in communal violence. Regarding the role of political parties the
report has put some responsibility on the members of the Congress (I) for not handling

130
Hindustan Times,Patna Edition, 14 November, 1989.
131
Hindustan Times, Patna Edition, 14 November, 1989.
132
Hindustan Times, Patna Edition, 14 November, 1989.
133
Hindustan Times, Patna Edition, 1 November, 1989.

88
the situation properly, further resulting in widespread violence. Besides the report bas
also given some accusation to the VHP 134 for instigating communal tension and
spreading communal feeling among the people but bas given a clean chit to the Bhartiya
Janta Party saying that none of its members were involved in trouble making. So we see
that in brief the report also reflects on the parties activities in relation to the communal
riots.

In the last section comes the Commission ,s recommendation and thus the report ends
while trying to draw a holistic picture .In this part, the Report mainly gives various
suggestions so that it will help in maintaining peace and harmony in the society. The first
suggestion made by the Committee is that the economic condition of the lower strata of
both the communities that indulges in riots should be improved.

Another germane point made here is the eradication of illiteracy, because an illiterate
man is easily swayed by communal and other sorts of passion. So Government should
take adequate steps to remove illiteracy as well as poverty for achieving communal
harmony .The Commission suggests on the need for imparting secular education and
criticizes the role played by Madarsa and Sanskrit schools in creating fundamentalist
attitude and thus leading segregation of one community from the other. So a secular
education system is considered to be imperative for the character building of the students
and development of feeling of brotherhood amongst them. Besides this there is also need
for common playground and cultural activities so that the spirit of oneness is developed.

Undisputedly, the Commission states that the role of the police is also very important in
controlling general crime as well as crime committed during communal disturbances.
Top priority is given to streamline the police force and the police administration. There
should be unity of command in police force of every district. The recruitment of police

134
Vishwa Hindu Parishad

89
should be on entirely merit basis. Also the political interference in the police activity
should be avoided.

The men of intelligence wmg should be gtven sufficient professional training for
intelligence work and it should act as a professional wing. Besides a task force like
Rapid Action Force should also be created in every state which should specialize in
containing communal riot , terrorist activities etc.Moreover the police wing should be
highly secular and above al1 partisan and communal feelings. Also the Army should be
requisitioned very sparingly for controlling the communal riots.

So after analyzing both the Commission Report on Bhagalpur riot we can again make a
conclusion that the Commission is a merely fact finding body. The reports merely look
into the what, when, where of the incident. They try to figure out the person responsible
and find out the reason for the flaring up of violence. They look into the facts and figures
and depend a lot on the evidences including eyewitnesses and other personnel or
organization related to the whole incident. They give the detail of the number of
causality in both the communities and try to tell the fact as to which community was at
doing more wrong.

No doubt the role of the police, district administration and state government is
thoroughly looked into, thus bringing into light the communal lineage of any one ofthe
above party. They also analyze as to where were they working responsibly and where did
they went wrong and unchecked. Even the role of the army is scrutinized thoroughly.
Besides the media is also not spared if at any point of time it has acted irresponsibly and
led to the spread of the communal tension. The Commission also gives valuable
suggestion which might help in bringing the guilty to book and in the end gives
suggestions as to how to put a check on the violence and how to spread better efficiency
among police officials, paramilitary forces and civil administration in tackling with
communal violence.

90
Thus no doubt the Commission of Inquiry does play a vital role and fulfills its task
successfully. But one point where they miss out is the negligence provided to the
question of the inter community relationship and its role in maintaining commurial
peace. They do not throw much light on the role which can be played by common
masses of the two communities in keeping the violence at bay. They look to the
immediate causes of violence but do not research the condition of inter ethnic ties
between the two communities. They try solving problems through suggestion given to
the various institutions but do not put any emphasis on what role inter ethnic engagement
can play in avoiding riots.

FROM RESPONSIBILITY FIXING TO HEALING: N.N.SINGH COMMISSION

AND MUSLIM UNITED SURVEY

.The Nitish Government, being satisfied on the point that though a commission of
inquiry was constituted earlier to review the Bhagalpur riot, did not deliberate on related
issues regarding fixation of responsibility on erring persons and that despite
recommendation of the commission final reports were submitted though there was prima
facie evidence available in case diaries against accused persons and that adequate and
sufficient rehabilitation was not provided to sufferers and their families and large number
of riot victims have not yet been rehabilitated and have not been provided adequate
relief.

In the circumstances, the present state government considered it expedient to constitute a

new Judicial Inquiry Commission and in exercise of power conferred under section 3(1)
of Commission Of Inquiry Act 1952 ( Act XI 1952) , the governor of Bihar was pleased
to constitute a single member commission of judicial inquiry comprising Honorable
Justice N.N. Singh (Retd) as its chairman in accordance with recommendations of
Honorable Chief Justice of the Patna High Court vide Government of Bihar, notification

91
dated 26th February , 2006 named "The Bhagalpur Communal Riot Inquiry
Commission". 135

The main purpose of this Inquiry Commission is as follows:

-To inquire into the conduct and performances of the investigating and the prosecuting
agencies of cases arising out of Bhagalpur riot 1989 -1990 which either ended into
submission of final report and acceptance thereof by competent court in the absence of
concerned, coordinated and proper steps taken by prosecuting agencies.

-To analyze the nature, causes and circumstances under which the investigating police
officers submitted final reports of the form stating mistake of fact, no clue ,insufficient
evidence after detail analysis of records and fix responsibility for the negligence ,
connivance and latches in doing so on the police officers.

-To inquire and fmd whether distress sale of properties in riot affected areas have taken
place. If so the circumstances under which this has happened including persons
responsible.

-To consider and supervise the ways and scheme for rehabilitation and rendering relief
to the victims in the Bhagalpur Riot and particularly for restoring their possession over
the lands and houses from where they may have been uprooted forcibly and criminally

- To consider and appnse of the steps taken by the authorities concerned on the
suggestions and recommendations given by the previous Bhagalpur Riot Commission for
rehabilitation etc.

135
Interim Report ofBhagalpur Communal Riot Inquiry Commission. Honorable Justice Retired N.N
Singh,p.l-2.

92
- To consider and suggest any other remedial measures to prevent recurrence of
communal riot and prevention of future connivance and abatement by the authorities
responsible for maintaining law and order and rehabilitation of the victims. 136

The Nitish Kumar government by the formation of this commission, after almost
seventeen years of the Bhagalpur riots has once again turned the pages of some long
forgotten chapter. Anyone can get curious and try to speculate the purpose behind the
formation of this Commission. The terms of reference and the scope of inquiry as
already mentioned above do tell the aim and objective to be fulfilled through this
commission.

Other than the aims that are mentioned for the formation of this commission, the
question that strikes in my mind, is that, is there any larger hidden goal behind the
constitution of this commission. The purpose of the commission as it reads is to consider
and apprise the steps taken by the authorities concerned on the suggestions and
recommendations given by the previous Bhagalpur Riot Commission for rehabilitation.

It seems as if the purpose of the commission is to examine the role played by the earlier
state government in Bihar, to implement the suggestion of the previous Inquiry
Commission. It also aims at to inquire into the conduct and performances of the
investigating and the prosecuting agencies of cases arising out of Bhagalpur riot 1989 -
1990 which either ended into submission of final report and acceptance thereof by
competent court in the absence of concerned, coordinated and proper steps by
prosecuting agencies.

It appear~ to me that some politics behind the formation of this commission might exist.
The commission in the fulfillment of its task would further bring into light the failure on

136
1bid.p.4-5.

93
137
the part of the R.J.D government to implement the suggestions made by the earlier
commissions. Doing this would further spoil the name of the earlier government that
would help the present government in winning the. appreciation of the people, especially
from the minority group. So there is a possibility that besides being actually concerned
with troubles of the victims of the Bhagalpur riot, the Nitish Kumar government is trying
to play a politics of appeasement to increase the support base of its party that is JD(U). 138

The Interim Report of the N.N.Singh Commission tries to compare the Bhagalpur riot
with that of the anti Sikh riot of I 984 regarding its extent, barbarism, devastation and
loss of life and property. The report says "the duration ofBhagalpur Riot surpassed 1984
riot as it occurred from 24.10.I989 to December 1989 and also in March 1990, both the
riots resulted in the form of enormous human tragedy." While discussing Judicial Inquiry
Commission Report, the Central Government after 22 years in 2006, announced a relief
package for victims of 1984 riot. So the same should be done for the victims of the
Bhagalpur riot. Therefore the Commission suggests that the state government of Bihar
should take up the matter to the Central Government requesting to grant similar package
for victims of Bhagalpur riot. This interim report is submitted to the State Government,
so that the Central Government may be moved for announcing similar packages to the
victims of 1989 Bhagalpur Communal Riot

Referring to the terms of the compensation for the I984 riot victims, the Interim report of
the N.N. Singh Commission states that equal package of compensation should also be
provided to the victims of the Bhagalpur riot. This report has been submitted to the State
Government, so that the Central Government may be moved for announcing I allowing
similar package to the victims of 1989-1990 Bhagalpur Communal Riots. The remaining
part of the inquiry report would be submitted in due course. 139 The Interim Report of the
N .N. Singh Commission has strongly advocated for providing compensation to the
Bhagalpur victims of I 989.

m Rashtriya Janta Dal

138
Janta Dal United
139
1bid.p.IO-l L

94
Now, I will discuss another and try to show the point as to how this report takes up the
case of the Bhagalpur riot, "The Survey Report of the Muslim United Front" that came in
the year 2006, is addressed to, the Secretary, Commission of Inquiry, (Bhagalpur
Communal Disturbances) 19- Hardinge Road, Patna, Bihar, as per notification PR 2504
(Home-07) 06-07. This report intends to give a complete survey data of those persons
and families who have been victimized while Bhagalpur riots took place and have not
been able to overcome from their misery as yet,_ due to not providing them proper and
adequate compensation to their families.

The first section of the report provides in brief the detail about the history, economy and
topography of Bhagalpur, which is not the concern of my study. In the next segment
Report of Muslim United Front, states that the Bhagalpur riot of 1989 was one of the
worst communal riot in the history of India. The scar after the 1989 Bhagalpur riot are so
deep rooted that the affected persons have not been able to overcome from the same till
date even after passage of about sixteen years that is more than half a decade. 140

The report highlights certain facts about the Bhagalpur riot, where it starts by mentioning
the immediate cause of the flare of violence. It reads that on those days Ramshila Pujan
was being organized by an organization of a particular political party and in the said
procession a bomb was thrown by anti social elements on the Superintendent of police of
Bhagalpur who was on patrolling duty. The said occurrence spread in the township as
well as in the whole district. Organizers of the Ramshila Pujan Samiti gave it a different
color, which functioned as catalysts in eruption of the aforesaid communal riot.

The report then makes a detailed analysis of the role of politicians in relation to the
handling of the situation. It says that the various leaders did visit Bhagalpur at the time

140
The Survey Report on Bhagalpur Communal Riot 1989, ofMuslim United Front, Abu Fakruddin Plaza,.
Langertoli Chowraha, Bari Path , Patna, 800004.

95
of violence and made proclamations with regard to providing compensation and
rehabilitation of the riot victims. But it is painful to note here that despite passage of
such a long time those proclamations could not be given shape of implementation in its
proper prospective resulting in leaving those riot victims running from pillar to post for
some help, so that they may overcome from their miseries. The Inquiry Commission that
gave its report 1995, suggested different measures to be taken for rehabilitation and
restoration of communal harmony amongst people of Bhagalpur district. In addition to
the above fact, the survey report states that the Government machinery failed in the
quick restoration of peace, law and order and rehabilitation of the riot victims. 141 The
details above tell the same story that is narrated in most of the COl, where they. discuss
the role of the political party, administration and the mention the immediate cause for the
breaking of the violence. The question of inter community engagement have been out
rightly ignored by both the reports.

