HSST HISTORY

KERALA HISTORY PART 4

Kerala Renaissance

SOCIAL REFORM MOVEMENTS

● The second half of the 19th century witnessed various social reform
movements in Kerala. From 1812 until almost the close of the century
subversive forces were forming and developing in Kerala society. The
Kerala society was awakened by the activities of various social reformers
and the society started showing the symptoms of a social renaissance.
A number of socio-religious reform movements took shape in Kerala.
● They were also the earliest democratic mass movements in Kerala. The
cooperation given by the colonial rulers provided a new impetus for the
social reform movements in Kerala.
● Spread of Modern education also helped for the growth of a new social
consciousness among the people of Kerala. The current social
transformation gradually led Kerala into the mainstream of political
struggle for freedom and responsible government in the 20th century.
● The mass especially the lower orders in the Hindu society awaked
against social injustice and evils.
● This period marks an important turning point in the history of modern
Kerala as it paved the way for revolutionary changes to the social life of
the people. These movements were peaceful and non-violent, though
there was an undercurrent of militancy in them.
● These movements were of the utmost significance because Kerala had,
for centuries, tolerated the caste system in its most oppressive form. The
complexity of the caste system of Kerala had made the lower caste
people untouchables and unapproachable. The advent of the British
separated the caste system from the administrative machinery.
● But the social status of a person was still determined according to caste
hierarchy. The influence of the caste system was more rigid in the states
of Cochin and Travancore.
● Government jobs were not given to the lower castes there up to the
beginning of the 20th century. British rule and modern English Education
prepared the people to struggle against the caste rigidity and
restrictions in the society.
● The reform movements in Kerala were initiated and led by the middle
class under the influence of both traditional and western ideas
● . The reformers of Kerala came mainly from intermediate and lower caste
backgrounds. Their caste perspective School of Distance Education
History of Modern Kerala Page 35 was clear from the nature of the issues
they supported.
● They were the problem of the lower castes, expensive obscurantist social
customs and practices, education, temperance etc. Colonial domination
and the spread of education brought about social change in the 19th
century Kerala.
● The colonial rule introduced a new economic order which was
characterized by British bureaucracy, commercialization of agrarian
economy, development of transport and communication and western
concept of private property inland. Changes also took place in public
administration.
● This led to better job opportunities for the educated people in
bureaucracy. As financial position improved the perspective of life also
underwent a change. Such a change in the economic field was also
responsible for social change among the lower castes

Reformers of Kerala
The reformers of Kerala belonged to two broad categories. The first group
believed that changes in beliefs and behavior are to be effected through their
influence of religion. Thus Chattampi Swamikal, Sree Narayana Guru,
Theerthapada Swamikal, Sadanada Swami, Vagbhadananda and their
followers helped spiritual revitalization as the basis for the advancement of
society. The second group of reformers organized themselves under non
religious leadership and gained their ends through constitutional means.
Sree Narayana Guru

The most important personality among the social and religious reformers of
Kerala during the 19th century was Sri Narayana Guru. He struggled against the
upper caste domination in the society. He tried to uplift the socio economic and
religious position of the lower caste people. His social reform movements were
among the Ezhavas. This inspired other reformers to struggle for social
recognition and equality. Sree Naranayan Guru was born in 1885 at
Chempazhanthy village near Trivandrum. He received the traditional
education and was well versed in Sanskrit and Philosophy. During his early life
itself he had started criticizing the rigidity of the caste system. He was also
against the Brahmin domination of the Hindu society. His early activities were
directed to inspire the people, especially the Ezhavas against social inequality.
Aruvippuram Prathishta
Sree Narayana Guru initiated a social reform movement through the
‘Aruvippuram Installation’ It was a social revolution in the making of Kerala.
Sreenaranayana Guru established a Shiva temple at Aruvippuram near
Trivandrum by installing a rock from the Neyyar River as Sivalinga on the
Sivaratri day of Kumbha month in 1888 (1063 Aandu). Through this he started a
silent revolution in the history of Kerala. According to the Brahmanical tradition,
the installation of the deity was the right of the Brahmins. This act of Sree
Narayana Guru provoked the Upper caste Hindus. It was enough to shake the
age-old religious hegemony of the Brahmanas. It also represented the self
determination of the lower caste people to fight against the caste rigidity and
the upper caste domination. It caused a social revolution, which uprooted the
old social system of Kerala. Gradually, Aruvippuram became a pilgrim center.
On Vavu (Full moon) day, people began to come there to offer sacrifices. The
disciples of the Guru which included the famous poet Kumaran Asan, decided
to give food to the pilgrims which led to the creation of 'Vavoottu Yogam'
(serving food to the people who come as pilgrims).In 1889, Vavoottu Yogam
had been expanded.
Thus an organization, 'Aruvippuram Kshetra Yogam' had formed. In
continuation of the Aruvippuram installation Guru established several temples
in the various parts of Kerala. Lower caste people were permitted in the temple
founded by him. Various educational institutions, libraries and reading rooms
were established at different places. He worked hard for the eradication of the
evil customs prevailing among the Ezhavas. ‘Pulikudi’ and ‘Thaliket’ were
considered as unnecessary festivals and ceremonies. He was against the
luxurious way of conducting marriage.
He had to face a lot of opposition from high caste Hindus and even from his
own community. He spread the message of ‘one caste one religion and one
God for men’ He called on the people to strengthen themselves through
organization and free themselves through education. He founded the Sivagiri
Ashram in 1904 and the Advaitha Ashram at Alwaye in 1913. His philosophy is
Advaita, which is based upon Upanishads. The awareness created by
Sreenarayana Guru touched all the castes of Hindu religion. It paved the way
for the greater social reform movement in Kerala.
SNDP Movement

