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IAS0010.1177/22338659211013652International Area Studies ReviewAhmed et al.

Article
International Area Studies Review
2021, Vol. 24(4) 335–\348
The changing political trends © The Author(s) 2021
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in erstwhile FATA: a study sagepub.com/journals-permissions
https://doi.org/10.1177/22338659211013652
DOI: 10.1177/22338659211013652
of the last three elections journals.sagepub.com/home/ias

Raja Qaiser Ahmed

Mohammad Ishaq
Quaid I Azam University, Pakistan

Muhammad Shoaib
National Defence University, Pakistan

Abstract
This study investigates the changing political trends in erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal
Areas of Pakistan. Analysis of the last three elections (2008, 2013, 2018) shows a substantial
change in the region. The tribal structure, local traditions, power arrangement and electoral
practices have changed significantly over a decade. The extension of the Political Parties Order
to the region and its merger with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa stimulated political activities in the area
that increased the political awareness of tribal people. The results of the 2013 and 2018 elections
highlight the changes. Electoral activities, women participation and voter turnout increased with
every election. Tribal youth joined existing political forums to demand their democratic rights. A
significant percentage of the young, educated Pashtuns joined the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement in
its demand for improved governance.

Keywords
FATA, federation, election, Frontier Crimes Regulation, Political Parties Order

Introduction
Erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (henceforth FATA) comprised seven agencies and
six frontier regions (FRs). The agencies included Bajur, Mohmand, Khyber, Orakzai, Kurram, North
Waziristan and South Waziristan. The frontier regions included Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, Lakki
Marwat, Tank and Dera Ismail Khan. According to the provincial figures from the 2017 Census, the
estimated population of the area was above five million. It was spread over an area of 27,220 km,

Corresponding author:
Raja Qaiser Ahmed, Assistant Professor School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid I Azam University, 3rd
Avenue Islamabad, Pakistan 44000.
Email: [email protected]
336 International Area Studies Review 24(4)

with an overwhelming majority of Pashtuns (Khan, 2008). It was bordered by Afghanistan to the
north and west, Baluchistan to the south and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) to the east.
The year 2018 was a monumental period in the history of the erstwhile FATA. On 24 May,
Pakistan’s National Assembly voted in favour of the 25th amendment to the constitution of Pakistan
that called for the merger of FATA with KP (Ali, 2018; Begum, 2018; Noor et al., 2018). The
Senate approved the legislation the following day. On 27 May, the KP Assembly passed the merger
bill with a clear majority (87:7). Finally, on 31 May, the President of Pakistan, Mamnoon Hussain
gave his assent to the amendment, after which FATA became part of the KP province (Wasim,
2018). The merger with KP was the fulfilment of a longstanding demand of the tribal populace.
Nonetheless, the merger was not their only demand: demands had evolved (and increased)
along with overall political awareness in the area. Since the extension of the Political Parties Order
(PPO) to the region, political activities had increased, and tribal youth had started actively partici-
pating in electoral activities. Their attitude towards electoral politics and political activities had
changed. And their questioning and critiquing of decades-long practices had increased. After the
merger, Pashtun leaders discussed a variety of matters and demanded their constitutionally assured
democratic rights. In this regard, the 2018 election results and ensuing changes show that the poli-
tics of FATA had changed significantly over the years.
This study investigates the changing political trends in FATA. A very robust and dominant trend
that recently occurred in FATA is the rise of the PTM (Pashtun Tahafuz Movement). This is a social
movement that has triggered upheaval in Pakistan’s political landscape. The rise of this movement
is due to the contextual background of existing political trends in FATA. The marginalization of the
Pashtun population in the backdrop of the war on terrorism and absentia of political representation
guided the trajectory of this movement (Ahmed and Khan, 2020). PTM’s origin primarily lies in
the post-9/11 military operations in erstwhile FATA. It emerged in response to displacement,
reverse urbanization, disappearances and extra-judicial arrests. Its demands concern the population
of tribal areas and seek removal of landmines and a reduction in the number of checkpoints (Aslam
and Neads, 2020). It is a non-violent, constitutional movement that relies on popularity among the
Pashtun youth mainly in KP and Baluchistan (Siddique, 2019). Since 2018, the military and PTM
have consistently attempted ‘to cast each other in hostile terms’ (Shah, 2020).
This research study explains how the political trends in FATA evolved with every successive
election (2008, 2013, 2018). It uses data collected from different sources, mainly books, articles,
reports (official and unofficial) and the gazettes of the Election Commission of Pakistan. It also
uses data collected in the field involving non-structured interviews, focus-group discussion and
participant observation among the youth and elderly males in the area. The interviews mentioned
in the following section were conducted by the first author (during August–December 2019 mainly
in South Waziristan, the Kurram agency and the Khyber agency). During his stay in the erstwhile
FATA, the author interviewed the youth and political workers and arranged focus group discus-
sions (with male participants) to understand the nature of change in the region. Also, public
responses and non-structured interviews with the tribal populace have significantly shaped our
understanding of the changing perceptions about the politics, elections and political process in the
region. The locals’ commentaries on political participation, political activities, the structure of
political parties and women’s participation in elections have been important in explaining changes
in the region’s political trends.
This study follows a three-section approach. The first section includes the historical context that
describes the attitude of the British Raj and its successor state (Pakistan) towards FATA and covers
the attempts to mainstream the region. The following section covers political trends in the region
and discusses three elections (2008, 2013, 2018). The last section maps the change (that began
from the adult franchise and matured in 2018).
Ahmed et al. 337