The survey report of the Muslim United Front mentions that there are so many victims
from both the community who have not been given any benefit of the so called welfare
scheme launched by the state of Bihar and Union of India or if they have got· then the
same is improper and inadequate to what has been given to the riot victims of anti Sikh
riot of the year 1984 taken place after assassination of Mrs. Indira Gandhi. The report on
the basis of its survey made and data collected reflect on the inadequacy on the part of
the government in providing full compensation to the victims. The details of the report
are given here as under:

During the course of survey this fact come to the light that there are so many riot victims
families, which had more than one person either inferred losses of life or sustained such
type of injuries making them permanent disable. Another type of loss which they had to
suffer is in form of loss of property in which either their home /shops/ business
establishments were demolished or burnt or they were completely dispossessed from
their landing cultivable property. On the basis of available data of the survey report the

141
Ibid.p.8-l 0.

96
1989 riot victims can be categorized in the following categories for the purposes of
examining the fact as to what extent the Government has shown its intention and ability
to take steps for rehabilitating the needy persons.

The data shows that there are so many families in which different multiple losses had
occurred but the authorities thought it proper to award a minor /compensation taking a
highly technical view which was never the intention of the State government, while the
welfare scheme for rehabilitation /compensation was launched. The mount mentioned in
the data is sufficient enough o show that the compensation awarded to such families
where multiple type of loss occurred is much less in comparison to their losses , which
can not be justified in view of the fact that they had to again struggle for their existence
in the society being resource less.

The data also tells that there are so many victims families of 1989 Bhagalpur riot, who
suffered substantial loss either in the form of life or permanent disability or loss to their
properties or any two or all the three at a time but it is very painful to note here that in
their cases also the bureaucracy adopted such a view, which resultant in rejection of their
forms for getting compensation for the purpose of rehabilitation which has forced those
families to die of either hunger or lead life of miserable person.

In the present survey the surveyor had to come across from so many families, who
during the course of disturbance had taken shelter on safe places by leaving their houses,
but on their return it was surprising enough for them to see that some other people had
taken possession on their houses, business establishment as well as on the agricultural
cultivable lands. Those families ventilated their grievances in written form to the
competent authorities with all sustentative documents, but the competent government
authorities for restoration of possession have taken no positive action whatsoever to
those families on their properties , which they had inherited from their forefather or had
acquired by their hard earned money. The reluctance on the part pf the government

97
authorities have compelled those families to reside in the house of their relative on their
mercy. 142

The recommendations of the above two reports put a clear cut stress on necessity of
providing compensation to the riot victims of Bhagalpur. According to the reports after
so many years have passed but still the plight of the victims is in a deplorable condition.
So according to these reports if proper economic and monetary help is provided by the
government then it will definitely help in bringing relief.

But what these commissions fail to realize is that the communal riots make deep wounds
in the heart and minds of the victims. They generate a sense of fear, hatred and despair in
the minds. People loose their family, a son looses his father, a husband might loose his
wife, the children ,loose their parents and many more such intimate relatives and relations
are lost in the course of riots. One looses his near and dear ones for no reason or fault.
Innocent people are killed by people of the other community and religion. The neighbors
with whom one has shared the space in a locality for such a long time all of a sudden
becomes enemy and in the rage of anger one is even ready to kill his friend with whom
till yesterday he used to spend time.

In the riots the concept of the other is strongly projected. One community becomes the
enemy of the other. Hate, enmity, revenge develops between the communities and that
results to widespread violence and killings. A long gap develops between the
communities and there is a need to bridge the differences. The survivors of the riots are
generally left with a sense of remorse, hopelessness and fear. So it is important to heal
their wounds. The various Commission reports give an economic solution to their
problem. Providing compensation to the victims is a monetary resolution to the problem.
But the real wounds cannot be healed with money. A mother who has lost his son, a

142
Ibid.p.l I-13.

98
child who bas lost his parents cannot be satisfied and relieved with this compensation.
They are just short term relief which might help in the reduction of some material wants.

But the damage that has been done to the unity and trust and sense of security can be
redeveloped only with the help of inter community arrangements. The lost trust and faith
can be re-established only with the help of the civic engagement. Giving compensation
will not bridge the inter community gap. The reports generate the ·idea that giving
compensation may lead to the solution of the riot victim. But actually after the
compensation game. starts, there is a danger that the work for developing peace and
community solidarity might stop. This might hamper the peace process.

CONCLUSION

Thus, after closely analyzing the fresh survey report of 2006 on the Bhagalpur riot and
the earlier reports of Retd Honorable judge of the Patna High Court, we come to the
conclusion that the missing link in the writings related to the communal violence remains
here too. The report of the Muslim United Front is also making grievances against the
role of the government, but fails to throw any light on the inter-ethnic fabric. After
sixteen years, what relation do the two communities share in Bhagalpur? No reflection is
given on such an important aspect and the reader is clueless about the whole question of
inter-ethnic engagement and its importance in maintaining peace in the society.

While analysing the various reports, one can notice a shift in the approach of the
commission findings. The earlier report that came in the year 1995 was more concerned
with fixing responsibility and bringing the culprits to book. But the present commission
formed in the 2006, fulfills the job of assessing the role of different institutions in their
failure to implement the recommendations of the 1995 report. Besides, it also calls for
providing adequate compensation to the riot victims. The survey report of the Muslim

99
United Front in detail comes with the same suggestion, providing speedy rehabilitation
of the riot victims and giving them proper compensation

The different reports are only focusing on the causes for the outbreak of violence and
trying to find the culprits behind the crime and making an in-depth analysis of the role of
the government, the police and the different political parties in relation to the riots. The
commissions give a short-term solution to the problem of riots. By not sufficiently
dealing with question of inter-community peace, it somewhere fails to give the long term
solution to the problem of communal violence. In the next chapter, I will analyze the
newspaper reports and see how they have dealt with the issue of communalism in their
writings.

100
Chapter Three

THE MEDIA REPORTING OF COMMUNAL RIOTS: AN

ANALYSIS

This chapter is an analysis of the print media related to the Bhagalpur riot of 1989.In
the previous chapters we have already found that the academic writings as well as the
Commission reports do not give much importance to the inter ethnic engagement while
dealing with communal riots. In these writings the question of immediate cause, role of
the state and the government as well as the police has been mainly focused. Somewhere
missing is the point of inter ethnic relationship and the role played by it in preventing
riots. These discourses do not focus much on the question of peace in relation to riots.
Here in this chapter I will survey the newspaper reports and check as to how far be they
going in dealing with the question of inter ethnic engagement in their writings regarding
communal violence.

The relationship between the press and socio-political developments has been analyzed
and debated all over the world and has been a recurrent theme in media effects studies
Even though the term "press" is now somewhat outdated and has largely been replaced
by the more common "news media" to refer to both print and electronic journalism, its
role has been no less controversial or fascinating than it was near the end of thel8th
century when the English statesman Edmund Burke deprecatingly coined the term "the
Fourth Estate", Since then the news media have never been far from controversy. 143

143
The Role ofMedia In Communal Conflict: A Situational Analysis of Socio-Religious Crisis in India, by
Abdur Rahim Head Dept .of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Paper presented at the
Regional Seminar on" The Role of the Media in a National Crisis", organized by the Asian Mass
Communication Research and Information Center, Singapore and the Sri Lanka Working Journalists
Association, held at Colombo ,Sri Lanka, from May 15-17, 1991 ,p.l.

101
The public attention has always turned to the crucial role of the media in reporting
communal conflicts. This Bhagalpur riot period witnessed, in a short span, an
unprecedented national crisis that threatened to envelop the entire country. More people
were killed in this communal carnage considered to be the worst in the recent history.

While the role of mass media in a conflict situation is well documented, there is need to
understand their. role in specific national crisis like what India encountered in the last
quarter of 1990. 144.Did the news media's response stands up to the expectations of at
least their audience, if not the masses at large? Did they provide necessary information
vital for comprehending the issues facing them? Did media reporting help in creating
more consciousness about the problem of caste and communalism, or did they help in
inflaming the passions of different groups? How intent was their coverage? These and
many other questions immediately come to the fore.

The general belief is that information media, such as newspapers, radio and TV, have
accountability and they should offer the needed knowledge and information. The act of
informing is a value-laden process. The emphasis given to specific developments, the
tone and content of the coverage of an issue or an event, by the news media, reflects a
certain implicit ordering of social priorities. A certain kind of coverage of events may
reflect no more than a set of assumptions by media professionals, about the range of
interests of their readership or listener ship. 145

STUDY OF THE WRITINGS AND REPORTS

In my analysis of the various newspapers, I will first give detailed review of how the
different print media has dealt with the problem of communalism in its writings. My

144
Ibid.p.2.
145Ib"d I
1 .p..

102
work will focus broadly on four different newspaper reports that are The Hindustan
Times, The Hindu, The Times oflndia and Aryavarta 146.The aim of my analysis is to see
as to how the print media takes up the question of peace in its writings. I will try to fmd
out whether the media reports deal with the question of civic engagement and inter
communal harmony while covering on riots. As we all know that the newspapers have a
wider set of audience from all classes of the community, therefore it is supposed to play
a responsible role while dealing with any question of national interest.

Media is known for moulding the ideas of the person. It is through the reading of its
reports that any kind of opinion is formed. Therefore it is essential for the media to give
a responsible writing on the subject of communal riots. There is a general trend to be
found in. the reporting of the various newspapers while dealing with the issue of riots.
They seem to be more interested in areas such as the immediate cause for the breaking of
violence, the response of the administration, political parties and the police in handling
the situation.

While reading the reports of the above newspaper on Bhagalpur, a similar trend was
reflected. What the newspapers seemed to miss out was the role of civic engagement and
inter ethnic ties in riot hit area. The reports were more engrossed with responsibility
fixing job and the question of peace seemed to be missing throughout. The three vital
areas where these newspapers have focused are the role of the political parties, state
administration and the police. The chapter will highlight there coverage on all the above
issues one by one and in the last section it will discuss the inter community question and
how it goes missing in the various newspapers.

146
My analysis would have been more effective If I would have covered one urdu newspaper also. Because
is generally felt that they give a very different account of the incident on communal violence. For this I
contacted the urdu newspaper office of "Nayi Duniya" in New Delhi, but due to non-availability of proper
archives they just failed to provide with materials on this riot.

103
POLITICAL PARTIES AND COMMUNALISM: MEDIA REPORTING

There is a general belief among every class of the society that political parties are the
producers and controllers of violent situation. When a riot breaks out just before
elections then the suspect, falls on the political parties. This idea of relating the
communal violence with election eve and the political party reminds, of the famous
scholar Steven Wilkinson who in his writings tries to say that "the most important cause
147
of riots is the intensity of electoral competition" .In the reports that I read, a lot of
stress was being given to the question of general election and its relation to the
communal breakdown in Bhagalpur.

With reference to the question of communalism and state power Bipan Chandra observed
that the basic proposition was not to let communal parties or groups come near state
power since it not only controls resources but also exercises political control. 148
Therefore the role of political parties seems to be vital in relation to riots. Now coming
to the various newspaper writings, I would focus as to how they have given value to the
question of political parties while dealing with riots.

To start with I will give details about the reports covered in The Hindustan Times, the
English daily. Before commenting anything on the role of the newspapers it is vital to
know about the nature of the newspaper and the kind of audiences it touches in its
reporting. The Hindustan Times, established in the year 1924 is one of the oldest
newspapers of India. Its English edition seems to be reaching to the urban middle class
people. Here I will quote few reports from the paper on the Bhagalpur riot of 1989, and
try to reflect on their area of interest.

147
Wilkinson, Steven I, Communal Riots in India, Economic and Political Weekly, October 29,2005, p.l.
148
Srimanjari, Seminar on Communalism in India A Report, Social Scientist, Vol. 18, No. 6n, Jun.- Jul.,
I 990 ,p. 49-72.

