The Impacts of Irrigation A Review of Published Evidence
The Impacts of Irrigation A Review of Published Evidence
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
To assess empirical evidence of the irrigation impacts highlighted above and provide guidance
to future investment, we reviewed a wide range of published literature (over 500 articles with
over 250 cited in the bibliography) on irrigation impact. Potential studies were identified using
keyword searches focused on irrigation and impact, an examination of the bibliographies of the
identified studies, and bibliographies of previous assessments of irrigation impact. While we
focused our analysis and discussion on studies published in the last 25 years, we also drew on
earlier works to provide context and insights. Where possible we concentrated on peer-reviewed
studies that used primary data to empirically measure impact and studies of economy wide
processes based using secondary data. We supplemented the results with insights from
qualitative studies that provide understanding of the mechanisms through which irrigation
impacts occur. Our goal was to identify and provide context for an illustrative range of impact
assessments from a variety of literatures, but our sample cannot be considered as
representative in a statistical sense.
The reviewed studies showed broad variation in scope and focus, in evaluation design and
methods used to infer impact, and in the physical and institutional nature of the irrigation
systems being evaluated. The impacts measured also ranged widely, from direct and indirect
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production effects to impacts on poverty, nutrition and groundwater depletion. While this
variation made systematic comparison across studies difficult, number key conclusions
emerged.
First, irrigation is clearly linked to increased agricultural output through both direct production
effects and through its role in increasing the productivity of complementary inputs.
Second, irrigation has been strongly associated with decreases in poverty, particularly amongst
direct beneficiaries and urban consumers.
Third, irrigation is linked to a wide range of other impacts, for example in nutrition, health and
the environment.
Fourth, studies that measured irrigation impacts beyond the farm or system scales often found
indirect, secondary effects of similar or greater magnitude than direct, primary effects. In some
cases, these secondary effects were positive (e.g. multiplier effects to the overall economy) and
in some cases negative (e.g. offsite environmental effects that offset the gains in production or
poverty reduction).
Fifth, the magnitude and nature of irrigation impacts, particularly impacts beyond production
effects, were highly dependent on the particular location and circumstances in which irrigation
occurred. In addition, impacts changed over time in terms of magnitude and sometimes sign.
Sixth, irrigation impacts, positive and negative, were unequal socially, spatially, and temporally.
Virtually every study we reviewed that was designed to measure differential impacts, in
whatever dimension, found them to be significant.
Together these conclusions suggest a number of considerations to ensure the highest returns
for future irrigation investment. Investment planning should expand attention to irrigation
benefits AND costs and explicitly consideration both direct and indirect impacts. Within this
planning, interventions to reduce negative environmental impacts of irrigation, AND better public
awareness of indirect environmental benefits, for example through decreased pressure on
marginal land, would also improve investment outcomes and public support. Finally, given the
socially differential impacts of irrigation, continued, explicit focus on distribution effects are
needed if poverty reduction and equity goals of investments are to have the greatest likelihood
of success.
1. Introduction
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Irrigation development has historically comprised a considerable proportion of the overall
infrastructure investment portfolio of the Bank. However, after a surge from the 1960s to 1980s
in the level of public investment in the irrigation sector, the enthusiasm for continued investment
(particularly in new irrigation development) has softened, except in sub-Saharan Africa. There
may be multiple reasons for this change. Irrigations very success, in concert with other
investments in agriculture, took away the imperative for continued rapid expansion of the global
food supply. Even if successful in increasing food output, large scale irrigation systems are often
viewed as failing to live up to their potential and require consistent injections of outside capital
for operations and maintenance. Irrigation is also associated with negative externalities,
particularly as related to the environment. Finally, the potential poverty reduction role of
irrigation, particularly large-scale irrigation, may have changed as areas suitable for new
irrigation development have declined and populations urbanize. Nonetheless, the pressure to
meet growing food demand and provide low cost food to an increasingly urban world persists.
Continued irrigation investments, even if not following past models, will undoubtedly play a role
in relieving that pressure.
The purpose of this paper is to review published evidence of irrigation impact to provide insights
and lessons for operation and policy. To do this, the paper first provides a general typology for
considering the wide range of mechanisms through which irrigation impacts humans directly and
through the environment. It then presents the results of a broad review of published literature
focused generally on the measurement of irrigation impact, primarily from the Green Revolution
era onwards.
The large number of reviewed studies (over 500 with more than 250 cited and included in the
bibliography) showed broad variation in scope and focus, in evaluation design and methods
used to infer impact, and in the physical and institutional nature of the irrigation systems being
evaluated. The impacts measured also ranged widely, from direct and indirect production effects
to impacts on poverty, nutrition and groundwater depletion. This range of approaches and foci
highlights that the pathways from irrigation development to impact are themselves highly
variable. While it can be concluded that the overall impacts of irrigation on food production,
poverty reduction and some other variables of interest are positive, they are also offset to
varying degrees by negative externalities and sometimes inequitable consequences. The results
also highlight that the impacts of particular irrigation developments change over time as do the
interests of those who study them. While this variation might seem to suggest that no general
conclusions can be drawn from the literature, the breadth of studies provides clear insights into
the impacts of irrigation. To summarize:
1. Irrigation is clearly linked to increased agricultural output through both direct production
effects and through its role in increasing the productivity of complementary inputs.
2. Irrigation has been strongly associated with decreases in poverty, particularly amongst
direct beneficiaries and urban consumers.
3. Irrigation is linked to a wide range of other impacts, for example as related to nutrition,
health and the environment.
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4. Studies that measured irrigation impacts beyond the farm or system scales often found
indirect, secondary effects of similar or greater magnitude than direct, primary effects. In
some cases, these secondary effects were positive (e.g. multiplier effects to the overall
economy) and in some cases negative (e.g. offsite environmental effects that offset the
gains in production or poverty reduction).
5. The range and magnitude of irrigation impacts, particularly impacts beyond production
effects, were highly dependent on the particular location and circumstances in which
irrigation occurred. In addition, impacts changed over time in terms of magnitude and
sometimes sign.
6. Irrigation impacts, positive and negative, were unequally distributed socially, spatially,
and temporally. Virtually every study we reviewed that was designed to measure
differential impacts found them to be significant.
These conclusions along with our analysis of the state of irrigation impact assessment leads us
to the following, interrelated, considerations for future investment:
While there is no shortage of irrigation impact assessments and so no need for a general call for
additional research, improved and new research on priority areas could help investment
planning. These areas include:
I. Design for impact assessment, not just M&E, for select projects. However, mechanisms
for impact assessment will likely need longer time horizons than typical project cycles.
II. Additional investment in long-term assessments of irrigation’s dynamic nature.
III. Renewed focus on the impact of large-scale irrigation, particularly in terms of
maintenance and institutions.
IV. New analysis of national and global scale irrigation impacts and processes.
V. Support of both quantitative and complementary qualitative work on the nature and scale
of irrigation impacts.
These findings and recommendations are discussed in detail in the main body of the paper and
in the conclusion.
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The impacts of irrigation are varied and range from direct increases in agricultural output to
indirect effects on gender relations, employment and even government structures. We provide
here an indicative typology, building on the existing literature, to assist in conceptualizing
irrigation impacts. We note though that the impacts of irrigation are varied and overlapping and
no definitive typology would suit all needs. Our later analysis of published impact assessments
highlights the interconnected, and sometimes counterintuitive, relationships between irrigation
and a wide range of impacts.
Availability of water through irrigation also reduces the risk of crop failure. This in turn increases
the expected return on complementary investments, such as seeds and fertilizer (Namara et al.,
2005; Gebregzaiabher et al., 2011), further increasing yields as discussed below and increasing
incentives for investment. This is graphically illustrated in Figure 1. Traditional varieties provide
returns even when water supplies are limited while High Yield Varieties (HYVs) provide no
return. However, once water supplies reach a critical level, HYV yields are higher as is the
marginal response to additional water. (In addition, the absolute and marginal responses of
complementary inputs are higher for HYVs). Thus, farmers with assured supplies of sufficient
water are more likely to invest in HYVs and complementary inputs. In contrast, farmers who
experience or perceive a risk in the volume or timing of irrigation supplies are more likely to
invest in seeds with low yield potential but high probability of some return no matter the water
outcome. Under such conditions, the incentive for investment in other inputs also declines. The
risks associated with assured surface irrigation supply and timing explain, in part, why farmer
initiated groundwater use is so common even within surface irrigation systems.