FATA in historical context

The FATA region has remained at the centre of great power politics. It was significant during ‘the
great game’ between Russia and the British Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Although the British were successful in keeping the Russians away, FATA residents were resistant
to the influence of the British Empire (Qaiser, 2015). They tried to maintain their autonomy and
independence from British control. Thus, after a long struggle, the British Raj signed an agreement
with Amir Abdul Rahman of Afghanistan and in 1893 divided the tribal region under the Durand
Line accord (Rahi, 2014).
After the accord, FATA became part of the British-controlled subcontinent of India. In 1901, the
Raj enacted a set of laws, the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) to administer the region. The FCR
was a colonial project; it endowed political agents with unrestrained powers while ensuring their
nexus with the residential tribal elders (Maliks) (Ullah, 2015). In the absence of a legislature, the
political agents and Maliks exercised unrestrained administrative powers. Thus, soon after its
enactment, the weaknesses of FCR became evident. But the British did not make any significant
attempt to replace it or address its weaknesses. They wanted only to maintain control of the region,
so they administrated, controlled it remotely by ensuring non-interference in the tribes’ internal
affairs (Hopkins, 2015).
The colonial system ensured minimum state penetration in the region. The state was concerned
mostly with security of infrastructure (Ahmed and Tamoor, 2021). Jirga was adopted to work as an
intermediary between the state and tribal population (Khan, 2008). Locals’ traditional set-up
remained intact and regional issues were resolved through the FCR. The status quo did not change
even after the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947. Although the formerly British-controlled
FATA became part of Pakistan, the nascent state continued the practices of its predecessor. It did
not make any attempt to either abolish or change the FCR.
Under the first and second articles of Pakistan’s 1973 constitution, FATA was given constitu-
tional status of a territorial part of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The constitution endowed the
Maliks with full autonomy to manage all social and political issues in the region. It gave unchecked
powers to the political agents (who served as representatives of the federal government) to admin-
istratively govern the region with the powers of magistracy. The political agents blatantly exercised
their powers on the judicial, financial and executive matters of the region. They kept tight control
of the executions of decisions and policymaking processes.
An important reason for their virtually absolute powers was the FCR. It gave them unprece-
dented powers: political agents could punish the whole clan for a crime committed by an individ-
ual, impose hefty fines, detain members of a tribe, snatch and vandalize property; the entire tribe
could be threatened and intimidated with dire consequences (Wazir, 2018). They had the power to
convict or pardon an accused of any charge. In the case of conviction, their decisions could not be
challenged in any court of law. Such concentration of power in one individual was in contradiction
to the democratic spirit, but no attempt was made to assuage this problem. Therefore, aided by
legal arrangements, political agents were able to rule the region for a century.
Nonetheless, their absolute powers could not keep the social status quo. FATA’s geographical
proximity with Afghanistan put it under the spotlight after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in
1979. Pakistan’s involvement in the war altered the social fabric of the region (Noor et al., 2018).
Religious fundamentalist and jihadist groups from all over the world gathered in the region to con-
front the Soviet forces. Hence the region changed into what the US President Bill Clinton called
‘the most dangerous place on earth’ (Iqbal and Khan, 2014). Following 9/11 it became the epicen-
tre of the Taliban, Al-Qaeda and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU). Radicalization of the
338 International Area Studies Review 24(4)