104
The communal violence that broke out in Bhagalpur on 24th October 1989 was no doubt
a blot on the secular culture of our nation. The different newspapers have started
covering the day to day reports related to the riot and the first editorial that came in the
"The Hindustan Times" was titled "Election Eve Riots" 149.The article read, that "the
sudden eruption of communal violence, that has rocked Gaya, Sitamarhi, Darbhanga and
Bhagalpur districts in Bihar since Sunday, demonstrates once again how easy it is for
agent provocateurs to trigger a holocaust.. It could not have been a coincidence that
violence broke in all these four places almost simultaneously. Obviously there is a
method in the madness. With elections round the comer, the timing of the flare up cannot
go unnoticed." Before moving further I would like to drive the attention of the readers to
the point that the editor is trying to make in the first few lines of the article itself. If one
just focuses on the title of the editorial, "Election Eve Riots" one can make out that the
writer has tried to look into the question of riot in the light of election. It seems that the
breaking of riot in the various districts of Bihar· has to do something with the election
event that is round the comer. The article focuses on the cause for the breaking of
violence and tries to make a link between the election timing and the riots.

Moving on to the next editorial "Polls without Strife" 150 which reads, "elections or no
elections, the need to check riots is imperative, but it will be disastrous for the country if
elections are held in a highly communally tense situation." This explains Election
Commission's decisions to hold elections in Bihar in two days. The clashes in Bhagalpur
and elsewhere are communal in nature. Now that the poll battle lines have been drawn,
all political parties should be reminded of their responsibilities. It is not enough if they
swear by secularism as they are expected to do under the law. What is important is their
inherent approach to the communal question. It is essentially for the political parties to
ensure that communalism is not a major factor in the elections. Otherwise our democracy
will peril." The article pins hope on the political parties and relies on them to control
communal disturbance. It seems that the parties alone are the law lords and can easily
bring the situation under control. No comment is made in the article on the civil society

149
"Election Eve Riots", The Hindustan Times, 26 October, 1989.
150
"Polls Without Strife", The Hindustan Times, 2 November, 1989.

105
and the part it can play in controlling the situation. The editorial tries to say that the party
groups hold the responsibility to save the secular fabric of the nation. But these editorials
do not provide any such message that directly addresses the people and asks them to
establish communal harmony.

151
"Message from Bhagalpur'' reads "Political parties are bent upon exploiting the ·
communal issue for gaining votes. That is why no party has fought the communal
diehards. Apart from the failure of the law and order machinery it is too evident in
Bhagalpur the political leadership has also failed to meet the challenge. Neither the
Congress-I nor the Opposition has come forward boldly to fight the communal forces".
Here also stress is given to the role of political parties in relation to communal violence
and no mentions is made about the role of public and inter -ethnic community in
restoring communal harmony. There is constant reporting on the role that the political
parties can play to bring the situation under control.

The opemng line of the next article named "Communalism: The Key Issue", The
152
Hindustan Times, reads "while communalism has been rising, little has been done by .
politicians and political parties to contain the situation. Even the Congress which has a
glorious anti communal tradition is found wanting on this score. Today apart from
passing resolution little is done to spread the message of communal harmony. In the
absence of a firm commitment on the communal question from most political parties
there are dangerous portents". It is quiet obvious from the above statement tpat
Bhattacharya tries to focus on the electoral scenario and the effect of communalism on it.
The articles above also suggests about the reporter's idea to give institutional approach
to the problem of communalism where he reflects on the importance of political parties
in relation to communal violence. The paper shows trust and tries to bring out the point
that it is totally in the hands of the political groups to maintain the secular credentials of
the nation and avoid the riots from breaking.

151
"Message from Bhagalpur",The Hindustan Times,l4 November,1989.
152
Bhattacharya, Shubhabrata, "Communalism: The Key Issue", 5 November, 1989

106
Moving on to the next newspaper is 'The Hindu", the oldest surviving newspaper The
paper seems to have a communist approach , so question of communalism and violence
are taken up seriously. Its circulation is mostly among the upper middle class and
because of the good standard of its language the educated elite prefer reading it. This
newspaper has also covered the Bhagalpur riot case of 1989 some examples are cited
below.

The editorial in The Hindu newspaper "The Communal Virus" 153on the Bhagalpur riots,
says that "viewing the situation in Bihar, all section of the politicians are to be blamed
for the failure to heal the festering communal sore secular principles have certainly been
marginalized since they are perceived as threat to electoral gains" The political parties
are directly blamed over here. They are held responsible for the outburst of riots. It
seems that simply the blame game is being done. No mention is being made of the peace
process.

The article titled "Threat to Nation's Integrity" 154 states, "The ruling party which is riven
by factions has failed miserably to evoke enthusiasm among the people in such an
atmosphere it is least surprising that communal and criminal elements are having a field
day. Opposition leaders have alleged that the communal violence is a result of the plot
set by the political party for minor electoral gains". In its broader analysis this paper also
doubts on the communal card that could have been played by the various political parties
for their narrow electoral benefit. It is simply blaming the parties and holding it
responsible for the outbreak of riots in Bhagalpur. There is no mention of the role that
can be played by civil society and non state organization in controlling riots. It seems
that there is an accepted theory of blaming the party organizations for riots. But is
blaming the way enough to establish peace. Healing of wounds could be done only if the
question of peace is taken into consideration and mostly this aspect is found missing.

153
"The Communal Virus", The Hindu,25 October, 1989
154
"Threat to Nation's Integrity", The Hindu.27 October,l989

107
Shifting to the next paper that is, the Times of India, it is self declared as a liberal
newspaper. 155 It is read generally among the urban middle class. One of its article that
came on this riot "Political Commentary: Communal Monster Tastes Blood" 156, states
that "in view of the high level of communal tension that was allowed to be built up over
the Ram Janambhoomi Babri Masjid issue during the last two years, it was no surprise
that the flashpoint was reached as the election drew near. More sadly, it was after the
announcement of the election dates that some of the carnage took in place, especially in
the benighted town of Bhagalpur. In order to win the elections, the political parties
would capitulate to communalism of any kinds in the hope that once the election has
been won the communal genie can be put back in the bottle". Again here the focus of the
writer is to highlight the communal game played by the parties. No mention is made of
the part to be played by the people in the community for bringing peace. The problem is
put forward, but no peaceful solution is given. Just blaming the parties is not a condition
enough to bring in harmony. There seems to be the need to think beyond parties and that
aspect is missing.

In yet another article of Times of India the paper reads "Army out as Bhagalpur toll
touches 17'' 157, "the Lok Sabha polls as it is likely to make dents in the traditional vote
bank of different political parties. Political observers said large scale clashes having a
communal overtone which has claimed more than 50 lives this year so far were bound to
result in polarization of votes of particular .communities". The Times of India is not
giving any different comment, like the above two papers it also stresses on the role of the
political parties for spreading the communal virus for its electoral gains.

155
<http://www.timesoflndia.com>
156
Malhotra, Inder ,"Political Commentary, Communal Monsters Tastes Blood" ,The Times of
lndia,l5November,I 989
157
"Army out as Bhagalpur toll touches 17'', The Times of India, 25 October,l989.

108
The Hindi newspaper Aryavarta, established in the year 1911, is supposed to have a pro
upper caste reader list. The riot of Bhagalpur was covered in detail by this newspaper
and as it was in vernacular language I have converted it in English for the convenience of
the reader.The editorial that came on November 6, 1989 in Aryavarta opens saying
"Rajya sarkar ki chauksi nahi isliye danga phaila" 158here the main concern of the editor
is to blame the various political parties and bring into picture their inefficiency in
maintaining peace and harmony in the society. The parties are only interested in electoral
gains and making false promises to the people. So if the situation has to improve than the
political groups will have to honestly work in to fulfill the promises they make at the
time of election and curb the anti social elements with iron hands. Again Aryavarta also
is repeating the same argument that it is the party's responsibility to maintain communal
harmony.

159
"Bhagalpur Ka Danga" Aryavarta., this editorial mainly makes the point that for petty
electoral gains some political parties are creating communal atmosphere. The article is
basically linking the riots of Bhagalpur with the coming elections. It says that the
political groups are banking upon this riot to gather electoral benefits. Again the relation
of votes and communal violence is established, "Bhagalpur Chunav Sataghit Nahi
Hoga" 160 Aryavarta, despite gruesome killing and murder of the innocents, the elections
in Bihar will not be postponed. The paper is busy reporting political news. The parties
also seem to be concerned with the election that is approaching. This tells a sad story.

"Bhagalpur Dango ki jaanch Hetu Nayayik Aayog Ka Sanghatan" 161 ,Aryavarta. As a

routine pattern soon after the riots an announcement is made for Judicial inquiry of the
riots. But are these inquiry commissions the real route to the establishment of peace. The

158
"Afwaho Se Khatra",Aryavarta, 6 November, 1989.
159
"Bhagalpur Ka Danga",Aryavarta,3l October, 1989
160
"Bhagalpur Cbunav Sataghit Nahi Hoga",Aryavarta,l3 November, 1989
161
"Bhagalpur Dango ki jaanch Hetu Nayayik Aayog Ka Sanghatan" ,Aryavarta,6 November,l989

109
approach to communal harmony seems to be above these state actors. Passing the
question of riot free society on the shoulders of the administration is not the sufficient
way to bring in peace. But the newspaper discourses do not seem to focus on this aspect.

The important point that I would try to make here is that ,that the print media focuses a
lot on the role of the political party and election game while dealing with the question of
riot. The organization Human Rights Watch even concluded, on the basis of a
worldwide survey of ethnic violence in the 1990's that ethnic riots and pogroms are
usually caused by political elites who play on existing communal tensions to entrench
their own power or advance a political agenda. 162 The ideas drawn from the above
example replicate on the point that the electoral and party competition has a vital role to
play in terms of ethnic conflict. After analysing the reports of the various newspapers it
seems that the print media influenced by the institutional approach of riots. This
approach in the academic writings reflects largely on role of state actors in situation of
riots.For example Wilkinson holds the idea that the rioters are not heroes and it is very
much in the hands of the political parties to control the outbreak of violence when they
want so. One central question raised by him is that when will a party try to stop
communal riots. Over here he comes up with his argument of electoral competition. He
mentions that the parties will defend a minority community only when it is in their
government's electoral interest to do so.

Specifically ,Wilkinson tells that politicians in government will increase the supply of
protection to minorities when either of two condition supply: when minorities are an
important part of party's current support base , or the support base of one of their
coalition partners in a coalition government; or when the overall electoral system in a
state is so competitive in terms of the effective number of parties that there is therefore a
high probability of the governing party will have to negotiate or form coalitions with
minority supported parties in the future despite its own preferences. On the other hand ,

162
Human Rights Watch, Slaughter Among Neighbors: The Political Origins Of Communal Violence,
New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995, p.282

llO
politicians in government will restrict the supply of security to minorities if they have no
minority support and the overall levels of party competition in a state are so low that the
likelihood of having to seek the support minority supported parties in the future s very
Jowl63.

Wilkinson further tries to make the point that if there is high level party competition in a
state then the outbreak of communal riots will be under control in that place. For
example in state like Bihar, where there is more than one party competing for election
there the role of the parties will be towards winning the support of the minorities and
thus keeping a check on communal violence. Driving from the theory presented by
Wilkinson one can easily understand the logic as to why the press news also give so
much importance to the role of the political party in containing communal violence.

Here the point I want to make is not negating or reducing the role of electoral
competition and political parties in terms of riots. Even I agree with the argument made
by Wilkinson and others that the political groups can play vital role in putting a check on
ethnic conflict. The point made in the various newspapers is vital, when they reflect on
the role of political groups. But my problem with the argument is that are the political
parties capable enough to put a check on the menace of riots? Do these party leaders and
the party single handedly establish long term peace in the ethnically divided society?
Why does the various newspapers do not make any reference of peace while writing on
communal violence. The reply to these questions will be made in the later part of the
chapter. Now I will move on to the next observation made by the print media in their
coverage of communal riots that is role of state.

163
Wilkinson, I Steven, Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Communal Riots in India,
Cambridge University Press, New York,2006,p.6-7.