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Source: Smith, M., Fereres, E., Kassam, A. 2001. 'Crop Water Productivity Under Deficient Water
Supply'. Paper presented on the occasion of the Expert Meeting on Crop Water Productivity
Under Deficient Water Supply, 3-5 December 2001, Rome, Italy. Cited in FAO:
http://www.fao.org/docrep/006/Y4683E/y4683e07.htm
Irrigation can also bring new risks beyond the farm scale, for example as related to crop disease
and diversity as demand for traditional varieties decline (Mehra, 1981; Hazell, 1982; Pinstrup‐
Andersen and Hazell, 1985). The adoption of more uniform varieties may also bring new price
risks as cropping decisions become more uniform across large regions (Pinstrup-Anderson and
Hazell, 1985), an outcome potentially further exacerbated by centrally controlled water releases
and crop procurement programs, for example in India. Better water control may also induce
farmers to shift to higher value crops (such as fruits and vegetables) subject to greater price
variability and dependent on reliable transportation and storage.
Turning the equation around, irrigation can also be considered as an induced response to other
technology or investments. The advantages of the Green Revolution’s High Yield Variety Seeds
could only be achieved when coupled with the assured volumes of water that only irrigation
could provide. This spurred investment in publicly financed, large-scale surface irrigation and a
boom in privately financed, small-scale groundwater use. In fact, it has been argued that the
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Green Revolution was as much an irrigation (tubewell) revolution as a seed revolution (Repetto,
1994).
Beyond direct production, consumption and income effects, irrigation also impacts poverty
through indirect mechanisms including increased labor demand, particularly during harvest
periods, nutrition and health change, and economy-wide multiplier effects. Whether these
impacts are positive or negative is highly contextual. For example, irrigation’s employment
effects may benefit the landless poor, but inequalities may also widen as output increases and
depresses prices received by poor farmers operating in rain-fed conditions. Irrigation may also
worsen poverty if it re-enforces processes of land consolidation in which poor households lose
rights, converting marginal and poor farmers to landless laborers (Chambers, 1988) or if it is
associated with displacement of labor by mechanization or herbicide use. The development of
irrigation can have off site environmental impacts that are particularly important for the poor. For
example, the construction of dams and reservoirs to support irrigation has been associated with
displacement costs that disproportionately fall on the poor (e.g. Duflo and Pande, 2005).
Irrigation may also reduce environmental service provision upon which the poor rely, for
example as related to inland and marine fisheries.
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Irrigation contributes to the availability of energy and protein (Pingali, 2012) and can provide
increased incomes or purchasing power to support diet diversity (Von Braun et al., 1989).
However, the monoculture often associated with irrigation can also reduce the availability of
more nutrient rich crops and increase their costs relative to more abundant staples. This does
not need to be the case though. Small scale irrigation in Africa has been associated with
increases in vegetable production with direct benefits on nutritional status, particularly for
women and children (Von Braun et al., 1989). A variety of mechanisms through which the Green
Revolution related increases in production are related to nutritional status is outlined by
Pinstrup-Anderson and Hazell (1985). A more recent review of nutrition related impacts of
irrigation focused on sub-Saharan Africa is provided by Domenech (2013).
At the same time, the wealth generated by irrigation may also spur investment in health care, for
example through purchase of bednets (Klinkenberg et al., 2004) or by increasing food
expenditures and nutrition levels as discussed above. Irrigation development may increase the
availability of clean drinking water and improve sanitation (Van der Hoek et al., 1999).
Domenech and Ringler (2013) provide an overview of irrigation and health interactions.
The impacts of irrigation are clearly not uniform. Those producers with access to irrigation will
generally benefit more than those without. Even for those with irrigation, impacts will vary
depending on location within the system (head end versus tail end), relative land size, access to
capital to support complementary investments, and other factors. As with any technology, early
adopters may benefit differently than late adopters. Within irrigating villages, impacts will
depend on class and caste structure.
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developing countries is attributed to women (UNDP, 2006), irrigation interventions are often
made without explicit input from erstwhile female beneficiaries and without consideration for
gendered constraints to adoption (Zwarteveen, 1997), potentially reducing effectiveness and
impacting within system inequality. The gendered impacts of irrigation are variable though. For
example, irrigation may reduce work for women in some circumstances but increase it in others.
Van Koppen and Hussain (2007) and Domenech and Ringler, 2013 provide overviews of the
interconnections between irrigation impacts and gender.
2.9 Multiplier effects and Impacts on the broader economy and political structure
Irrigation influenced changes in agricultural productivity have been shown to impact overall
growth through multiplier effects and can free human and financial capital for industry and
services (Mellor and Lele, 1973, Pinstrup-Andersen and Hazell, 1983.), stabilize rural
populations (Viljoen, 1990; Little and Taylor, 2001; Schraven, 2010) and impact foreign
exchange earnings and budgets via export taxes.
Irrigation may also influence overall governance structures. The Subak system in Indonesia is a
well know example but other examples exist from around the world. While governance change
may typically be a by-product of irrigation, it can also be an explicit objective. The rationale for
the Green Revolution was both increased food production and social and political modernization
in Asia and Latin America (Latham, 2011), though the impacts may not always have been as
hoped. Niazi (2004), for example, argues that the arrival of more productive seeds and irrigation
in Pakistan forestalled larger political reform. Similarly, electricity reform to support overall
economic growth in India is now complicated by the political economy of power subsidies and
groundwater.
3. Methodology
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To assess empirical evidence of the irrigation impacts highlighted above, we reviewed a wide
range of published literature. Potential studies were identified using keyword searches focused
on irrigation and impact, an examination of the bibliographies of the identified studies, and
bibliographies of previous assessments of irrigation impact. While we focus our analysis and
discussion on studies published in the last 25 years, we also draw on earlier works to provide
context and insights. Where possible we concentrated on peer-reviewed studies that use
primary data to empirically measure impact and studies of economy wide processes based
using secondary data. We supplement the results with insights from qualitative studies that
provide understanding of the mechanisms through which irrigation impacts occur (see
discussion section for comment on their role importance for policy). Our goal was to identify and
provide context for an illustrative range of impact assessments from a variety of literatures, but
our sample cannot be considered as representative in a statistical sense.
In total, we included more than 120 studies. In reading the studies, we considered a variety of
variables including location and study date, scale of analysis (e.g. plot, household, aquifer), time
since irrigation intervention, irrigation source and type (e.g. surface water, groundwater,
wastewater; electric pump, treadle pump), evaluation approach (e.g. experimental, quasi-
experimental or non-experimental).and method (e.g. econometric, modeling) and the nature of
the impact assessed (e.g. production, poverty or health). We used the results and a detailed,
qualitative reading of the studies included in the bibliography to derive an understanding of the
nature, magnitude and extent of irrigation impacts as described below.
4. RESULTS
Scales of analysis for studies focused on the human impacts of irrigation include plot (e.g.
Huang et al., 2005), farmer (e.g. Ayanwale and Alimi, 2004), household (e.g. Gebregziaber et
al., 2009) or household head (e.g. Bagson and Kuuder, 2013), irrigation system (e.g. Irajpoor
and Latif, 2011), state/province (e.g. Bhattarai and Narayanamoorthy, 2003) and global food
system (e.g. Nelson et al, 2009). While most studies analyze impacts related to a particular
irrigation system, others analyze and sometimes compare multiple systems in one country (e.g.
Huang et al., 2005) and a few analyze systems in multiple countries (Hussain, 2007). Many
analyses examine impacts at more than one scale.
Studies focused on the non-human impacts of irrigation use scales consistent with
environmental processes. For example, some focus on the impacts of irrigation on particular
rivers, aquifers or climate systems (e.g. Liu et al., 2001; Changming, 2001; Saeed et al., 2009;
Lee et al., 2011; El Ayni et al., 2012). Others measure uptake of toxins at animal or plant level
(e.g. Ohlendorf et al., 1986; Liu et al., 2005; Gupta et al, 2008; Ghosh et al., 2012).