local populace grew over time, making it lucrative for the religious extremist groups to recruit the
FATA youth to fight in Iraq, Palestine and Afghanistan (Jaspal, 2010).
Alongside radicalization and militancy, the number of religious seminaries multiplied concur-
rently. Militant groups used the seminaries to indoctrinate youth in favour of Jihad. Drug traffick-
ing and weaponization also increased over the years (Talbot, 2012). The lack of education facilities,
widespread unemployment, crumbling infrastructure, poor health and sanitary facilities and the
lack of economic opportunities made the region a breeding ground for Jihadis and radical religious
outfits. Availability of weapons, decades-long neglect and the weak state writ helped increase vio-
lence and lawlessness in society. As expected, militancy, terrorist incidents and military operations
became the hallmarks of the region.

Mainstreaming FATA
Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto made the first attempt to mainstream FATA. He constituted a
committee to devise a framework for FATA’s integration into North-West Frontier Province
(NWFP, now KP) of Pakistan (Ministry of States and Frontier Regions, 2016). However, in 1977
his effort was sabotaged by the military coup that deposed his government. For the next two dec-
ades, FATA was significant only in regard to the Afghan war and in strengthening Pakistan’s posi-
tion in the future political set-up in Afghanistan. Bhutto’s mainstreaming effort was resumed by his
daughter, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. In 1996, Benazir introduced adult franchise in the tribal
areas. This move extended the democratic process to FATA (Talbot, 2012). Later, General Pervez
Musharraf pledged to initiate political, economic, educational and administrative reforms in FATA
by extending a local bodies system to the region. A special committee was constituted to look after
the region, and an independent secretariat was formed. The government also allocated PKR40 bil-
lion for development purposes (Ali, 2018).
In 2008, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) government, led by President Asif Ali Zardari
(Benazir’s widower), made amendments to the FCR. The amendments granted the right of appeal
against decisions made by a political agent. They made it mandatory for an accused to be produced
before a judge within 24 hours of arrest. The government also extended the 2002 Political Parties
Order (PPO) to FATA, permitting political parties to organize campaigns and participate in elec-
toral activities in the region. The mainstreaming process was precipitated by the massacre at the
Army Public School in Peshawar in December 2014. The incident compelled the government to
launch a comprehensive National Action Plan (NAP) to combat terrorism. A clause in the NAP
document specifically dealt with the mainstreaming of the tribal region.
In 2015, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz, PML-N) government constituted a FATA reforms
committee under Sartaj Aziz. The cabinet approved the committee’s recommendations in March
2017. In May 2018, FATA was merged with KP province (Wasim, 2018).

Political trends in tribal areas

Article 1 of the 1973 constitution separated FATA from the rest of the provinces. Article 247 made
the region a separate entity whose administration was the responsibility of the federal government
(Wazir, 2013). FATA remained outside the domain of the executive authority of KP; however, the
governor of KP province served as representative of the President of Pakistan to regulate the affairs
of the region. The right to vote and adult suffrage for common men was denied under President of
Pakistan Order No. 1 of 1975—also called the ‘preparation of electoral roles (FATA) Order, 1975’
(Sikander, 2017). Under the order, political agents registered only the Maliks as voters. Participation
in elections, the nomination of candidates and casting votes were therefore exclusive to the Maliks.
Ahmed et al. 339