Ill
STATE ADMINISTRATION AND COMMUNAL RIOTS: MEDIA
EXPECTATIONS

This section will reflect on the fact that the newspapers are generally busy talking about
the part being played by the administration in riots. Here I would quote from one of the
magazines that writes ''we regret to say that the administration has miserably failed to
save the lives and property of the innocent people, a fact which has been admitted by the
Union Home Minister. The partisan attitude of the police and administration in the
present riots and their total inability to control the situation till now, we would suggest
that all the twelve sensitive districts identified by the Union Home Minister, be given
over into the control of the Army, to save further loss of life and property and to bring
peace in the state." 164This view reflects on the fact that a lot is expected out of the state.
Any sort of disturbance, fuels the rage of the people against the state and administration.

The state as a body plays a central role in maintaining law and order in the society. It is
the duty of the administration to maintain peace and amity. As A.G.Noorani puts that,
"curiously, while governments intrude into spheres that do not belong to them, they do
not perform their duties in the spheres where they are expected to perform. A
government's duty to prevent riots from occurring at all was authoritatively described in
the report on the Ahmedabad riots of 1969 by the three member commission of inquiry,
appointed by the government of India and headed by a very distinguished judge of the
Supreme Court, Justice P. Jaganmohan Reddy. It is not possible for government to
anticipate the immediate cause of the eruption of violence but it should be possible for a
reasonably vigilant government to be aware of a situation conducive to such an outbreak
165
The commission said (para 6.59, page 67 of the Report)." The above argument hints
on the crucial role that can be played by the government for controlling riots. The report

164
Statement ofBihar Muslim Leaders On Bihar Riots, II November ,1989,Muslim India 84, December,
1989
165
A. G, Noorani, Riots and State Responsibility ,Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 31, No. 21, May 25,
1996,p. 1237-1238

112
on the Ahmedabad riots also narrates the important to be played by the government in
controlling communal violence.

Further stressing on the responsibility of the state Noorani writes, "what could be
expected from law-enforcing and governmental agencies is a proper appreciation of the
communal atmosphere prevailing in a state, in a town or in any particular place or
locality, to anticipate trouble and to take steps to nip it in the bud or to deal with it firmly
when such a situation does arise." 1 ~e above lines surely define the importance of the
role played by the state in checking communal disturbances. Noorani reflects on the fact
that it is moral responsibility of the administration to provide security to its people at
times of violence. He further shows trust on the capacity of the government to bring a
riot situation under control. Drawing largely from this idea, the various newspapers have
also reflected on the role of the state in relation to riots and largely blamed it for the
prevailing disturbance in Bhagalpur at that time.

Starting with the various reporting in The Hindu, one of its article titled "Threat to
Nation's lntegrity" 167 claims that, "Bihar has been passing through a very difficult period
marked by communal tensions of the worst order in the last two months. In Bhagalpur,
rampaging mobs were joined by hardened criminals and little wonder a senior Minister
of Satyanendra Nararyan Sinha Government after a visit to the violence tom areas
confessed that there was a total failure on the part of the administration. The immediate
cause of the conflagration seems to be the holding of the Ramshila puja which has
provoked the minority community, as it did elsewhere too, to retaliate with some
vehemence if the fanatics of one community were bent upon pursuing their objective
knowing full well the dangerous repercussions, it was for the authorities to have taken
the necessary precautionary measures to ensure that there was no serious threat to peace.
The failure of the Government to deal firmly with the chauvinist organizations has been
the chief cause of the cauldron in which Bihar finds itself today." Again here also light is

166
lbidp.l237.
167
"Threat to Nation's Integrity", The Hindu ,270ctober, 1989

113
thrown on the part played by Government in controlling riots. Going deeper in the article
we find that not only the Government but the Chief Minister and other members of the
Ministry have failed to show any kind of ability that is required to deal with the highly
tense situation. While reflecting on the failure of the government no mention is made of
the role of the civil society.

One might wonder as to why I'm bringing in civil society over here. My purpose is to
find peace process. For formation of communal harmony the need is to go beyond the
blaming. It is not sufficient if we only report about the institution responsible for
violence. Rather we should try fmding out a peaceful solution to the issue of
communalism. The community has a bigger role to play in establishing peace and so the
various discourses on riots should try to divert the attention. Besides focusing on the role
of the government there is a need to discuss the part played by the community members.

The next editorial in The Hindu newspaper "The Communal Virus" 168, reads "of the plot
set by the political party for minor electoral gains; the Government has tended to go slow
in tackling a problem related to communal violence. Secular principles have certainly
been marginalized since they are perceived as threat to electoral gains" The lines suggest
that, the government needs to be solely blamed for its inefficiency in handling riots. The
government is looked into as an institution that is supposed to maintain law and order
situation. But the Hindus -Muslims together are also capable of playing vital role in
maintaining peace. While discussing the role of the state actors the part that can be
played by the civic engagement is not taken care of.

'More forces for Bhagalpur" 169, The Hindu, writes that "the union Home Minister, Mr.
Buta Singh, talking to reporters, criticized the Bihar government for laxity in dealing
with the situation He also hinted at a major reshuffle in the State administration. He said
that the centre had informed the State government about the possibility of communal

168
"The Communal Virus", The Hindu,25 October, 1989
169
"More Forces in Bhagalpur", The Hindu, 27 October, 1989.

114
violence in Bhagalpur but it had failed to take any action." This article supports the point
that not only the various discourses but also the leaders are busy fixing responsibility in
riot situation. No comment is made by the leaders on the peace question. The problem of
riots is viewed largely as a state problem, so everywhere the comments and suggestion
made are in lieu with role of the administration.

Next report, in The Hindu, "Bhagalpur Riot Toll Rises to 152", 170 says that "the state
government has also affected an administrative reshuffle in Bhagalpur district, replacing
the Deputy Inspector General of police, Mr. J.B Mahapatra with Mr. Naseem Ahmad
who was holding the same post in Saran. The animal husbandry minister, Mr.
Ramanujan has been posted as the special commissioner of Bhagalpur division ·and
Mr.Ajit Dutt assigned the post of Superintendent of Police. He was promoted
temporarily as Deputy Inspector General of police He will be in charge of the newly
created rural zone." This news tells a lot about the advance ma?e by the state
government for bringing situation in control. The riots and violence are solely supposed
to be a law and order problem; therefore the police and administrators are being
reshuffled. It is believed that it might help in bringing peace. No discussion is made of
the role that can be played by the community members in bringing communal concord.

The other article in The Hindu, "Bhagalpur Days of terror" 171 , says that "it was no
communal clash but much worse in Bhagalpur and adjoining areas in the countryside of
Bihar, the unofficial counts being in hundred. The majority of the victims belonged to
the minority community, mainly women, children, the old and the disabled. In these
circumstances here was total failure on the part of the district administration to deal with
the situation. The killing and plunder was unchecked at many places." At this juncture
the article is not just holding the state responsible for the riots; rather it is also giving the
detail about the death toll. Reporting on the plight of the minority community may have

170
"Bhagalpur riottoll rises to I 52",The Hindu,31 October, 1989.
171
"Bhagalpur's Days ofTerror'', The Hindu, 1 November, 1989.

115
another effect also. The members of that community might get a feeling of revenge,
against the people of majority community. So by such reporting though the truth is
reported But it might also lead to widening of gap between the members of the two
communities. While coverage, the newspapers hardly, take care of such situations.

The next editorial in The Hindu newspaper "The Communal Virus'' 172, writes that
"viewing the situation in Bihar , all section of the politicians are to be blamed for the
failure to heal the festering communal sore but the prime responsibility for containing
the canker is with the ruling party. The Government has tended to go slow in tackling a
problem related to communal violence. Secular principles have certainly been
marginalized since they are perceived as threat to electoral gains". Repeatedly in every
article there is the same trend being followed. The state administration is being held
solely responsible for the failure to control riot situation in Bhagalpur.The responsibility
fixing part is being taken well care of But not much suggestion is being given to make a
peaceful solution to this hitch No effort is being taken to project the importance of inter
community relation. The reports fail to present a peaceful approach to the quandary of
communalism.

173
"Bhagalpur DIG transferred", The Hindustan Times, reports Mr. Naseem Ahmad,
DIG, Saran. Mr. Ahmad would be taken as the DIG, East. Mr. Ajit Dutt who has been
sent by the State government, has been temporarily promoted as the DIG and would be
in charge of the newly created rural zone." The newspaper is usually making coverage
on the administrative move taken after the riot. It is more or less making a political
coverage of the incidents happening. There writing does not make any engagements
with the question of communal harmony. They fail to cover on the part that can be
played by the inter community ties to maintain peace.

172
"The Communal Virus", The Hindu,25 October, 1989
173
"Bhagalpur DlG transferred", The Hindustan Times, 30 October, 1989.

116
Next editorial, in Hindustan Times, says "Polls without Strife" 174 writes, "the clashes in
Bhagalpur and elsewhere are communal in nature. Unless the law and order machinery
measures up to its tasks, the situation could worsen. It is not enough if they swear by
secularism as they are expected to do under the law. What is important is their inherent
approach to the communal question. If the nation is divided along communal lines, its
integrity and survival will be in jeopardy." Certainly the point made here is vital as it
suggests the importance of secular culture. It reminds the politician and the parties of
their duty to maintain peace and harmony, but same kind of appeal is needed to be done
to the common masses. They should also realize the importance of peaceful secular
culture. And must play some role in maintaining inter community peace.

The heading of the report in The Hindustan Times comprehend, 'Fresh Violence in
Bhagalpur; toll 90', the news reads, "The death toll escalated in this curfew bound town
today shot up to 90 with fresh reports of casualties during the last 48 hours pouring in
from different localities. Over 100 others are injured and many of them are serious. The
worst affected localities are: Nath Nagar, Murgiyachak, Tanti Tola, Champanagar,
Tartarpur, Patvarti and Mujahirpur. Bomb blasts and gun shots continued to send waves
of panic through the town. In Patna, Bihar Congress- I president Jaganath Mishra today
expressed his anguish at the violence and loss of life and property of innocents in the
communal flare up. The Centre has sent 39 companies of additional forces to Bihar and
the bulk of these forces have already been deployed in disturbed areas in the State. The
Bihar Government has prepared a detailed plan of action in consultation with the Centre
to contain communal elements and maintain law and order in 12 sensitive districts. The
Home Minister said that both the Centre and the State Government had been warned by
intelligence agencies about possible mayhem in Bhagalpur. 175The reports in Hindustan
times also replicate on the inefficiency of the administration in dealing with
circumstances and therefore leading to the worsening of situation. The report here even
covers the relief measures taken up by the administration for the victims of the riot. The
report informs one about the number of people died. But it makes no reference of the

174
"Polls without Strife", The Hindustan Times, 2 November, 1989.
175
"Fresh Violence in Bhagalpur, toll90", The Hindustan Times, October 27, 1989

117
damage done to the inter community bondage. The riots do result in large scale Joss of
life and property. But the bigger damage they do to the inter-communal harmony. The
trust is gone, people hate each other. The newspapers do not mention about these
damages while making a report.

Further the reports from the Times of India, "Army out as BhagaJpur Toll Touches 17",
tel1s, that"the Janta Dal President Mr. V.P Singh today accused the Congress of drawing
up a diabolical plot to fan communal violence in a bid to either postpone next month's
general election or use it to its advantage." 176 This report is more or Jess playing the
blame game. The politicians of the opposition parties also blame the ruling government,
for its failure to control the situation. It kind of gives the party leaders an opportunity to
charge against each other and look for electoral gains. No statement for peaceful
resolution of the problem by these leaders is made.

"PM for Bihar Procession Ban,"in The Times of India, reads," Mr. Gandhi was gheraoed
at the Tilka Manjhi crossings by the irate people. They were demanding the retention of
the transferred superintendent of polic~, Mr. K.S. Diwedi. The toll in the riot has gone up
to 63.So the Bhartiya Janta Party today demanded the immediate dismissal of the Bihar
177
state government for the spate of communal violence in the state." Same thing is to be
noticed in this report where again the figures are given. The Bhartiys Janta Party is
asking for dismissal of the state government. This shows that there is mainly political
coverage made of the incident. Nothing different is reflected in the reporting of The
Times oflndia too, as there is mere address to the role of the administration in riots.