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The period between the establishment of irrigation and the measurement of impact also varied
substantially in the studies we surveyed. In some cases, impact was assessed after as little as 1
year (e.g. Adeoti, 2007). At the other extreme were studies done 20 (Rattan et al., 2005), 30
(Baeza et al., 2013), and 50 (Viljoen, 1990) years after irrigation commenced. Many studies did
not make the lag time between irrigation implementation and impact assessment clear.
One critique of early studies of the Green Revolution was that assessments happened too
quickly and did not capture diffusion effects, missing poverty reduction effects that were later
documented and overemphasizing negative effects on inequality (Pinstrup-Andersen and
Hazell, 1985). Still later analysis and discussion tends to highlight growing, negative
environmental impacts (e.g. Shiva, 2016), for example widespread overuse of groundwater and,
in India, negative knock on impacts to the electricity industry. There is no ideal, and appropriate
lags will always depend on purpose. However, past work on irrigation management transfer, an
intervention with substantially less expected impact than irrigation development itself, has
suggested minimum periods of 6 to 10 years (Kloezen, 1997; Vermillion, 1997).
Despite the dynamic and changing nature of irrigation impacts, most assessments measure
impacts between two particular points in time, for example between single before and after
irrigation dates (e.g. Abonesh et al., 2008; Peter, 2011; Bagson et al., 2013) or by comparing
differences between with and without sites at a single point in time (e.g., Yohannes et al., 2005;
Adeoti, 2007). The few studies that do measure impacts across time (e.g. Ayanwale and Alimi,
2004; Bhattarai et al., 2007; Burney et al., 2010) highlight the additional insights that can be
gained and, sometimes, the changing conclusions. For example, the health impacts of irrigation
can be negative in the short run as disease vectors increase, but may turn positive in the longer
term as awareness generates government level policy responses (De Zulueta et al., 1980) or
income effects result in greater health care investment by individuals (Klinkenberg et al., 2004).
A major impediment to long- term assessments of the dynamic nature of irrigation impacts is the
difficulty in data collection over time. Baeza et al. (2013) provide an alternative approach, using
distance as a proxy for time in a study of health impacts of irrigation as related to malaria in
India. While the approach may not be generalizable, it does demonstrate that alternatives to
long- term data collection may be available.
While we did not try to precisely asses the proportion of studies by country, clear patterns did
emerge. Assessments in the wake of the Green Revolution tended to focus on Asia, particularly
India and Pakistan, though the total area under irrigation was larger in China. More recent
studies tend to focus more on Africa, particularly Ethiopia and Ghana though their combined
irrigated area is small by any measure. Studies focused on developing countries tend to focus
on impacts as related to output, poverty and other measures of livelihood. Studies done in richer
countries tend to focus on environmental impacts of irrigation.
There has also been a shift over time in the nature of the irrigation assessed. Earlier studies
tend to focus on large- scale systems. More recent works tends to focus on groundwater
irrigation, and small- scale systems such as treadle pumps, drip, farm ponds, and water used in
home gardens.
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4.2 Evaluation design and methods
Evaluation design is typically categorized as non-experimental, quasi-experimental, or
experimental. Non-experimental approaches were common in our sample. Some studies use a
simple comparison of the social and economic situation of participants in an irrigation project to
the intended outcomes as stated in the original technical proposal and terms of reference of the
scheme (e.g., Concern Universal, 2012). Others use a before and after comparison without
control (e.g. Ayanwale and Alimi, 2004; Irajpoor and Latif, 2011) or a comparison between an
area with irrigation and a non-irrigated control (e.g. Viljoen, 1990; Kibret et al., 2010). The fact
that a study used a non-experimental design should not, a priori, be considered a critique as
each study has its own purpose and logic. Nonetheless, the approaches limit the inferences that
can be made on impact specifically.
Another large group, particularly of more recent publication, apply quasi-experimental methods
to provide counterfactuals in with/without scenarios. The specific techniques applied are largely
regression or econometric based but include many different approaches including propensity
score matching; endogenous switching regression (e.g. Nkhata et al., 2014), differencing,
instrumental variables (e.g. Duflo and Pande, 2005), and pipeline approaches. Perhaps not
surprisingly given the nature of most irrigation, experimental approaches now common in other
areas of development literature, just as Randomized Control Trials, did not appear in our
sample.
Moving outside what might be called “orthodox” approaches to impact assessment, studies of
regional, national and global irrigation impacts often use economic, hydro-economic (e.g.
Barbier and Thompson, 1998; Bhatia et al., 2007; Louw et al., 2008; Nelson et al., 2009; Siddig
and Mubarak, 2013) and even atmospheric (e.g. Lee et al., 2011) modeling approaches. None
of the studies used remote sensing approaches, though remote sensing is used in studies of
irrigation performance.
Finally, it is important to note that there is a long history of qualitative studies that directly or
indirectly example the impact of irrigation within agricultural and human systems. Such studies
provide nuanced, grounded insights into the subtle and varied ways irrigation works alone and
as part of larger change processes and can be particularly strong in highlighting the
mechanisms through which the differential impacts of irrigation occur (e.g. Cleaver, 1972; Blyn,
1983; Leaf, 1983; Merrey, 1983; Ostrom and Gardner, 1993; Beck, 1995; Das, 2002; Jewitt and
Baker, 2007).
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be thought of in terms of the technology for its access [e.g. gravity fed or pumped surface
systems; electric, diesel, solar (e.g. Burney et al., 2010) or human powered pumps (e.g. Shah et
al., 2000; Adeoti et al., 2007; Mangisoni, 2008; Burney et al., 2010; Kamwamba‐Mtethiwa et al.,
2012)] and application (e.g. flood, sprinklers, drip irrigation, or bucket). Finally, irrigation can be
conceptualized in terms of the crops to which it is applied (e.g. staple foods such as rice and
wheat, cash crops, or vegetables for personal consumption or sale produced from home
gardens). Our sample includes studies using each of these conceptualizations alone or in
combination.
While studies of irrigation performance or water productivity (e.g. Senanayake, 2015; Giordano
et al., 2017) are often concerned with particular institutional forms (e.g. Water User
Associations), relatively few studies of irrigation impact assessments use institutional form as an
explanatory variable. This may be because of the relative uniformity in institutional structures
within each of the conceptualizations just outlined. For example, large- scale surface systems
tend to be managed publically in whole or in part (main canals are typically managed by formal
irrigation bureaucracies, though while distributaries may be managed publicly or through Water
User Associations), while groundwater irrigation is typically privately controlled as is small- scale
irrigation using drip or drum and buckets. Some studies have tried to measure differences in
impacts of large scale (public) and small- scale (private) systems, though with a focus on the
scale rather than the institution. For example, Dillon (2010), found greater positive impacts on
production and income with small scale (and therefore private) systems than large scale (and
therefore state) systems. Acheampong et al. (2014) found that performance and impacts of
small dams in Ghana are generally higher when managed under WUAs. Other studies have
examined the issue in reverse, measuring the impacts of irrigation system characteristics on
institutional outcomes (e.g. Nagrah et al., 2016), finding for example that access to groundwater
reduced incentives to participate in cooperative surface water management.
Studies of the first 1-2 decades of Green Revolution impacts highlight impressive gains in
production directly and indirectly related to (primarily) large scale irrigation (see Pinstrup‐
Andersen and Hazell, 1985 and Everson and Gollin, 2003). Later studies, though not focused
on impact assessment per se, do not question positive production impacts of irrigation but tend
to highlight problems of irrigation system operations, sub-optimal system performance, and
inadequate finance (e.g. Byerlee and Siddiq, 1994). Other studies show that production
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problems with large- scale irrigation can occur over time. For example, salinization due to poor
irrigation management has been shown to reduce yields (e.g. Pitman and Läuchli, 2002). The
question is thus not whether irrigation increases output but for how long and at what cost.
More recent studies tend to focus on the impact of small- scale irrigation adoption (e.g. Ayars et
al., 1999, Antony and Singandhupe, 2004), demonstrating production increases for a wide
range of crops. However, some highlight the issue of disadoption over time (e.g. Burney and
Naylor, 2012; Wakeyo and Gardebroek, 2015). Disadoption and the fact that adoption
sometimes requires subsidy (e.g. Malik et al., 2016) at least suggests that the question for small
scale irrigation is again not whether it increases output, but rather the conditions under which
particular irrigation investments have the highest returns in general, in particular physical
environments or for particular classes of farmers.