An Electoral College of Maliks selected representatives to the National Assembly. Political par-
ties were not allowed to organize any kind of political campaign; they were debarred from fielding
candidates in tribal area elections. Representatives from the area were elected to the parliament on
a non-party basis. (Financially stable and influential tribal elders mostly earned their candidacy in
parliament from the tribal belt.) However, the political situation began to change after 1996 when
the PPP government introduced adult franchise in the region. The ‘one person one vote’ formula
opened avenues for newcomers and made elections competitive.
Tribal elders, with the backing of political agents, opposed the new formula. But they could
not resist the change. In the 1997 general election, tribal people exercised their right to vote for
the first time and elected their 12 members to the National Assembly. The elections underlined a
visible shift in the political landscape of the region because the de facto institution of Electoral
College with 35,500 Maliks had lost its relevance (Gull, 2015). Power devolved (although par-
tially) from the hands of influential Maliks and political agents. The local populace actively
participated in the election that marked a democratic beginning in a conservative, non-political
region.
A similar attempt aimed at power devolution was made by the Musharraf regime. In 2002, the
regime introduced local government regulations to FATA. The regulations aimed at setting up a
local government system in the areas. Under the new system, all political and administrative pow-
ers were devolved to the local government and the status of political agents and Maliks was reduced
to ceremonial figureheads (Khattak, 2018). However, the local government system could not be
implemented in the region mainly due to the beneficiaries of the status quo. The then governors
Syed Iftikhar Hussein Shah and his successor Commander Khalil-ur-Rahman were the main barri-
ers to the implementation of the local government system (Aziz, 2017). They feared that the new
system would largely reduce their power and authority.
Also, in 2002, the Musharraf regime constituted a separate secretariat for FATA through a presi-
dential order. The primary purpose of a separate secretariat was to expedite and closely supervise
the development projects launched in the area. The monumental shift came in 2011 when President
Zardari extended PPO to the region. Enactment of the PPO and restoration (as well as formation)
of regional parties encouraged and facilitated political activism. In August 2012, Zardari signed the
‘FATA Local Government Regulation 2012’ to establish local bodies. Nonetheless, despite the
above efforts, the democratic process faced an array of challenges: an ongoing conflict, the opposi-
tion of radical groups and FATA’s position as the centre of the conflict.

Political trends in 2008 elections

The general elections of 2008 in FATA were relatively fair and transparent. Despite threats and
intimidation calls from militant groups, the tribal populace actively participated in electoral activi-
ties (Zia, 2009). Kurram Agency constituency (NA-37) had the highest turnout of 61%. The turn-
out in frontier regions (NA-47) and Khyber Agency (NA-45) was 36.66% and 35.03%
respectively.
FATA held 12 seats for the National Assembly. The division of seats was as shown in Table 1:
On average, 17 candidates contested from each constituency (Election Commission of Pakistan,
2008). (However, the newcomers could not replace the old guards because most of the winners
were rich, influential tribal leaders.) According to a Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development
and Transparency (PILDAT) report, the wealthiest Member of the National Assembly (MNAs)
from the region were Noor-ul-Haq Qadri (NA-45) with net assets of PKR179.61 million, followed
by Shaukatullah Khan (NA-43) with PKR71.40 million, Hameedullah Jan Afridi (NA-46) with
PKR62.43 million and Munir Khan Orakzai (NA-38) with PKR46.60 million (PILDAT, 2009).
340 International Area Studies Review 24(4)

Table 1.

Number Area Number

of Seats
1 Bajaur Agency 2
2 South Waziristan 2
3 Khyber Agency 2
4 Kurram Agency 2
5 Mohmand Agency 1
6 Orakzai Agency 1
7 North Waziristan 1
8 Frontier Regions 1

Source: Ali (2013).

Table 2. The 2008 General Election results in FATA.

Name of Constituency Name of Winning Votes Votes Total Turnout Other

Candidate gained polled votes (%) candidates
NA-36 Tribal Area-I Bilal Rehman (Indept) 5270 48,235 126,007 18.46 19
(Mohmand Agency)
NA-37 Tribal Area-II Sajjid Hussain Turi (Indept) 26287 87,296 141,190 61.83 24
(Khurram Agency)
NA-38 Tribal Area- Munir Khan Orakzai 16,525 24,919 87,983 28.33 19
III (Khurram Agency (Indept)
NA-39 Tribal Area-IV Jawad Hussain (Indept) 21,844 49,507 123,335 4.14 13
(Orakzai Agency)
NA-40 Tribal Area-V M. Kamran Khan (Indept) 5894 35,229 126,481 27.86 19
(N. Waziristan)
NA-41 Tribal Area-VI Mulana A. Malik (Indept) 7957 31,979 94,077 13.99 11
(N. Waziristan)
NA-42 Tribal Area-VII – – – 129,961 – –
(S. Waziristan)
NA-43 Tribal Area-VIII Shaukat Ullah Khan 7428 15,302 119,088 12.85 8
(Bajur Agency) (Indept)
NA-44 Tribal Area-IX Syed Akhunzada Chittan 6257 24,068 136,052 17.69 8
(Bajur Agency) (Indept)
NA-45 Tribal Area- X Noor ul Haq (Indept) 13,876 35,479 101,272 35.03 12
(Khyber Agency)
NA-46 Tribal Area- XI Hameedullah Jan (Indept) 5660 22,443 94,208 23.82 22
(Khyber Agency)
NA-47 Tribal Area-XII Zafar Baig Bhatani(Indept) 21,426 48,108 130,662 36.66 19
(Tank)

Source: Government of Pakistan, 2010.