"The Union Home Minister, Mr. Buta Singh, said 12 districts of Bihar had been marked
'communally sensitive', where a comprehensive action plan was being implemented to
check the current spate of communal violence. Meanwhile the toll in riot tom Bhagalpur
today rose to 119 with 56 more people succumbing to their injuries. The home minister

176
"Army Out As Bhagalpur Toll Touches 17" ,The Times Oflndia,25 October, 1989
177
"PM for Bihar Procession Ban" ,The Times Of India ,26 October, 1989

118
said that the laxity on part of the administration had let the situation deteriorate in
Bhagalpur," 178 The Times of India. The editorial that came on November 6, 1989 in
Aryavarta opens saying "Rajya sarkar ki chauksi nahi isliye danga phaila" 119.Here the
main concern of the editor is to blame the various state government and bring into
picture their inefficiency to maintain peace and harmony in the society. The parties are
only interested in electoral gains and making false promises to the people. So if the
situation has to improve than the state government will have to honestly work in to fulfill
the promises they make at the time of election and curb the anti social elements with iron
hands. Both the report draw a similar conclusion. They criticize the government for the
worsening state of affairs.

'Aryavarta'in its other report titled "Sena aur Ardhsainik Bal Ke Aur Jawan Bhagalpur
Rawana" also makes the same reporting where it tells about the deployment of troops in
Bhagalpur and makes a brief coverage of the statement made by the home minister
where he has held the state government responsible for the failure of law and order in
Bhagalpur. 18<>rhe Hindi daily Aryavarta also reports about the increase in the toll of
deaths and the number rising to 152.It further states that the administration is taking all
steps to bring the situation under control. The curfew has been tightened in the town to
avoid any more unfortunate incidents of violence. 181 Here also the report comments on
the role of the administration and blames it in its failure to control riots from breaking. It
also suggests that if the state would have acted on time things would have remained
under control. No mention is made about the non state actors. No suggestion is made for
civic engagement and its capacity to control violence.

"Dango Mein Hatahato Ke liye Pachaas Lakh ka Anudaan". 182Aryavarta, the paper
provides with the detail of the compensation announced by the state administration for

178
"Battalions Rush to Bhagalpur", The Times of India, 27 October, 1989.
179
"Afwaho Se Khatra", Aryavarta,6 November,l989
180
"Sena aur Ardhsainik BalKe Aur Jawan Bhagalpur Rawana",Aryavarta, 27 October,l989
181
"Sabour Mein Curfew, Bhagalpur Mein Tanaw Kayam",Aryavarta,31 October,1989
182
"Dango Mein Hatahato Ke liye Pachaas Lakh ka Anudaan",Aryavarta ,30 October, 1989.

119
the victims of the riot. The politics of compensation might help the victims in the short
term, but in the long run it gives no answer. Rather than reporting on compensation, the
papers ignore such news that might help in healing the wounds of the victims in the long
run. Like the Hindu Muslim helping each other at times of riots.Next article says,
183
"Danga Rokne Mein Prasashan Ki Dhilaai Se, Congress (I) Chubdh" Aryavarta, the
administration is being criticized for its inability to control riots. The image of the
government is being destroyed because the worsening riot situation, the report says. Thus
again the report is being made on the role of administration. The government seems to be
the central focus of these media discourse while covering on violence.

"Bhagalpur Mein Curfew Mein Dheel" 184 Aryavarta, the news informs about the
improving condition of the riot hit city. Another report reads, "Bhagalpur Kisi Apreeye
185
Ghatna Ki suchna Nahi; 29 Aur Shav Bramad" Aryavarta.These different articles are
basically reporting on the improving situation in Bhagalpur. But still somewhere the
tension exists, as dead bodies are yet being fished out. The curfew is being relaxed for
few hours that give some relief to the people."Bhagalpur Dan go Mein 13 Ghante Ki
Dheel aur 22 Shav Miley" 186Aryavarta. Again a routine reporting of the day to day
situation is being made_ The condition of curfew is being mentioned and the figure of
deaths being reported. But there is no report about any incident of peace and co-
operation between the two communities.

After reading various articles of the newspaper one thing that can be concluded is that
they follow an institutional approach when dealing with riots. The idea where one
blames the administration for the outbreak of the menace of violence undoubtedly
reflects on the idea of Institutionalized Riot System as used by Brass Also Prof. Romilla

183
"Danga Rokne Mein Prasashan Ki Dhilaai Se, Congress (I) Chubdh",Aryavarta, I November, 1989
184
"Bhagalpur Mein Curfew Mein Dheel, Aryavarta,l November, 1989
185
"Bhagalpur Kisi Apreeye Ghatna Ki suchna Nahi; 29 Aur Shav Bramad", Aryavarta, 2 November, 1989
186
"Bhagalpur Dango Mein 13 Ghante Ki Dheel aur 22 Shav Miley", Aryavarta,5 November, 1989

120
Thapar of Jwaharlal Nehru University writes that riots are no more spontaneous but
engineered, and Prof. Mohanty of the University of Delhi said political instigators are
instrumental to violence. 187It seems that large score of discourses when talking about
communal violence, generally starts by focusing on the role of the administration.

Brass says that the activation or enactment of a large-scale riot takes place under context
of intense political mobilization or electoral competition in which riots are precipitated
as a device to consolidate the support of ethnic, religious, or other culturally marked
groups by emphasizing the need for solidarity in face of the rival communal group.
When successful, as it most often is, the principal beneficiaries of this process of blame
displacement are the government and its political leaders, under whose watch such
violence occurs. 188

I do agree to the point made by Brass and others that the role of administration is vital in
relation to communal riots. The print media also thoroughly reflects on the
administration and the part it plays in the course of riots. If the administration is
responsible for causing or containing riots then why the problem has yet not been solved.
Why do communal violence keep occurring in the society? Does the idea of Ashutosh
V arshney who talks about the Institutionalized Peace System have any relevance in
bringing communal peace? The reply to this question I will give in the later section.

ROLE OF POLICE AND THE POUTICS OF PROCESSION

This section will give a detailed analysis as to how the print media has focused on the
role played by the police. It has largely reported on the inefficiency on the part of the
police force in controlling riots. The police as we know are the oppressive tool of the
state. The discourses on riots have always given a critical analysis of it.

187
"Parties Whipping Up Communal Tension, PTI Report, November 5,1989,p.32.
188
Brass, R Paul., "The Production of Hindu Muslim Violence In Contemporary India, Paperback,2003

121
"Khanjar pe koi daagh, na daman pe koi cheent/Tum Quat/ Karo Ho ya qarqmqt karo
ho" (there is no blot on the dagger nor a stain on your apparel I you indulge in a murder
189
or show a miracle) Tbese lines were written by the great Urdu poet Iqbal, keeping in
mind the atrocities and excesses committed by the police in times of riots. The
Bhagalpur riot of 1989 bas exposed the biased move of the police force. Many writings
on this riot have declared the role of the police as unfair against the minorities. But
before getting into the question of the role played by the police it is essential to
understand what is expected out of them.

The role of the police in communal riots has, at all times, been a highly controversial
issue. Riot victims generally complain that: The police did not come to their rescue;
police forces were themselves instrumental in the killing; they led the mob in looting and
burning; arrested innocent persons and tortured them inside the lock-up and put false
charges against the arrested persons, and encouraged the culprits to do whatever they
liked by preventing the members of one community to come out during the curfew and
allowing members of another community to do so with impunity. 190As Engineer puts it
that the, most damned is the police as it comes in direct contact with the victims and
hence it is the police which is condemned most by the people 191

Engineer further states, that there is a general accord on the idea that the police as such
have strong minority bias right from the dawn of freedom. Our freedom came at the fee
of partition and partition further increased Hindu-Muslim divide and the police could not
remain impervious by communalization of society. Though communalism and
communal violence has changing graph m India it reached its upsurge during
Ramjanambhoomi-Babri Masjid controversy and during the decade of eighties
communal dialogue became almost mainstream discourse The police was also
communalized in the same way as political rhetoric. Even when the Congress appealing
189
Aslam, Ahmad Ejaz,Bhagalpur riots Guilty Brought to Justice, Radiance
Viewsweekly,Voi.XLIV ,No.49.10-16 June, 2007,p.l2.
190
Engineer, Ali Asghar, Communal Violence and Role ofPolice, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 29,
No. 15 Apr. 9, 1994, pp. 835-840
191
lbid.p.835.

122
to minorities to support it in return for its secular credentials and also tried to assure
minorities of protection and security, it never tried seriously to inject secularism into the
minds of security agencies. The police record, as various inquiry commission reports into
various major communal riots show, has been extremely poor and tainted. 192

The role of the police in relation to the Bhagalpur riots had remained very much in news.
Different papers and magazines have tried to reflect upon the role of the police in
relation to the increase in violence. The incapacity of the police in putting a check on the
casualties and killings has been severely criticized by the various news sources.

That the police were to a large extent perpetrator of the Hindu Muslim riots that rocked
Bhagalpur in October - November last year is well established fact. There is an arrest
warrant out for Ram Chandra Singh, an assistant sub inspector. He is accused of
covering up the Logain massacre, in which, according to the official figure, 116 Muslims
were killed. The police say Ram Chandra Singh is absconding: the people say he is
moving about freely. 193

The Hindu in one of its article,"Bhagalpur's Days of Terror" 194 says that "it was no
communal clash but much worse in Bhagalpur and adjoining areas in the countryside of
Bihar, the unofficial counts being in hundred. The majority of the victims belonged to
the minority community,· mainly women, children, the old and the disabled. The initial
violence which broke out on October 24, seems to have been planned and the brutal
killings, rape, arson and looting were executed with the connivance if not active
collaboration of the Bihar Police. As the violence raged, the district administration was
frozen into inaction. It was accused of extending full protection to a local police cadre
that not only failed in the discharge of their elementary duty of protecting the Jives and

192
Engineer, Ali Asghar, Terrorism, Police and Minorities (Director, CSSS) Secular Perspective, October
01-15, 2008, p.l.
193
Sengupb\,Uttarn, Criminal Cover Up, India Today, March 15, 1990, p.63.
194
"Bhagalpur's Days of Terror'', The Hindu, 1 November, 1989.

123
property of people but in some cases allegedly abetted the heinous crimes committed in
Bhagalpur. The killings, arson and looting continued throughout the day and night of
October 25. But the police did not lift a finger to prevent the orgy of violence. The
minority community was the main target of the attack and bore the brunt of violence.
According to one source the figure of the dead has gone up to 200."

This report seems to be a strong critic of the role played by the police. The newspaper
has highlighted in detail as to how the police officials were not the protectors rather were
the perpetrators of violence. The report blatantly blames the police of its irresponsible
and biased action. It mentions as to how the police are brutally treating the minority
community. Such reports further deepen the scar. They do not bring into light any
incident where the Hindus and the Muslims have co-operated each other.

In another article Hindu writes, according to the official sources the death toll in
Bhagalpur rose to 19 today with three killed in police firing and over 24 injured in
incidents of violence yesterday. Patrolling by the paramilitary forces and the police has
been intensified and shoot- at-sight orders issued. 195In the next article The Hindu reads,
"Communal violence and police firing in four districts of Bihar since Sunday have
claimed 96 lives with riot -tom Bhagalpur alone accounting for 70 deaths, reports said
here today The number of injured was put to 109. Bhagalpur looks a ghost town under
siege. With gun totting troops taking over the administration and an indefinite curfew
continuing for the fourth day, the atmosphere is surcharged with tension. 196The report
again tells about the killings that was a result of the police personnel. It gives the rising
figure of the death toll.

Other English dailies remaining silent on October 29, 1989 The Hindu states that the
troops and paramilitary forces continued flag marches in Bhagalpur for the third day
today as toll in communal violence in the town and outskirts rose to 96.With this, the

195
"Army Called Out In Riot Hit Bhagalpur", The Hindu, 25 October,I989
196
"More Forces For Bhagalpur'', The Hindu .27 October, 1989.

124
casualties in the violence and police firing in four adjoining districts of Bihar since last
Sunday have risen to 122.More·than 300 people have been arrested on charges of rioting
and arson. 197.