In addition to the direct impact of irrigation on crop output, many studies document impacts on
crop choice and farming systems. Studies of the Green Revolution document a shift from mixed
crops and coarse cereals to wheat, sugarcane, rice and vegetables (Saith and Tankha, 1992;
Bliss, Lanjouw, and Stern 1998). Later studies also document a shift from low to high-valued
crops facilitated by irrigation (Narayanamoorthy and Deshpande, 2003; Mehta, 2009;
Woldewahid et al. 2011; Moore, 2015).
As productivity is increased, new income provides the capital for additional investment in water
control. Adeoti et al. (2007) showed that in Ghana those with initial access to low cost irrigation
such as treadle pumps sometimes generate incomes large enough to invest in motorized
pumps. Shah came to similar conclusions in for South Asia (Shah, 2000).
While direct, positive production impacts of irrigation provision are well documented, other
studies highlight production impacts on non-beneficiary farmers (Takeshima et al., 2016) and
the broader opportunity costs of irrigation water. For example, Barbier and Thompson (1998)
found that irrigation benefits from a system in Nigeria did not compensate for lost floodplain
benefits downstream. An analysis of irrigation in the Snake River system (Hamilton and
Gardner, 1986) of the United States found that while investment had a positive return, the
opportunity cost of irrigation water was high and the water would have greater social returns if
used for hydropower.
In fact, a minority of irrigation impact assessments attempt to assess net impacts (benefits
minus costs) of irrigation, even when narrowly defined in terms of production. Of those that did,
Huang et al. (2002) found positive net returns on investments in a number of irrigation systems
in China. Esardo (2005) found that income and other benefits from irrigation in Ethiopia were
positive but overestimated if health costs were not included. Other studies that considered costs
and benefits include Hamilton and Gardner (1986), Amacher et al. (2004), Duflo and Pande
(2005), Adeoti, et al. (2007), Burney et al. (2010), Aseyehegn et al. (2012) and Kumar et al.
(2014). Another group of studies, particularly those focused on health, nutrition and the
environment, do measure and highlight benefits and costs that should be considered in a full
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evaluation of irrigation impacts (see below), but without trying to produce a standard benefit/cost
analysis.
As irrigation is one of an interrelated set of inputs needed for agricultural production, its impact
on complementary inputs would best be measured in conjunction with those inputs in a Total
Factor Productivity (TFP) or related approaches. The importance of this approach is discussed
by Scheierling and Treguer (2016). However, they also discuss that water is typically left out of
agricultural TFP analyses in part because of the conceptual and empirical difficulties in
measurement (e.g Fuglie, 2010; Darku et al., 2013; Alston and Pardey, 2014).
We did not find other studies estimating the global price impacts of irrigation, nor did we find
studies that looked at the negative price impacts on those who did not receive irrigation.
However, we can make some additional hypotheses based on Everson and Gollon (2003). First,
it is likely that, within the developing world, countries whose access to irrigation increased
(mostly in Asia and to a lesser extent in Latin America) would have benefited through increased
production while those who did not gain access (mostly in Africa) would have been harmed by
prices lower than would have been the case without irrigation investment elsewhere. The
degree of harm would be dependent on the integration of national agricultural markets with the
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global trade as well as the degree of home consumption. Within any particular country,
producers who did not gain access to irrigation would also be similarly harmed through price
effects. Finally, the net benefits of irrigation to any irrigated farmer would depend on the extent
to which downward pressure on prices was offset by yield increases.
Empirical studies confirm the substantial direct impacts of irrigation on income. Bhatia (1991)
reported 77% more income for irrigators in India relative to rain-fed farmers. Farm incomes
increased three-fold for those participating in a Fadama program in Nigeria (Ayanwale and
Alimi, 2004). Small-scale irrigation resulted in a 48% increase in farm income in lowlands of
Oromia, Ethiopia (Ahmed et al., 2014). Irrigation can allow savings and accumulation of wealth.
In Africa, households with access to irrigation often own substantial cattle herds (Dillon, 2008;
Chazovachii, 2012), allowing consumption smoothing. Irrigation may also increase access to
education by enabling payment of school fees and related expenses (Adeoti et al. 2007;
Chazovachii, 2012). Thus, irrigation has significant long-term human capital development
implications. However, in instances where irrigation creates labor shortage, it can actually
decrease hours spent in school (Dillon, 2008).
As this suggests, the exact nature of irrigation’s impact on poverty reduction depends on
multiple factors. Hussain et al. (2004) finds that systems with more equal land distribution have
greater poverty reduction potential and that farmers in the head ends of systems typically
benefit more than those in the tail ends. Proximity to infrastructure is also important. Ersado
(2005) highlights that villages nearer small dams in Ethiopia had higher yields and incomes.
However, proximity also brought negative health impacts due to standing water. Adoption of
health management strategies was not uniform, with those already disadvantaged potentially
made worse off.
Impacts also vary by water source. Groundwater has been shown to have high poverty reducing
potential (Dhawan,1988, 2000; Shah, 2010; Narayanamoorthy, 2007), though poorly managed
use (the norm the world over) results in declining groundwater tables that may eventually
disadvantage the poor (Bhatia, 1992; Saith and Tankha, 1992; Dreze, Lanjouw and Sharma,
1998). Institutions also influence irrigation’s poverty reduction potential. Wade (1982) and
Rinaudo (2002) discuss the impact of corruption on reducing water allocation to the poor in
large, public canal irrigation systems. Brewer et al. (1997) also found in India that water
Page 17 of 50
allocation rules requiring bribery put poor at a great disadvantage. Arthreya et al. (1990) note
that ownership rules prevented lower castes acquiring irrigated land.
Increases in labor demand stimulated by irrigation have been shown to at least partly offset
some of the potential negative impacts of irrigation on the poor. Employment for the land-poor
and landless increases due to the labor-intensive nature of infrastructure construction and its
subsequent maintenance as well as increased labor demand from intensified cultivation and
greater harvest volumes, with increases in days worked per hectare and per cropping season
(e.g. Chambers, 1988; Viljoen, 1990; Bhattarai et al., 2002; Smith, 2004; Bhattarai et al., 2007;
Hussain, 2007). Increased employment opportunities may improve and stabilize wages. Namara
et al. (2011) found that small scale groundwater irrigation of tomatoes and peppers in Ghana
increased labor demand in the dry season when there otherwise was no employment. This
effect has been shown in other studies to revitalize and stabilize communities (Little and Taylor,
2001) and counter depopulation of rural areas (Viljoen, 1990; Schraven, 2010). However, other
studies have shown that migration to irrigated areas for employment can depress wages.
Ramachandra (1990) observes a decline in wage rates between 1948 and 1975, which he
attributes to a sharp growth in the agricultural labor force in the Gokilapuram valley, India.
Walker and Ryan (1990) also found that an increase in immigration of landless laborers from
neighboring areas kept wages low, despite the increased demand for on and off-farm labor.
Irrigation investment also creates new employment opportunities off-farm (Hussain and Hanjra,
2002 and see below for a discussion of multiple effects). For example, Louw et al. (2008) found
that while irrigation in the Northern Cape region of South Africa directly created about 18,000
jobs, an additional 4,000 jobs were created to supply inputs to the sector and an additional
13,000 were created as a result of the increased demand for consumables as a result of income
and salary increases in the agricultural sector. Studies have also documented the multiple-use
impacts of irrigation water and infrastructure (Meinzen-Dick and van der Hoek, 2001; Bakker et
al., 1999; Meinzen-Dick and Bakker, 1999; van der Hoek et al., 1999). Jensen et al. (1998)
showed that the availability of canal water use also increased domestic uses. However, other
studies highlight the potential drawbacks (see health section).
Finally, some studies find that higher income and greater personal freedom were considered the
primary benefits of irrigation to many poor. Jodha (1989) determined that a reduced reliance on
patrons as a result of irrigation was deemed an important benefit of irrigation. Beck (1994)
reports that in India 49 out of 50 respondents claimed to value their increased self-respect as a
result of irrigation more than the increase in food abundance. These insights also illustrate the
importance of qualitative assessments in understanding unanticipated positive and negative
impacts of irrigation.