A number of backward class movements were launched in the pre-

independence period. The backward classes organized themselves against
the Brahmanas, in particular as they thought that most of the socio-economic
advantages were cornered by them depriving the agricultural intermediate
castes and communities. These were similar to Jyotiba Phule’s Sathyasodak
Samaj movement with the similar aim of ending oppression by the Brahmanas.
The Brahmanas were the first to exploit modern educational and employment
opportunities. The upper non-Brahmana caste failed to get access to these
opportunities. The Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana (SNDP) movement,
among the Ezhavas of Kerala, is an example of the conflict between the
depressed classes and the upper non–Brahmin castes. SNDP Yogam is a
charitable society established in 1903 May 15 by the efforts of a group of people
who worked hard for the upliftment of the socially backward classes, with the
guidance and blessings of Sree Narayana Guru.
It was established as a charitable society working for the spiritual and
educational upliftment of the Ezhava community for the past years. It mainly
aimed at maintaining and propagating the teachings of Sree Narayana Guru.
It is the shining story of the change of an almost food gathering society into a
cosmopolitan world order. The history of Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana
Yogam is the rise of the socially backward, depressed classes in Kerala. It is the
social development of Ezhava from (according to the 824 Royal Order) mere
'owner of thalaippu and ladder' ' to the present state. Yogam is the first
organization which envisaged Kerala as a whole.

Educational Institutions
Sree Narayana Trust has been one of the pioneer educational agencies in the
field of higher education in Kerala since 1940. This Trust is one of the subsidiary
units of Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDP) for promoting the
educational activities of the community "means Sree Narayaneeiyar '' the
society called followers of Guru Narayana. He was the chief architect behind
the social renaissance in Kerala and the institutions under the Trusts follow the
footsteps of Guru whose motive is to imbibe strength through organization and
to seek liberation through education. SN Trusts aims at realizing the high ideals
of Guru who professed the welfare of all without any discrimination on the basis
of caste, creed or religion. The Sree Narayana Trusts was formed by the former
Chief Minister of Kerala Sri R.Sankar in 1952 for managing the Sree Narayana
College, Kollam. Later educational institutions were started all over Kerala for
the upliftment of the socially and educationally backward strata of the society.
At present there are 50+ educational institutions and 4 hospitals. But soon it
became quite difficult to maintain many such institutions by the Yogam, whose
main objective was the propagation of Narayana Guru's vision among the
masses. Under such circumstances, under the leadership of Sankar, the Sree
Narayana Trust was started. Though these educational institutions were
started to help socially and economically backward sections of the society, in
the recent years there had been widespread allegations against instances of
bribery and corruption in SN Trust institutions in the form of capitation fees
which had malafide intentions to serve the interests of richer sections.
REFORMERS

Kumaranasan
Kumaranasan was one of the makers of modern India. He was a famous poet
of Malayalam and was a close associate of the SNDP Yogam. Asan was born in
a merchant family belonging to the Ezhava community in April 1873 in Kayikkara
village near Thiruvananthapuram. He was the second son in a family of nine
children. School of Distance Education History of Modern Kerala Page 38 His
father Narayan Perungadi was well versed in Malayalam and Tamil literature
and his mother was Kali. He developed taste in Kathakali and classical music
and he was trained in Mathematics and Sanskrit. He had a passion towards
these subjects. At an early age itself he got two jobs- a teacher and a clerk, but
he left these two for attaining higher education in Sanskrit. He undertook a
studentship in poetry under Manamboor Govindan Asan. He learned yoga and
tantra and worked as an apprentice in a Muruga temple at Vaikom.