198
The next article in The Hindustan Times, "Message from Bhagalpm" reads that "every
day the toll in Bhagalpm and the neighboring ·areas is increasing. On Tuesday six
persons were killed in Karimganj village, about 17 km from Bhagalpm. Not only is the
town tense but incidents of arson and looting are reported from different areas in
Bhagalpm district". The potent question raised in the article asks as to why be it that
communal clashes continue to take place in the area? Political parties, the authorities the
police particularly, are failing to check the growing menace. "At least 13 persons were
killed in the curfew bound Bhagalpm town today in police firing and group clashes,
raising the toll to 17 since yesterday. Shoot-at-sight orders have been issued and army
called out Curfew has been extended indefmitely. Four vehicles were damaged. Seven
persons were killed including, three in police firing, at Nathnagar and Mojahidpm
Mohalla of Bhagalpm today. About 100 persons were rounded up by the police." 199The
reports are directing towards the part played by the police. People are dying in police
firing. This kind of coverage further aggravates tension and fear in the minds of the
people.

Another report reflecting on the role of police in the Bhagalpm riot writes, "Policemen
have been guilty of partisan conduct during riots. Policemen not only brutally hit with
rifle butts people under mob attack running to them for help but colluded, through
deliberate inaction, in the butchery of those left under their protection."200policemen
have often been blamed of communal lineages and the media always covers a lot about
them in times of violence. As is quiet relevant from the above given reports.

197
"Bhagalpur toll rises to 96, Flag Marches Continue", The Hindu,290cll989
198
"Message from Bhagalpur", The Hindustan Times, 14 November, 1989.
199
"Army Called Out In Bhagalpur", The Hindustan Times ,25 October, 1989
200
"Can Anything Be done?:'The Indian Express, 7 November, 1989

125
201
"One Dies in Bihar Firing; Riot Toll 145". The Hindustan Times, gives the detail of
the number of causalities and reflecting on the actions of the police it reports that a
person died in police firing. In another reporting the Hindustan Times writes "19 Killed
in Bihar Violence"202 ,it also mentions the death toll including number of people who
died in police firing as well. Every report we find is giving the figures of the dead and
about the part being played by the police."Firing Kills 6 in Bhagalpur"203 in The
Hindustan Times, this report ponders on the point that the newspapers are daily covering
data of the people killed in police firing, so in a manner there is constant watch on the
part played by the police. This idea of keeping a close look on the action of the police
forces is not wrong. But the problem is that no coverage is made of the behavior of the
community in times of riot."Bhagalpur Violence Spreads, Toll 152"204 The Hindustan
Times, the reports seem to be vigil while covering the violent outbreaks during riots.
They miss out to report on any story of peace. No coverage is given to any account of
co-operation between the two communities. They fail to reflect on the role of the
community members in times of violence.

Moving on to the cover stories of. The Times of India. "Arson Spree in Bhagalpur: 6
KiUed in Firing" 205, this report further gives the figure of dead in police firing reaching
to 256. This shows the severity of the police action. It also reflects on their brutal ways of
handling the situation. The faith and trust of the people, especially the minority is
constantly being shaken with such report of police violence. Next report ,"Four Killed in
Bihar Firing"206 in The Times of India, reads that the situation keeps on worsening as
curfew is being extended. And there are daily reports of people being killed in police

201
"0ne Dies in Bihar Firing; Riot Tolll45", The Hindustan Times, 30 October, 1989.
202
"19 Killed in Bihar Violence", The Hindustan Times, 25 October, 1989.
203
"Firing Kills 6 in Bhagalpur", The Hindustan Times, 14 November, 1989.
204
"Bhagalpur Violence Spreads",The Hindustan Times,31 October,l989.
205
"Arson Spree in Bhagapur: 6 Killed in Firing", The Times of India, 14 Nov, 1989.
206
"Four Killed in Bihar Firing", The Times oflndia, 15 November, 1989.

126
firing. There is constant reporting in every newspaper about the role of the police. Too
much centrality is given to the role of the police.

"Bhagalpur Ki Stithi Mein Sudhaar:Grameen Chetro Mein Jharpe". 207 Aryavarta, the
Hindi newspaper not commenting much on the negative part played by the police, in this
article, reports about the deteriorating condition of the rural areas. It says that a person
was burnt alive into fire; people are being shifted to safer places away from the villages.
Such news of violence further aggravates the condition of fear and hatred in the minds of
the people. Next story comes in Aryavarta, "Bhagalpur Mein Punah Beneyadi
Curfew" 208 , and the paper reports that there is increase in toll of deaths and it also reports
an incident where a person is stabbed to death. Further it tells about the reshuffiings in
the administrative and police department. Reporting about the death tolls is routine task
followed by all the papers. They fairly miss on the point of making peace reporting of
the incident. Somehow the paper is making more or less a political treatment of the
incident.

Bhaglpur Ke Gavao Mein Hinsa Ki Ghatnaye:Sena Ki Gashat Tej 5 Vayakti Mare

Gaye" 209,Aryavarta, the report mentions the deteriorating conditions in the villages and
as a precautionary measure the Army has been deployed. Some incidents of gruesome
killing are also reported. But what keeps missing is the reporting on the role of the civil
society and peace committees if any .Ram Puniyani in an article writes that "the worst
complicity of the police in communal violence was seen in Bhagalpur riots 1989. Here
the police was a mute witness to the murder of 116 Muslims who were buried in a field
and cauliflower was grown on it to cover up the episode. Bhagalpur police

207
'"Bhagalpur Ki Stithi Mein Sudhaar:Grameen Chetro Mein Jharpe", Aryavarta, 280ctober, 1989
208
"Bhagalpur Mein Punab Beneyadi Curfew", Aryavarta,30 October, 1989
209
Bhaglpur Ke Gavao Mein Hinsa Ki Ghatnaye:Sena Ki Gashat Tej 5 Vayakti Mare Gaye",Aryavarta,l I
November, 1989

127
administration keep denying this till other police party led by a DIG dug out some of
these dead bodies" 210

The role of police in the communal riots has always remained a matter of discussion. The
loss of life and huge casualty and breaking of law and order are various factors and its
responsibility is put on the heads of the police. Police bias and the communal character
are generally highlighted during riots. The newspaper and the magazines have reflected a
lot on the bias role played by the police in 1989 Bhagalpur riots. Undoubtedly this is an
important factor and various scholars like Asghar Ali Engineer and Ram Puniyani have
talked extensively on the role of the police in riots and given various solutions for the
secularization and decommunalisation of the police force

As Puniyani puts it because of the heavy communalization of police force, it believes

that communal riots are due to Muslims and this is what guides their conduct. Their
communalised consciousness is supplemented by brutal savagery, which gets further
compounded by their non professional approach in dealing with these situations. Many
Muslim pre-dominant areas are termed as 'mini Pakistan' and police forces while
entering these areas enter with the preparation and spirit as if they are entering the enemy
territory.

Asghar Ali Engineer211 also, under the light of the Sri Krishna Commission reports tries
to focus on the biased and unjust behavior of police during riots. The report on the
Mumbai riot, focused on the role of the police in particular during riots, the report reads
"police officers, particularly at the junior level, appeared to have an in -built bias against
the Muslims which was evident in their treatment of the Muslims and Muslim victims of

21
~iyani, Ram, Khaki Prejudice, PUCL Bulletin, August, 2000,p.l.

211
Engineer, Ali Asghar ,Communal Violence and Role ofPolice, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 29,
No. 15 Apr. 9, 1994, p.835-840

128
the riots. The treatment given was harsh and brutal and, on occasions, bordering on
inhuman, hardly doing any credit to the police. The bias of policemen was seen in active
connivance of police constables with the rioting Hindu mobs on occasions, with their
adopting the role of passive onlookers on other occasions and finally in their lack of
enthusiasm in registering offences against Hindus even when the accused were clearly
identified.

Engineer says that the role of police in democratic society is very different from that of
police in colonial society. However, it is 61 years now that India became independent
and there is no change in the role of police a wee bit. Today our police have become
even more colonial in its attitude. Our police too is terrorizing innocent people fighting
for their rights. Though human rights are really very central to functioning of democracy,
and, human dignity even more important for functioning of any secular democratic set
up, irrespective of caste, creed or color. Yet our police are highly caste conscious and
communal in attitude with few honorable exceptions. Over and above all this corruption
has deeply seeped into the force. The partisan behavior of police in communal riots is a
we11-known phenomenon. The government has never taken serious steps to remedy the
situation212

There are various suggestions being also given for bringing a change in the role of the
police during riots. One of the major suggestions given is that the police should be given
training and lessons on secular nature of their duty. The menace of communal feeling
and biasness should be washed off from their minds. Also conscious efforts must be
made to improve the percentage of Muslims in the police force. So a need is felt to make
the police body more representatives in nature, so that pest of the police force in times of
riots can be avoided. Thus we find that a lot is being said to improve the role of police
force and secularize them. Also the print media has focused extensively on police actions

212
Engineer, Asghar Ali, Terrorism , Communal Violence and Police, Secular Perspectives , September,
2008

129
during riots. But my question is that just by improving the police body will the nuisance
of communalism be totally washed away from the country?

Further here I will press on the role of religious procession and how the newspapers have
tried portraying on it in their writings on the Bhagalpur riots. An editorial titled in
Aryavarta "Dharmik Juloos Pe Rok" 213 , chiefly tries bringing into light the reasons for
the outbreak of riot. It says that the immediate fact for violence in Bhagalpur was the
attack on the religious procession. Further it comments that the decision of the Bihar
government to put a ban on these processions was a wise one so that no such other
unforeseen condition appears in any other district of Bihar. The editor also writes that the
anti social elements take advantage of these religious processions to spread communal
discord, so it must be banned. The Hindi daily 'Aryavarta' 214 "Sampradayik juloos per
rok", it talks about the present situation in Bhagalpur and the communal riots that broke
down there. In wake of the communal violence the order has been made for the ban of
the religious procession in Bihar and the death toll has increased to 47. So to stop the
situation from further deteriorating the ban on procession is made.

215
The Hindustan Times reports that, "The trouble in both Bhagalpur and Sitamarhi was
sparked by a dispute over the route of religious procession. Since the dispute had been in
existence for long the administration should not have allowed the procession in the first
place. Having permitted the procession to pass through the controversial routes, the
administration should have taken extra precaution to ward off violence. But
unfortunately nothing of that sort happened, leaving 18 persons dead in Sitamarhi and 25
in Bhagalpur by the latest count that saw the overall toll mounting to 50.0ne lesson that
can be drawn from the latest disturbances is that the district administrations bad not
followed the guidelines regarding religious processions. In the light of what bas
happened it would be advisable to enforce a moratorium, if not a ban, on religious

213
Dharmik Juloos Pe Rok", Aryavarta,5 Nov,l989
"
214
"Sampradayik juloos per rok", Aryavarta, 26 October,l989
215
"EJection Eve Riots", The Hindustan Times,26 October,l989.

130
processions. After all, communal amity and unity of the country are far more important
than the sense of victory that a procession might give a community or a sect."

In its next story, it covers the news that the,"The Prime Minister, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi,
today directed the Bihar government to ban religious processions through sensitive areas
and later left for the riot torn city of Bhagalpur. The Prime Minister expressed serious
concern over the current situation in the state. He was informed that nearly 200 people
had so far been arrested at curfew bound Bhagalpur.Mr Gandhi was gheraoed at the
Tilka Manjhi crossings by the irate people. They were demanding the retention of the
transferred superintendent of police, Mr. K.S. Diwedi. The toll in the riot has gone up to
63.So the Bhartiya Janta Party today demanded the immediate dismissal of the Bihar
state government for the spate of communal violence in the state." 216

The Hindu article released at the time of the Bhagalpur mishappening of 1989, titled
"Threat to Nation's Integrity" 217 writes, the immediate cause of the conflagration seems
to be the holding of the Ramshila puja which has provoked the minority community, as it
did elsewhere too, to retaliate with some vehemence if the fanatics of one community
were bent upon pursuing their objective knowing full well the dangerous repercussions,
it was for the authorities to have taken the necessary precautionary measures to ensure
that there was no serious threat to peace.