Page 18 of 50
1991). For example, Von Braun et al. (1989) assessed the links among production, income,
consumption, and nutrition in rice irrigators in the Gambia. He concluded that the cultivation of
rice increased real income of farmers by 13% per household. An additional 10% increase in
annual income led to a 9.4% increase in food expenditure and a 4.8% increase in calorie
consumption.
Increased food availability may result in better nutrition (as opposed to just increased
consumption), though some studies demonstrate that irrigation can adversely affect the
nutritional status of farm-households (Hossain et al, 2005). For example, irrigation has led to
mono-cropping of cereals and decreases in cultivation of pulses, oil seeds, and coarse grains.
Thus despite the widespread increase in calorie consumption and weight gain as a result of
irrigation, decreases in food diversity and micronutrients can occur as wheat and other grains
become a larger percentage of diets (Hossain et al., 2005; Headey et al., 2016). Some countries
with large irrigation investments have relied on nutrient imports with potential implications of
food security. For example, Bangladeshi imports of vegetables and fruits from India and China
now account for approximately 10% of vegetable consumption and 43% of fruit consumption
(FAO, 2014; Headey et al., 2016). Similar outcomes may occur when irrigation expands into
seasonal or permanent grazing land, reducing livestock production and overall protein
consumption (Niemeijer et al., 1988; Hossain et al., 2005), though the impacts of irrigation on
meat production may also be reversed in other circumstances (Steinfled et al., 2006).
The impacts of irrigation on nutrition are also determined by social structure of farming systems.
For example, some studies have shown that increases in irrigated area are associated with
decreases in nutritional status, at least in the short term, in places where women play a large
role in providing income from casual labor, as in Kenya (Fleuret and Fleuret, 1980; Greer and
Thorbecke, 1986; Niemeijer, Foeken and Klaver, 1991; Quisumbing et al., 1995; Hoorweg et al.,
1995; Hossain et al., 2005). In these cases, off farm income had been used to purchase foods
of high or different nutritional value. When female labor was more devoted to a narrow range of
irrigated crops, this source of nutritional variation declined. In the longer term, the impact on
nutritional status may change as income effects take over (Passarelli et al., 2017)
More recent studies have focused less on the impact of large-scale irrigation on farm household
consumption and more on small-scale technologies such as home gardening (e.g. Kidala et al.
2000; Hoddinott and Yohannes 2002; Namara et al. 2011). Black et. al (2008) found that
consumption of iron rich foods such as dark green vegetables can reduce incidence of anemia.
Vitamin A rich foods such as orange, fleshed sweet potato, and pumpkins can reduce night-
blindness and susceptibility to illness (Black et al., 2008). While conditions will vary by location,
home gardens may be more likely to be controlled by women. Thus, if the goal is improved
nutritional status, it is important to consider the nature of irrigation (e.g. large scale versus home
garden) and the gendered nature of the farming system.
In addition to the direct, proximate effects of irrigation on nutrition, other work addresses the
connection between irrigation, sanitation and the ultimate impacts of irrigation on nutrition. Van
der Hoek et al. (2002) show in Pakistan that the application of irrigation water for household use
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can significantly reduce diarrhea, thereby improving the nutritional status of children.
Conversely, Audibert et al. (2003) showed that large-scale irrigation could increase the
prevalence of water-based parasites that reduce the potential for nutritional uptake. Other
studies show that irrigation reduced the amount of time that mothers had to spend on household
activities including cooking and caring for their children (Vaughan and Moore, 1988; Brun,
Reynaud and Chevassus-Agnès, 1989), with negative consequences for nutrition. Again
though, these impacts will decline or reduce in the longer term as income effects grow and other
adaptations are made by farm households, governments or other actors.
Evidence of the, mostly positive, impacts of irrigation on health via direct and indirect
consumption and nutrition effects are outlined elsewhere in this paper. However, irrigation and
health have been shown to be interrelated through a range of other mechanisms. While largely
underappreciated, irrigation with untreated or minimally treated wastewater is widespread and
can have significant health impacts for both producers and consumers (Drechsel et al. 2009),
particularly in semi-arid areas where it is associated with increased frequency of
schistosomiasis and diarrhea. Whether indirect health benefits through higher income,
consumption and diet diversity offset the negative consequences is an open question. Irrigation
with water contaminated with naturally occurring chemicals such as arsenic (Senanayake and
Mukherji, 2014) or human introduced agro- or industrial chemicals such as pesticides and
fertilizers or heavy metals such as cadmium (Simmons et al., 2005) can also cause a range of
health impacts including neurological abnormalities, respiratory diseases, reproductive disorder,
and endocrinological and dermal problems. Because irrigation increases the productivity of
other agricultural inputs as discussed earlier, it likely increases the use of agricultural chemicals.
The construction of dams’ consequent slowing of river flows as well as the stagnant water
associated with irrigation operations at system and farm level has also been associated with
increases in disease vectors leading to increases in malaria, dengue and sleeping sickness.
The severity of impact also depends on the way in which the irrigation system is maintained. At
least in the short term, areas without previous exposure to these diseases may be most
significantly impacted because awareness and institutions for addressing the consequences are
lacking.
At the same time, irrigation is also associated with other positive health impacts. Irrigation has
led to increased water availability for improved sanitation and hygiene practices (Van der Hoek
et al., 1999), contributing to reductions in diarrhea, schistosomiasis and other ailments. The
potential wealth generated by irrigation have been found to drive increased investment in
healthcare such as the purchase of bednets and water filters (Klinkenberg et al., 2004). As
already discussed, increased wealth has also been found to increase food expenditures and
nutrition levels, which can augment calorie intake and allow varied diets, reducing the impact
and incidence of ailments such as anemia, night blindness, and low weight.
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Domenech and Ringler (2013) provide a recent overview of the complex evidence on the
impacts of irrigation on health. For the rest of this section, we outline evidence of the impacts of
irrigation on one of the most important diseases, malaria, as an example. Irrigation is often
associated with a rise in malaria incidence as breeding sites for malaria vectors increase and
the breeding season lengthens (IIMI, 1986; Coosemans and Mouchet, 1990; Dixon and
Pinikhana, 1994; Ghebreyesus et al., 1999; Singh et al., 1999; Kobayashi et al., 2000).
Guthmann et al. (2002) found that malaria incidence was five times higher in villages closer to
irrigation systems (i.e. dams) than those villages in a non-irrigated area. In Ethiopia,
Ghebreyesus et al. (1999) determined that villages closer to the small-scale dams experienced
a seven-fold rise in malaria prevalence after the introduction of the dams. As this suggests, the
impact of irrigation on malaria is variable since this impact depends on external factors including
the type of irrigation system, the previous exposure of the area to malaria, the existing health
and irrigation infrastructure, the amount of time that has passed since the introduction of
irrigation, and the level of landless migration to the area (Malaria, 2005).
Surface irrigation has been found to result in the greatest malaria incidence since it requires the
creation of shallow water bodies, which serve as ideal breeding spots for malaria vectors
(Malaria, 2005). The flooding of fields for paddy farming is most often associated with a rise in
malaria incidence (Gillies & De Meillon, 1968; Surtees, 1970; White,1974; Snow, 1983; Coluzzi,
1984). A location’s previous exposure to malaria, as well as the condition of its health
infrastructure, are also important factors. Studies found that those places with previous
exposure (e.g. wetter areas already supporting malaria vectors) often already had protective
measures (i.e. bed nets) in place and, as a result, were often less impacted by the increased
mosquito abundance from irrigation. Variation in prevalence after irrigation is also common
(Dixon and Pinikhana, 1994). Baeza et al. (2013) assessed the impact of the number of years a
community had been irrigating on the abundance of mosquito vectors and the malaria biting
rate. They concluded that the irrigated areas studied had a similar abundance of mosquito
vectors, but areas that had been irrigated for thirty years had a lower malaria prevalence than
areas that had just begun irrigation. Conversely, areas that had just begun irrigation had higher
malaria prevalence than non-irrigated areas. Drier or more arid areas also experienced a higher
initial increase in their number of malaria outbreaks following the implementation of irrigation.