FATA: Federally Administered Tribal Areas.
Total male votes = 985,994.
Total female votes = 424,332.
Registered Voters = 1,410,326.
Turnout = 26.93%.

The 2008 election brought about some positive changes in the region with a de-facto representa-
tion of mainstream regional, national political parties. The candidates affiliated with PPP and the
Awami National Party (ANP) contested and won seats (Ullah A and Hayat Su, 2017). In 2008,
Ahmed et al. 341

Table 3. The 2013 General Election results in FATA.

Name of Constituency Name of Winning Votes Votes Total Turnout Other

Candidate gained polled votes (%) candidates
NA-36 Tribal Area-I Bilal Rehman 9005 54,087 179,304 30.16 39
(Mohmand Agency) (Independent)
NA-37 Tribal Area-II Sajjid Hussain Turi 29,623 94,360 162,660 58 30
(Khurram Agency) (Independent)
NA-38 Tribal Area-III – – – – – –
(Khurram Agency
NA-39 Tribal Area-IV Syed Ghazi Gulab 7922 44,903 125,287 35.72 37
(Orakzai Agency) Jamal (Independent)
NA-40 Tribal Area-V (N. M. Nazir Khan 18,055 78,070 160,666 48.59 33
Waziristan) (Independent)
NA-41 Tribal Area-VI (N. Ghalib Khan 8022 38,167 92,719 41.16 37
Waziristan) (PML-N)
NA-42 Tribal Area-VII (S. M. Jamaluddin 3468 12,857 108,056 11.89 16
Waziristan) (JUI-F)
NA-43 Tribal Area-VIII (Bajur Bismillah Khan 13,929 44,279 16,8514 26.27 15
Agency) (Independent)
NA-44 Tribal Area-IX (Bajur Shahabuddin Khan 15,114 60,461 18,5040 32.67 25
Agency) (PML-N)
NA-45 Tribal Area- X Alhaj Shah Jee Gul 29,697 70,548 175,036 40.30 15
(Khyber Agency) (Independent)
NA-46 Tribal Area- XI Nasir Khan 4135 16,999 161,727 10.51 23
(Khyber Agency) (Independent)
NA-47 Tribal Area-XII (Tank) Qaiser Jamal (PTI) 11,328 48,596 121,265 40.07 35

Source: Government of Pakistan, 2014.

FATA: Federally Administered Tribal Areas; PML-N: Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz; PTI: Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf;
JUI-F: Jamiat e Ulama e Islam (Fazal–ur–Rehman).
Male votes = 1,142,237.
Female votes = 596,079.
Registered Voters = 1,738,316.
Turnout = 29.22 %.

although PPO was not extended to tribal areas and candidates contested on a non-party basis,
political parties backed their candidates. Overall, political campaign attracted a significant percent-
age of the populace despite the threat of terrorist attacks. The active participation of the tribal popu-
lation was an impetus for the PPP government to extend PPO to the region (Khan, 2012). In 2011
President Asif Ali Zardari introduced a ‘reforms package’ for FATA that included the fulfilment of
a long-awaited demand of PPO extended to the region.

Political trends in the 2013 election

The 2013 election brought about a substantial change. For the first time the people of tribal areas
cast votes for candidates contesting on party tickets. The nature of electioneering changed. Election
manifestos, party agendas and ideological tendencies became part of the campaign. Political par-
ticipation and voter turnout were unprecedented.
The 2013 election changed the political outlook of FATA, for the mainstream political parties
were able to launch their political campaigns in the region. Out of 339 candidates, 81 represented
different political parties (Dunya News, 2013).
342 International Area Studies Review 24(4)