The immediate cause in the breakdown of the Bhagalpur riot has been the tension that
built up due to Ram Shila procession. So most of the writings and news related to the
riots discusses religious procession as a "problem". But is it that these processions are
the real cause of breaking of violence in India These procession since long has been
discovered as the immediate provocation for communal disturbances in the country. This
section clearly highlighted the fact as to how the newspapers give full attention to the
role of the police in dealing with riots. It seems that a general analysis is being done of

216
"PM for Bihar Procession Ban",The Times Oflndia,26 Oct, 1989.
217
"Threat to Nation's Integrity", The Hindu,27 October, 1989.

131
the part played by the police and other state actors but no attention is being paid to
highlight the role of the non state actors. The missing link in all the above section is the
inter community question. The next section will focus on it.

CIVIC ENGAGEMENT: THE MISSING LINK

The above analysis does clearly reflect on the fact that the print media has a typical way
of looking at the whole incident of communal violence. They no doubt play a major part
in shaping the view of a large number of people. So the role becomes very important
when they reflect on such a burning issue like Communalism. The general focus in their
writings as we have already seen is on the role of the state, political parties and the
police. They try to make the point that if these institutions work properly than the
menace of communalism can easily be done away with.

"Despite new houses, we are mortally frightened of staying where our neighbours had
turned killers"Ghulam Rasoot2 18 , Chanderi village Bhagalpur.This statement narrates
about the damage that is done to the inter community trust during riots. The print media
has in its writings reflected on the role of the state, police and parties but what
fundamentally is absent is the question of inter ethnic engagement and its role in
maintaining peace and accord in the society.

Under what conditions are preexisting intercommunal civic ties destroyed? Under what
conditions are such ties built and what is the importance of it in containing the hazard of
communalism. These are the various questions to which the answers are not found in the
print media reporting. The newspaper in their day to day reporting of the news just
present the toll of deaths, the statement of some political leader on the issue. But they in
their reports fail to focus on the idea or experience of the victim.

218
Farzad Ahmad and Parveen Chopra, A Touch ofHealing, India Today, March 15, 1992,p.77.

132
Here I would quote what Ashutosh Varshney has said on the importance of inter
communal ties for building peace. Much of the conventional theoretical wisdom in the
field, as well as some more recent work, emphasizes how peaceful interaction between
ethnic groups is, paradoxically, founded on the possibility of intense in-group interaction
and institutions. A principal message is that the greater the possibility of in-group
cultural life and interaction, the greater the possibility of inter-group accommodation and
peace. The research on communal violence in India showed that intercommunal ties
between Hindus and Muslims, not intracommunal ties among the Hindus or among the
Muslims, were a strong bulwark of communal peace. If towns and cities were organized
only along inter-Hindu or intra-Muslim lines, the odds of riots (fires) breaking out, given
a spark (tensions, rumors, small clashes), were very high. In Indian cities, bonding social
capital was highly correlated with Hindu-Muslim violence, but bridging ties could put
out sparks very effectively, not allowing them to disrupt the local equilibria ofpeace219 •

Why does ethnic violence take place? Under what conditions might ethnic peace obtain?
In his book Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life Varshney answered these questions by
comparing Hindu-Muslim relations in six cities of India. Substantively, his main
conclusion was that the presence or absence of inter-ethnic, or inter-communal, civic
organizations , business associations, professional organizations, labor unions, political
parties, reading clubs, sports clubs, film clubs, cadre-based NGOs - was critical to
explaining why some cities had chronic ethnic violence, while others, despite huge
provocations, remained always, or nearly always, peaceful. Vigorous associational life
allows strong ties to be formed across communities, acting as a serious constraint over
the polarizing strategies of political elites.

Therefore by quoting V arshney the point I am trying to make is that though state, police
and political parties do have a major role to play in relation to riots the role of the

219
Varsbney. Ashutosh,Sparks And Fires:Reassesing The Role Of.The State 1n Communal Riots, May 8,
2007.

133
community is also very vital in putting a check on the spread of communal hatred. The
writings from the media largely miss on this point.

"Our houses have been completely looted by them. A Hindu family kept us alive by
quietly sneaking food and water across". 220 Like the above there are many instances
where the minority community saved majority community and vice versa. The Hama
Bujrug village of Rajaon Anchal, was sought to be attacked but the people of the village
unitedly resisted ir21 .Subsequently through these examples a common point that comes
out is the importance of inter ethnic engagement in containing riots. If there is strong
inter community unity in the society then the menace of communalism can be easily
defeated by the people itself.

Moreover the point which most of the newspapers politicians make is holding the
religious procession responsible for the outbreak of communal violence. And banning
the processions was said to be the plausible solution to the whole problem. But as
S.K.Ghosh suggests that the imposition of a blanket ban on all religious processions is
neither needed nor practicable because such a measure would only aggravate communal
tensions. Instead of banning religious processions one should encourage all communities
to take part in it because they are the best laboratories for social and cultural integration.
Social and communal barriers give way quietly in areas where religious ptocessions are
taken out jointly by Hindu, Muslim and other communities. The Muslims should
therefore whole heartedly participate in Hindu religious processions and other social
functions and vice versa. 222Moreover banning the route of religious procession is no
solution to the problem, the integrated community effort can only bring changes at the
grassroots level.

220
Mukherjee's Anirudha, Report on Bhagalpur Massacre, The India Week, November 3-9. 1989, in
Muslim lndia.p.559
221
Rao, Rjeshwar C, Some Lessons of The Bhagalpur Carnage, Muslim India, March 1990,p.ll1.
222
Ghosh, S.K, Coiiimunal Riots In India, Ashish Publishing House, I 987

134
After 20 years of almost continuous communal violence, the basic principles of
reportage facts are sacred, comment free; get both sides of the story; check your facts
before writing them are not enough in reporting communal riots. The guiding rules for
reporters should be look for the background; don't perpetuate the stereotype; find
residents who deal with both communities; corroborate victims' accounts as well as
police accounts; ascertain the role of the police, the politicians and the media; highlight
stories where communities have helped each other. 223

CONCLUSION

In this chapter we found that the print media is stressing and doing a serious work while
diagnosis of the riot is concerned where they try to blame the police and the state for
riots .But in this process the role of the community is badly ignored. The real solution
lies not with a section of police and politicians, rather if communal harmony and peace
has to be established then the role of the people and community becomes very important.
The task of fixing responsibility is seriously taken up by the media house. The different
newspapers depicted the same fact about the incident. They in their writing started with
the reporting of the toll of deaths. It seems that they act as a fact reporting body.

A newspaper has a responsible role to play, as there reports mould the thought of a
community. The first responsibility of them while reporting should be to decide how to
present the facts. Presentation of any incident seems to be a very vital aspect. They
should hold some accountability while writing a report. While analysing the different
newspapers I found that at certain places the two newspapers were giving different
figures of the death tol1. Hence the facts must be checked before reporting.

A communal riot is a sensitive Issue that includes the members of two opposite
community. Any reporting related to this incident will have an effect on the minds of the

223
Punwani, Jyoti ,Reporting Communal Conflict,, Info Change News And Features, February, 2009

135
people. There is a need of making unbiased reporting. Another factor that was largely
missing in the papers was the absence of peace report. By this I mean that while covering
on the Bhagalpur, riot the above four papers, failed to cover any incident of co-operation.
There was no highlight of stories where communities helped each other.

Covering stories of co-operation might help in strengthening of inter-community

relation. The newspaper were mainly focusing on the role of the state actors and trying to
assess their role. They mainly try to figure out the reason for the outbreak of violence. It
covers a lot on what the different political leaders have to say in relation to riots. But the
above papers failed to voice the view of the community members. While quoting
speeches of any leader they overlook the victims view. None of them reported the
interview of the common masses of riot hit city. Somewhere they wholly ignore the inter
community question and fail to provide any peaceful solution to this problem.

136
CONCLUSION

This dissertation examined the status of peace process in the discourses on communal
violence. The thesis tried putting stress on the role of civil society and inter-community
engagement for establishing peace and communal harmony. Gandhi says, 'There's no
way to peace, peace is the way'. This statement of the Mahatma sums the core idea of
my work in one line. Peace building and its establishment is the central design of this
work. The design that I want to put forward is that non-state actors have a limited but
important contribution to make in the transformation of internal conflict situations.

Communalism crops up from communal consciousness and it is not just a question of

belonging to a community. Rather in a communalised situation intensity of communal
consciousness is related with one's perception about 'others'. Communal riots seem to
be doing two major types of dent. One is the external damage made to the life and
property which is visible to alL But the more serious injury is done to the inter
community relation. The victim of riots and its survivors develop sense of detestation,
loathing, abhorrence against the member of another community

The various discourses to an extent fail to reflect on the damage done to the social fabric,
due to these riots. They probably provide an institutional approach to the communal
riots issue. Where they put more stress on the role of state, political party and the police.
They are busy looking into the causes and fixing responsibility on the various state
actors. Not much attention is paid to the part non-state organization and civic
engagement can play in combating communal disturbance. The peace building question
is not taken care of in a proper way.

The civil-society concept, deriving from political theory, is used to describe the fact that
people meet, communicate, and organize in ways that are not established or controlled

137
by the state, nor by kinship and family ties, and with purposes that are driven neither by
the power logics of the state nor by market interests. In the civil- society arena, people
voluntarily organize to defend common interests or work for social and political change.
Through my work I have made a sma11 attempt to highlight the importance of civil
society and inter-civic ties. They together can be vital ingredients for establishment of
communal peace. But the trend has been always to rely on the state actors for
maintaining peace and harmony in the society. The part community can play in bringing
in harmony is not much researched by the various discourses.

The first chapter attempted to bring out the point that the institutional approach gives
centra] importance to the role of the state actors. The idea of Paul R.Brass completely
revolves round the role played by the political parties, state and police when discussing
about riot. He uses the term "production of riots" means that riots are formally prepared
act of violent behavior and it is not a spontaneous eruption of violence. Brass explicitly
explains that riots are not just sudden eruption of violence rather it is well planned
process which is executed at the time when required. He states that riots are the results of
the institutions that do get favorable results from them. Similarly Steven I Wilkinson also
emphasizes on the relation between votes and violence He talks about the State Capacity,
Party Competition and the Electoral Incentives as the three basic areas related to
communal riots in India. His thesis projects the fact that there is co-relation between riots
and electoral games. He shows full trust in the state capacity to control riot. The role of
· political leaders also form a core of his idea in discussion about riot. Both Brass and
Wilkinson have given an institutional analysis of communal riots. For them the question
of civic engagement seems to be of secondary importance. While Ashutosh Varshney
gives a full fledged theory regarding civic engagement and communal violence. He
besides blaming the role of the state actors also gives a peaceful solution to the problem
of communal riots. His work pins hopes on the community and the part it can play
against communal threat. Similarly Asghar Ali Engineer even gives various suggestions
for establishment of communal harmony. He gives the idea of inter religious dialogue,
societal bonds and inter community interaction and cultural exchange for establishing
communal peace in the society. But the writings that I analyzed on Bhagalpur riot hardly

138
take up the question of peace while discussing on riot. Therefore this chapter proves the
fact that the academic writing largely miss out the civic engagement point while dealing
with riots.

The second chapter that deals with the various commission reports also bring into light,
the limited responsibility fixing job that is being assigned to them. Time-bound
commissions of inquiry are appointed to perform two tasks: to identify the guilty
officials so that they can be charged and that the administration can be reorganized to
prevent the guilty persons from hampering the process of justice; and to suggest
measures to prevent such occurrences in the future. That the commission of inquiry is
properly constituted, allowed functioning, and justice done according to its
recommendations depends on the political will of the government. The commissions
being a recommendation making body lack much power. The commissions make a
formal inquiry of the incident and try to bring the guilty to the book. They are not
bothered about the peace process. Rather the terms and condition in the Commission
Inquiry Act of 1952, already mention the job that has to be performed by the
commissions. Therefore they do not go beyond this in their inquiry. No question focus
on the inter community ties. Hardly any effort is made to establish the peace building
measure. The core idea is to fix responsibility and suggest monetary compensation. The
inter community and civil society role are not taken into consideration while making the
investigation.