They determined that this initial increase in malaria outbreaks was because the appropriate
health infrastructure was not in place as mosquito abundance increased as a result of irrigation.
Similar findings were reported by Oomen et al. (1988) and Wang'ombe and Mwabu (1993).
Page 21 of 50
Kibret et al. (2010) studied the impact of poor infrastructure management on malaria vector
breeding and malaria transmission in the Ziway area of Ethiopia. They determined that
improper canal water management resulted in more vector breeding sites and thus, intensified
malaria transmission due to a strong positive correlation between canal water release and
anopheline larval density. Irrigation management techniques such as coordination of growing
season, in particular for surface irrigation, can often decrease the prevalence of year-round
stagnant water (reduce prolonging of seasonal transmission) and thus, minimize the impact of
the irrigation on the frequency of malaria cases. Water management techniques such as
implementing siphons or following integrated operating rules through fluctuating water flow over
periods of time have also been found to reduce mosquito breeding sites (Jobin, 1999;
Konradsen et al., 2004).
Malaria rates can also go up in the short term as employment opportunities attract landless
workers. Many studies observe a parallel influx of malaria cases with large-scale migration of
low income farmers in search of employment into malarious areas (Coosemans et al., 1985;
Coosemans et al., 1987; Coosemans and Barutwanayo, 1989). Coosemans and Barutwanayo
(1989) observed that these landless migrants often had very low incomes and as a result, were
unable to afford bednets and other malaria prophylactics.
These highlights though the complex relationship between the short-term physical impacts of
irrigation on malaria burden and the longer-term social responses. As noted, irrigation is often
associated with an increase in income and purchasing power (Robert et al., 1985; Audibert et
al., 1990; Boudin et al., 1992), and a higher propensity to spend on malaria protection (Ijumba &
Lindsey, 2001). Thus, an increase in mosquito vectors may be associated with a decrease in
incidence (Klinkenberg et al., 2004).
The impact of irrigation on gender and equity is variable. Upadhyay et al. (2005) determined
from surveys that 83% of respondents reported that drip technology had benefited female and
male employment in Nepal. They also concluded that women received direct consumption
benefits from irrigation (Upadhyay et al., 2005). After the introduction of drip irrigation, women
were able to purchase more livestock with their savings of vegetable income and ultimately,
purchase luxury goods after selling the surplus milk and meat from this purchased livestock
(Upadhyay et al. 2005). Moreover, Perera (1989) observed in Sri Lanka that irrigation channels
Page 22 of 50
increased the availability of water that women could use for domestic purposes and
consequently, reduced the amount of time that women had to spend fetching water.
However, the extent of this positive impact of irrigation on gender and equity is often limited by
many factors, including access to land, water, labor, capital, credit, technology and other
resources (Molden, 2007). Asyehegn et al. (2012) conducted a study in Ethiopia and found that
male headed households were 38% more likely to participate in irrigation than female women,
since female headed households tended to be labor scarce had reduced access to market
information. Therefore, while women may have the same potential agricultural productivity as
men, an unequal access to resources and information inhibit women from fully benefiting from
irrigation.
This unequal access is as a result of the expectation in many societies that women provide the
labor and have a marginal role in the management and decision making processes of irrigation,
which often belongs to the men of the house (Zwarteveen, 1993; Zwarteveen et al., 1996).
Moreover, Bastidas (1999) found in Ecuador that women with small children often participated
less in irrigation due to the expectation that women care for the family. Therefore, this role of
the men in decision-making and their ownership of the land provides men with ownership of the
water underneath and the profits made from irrigation schemes (Agarwal, 1994; Jordans and
Zwarteveen, 1997). Consequently, women often receive less water for domestic purposes
since men most often use the water primarily for irrigation. Moreover, since men often control
the profits from the irrigation, women often become more dependent on their husbands for
money to purchase food and other goods (Van Koppen 1998; Zwarteveen 2006). This
subservient role of women also impacts the society’s willingness to grant credit to women.
Studies in Malawi have found that women often pay for new irrigation technologies in cash and
consequently, are often limited in the size of their purchases unlike men who have access to
greater credit (Kamwamba-Mtethiwa, Namara, De Fraiture, Mangisoni, & Owusu, 2012). In
Kenya, Malawi, Sierra Leone, Zambia and Uganda, women receive less than 10% of the credit
awarded to farmers (Squires, 2010).
These benefits from irrigation may also be limited by the amount of labor women have to
contribute to the irrigation. While irrigation may reduce the need for women to spend time
collecting water, irrigation may increase women’s agricultural workload if they usually provide
the bulk of the labor in that society. Upadhyay et al. (2005) concluded from their study in Nepal
that women usually spend more time growing and cultivating the crops than males, who only
contributed 12% of their time to producing the vegetables. Even in Pakistan, nine women out of
a sample of 87 were determined to be directly engaged in irrigation (Basnet 1992). In some
studies, this high labor requirement along with a lack of recognition for their extra labor
contributions resulted in many women completely losing interest in irrigating the crops.
Due to the negative impact of an unequal distribution of these resources on women, greater
focus has been placed on the impact of different irrigation systems. Many studies have found
that home gardens had the greatest positive impact on women. Home gardens often resulted in
an increase in the economic contribution of women to the household and as a result, women
Page 23 of 50
often received greater respect, an improved social standing and greater decision-making
authority (Bushamuka et al., 2005; Iannotti, Cunningham, & Ruel, 2009; Du Plessis &
Lekganyane, 2010; Schaetzel, Antal, & Guyon, 2013; Galhena et al., 2013; Yasmin, Khattak, &
Ngah, 2014; Schreinemachers et al., 2015; van den Bold et al., 2015). Hallman et al. (2015)
observed that home garden systems required little land and investment and as a result, allowed
women to become empowered, but be less restricted by financial and social constraints. Men
often avoid intervening in home gardens since they see it as a women’s domain. Van Koppen
et al. (2001) found in India that women have the greatest success in accessing and managing
irrigation systems when a women’s group comes together to manage an irrigation project. This
role can be influenced by the society’s allowance of women in leadership, as well as the type of
irrigation and whether it has a greater labor requirement.
The importance of the inclusion of women in irrigation management groups such as water users’
associations is also addressed in many studies. Van Koppen (2002) found that women benefit
most from irrigation when they hold leadership positions and are included in irrigation forums
such as water users’ associations. However, a study in Nepal suggests that women often have
more difficulty in gaining access to water for irrigation, primarily because they are not supposed
to attend water users' meetings, and water allocation plans are often made in their absence
(Bruins and Heijmans, 1993). Schrevel (1989) determined that a major reason for the poor
functioning of water users' associations in Indonesia was that women were not included in the
groups even though they performed the agricultural and irrigation management activities while
their husbands were away throughout the year. Studies also show that irrigation projects that
directly allocate land to women instead of being allocated through their husbands provide the
most benefit to women (van Koppen, 1990).
By its very nature, irrigation perturbs the natural environment, reducing river flows, drawing
down water tables, or changing the paths through which water flows over the landscape. The
infrastructure used to supply irrigation, particularly large dams, can have transformative impacts
on flow regimes, water temperature and other variables critical to ecosystem function. Irrigation
is also associated with decreases in sediment transport, increases in soil erosion, chemical
contamination, and loss of biodiversity. Some of these impacts are discussed and reviewed in
Falkenmark et al. (2007) and Boelee (2013), and both provide insights into mitigation of
negative environmental consequences of agricultural water use broadly defined.
A wide range of, mostly technical, studies highlight more directly measure the negative impacts
of irrigation on the environment. As examples, the construction of the High Aswan Dam
famously reduced sediment transport and led to the erosion of wetlands in the Nile Delta 800
km downstream (Penvenne, 1996). The damming of the Indus in Pakistan has reduced
sediment transport with subsequent die-off of mangrove forest communities in the downstream
delta (Meynell and Qureshi, 1995). Irrigation is also associated with soil salinization (and water
logging), particularly in arid and semi-arid regions. (Kinje, 1998, Rengassamy, 2006). Chemical
Page 24 of 50
fertilizers and pesticides associated with irrigated agriculture have also been shown to have
negative environmental impacts. Vermeer et al. (1974) found that kites foraging in rice fields had
concentrations of PCP 100 times greater than the levels of kites from nearby freshwater
marshes. Litskas et al. (2009) found in the North Aegean, Greece, that nitrate concentration was
higher in the irrigation water by 0.3mg/L due to the use of fertilizers in irrigation. Many studies,
particularly from the United States of America, have found that irrigation has resulted in greater
pesticide presence in the water table (Hallberg, 1987; Wartenberg, 1988; Pionke et al., 1988).