During the campaign, posters and banners of political parties were displayed across the region.
Although militants had warned people from participating in electoral activities and termed democ-
racy an un-Islamic system, the warnings and threats could not keep them from exercising their right
to vote. Contestants held street meetings and rallies and openly campaigned in different parts of the
region (Mohammad, 2013). People put badges and logos of parties on their chests. The enthusiasm
of the locals was so high that on election day, voters were served with rice, food and black tea.
The introduction of political parties also changed the political realities of the region. Their can-
didates bagged four seats (Haider, 2013). (In 2008, candidates affiliated with political parties could
only win two seats.) The entrance of political parties in FATA elections did not affect only inde-
pendent candidates. Religious groups that traditionally had had a stronghold over the region also
started losing their influence. Their vote bank significantly reduced because voters had started
shifting their affiliations from right-wing to centre- and left-wing political parties (Community
Appraisal and Motivation Programme, 2013).
The Taliban threat and conservative norms could not prevent change. They could not keep tribal
women from exercising their right to vote. It was the first time in history that a significant percent-
age of women voters cast votes to choose their political representatives. The female turnout was
the highest (34.3%) that showed a significant increase from previous general elections (Community
Appraisal and Motivation Programme, 2013). However, female participation was not limited to
voting. Badam Zari contested from the Bajaur agency against 25 male candidates. Aisha Gulalai
from South Waziristan became a member of the National Assembly on reserved seats for women.

The 2018 election: a new beginning

The 2018 elections further empowered the people of FATA and enhanced their confidence in the
electoral system. Compared to 2008 and 2013, the region was stable in 2018 due to military opera-
tions against militant groups. Most of the internally displaced persons (IDP) had returned to their
homes. The influence of tribal chieftains had reduced. The unrestrained powers of political agents
had been clipped through the 25th amendment. And an ethnic movement (PTM) was rapidly garner-
ing public support.
In the 2018 election, a stronger sense of identity prevailed in the region. Its merger with KP and
exposure to political activities had transformed the once lawless region. It was no longer the sanc-
tuary of militants and a stronghold of tribal chieftains (in alliance with political agents). The people
had experienced a bloodbath, military operations, suicide attacks and massive displacements after
9/11. For them, the return to normalcy and the democratic process was significant.1 Their attitude
towards political campaigning and elections underlined their propensity. During the campaign,
party workers and supporters in all agencies and frontier regions hoisted party flags at streets, roofs
and markets. Party songs and music resonated from the sky-touching mountains. Public gatherings
and party meetings were in high momentum throughout the campaign period (Alam, 2018).
Election turnout also reflected their active participation. Turnout at the 2018 election surged to
36%, highest of the latest four general elections (FAFEN, 2018). The upsurge was not limited to
male voters only. Unlike previous polls, female participation substantially increased in the 2018
election. According to a FAFEN (2018) report, the turnout of female voters was 26% despite the
Taliban threat to attack polling stations. Some females also contested elections. Ali Begum was one
of the most prominent female contestants; she contested from Kurram agency (MENAFN, 2019).
During her election campaign she organized massive rallies, public meetings and political gather-
ings. Two other female candidates Naheed Afridi and Malasa contested from Khyber agency and
Kurram agency, respectively (MENAFN, 2019).
A comparative analysis of the last three elections shows the change.
Ahmed et al. 343

Table 4. The 2018 General Election results in FATA.

Name of Constituency Name of Winning Candidate Votes Votes Turnout Other

gained polled candidates
NA-40 Tribal Area-I Gul Dad Khan (PTI) 34683 10,5203 41.16 13
NA-41 Tribal Area-II Gulzafar Khan (PTI) 22,767 90,9492 38.34 11
NA-42 Tribal Area-III Sajjid Khan (PTI) 22,742 93,026 36.10 17
NA-43 Tribal Area-IV Noor ul Haq Qadri (PTI) 33,871 86,893 38.51 17
NA-44 Tribal Area-V M. Iqbal Khan (PTI) 12,580 67,607 25.49 40
NA-45 Tribal Area-VI Munir Khan (MMA-Pak) 16,255 57,987 35.06 37
NA-46 Tribal Area-VII Sajjid Hussain Turi (PPP) 21,506 74,780 43.35 24
NA-47 Tribal Area-VIII Jawad Hussain (PTI) 11,523 56,063 33.52 30
NA-48 Tribal Area-IX Mohsin Javed (Independent) 16,526 64,055 23.36 34
NA-49 Tribal Area- X M. Jamaluddin (MMA-Pak) 7778 37,158 20.84 24
NA-50 Tribal Area- XI Mohammad Ali (Independent) 23,589 48,287 33.10 27
NA-51 Tribal Area-XII Abdul Shakoor (MMA-Pak) 21,962 70,250 42.15 18

Source: Government of Pakistan, 2018.