The third chapter, where I have done the newspaper analysis again does the job of fact
finding. It reports the daily toll of deaths and damage made to the property. It broadly
makes a political coverage of the whole incident. The statements of the politicians are
reported. But not much attention is given to voice the experience of the victim. Evidence
show that they follow an institutional approach. The role of police, political parties and
politicians are central and needs a constant coverage while reporting on violence. The
findings of damage and loss are broadly covered but not much care is taken of the inter
community peace role. The newspaper on the Bhagalpur riot failed to give any news on

139
the co-operation if any made by the people of the Hindu Muslim community. The
reporting gives much importance to looking into the causes and finding out people
responsible. Then it highlights on the part played by the administration. The damage
done to the property is religiously reported but no care is taken of the inter- community
relation. Not much is suggested on the ways to establish peace and harmony through
civic associations. Reports where the Hindu-Muslims had co-operated each other during
riots, is hardly covered in their writings.

Riots destroy property and lives but more than that, it tears the fabric of human relations.
The polarization becomes complete. Hindus and Muslims start suspecting each other.
They tend to live in separate areas. It leads to ghettoisation of communities as well as
ghettoisation of minds. A peace researcher would try looking into the problem of riots as
a inter community problem. Generally the various discourses consider it as a law and
order problem. Hence focusing on the role of state actors. But the role inter community
engagement can play is not taking care of properly~

This work has been a small initiation in opening up the issue of peace process in various
discourses. The inter community and civic engagement answer to the problem of
communal violence, seems to promise a realistic solution. Relying on the state actors for
establishing communal harmony is not a sufficient answer. It seems that the canker of
communalism desires a non-state solution. There is continuity in the debate.

140
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THESIS, LECTURES AND UNPUBLISHED WORKS

>- Abdur Rahim,"The Role of Media In Communal Conflict: A Situational Analysis of

Socio-Religious Crisis in India," by Abdur Rahim Head Dept .of Communication &
Journalism, Osmania University, Paper presented at the Regional Seminar on" The Role
of the Media in a National Crisis" ,organized by the Asian Mass Communication
Research and Information Center, Singapore and the Sri Lanka Working Journalists
Association, held at Colombo ,Sri Lanka, from May 15-17, 1991.

~ An Occasional Publication of the Ethics and Public Policy Center April 2004Number
28Muslims in Hindu Nationalist India A Conversation with Asghar Ali Engineer and
Paul R. Brass
~ Brass R, Paul, "Riots, Pogroms, and Genocide in Contemporary India: From Partition to
the Present" (Prepared for the Hiroshima Peace Institute Conference on Comparative
Research into Genocide and Mass Violence, Hiroshima, Japan, March 22-26, 2004),
~ Shahjahan, S.K. "Communal Expressions and Secular Engagements in Municipal
Corporations of Greater Mumbai and Thane", PhD Thesis. Department of Social Work.,
University ofDelhi,2008.

~ Varshney, Ashutosh, "Civil Society and Ethno communal Conflict", Working Document,
Ashutosh Varshney, Department of Political Science University of Michigan, This
present document has been produced to assist working sessions at the III General
Assembly of the Club ofMadrid.

~ Varshney Ashutosh April 2007 "Sparks and Fires: Reassessing the Role of the State in
Communal Riots", Ashutosh Varshney, Professor Department of Political Science,
University of Michigan 5700 Haven hall 505 South State Street Ann Arbor, Mi 48109
[email protected] To be presented at the World Bank, May 8, 2007.

146
~ V arshney, Ashutosh and Wilkinson, I Steven. ( 1996).Hindu Muslim Riots 1960-1993:
New Findings Possible Remedies, Special Papers Series (Delhi Rajiv Gandhi Institute of
Contemporary Studies)

~ Wilkinson, "Weak State and Low Violence? Explaining State Variation on Hindu
Muslim Violence": Paper presented at the August 2001 meeting of the American
Political Science Association (http:// pro. Harvard.edu/papers/012/012007)

COMMISSION REPORTS:

~ Report of Bhagalpur Riot Inquiry Commission 1989 (Honorable Chairman's Report),

Secretariat Press Bihar, Patna, 1995.

~ Report of Bhagalpur Riot Inquiry Commission 1989. (Honorable Members

Report),Secretariat Press, Bihar, Patna, 1995.

~ Interim Report of Bhagalpur Communal Riot Inquiry Commission, Honorable Justice

Retired N.N Singh.

~ The Survey Report on Bhagalpur Communal Riot 1989, of Muslim United Front, Abu
Fakruddin Plaza. Langertoli Chowraha, Bari Path, Patna, 800004.

WEBSITES:

~ <www .indianrailways.gov.in!RPF/files/law/bareacts/inquiryact.doc> The Commissions

Oflnquiry Act, 1952.

~ <www.columbia.edu> [Reader-list] Fwd: Paul Brass's Response to Ashutosh Varshney

ab2303 at Tbu Dec, 2003.

~ <www.erces.com>K.Jaishankar Debrati Haldar, Religious Identity of the Perpetrators

and Victims of Communal Violence In Post Independence India, ERCES Online
Quarterly Review.

147
)o- <www.cexranchizone.bih.nic.in>, the Bihar Map.
)o- <http://www.timesoflndia.com>

NEWSPAPER ARTICLES

The Hindustan Times:

)o- "Riots in Bhaga1pur, 3 Dead", The Hindustan Times, 24 October 1989.

)o- "Army Called Out In Bhagalpur", The Hindustan Times ,25 October 1989

)o- "19 Killed in Bihar Violence", The Hindustan Times, 25 October 1989.

)o- "Election Eve Riots", The Hindustan Times, 26 October 1989.

)o- "No Ban In Ramshilla Rallies: PM",The Hindustan Times,26 October 1989.

)o- "Fresh Violence in Bhagalpur; toll90", The Hindustan Times, October 27, 1989.

)o- "Curfew Relaxed for in Bhagalpur", The Hindustan Times,28 October 1989.

)o- "One Dies in Bihar Firing; Riot Toll 145", The Hindustan Times,30 October 1989.

)o- "Bhagalpur DIG transferred", The Hindustan Times, 30 October 1989.

)o- "Bhagalpur Violence Spreads",The Hindustan Times,31 October 1989.

)o- "Bhagalpur toll 165", The Hindustan Times, 1 November 1989.

)o- "Polls Without Strife", The Hindustan Times, 2 November 1989.

)o- "Poll Chances Dim in Bhagalpur Areas", The Hindustan Times,2 November1989.

)o- "Bhagalpur Returning To Normal", The Hindustan Times,5 November 1989.

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~ Bhattacharya Shubhabrata, "Communalism: The Key lssue",The Hindustan Times,5

November 1989

~ "Sixteen More Killed in Fresh Violence in Bihar". The Hindustan Times.11 November

1989.

~ "Message from Bhagalpur", The Hindustan Times, 14 November 1989.

~ "Firing Kills 6 in Bhagalpur", The Hindustan Times,14 November 1989.

~ "Bhagalpur to be put under Army Control: says PM", The Hindustan Times,18

November 1989.

The Hindu:

~ "11 Killed in Bihar Rioting", The Hindu,23 October 1989.

~ "The Communal Virus", The Hindu,25 October 1989

~ "Army Called Out In Riot- Hit Bhagalpur", The Hindu, 25 October 1989

~ "Threat to Nation's Integrity" ,The Hindu,27 October 1989

~ "More Forces in Bhagalpur", The Hindu, 27 October 1989.

~ "Bhagalpur toll rises to 96, Flag Marches Continue'', The Hindu, 29 October 1989

~ "Bhagalpur riot toll rises to 152", The Hindu, 31 October 1989.

~ "Bhagalpur's Days ofTerror", The Hindu, 1 November 1989

~ "Curfew Relaxed for two hours in Bhagalpur'',The Hindu, 1 November 1989

~ "Religious Rallies Banned in Bihar", The Hindu, 3 November 1989

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The Times of India:

~ "Army out as Bhagalpurtoll touches 17'', The Times oflndia.,25 October 1989.

~ "PM for Bihar Procession Ban", The Times oflndia,26 October 1989.

~ "PM for Bihar Procession Ban" ,The Times Of India ,26 October,1989

~ "Death Stalks Bhagalpur",The Times oflndia,27 October 1989.

~ "Battalions Rush To Bhagalpur",The Times Oflndia,27 October 1989.

~ "Bihar Bans Religious Morchas", The Times oflndia,3 November 1989.

~ "Fresh Riots in Bihar claim six", The Times oflndia,1l November 1989.

~ "Arson Spree in Bhagapur:6 Killed in Firing", The Times oflndia,14 November1989.

~ "Four Killed in Bihar Firing", The Times oflndia,15 November 1989.

~ Malhotra Inder, ."Political Commentary, Communal Monsters Tastes Blood", The Times

oflndia, 15 November 1989

Aryavarta:

~ "AfWaho Se Khatra", Aryavarta, 6 November 1989

~ "Sena aur Ardhsainik Bal Ke Aur Jawan Bhagalpur Rawana",Aryavarta, 27 October

1989.

~ ""Bihar Ki Afsarshahi Mein Pher Badal Ka Sanket",Aryavarta,27 October 1989

~ Dango Ki Stithi Mein Dharmik Juloos Par Rok Lag Sakti Hai",Aryavarta,27 October

1989

150
);> "Dango Ki Zimmadari" ,Aryavarta,27 October 1989"Bhagalpur Ki Stithi Mein

Sudhaar:Grameen Chetro Mein Tharpe", Aryavarta,28 October 1989

);> "Danga Virodhi Yojna", Aryavarta, 29 October, 1989

);> "Dango Mein Hatahat Ke Liye pachaas laakh ka Anudaan;Mukhyamantri",Aryavarta,30

October 1989

);> "Bhagalpur Mein Punah Beneyadi Curfew" ,Aryavarta,30 October 1989

);> "Bhagalpur Ka Danga" ,Aryavarta,31 October 1989

);> "Sabour Mein Curfew, Bhagalpur Mein Tanaw Kayam" ,Aryavarta,31 October 1989

);> "Danga Rokne Mein Prasashan Ki Dhilaai Se, Congress (I) Chubdh", Aryavarta., 1

November 1989

);> "Bhagalpur Mein Curfew Mein Dheel" ,Aryavarta, 1 November 1989

);> "Sadbhvna Aur Shanti Banne Mein Sahyog Kare:Mukhya mantri", Aryavarta, 1

November 1989

);> "Bhagalpur Kisi Apreeye Ghatna Ki suchna Nahi; 29 Aur Shav Bramad" ,Aryavarta, 2

November 1989

);> "Bhagalpur Ki Stithi Mein Tezi Se Sudhaar Ho Raha Hai: Mukhya Mantri", Aryavart, 2

November, 1989.

);> "Sampradayik Tatvo Ke Virudh Front Abhiyaan Chalayega Gope", Aryavarta, 2

November 1989

);> "Parties Whipping Up Communal Tension", PTI Report, November 5, 1989 "Bhagalpur

Dango Mein 13 Ghante Ki Dheel aur 22 Shav Miley", Aryavarta., 5 November 1989

151
)> "Bhagalpur Mein Koi Apreeye GhatnaNahi", Aryavarta, 6 November 1989

)> "Bhagalpur Dango ki jaanch Hetu Nayayik Aayog Ka Sanghatan", Aryavarta, 6

November 1989

)> "Bhagapur Se Sena Ki Wapasi", Aryavarta, 9 November 1989

)> "Bhaglpur Ke Gavao Mein Hinsa Ki Ghatnaye:Sena Ki Gashat· Tej 5 Vayakti Mare

Gaye", Aryavarta,11 November 1989

)> "Bhaglpur Ke Kayi Gawon Mein Chapemari Mein 144 Banduk, Bam. Pistol Bramad",

Aryavarta, 12 November 1989

)> "Bhagalpur Chunav Sataghit Nahi Hoga", Aryavarta, 13 November 1989

152