Higher saline, pesticide and nitrate levels, along with diversions of the water supply have all
contributed to reductions in biodiversity due to the inability of organisms to survive under these
harsh conditions. Studies on biodiversity loss, specifically, highlight the role of the submersion of
wetlands, changing of vegetation communities, or diversion of water to certain areas due to
irrigation (Micklin, 1988; Kotlyakov, 1991; Precoda, 1991). GammelsrØd (1996) found that the
reduction in water flow due to the barrages and dams in Mozambique have led to declines in the
marine prawn populations and fish diversity. Similarly, Kotlyakov (1991) studied the impact of
irrigation on the Aral Sea Basin and found that after water diversions, the number of bird
species decreased by 151 and the number of mammal species decreased by 40.
Many studies attribute the extent of the negative impacts of irrigation on the environment to poor
irrigation management practices. Lewis et al. (2011) determined that with a cessation in
manuring processes over a period of five years resulted in a reduction in dissolved and
particulate contaminants, including total phosphorus (TP), soluble reactive phosphorus (SRP),
total Kjeldahl nitrogen (TKN), and nitrate (NO3) in the examined watershed. Padre et al. (2004)
found that improper irrigation management in the Indo-Ganges plain resulted in loss of soil
organic matter and nutrient matter, and ultimately, a yield decline of 37 kg/ha/year over 20
years. Fujioka and Lane (1997) attribute the negative impact on biodiversity to shifts in irrigation
infrastructure. They found that shifting from ditch-fed irrigation to metal pipes and concrete
channels for rice fields resulted in a reduction in the population of two species since the new,
more efficient infrastructure had reduced the water leakages and thus, the pools of standing
water for frog spawning (Fujioka and Lane, 1997). Soil salinization and water logging are also
generally attributed to poor irrigation planning and management practices.
While not commonly discussed or studied, irrigation may have substantial indirect environmental
benefits by reducing pressure on agricultural land expansion. This point was initially brought up
by Norman Borlaug in response to critics of the Green Revolutions environmental impacts as is
supported by the fact that irrigated agriculture produces 25-40% of food output on 10-20% of
agricultural area (Van Schilfgaarde, 1990; Molden et al., 2007). We only identified one global
study formally addressing the issue (Evenson and Gollan, 2003). It found that agricultural land
area would have been 3-5% higher by 2000 without the Green Revolution (including the
contribution of irrigation). Thus, on the one hand, as highlighted by Molden et al. (2007)
drawing on data and expertise from multiple sources, freshwater ecosystems are perhaps the
most degraded in the world in no small measure due to irrigation. On the other, irrigation may
play a largely unrecognized role in reducing other environmental pressures from food production
and can provide new forms of environmental services, for example as in traditional (e.g.
Page 25 of 50
Natuhara, 2013) and modern systems (Soils Incorporated, 2000). Unfortunately, the net impacts
of irrigation on the environment at local, national and global levels have received little attention
in the literature.
4.3.9 Multiplier effects and impacts on the broader economy and political structure
Broad analyses of Green Revolution impact highlight large, positive spillover effects as
increased output increased incomes, consumption and employment, and spurred both rural and
urban growth, driving modernization. Later studies as well estimate high off-farm impacts.
Bhatturai et al. (2007) estimated that multiplier effects in India were 3-4 times more than the
direct effects of irrigation. Given the widespread benefits, they questioned the push to require
farmers to bear responsibility for the full costs of irrigation operations and maintenance. Other
studies suggest that multiplier effects may diminish over time and should be examined in the
context of other investment opportunities. Fan et al. (2008) found, also in India, that while
additional irrigation investment yielded positive benefits to poverty reduction and the overall
economy, returns diminished as poverty declined. Returns to investments in other areas of rural
infrastructure such as roads, electricity and education then provided significantly better returns.
An economic analysis of irrigation development in Idaho (Hamilton and Gardner, 1986) found
that while returns at the project level were $166/acre, the net benefits to the state were -$8. The
study further found that water use generated much higher values in hydropower production than
irrigation. Thus, the question is not simply whether irrigation investment will have impacts
beyond the agricultural sector, it will. The question is the relative impact of irrigation investment
as compared to alternative uses of capital and, in an increasingly water scarce world, water.
Finally, while not falling within the category of impact assessment and beyond the main scope of
this paper, a broad range of literature discusses the connection between irrigation, politics and
political economy (e.g. Steward, 1955; Mitchell, 1973; Davies, 2009). Irrigation has been
credited with generating the surpluses behind the rise of civilization and connected with political
development in systems ranging from the Subak rice terraces in Indonesia to Mormon canals in
the arid western U.S. In the late 20th century, irrigation was credited not only with underpinning
the food supply gains and resulting poverty reduction of the Green Revolution but also with
aspects of modernization and the nature of governments in Asia and Latin America (Niazi, 2004;
Latham, 2011).
The development of irrigation also requires the creation of governance and bureaucratic
structures that may have far-reaching and unexpected consequences. Reisner (1993)
documents how water bureaucracies created to provide irrigation and other water infrastructure
took on lives of their own and shaped U.S. politics. Similarly, Suhardiman et al. (2014) and
Suhardiman and Giordano (2014) discuss political implications of irrigation bureaucracies in The
Philippines, Mexico, Indonesia, and Uzbekistan as do Nickum and Mollinga (2016) for China
and India. Parayil (1992) describes the political changes made by Indian policy makers to allow
the Green Revolution in India while Shah (2010) documents how that effort later created a
Page 26 of 50
broadly entangled and highly political “irrigation-energy nexus” with implications for economic
growth and politics.
5. Discussion
Assessments of irrigation almost universally demonstrate positive impacts on agricultural output
through direct production effects and increases in the productivity of complementary inputs
(land, labor and fertilizer) and via indirect effects that increase expected returns and spur
investments in other agricultural technologies and human capital. The literature also highlights
the substantial contributions of irrigation to poverty reduction over the last 50 years for farmers,
the landless and land-poor who gain at least seasonal employment on irrigated farms and,
perhaps most significantly, consumers. Consumers in general gain through greater availability
of basic food supplies at prices much lower than would have been the case without irrigation.
Poor consumers in particular gain because of the high proportion of their incomes spent on
food.
The literature also clearly demonstrates that irrigation impacts go far beyond production and
poverty effects. These additional impacts include changes in nutrition and health status,
education levels, the environment, global commodity prices, the overall economy and even the
nature of political systems. These impacts are dependent on geographic and social context and
can be highly variable in both magnitude and direction. For example, irrigation can increase
nutritional diversity when used to support household vegetable production or when it results in
income increases that support dietary diversification. However, when irrigation encourages
monocropping, nutritional diversity can decline.
Impacts are also dynamic. Early analysis of the Green Revolution found that benefits accrued
to those with large land holdings who were able to adopt new technologies early. Later studies
showed that the benefits were much more widely shared. Similarly, irrigation development can
increase disease vectors and burden as standing or slow-moving water becomes more
prevalent. However, increases in income made possible by irrigation may be invested over time
in disease prevention, actually lowering disease impacts. The literature shows that the nature of
irrigation impacts changes as income levels and the structure of the overall economy changes.
For example, Fan et al. (2008) found that while the poverty reducing impact of irrigation
remained positive, its marginal effects declined over time and alternative investments in the
rural economy eventually had higher returns.