FATA: Federally Administered Tribal Areas; PPP: Pakistan People’s Party; MMA-Pak: Muttahida Majlis–e–Amal (Pakistan).
Total male votes = 40.03%.
Total female votes = 23.8%.
Registered Voters = 2.51 million.
Turnout = 35.05%.

Table 5a. Number of candidates.

Number Election Number of Contesting

Year Candidates
1 2008 175
2 2013 339
3 2018 429

Table 5b. Voter turnout.

Number Election Voter

Year Turnout
1 2008 27.37%
2 2013 29.22%
3 2018 35.05%

Table 5c. Performance of party based candidates.

Number Election Year Winning Party

based Candidates
1 2008 0
2 2013 4
3 2018 10
344 International Area Studies Review 24(4)

Table 5d. Party position after the 2018 election.

Number Party Number

of Seats
1 PTI 6
2 MMA 3
3 PPP 1
4 Independent (Affiliated with PTM) 2

PPP: Pakistan People’s Party; PTM: Pashtun Tahafuz Movement; PTI: Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf; MMA: Muttahida Majlis–e–Amal.

Table 5e. Female voter turnout.

Number Election Turnout

Year
1 2008 17%
2 2013 21%
3 2018 26%

Source: Government of Pakistan, 2010, 2014, and 2018. Election Commission of Pakistan, Islamabad.

An important reason for the active participation of voters and an upsurge in the turnout was the
direct involvement of political parties. Before the extension of PPO to the region, political parties
could only indirectly support their candidates (as they did in 2008). But they could not carry out
political activities in tribal areas. In 2013, they fielded candidates for the first time. The voters’
response was encouraging because the party candidates managed to win four seats. In 2018, how-
ever, the party candidates overcame and won 10 seats. Two independent candidates who won seats
were affiliated to the PTM (Mohammad, 2019). Overall, most of the contesting candidates were
party ticket holders, which showed that the foothold of independent candidates and tribal chieftains
had virtually diminished.
Chieftains and Maliks had enjoyed unparalleled status throughout the 20th century. The tribal
elders were responsible for resolving all social and political matters. Before the promulgation of
the Adult Franchise Act in 1996, the Electoral College of elders nominated candidates for the
National Assembly and Senate as consensual representatives of tribal areas. Against this backdrop,
the 2018 elections represented a completely changed modus operandi. All contestants started their
campaigns from a lower level to garner the support of the masses. Popular candidates, enjoying
public support, were able to defeat influential chiefs. For instance, two young, middle-class candi-
dates Ali Wazir and Mohsin Dawar defeated the most influential and deeply entrenched tribal
Maliks (Shah, 2020).
The 2018 election result affected the influence and political standing of tribal chiefs and Maliks.
Earlier, they had worked in alliance with political agents and dominated the region, when the sys-
tem of political agents had thrived over the years. Agents strengthened their position in the region
and asserted full control.2 The system benefitted them because they were not answerable to any
local authority, so they tried to keep society static and apolitical (Khattak, 2015). However, their
powers reduced after the 25th amendment. They could only exercise administrative powers; the
rest of their powers were ceded to relevant provincial departments of KP.
Simply put, the political activities (campaigns, elections and merger) in FATA changed the
nature of the relationship between the state and society. Overall, the change was ubiquitous.
Political awareness increased mainly due to electoral campaigns organized by political parties.
Ahmed et al. 345