The literature uncategorically demonstrates that irrigation impacts, both positive and negative,
do not accrue equally across individuals, groups, regions and countries. Virtually every study
that used disaggregated data to assess differential impacts found the differences to be
significant. Where land holdings are unequal, irrigation benefits will also be. Those in headends
of irrigation systems will benefit more than those in tail ends. The gendered nature of farming is
often reproduced and perhaps strengthened by irrigation investment. In some cases, the result
of this inequity can be benign, with one beneficiary profiting more than another but all gaining. In
other cases, though, one group may benefit at the cost of another. This may be particularly
Page 27 of 50
common in the case of environmental externalities, for example where dams displace poor
populations or downstream ecosystem services on which the poor depend are destroyed.
There is no question that irrigation development has direct, negative impacts on the
environment, and the literature documents multiple pathways through which these impacts can
accrue including flooding from dam development, reductions in river flows and related
ecosystem services, drawdown of groundwater, salinization and contamination. However,
irrigation also provides indirect environmental benefits through the increases it brings to land
and other input productivity. This in turn reduces pressure to develop new agricultural land,
much of which would be of increasingly marginal quality (e.g. highly sloping lands) and
susceptible to degradation and of potentially high value in terms of protection of remaining
biodiversity. This positive environmental impact of irrigation appears largely unappreciated and
under-documented in the literature.
Based on this review, there is no question that irrigation investments in the last 50 years have
had major positive impacts on both food production and poverty reduction. Nonetheless, there is
substantial concern in the literature and voiced by investors that, despite success, many
government-managed irrigation systems have not lived up to expectations (Jones, 1995; Turral,
1995; Malano & Hofwegen, 1999; Mukherji et al., 2009). The literature also shows that negative
impacts of irrigation were often misunderstood or ignored, raising questions of equity and
sustainability.
Furthermore, the rationale for irrigation has changed. In the post WWII world, agriculture was
seen as an engine of economic growth and a key means to reduce poverty. This may still be the
case in some parts of the world, particularly Africa, but as the economies of the former
developing world have grown and poverty levels reduced, agriculture may now be less an
engine of growth than a base for food price, and therefore political, stability. Similarly, as abject
poverty levels have decreased in rural areas, the role traditional large-scale irrigation can play in
poverty reduction must also necessarily change. As an example, Huang et al. (2005) found that
irrigation investments in the systems they studied in China had relatively little impact on rural
poverty, because the irrigation districts had so few poor farmers. At the same time, the
opportunity costs of water are changing as scarcity increases, urban areas generate higher
value water uses, and values towards the environment change.
Page 28 of 50
First, irrigation is clearly linked to increased agricultural output through both direct production
effects and through its role in increasing the productivity of complementary inputs.
Second, irrigation has been strongly associated with decreases in poverty, particularly amongst
direct beneficiaries and urban consumers.
Third, irrigation is linked to a wide range of other impacts, for example in nutrition, health and
the environment.
Fourth, studies that measured irrigation impacts beyond the farm or system scales often found
indirect, secondary effects of similar or greater magnitude than direct, primary effects. In some
cases these secondary effects were positive (e.g. multiplier effects to the overall economy) and
in some cases negative (e.g. off-site environmental effects that offset the gains in production or
poverty reduction).
Fifth, the magnitude and nature of irrigation impacts, particularly impacts beyond production
effects, were highly dependent on the particular location and circumstances in which irrigation
occurred. In addition, impacts changed over time in terms of magnitude and sometimes sign.
Sixth, irrigation impacts, positive and negative, were unequal socially, spatially, and temporally.
Virtually every study we reviewed that was designed to measure differential impacts, in
whatever dimension, found them to be significant.
These conclusions along with our findings on irrigation impact assessment lead us to the
following, interrelated, considerations for future investment and research:
Page 29 of 50
multiplier effects and externalities, positive and negative, can be greater in magnitude than
primarily impacts.
6.3 Continued, explicit focus on poverty and equity in investment and analysis
Irrigation impacts, positive and negative, are not distributed equally. Thus, irrigation investments
designed to contribute to the eradication of extreme poverty and boost shared prosperity must
explicitly consider how both the benefits and costs will be accrued across beneficiaries as well
as between beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries. In some cases, the poverty reduction potential
of specific irrigation investments may not be met unless other conditions are simultaneously
changed. This may sometimes be difficult, for example when it involves structural factors such
land holding size or caste or gender relations. In other cases, there may be opportunities to
design investments, or their locations, to disproportionately favor the poor. For example, given
the gender, equity and nutritional significance of home gardens, rural water supply projects that
plan for home plot irrigation may have disproportionate positive impacts on both poverty and
equity. Even if irrigation provides net benefits, it impacts producers and consumers differently
and may cause tradeoffs between those directly receiving benefits and those who do not.
Explicit consideration of who benefits, who is harmed, and the magnitude of both may be at
least as important in having investments meet poverty reduction and equity goals as overall
calculations of net project returns or benefits.
6.4 Reduce environmental costs, including health related, and make a better case for
environmental benefits
Irrigation is associated with many negative environmental impacts. Negative impacts will occur
to some extent because of the very nature of irrigation in modifying the natural environment.
Page 30 of 50
However, the extent of impact has often been exacerbated by a failure to anticipate
environmental costs in decision-making and poor management of environmental consequences.
Many studies highlight, for example, that increased prevalence of irrigation induced disease
should be anticipated during the initial irrigation operation period, and can be reduced through
awareness raising among affected communities and increased preparation of health institutions
during project preparation. Less discussed, irrigation also provides significant indirect
environmental benefits, in particular by reducing pressure on additional land development. Lack
of irrigation is also not associated with positive environmental outcomes. Ethiopia’s degraded
landscapes, for example, occur not because irrigation exists but because it does not. While the
long-term solutions to land pressures might be in reduced meat demand, reductions in
agricultural and food waste, and increases in yields via biotechnology, irrigation will continue to
play a major role in many countries for decades to come. Reducing unnecessary negative
environmental impacts of irrigation as well as better explaining the environmental case for
irrigation are both needed to ensure good investment decisions as well as public understanding
of irrigation’s place in environmental debates.
Page 31 of 50
approach to irrigation impact assessment which, if filled, would provide insights to inform future
investment and investment policy. The following recommendations focus on these general gaps.
6.6.1 Design formal assessment, not just M&E, in conjunction with project implementation
A general challenge for most irrigation impact assessments is that they are implemented after
irrigation is already in place. Only rarely are assessments done using pre-irrigation baseline
data. While with-without and other approaches may partially address this problem, planning and
collecting data for impact assessment in the designs of an increased number of projects would
facilitate a stronger understanding of impacts. In addition, collaborative planning for impact
assessment with project implementers and outside researchers may bring new insights for both
in planning investments to achieve the highest desired impacts and in understanding the
processes through which irrigation impacts occur.
6.6.3 Renew focus on the impact of large scale irrigation, particularly in terms of maintenance
and institutions
As the opportunities for large scale irrigation have declined, with a possible exception of SSA,
so too has the number of assessments of its impact. Nonetheless, it is these systems that still
provide the bulk of irrigation despite a general agreement that performance is lower than
expected. Lower performance is generally believed to be caused by deterioration of physical
infrastructure due to deferred maintenance, itself a function of poor (financial) incentives and
institutional arrangements for infrastructure management (Coward, 1984; Dinar & Subramanian,
1997; Groenfeldt & Svendsen, 2000). There is a large literature on the impact of Irrigation
Management Transfer and Water User Associations (Bastidas, 1999; Koppen et al., 2001; Van
Koppen et al., 2001; Wang et al., 2006). However, this literature is largely focused on irrigation
performance, sometimes including production effects, rather than broader impacts. There is little
other work to provide insights into institutional form, broadly defined, on operations,
maintenance and, eventually, impact.
Page 32 of 50
6.6.4 New analysis of national and global scale impacts and processes
The declining Interest in irrigation over the past 2 to 3 decades is partly a function of increased
global food output and, with some notable exceptions such as 2008, steadily falling real prices.
The 2008 exception again brought to the fore awareness of the interconnection between water,
food prices, and political stability. However, most of the attention on water was focused on
drought or climate change, not the role irrigation played or could play in price stability. This
highlights a broader neglect in understanding of the role of irrigation in global food price levels
and variability. This neglect is particularly problematic in an era of increased climate uncertainty.
Modeling national and global level impacts and contributions of irrigation on prices and their
variability is critical both to inform investment policy and to create broader understanding of
irrigation’s value beyond production..
Page 33 of 50
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