And people showed a strong sense of electoral participation to be a stakeholder in the political
process. Tribal norms and traditions could not keep them from casting votes. Thus, the myths asso-
ciated with tribal people being jingoist, warriors and non-political were debunked.3
The history of tribal areas suggests that the myths were not entirely unfounded. Tribal structures
and traditions are as old as the history of the tribal area itself. Tribal structures have served as the
fulcrum of tribal culture, norms and values. The structure and traditions have tested what Edmund
Burke calls the ‘experience of history’. Therefore, the people of tribal areas consider their tradi-
tions and structures linked with their identity and the wisdom of their forefathers, so that any threat
to these structures is perceived as a threat to the existence of tribal society and its enduring values.
Tribal traditions are no less than an un-codified tribal law (Khan, 2014). Against this backdrop,
political, electoral activities influenced tribal youth.
Political activities and the debate on FATA reforms provided an impetus to the aggravated tribal
youth. They began challenging their exclusion from taking part in debates concerning their future.
Young, educated Pashtuns considered their tribal elders (and the status quo) responsible for chaos
by providing safe havens to militants, who later tried to enforce their rigid version of Islam. They
considered their elders responsible for lawlessness and instability in the region. The elders’ accom-
modative attitude toward security forces and collateral damage in the war against terror also
became a matter of concern.4
In this regard, the killing of 27-year-old Naqeebullah Mahsud—a Pashtun who was accused of
being a member of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)—in Karachi became the catalyst.5 The
Pashtuns, led by a 25-year-old FATA resident Manzoor Ahmad Pashteen, organized widespread
protests, demonstrations and processions across the country. Pashteen’s PTM emerged as the voice
of Pashtuns who succumbed to injustices committed by the state. PTM brought discrimination
against Pashtuns into the limelight and mobilized tens of thousands based on Pashtun identity,
regardless of tribal divisions (Shah, 2018).
The PTM became a rallying point for them. Educated youth took the lead and challenged the
decades-old status quo (Hussein, 2018). Two of the PTM leaders contested elections as independ-
ent candidates and defeated the influential tribal chieftains. Their entrance into electoral politics
and the growing popularity of their party reflected the maturity of the change, underpinned by
political awareness, in the region.

Conclusion
The people of FATA had been deprived of their democratic political rights for decades. The absence
of a proper governmental set-up allowed political agents and tribal chieftains to exercise unre-
strained powers, which also created a vacuum that was filled by TTP and other militant groups.
Thus, insecurity, lawlessness, chaos and uncertainty had become the prevailing features of the
region for a decade. And bomb blasts, indiscriminate killings, assassinations and hit-and-run
attacks had pushed the region into incessant turmoil. Although the ensuing military operations
brought about stability and diminished militancy, the experience of continuous conflict, collateral
damage, mass fleeing and curfews significantly affected the social fabric of the region.
However, the politics of the region also evolved. Circa 2000, political activities (as in other
areas of Pakistan) and campaigns of party ticket holders was a farfetched idea. Concerned with
survival, tribal youth could not organize themselves politically. Tribal elders were politically secure
(the TTP was not a political threat); however, the extension of PPO changed the direction of local
politics. It motivated the tribesmen to actively participate in the 2013 election. Voters responded
positively to the electoral process with a hope that it would bring about positive change to the area.
Women participation also increased; a significant percentage of families withstood the militant
346 International Area Studies Review 24(4)

threat and compromised on centuries-old customs to allow women to cast votes. However, the
2013 election was only a beginning because by the 2018 election women participation and overall
voter turnout had increased.
After the 2018 election, it was evident that continuity of the political process and growing politi-
cal awareness had worked in favour of the erstwhile FATA residents. For instance, mainstreaming
of the region allowed the tribesmen to get rid of FCR. It also reduced the powers of political agents
and Maliks. However, the change in the power structure did not create a vacuum this time; it pro-
vided youth with an opportunity to take the lead. Their political awareness and sensitivity to social,
political issues matured. A significant percentage of tribal youth joined mainstream political parties
and the rest became part of the PTM-led struggle. The latter based their politics on Pashtun identity
to gather the masses and influence the government to improve its governance.
Politics in erstwhile FATA has undergone substantial change since the 2008 election. This
change has not only brought hope to the young; it has also created opportunities for them. But the
challenges facing the state are far from over. Mainstreaming and political process have encouraged
the creation of political, ethnic organizations demanding more rights. If abandoned or suppressed,
they can pose a significant challenge to the state, which will add to its problem. Thus, an important
task for officials is to keep the erstwhile FATA residents engaged and help them to improve their
lives.
However, there are several aspects that require the attention of scholarship. More studies are
needed on perception management, women empowerment and integration of mainstream political
parties, enhancing mutual trust and deradicalizing the youth in erstwhile FATA.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs
Raja Qaiser Ahmed https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3563-5471
Muhammad Shoaib https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9305-3766

Notes
1 Interview with a FATA resident, October 6, 2019.
2 Interview with a FATA resident, July 10, 2019.
3 Interview with a PTI worker, July 1, 2019.
4 Interview with a PTM worker, October 13, 2019.
5 Interview with a PTM leader, November 5, 2019.

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