During this time he was blessed with writing poetry. He composed a few
devotional songs for the benefit of regular worshipers at this temple. He made
use of poetry as an instrument of social change. He represented romanticism
in Malayalam with its beauties. He was a revolutionary in every sense who
liberated Malayalam poetry from the clutches of traditionalism. After
EZhuthachan Malayalam poetry reaches its height of emotion is Asan. Deeply
moved by the social inequalities in society, he raised his voice against the evils
of the caste system. In his childhood he was dogged by ill health. At the age of
18, with his father’s request, Sree Narayana Guru visited his house. At that time
he was bedridden. The great saint suggested that Kumaran Asan should stay
with him and he became his disciple. He was greatly attracted by the teachings
and activities of Sree Narayana Guru. After his contacts with Sree Narayana
Guru, he took an intensive study of Hindu religious philosophy. This was followed
by a strenuous study of Hindu and Buddhist philosophy and Sanskrit literature.
For this purpose he spent about five years in Bangalore, Madras and Calcutta.
It was at this time that he was also introduced to English language and
literature with which he became closely acquainted. After his return to Kerala
he plunged into the task of organizing the S.N.D.P.Yogam for the allround
upliftment of the Ezhava community.

When he was in Bengal, he was experiencing the 19th century Renaissance

under Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Dayananada Saraswathi, Iswarachandra
Vidyasagar and others. He was attracted to the Bengal Renaissance and the
great poet Tagore. Born in a community condemned for centuries to
untouchability, he fought against the inequalities of a caste ridden society and
passionately stood for individual dignity, social freedom and the brotherhood
of man. After his education he returned to Kerala and once again participated
in the SNDP Yogam activities as its General Secretary. By the time of his General
Secretaryship SNDP Yogam turned into a large organization with specific
objectives for the progress of all lower castes. SNDP became a political
organization.

At the time of his retirement SNDP Yogam had nearly two thousand members
and branches all over Kerala. SNDP raised its voice of abolition of caste, temple
entry and teetotalism. Some of the earliest works of the poet were
Subrahmanya Sathakam and Sankara Sathakam, wherein Asan voiced his
devotional aspirations. He wrote his School of Distance Education History of
Modern Kerala Page 39 famous work Veena Poovu in 1907 which is a literary
classic. It paved the way for a new movement in Malayalam literature. His elegy
Prarodanam mourns the death of his contemporary and friend A R
RajarajaVarma, the famous grammarian. His khandakavyas like
Nalini,Leela,Karuna and Chadalabhiksuki won great popularity even today. In
Chinthavishtayaya Seetha he display his poetic artistry, while in Duravastha he
patiently and skillfully tears down the barriers created by feudalism, orthodoxy
and casteism and consummates the dictum of Guru, “One Caste, One Religion
, One God for men”.He wrote his epic poem Budha Charitha for which he got
inspiration from Edwin Arnold’s Light of Asia. He died at the age of 51 in a boat
accident while returning from Kollam from a function in Alappuzha.
Kumarananasan was the only poet in Malayalam who became Mahakavi
without writing a mahakavya.

Ayyankali

Another noted social reformer of modern times in the cause of eradication of

untouchability in Travancore was Ayyankali. He was born on 28 August 1863 into
a Pulaya family at Venganoor near Trivandrum. Ayyankali became extremely
conscious of the low social and economic condition of the pulayas and the
bondage enforced upon them by the higher castes and therefore he fought for
the emancipation of his people. His first attempt at asserting his right and
freedom was when he bought a bullock-cart which was then a luxury for the
pulayas. The higher caste neighbors were jealous and annoyed at him for
buying a bullock cart.

The first attempt of Ayyankali was to assert the right of using public roads for
himself and his people who were denied this right for a long time. Moreover,
those who remained as Hindus lacked a leader who could organize them to
claim this right.

In 1907, Ayyankali formed an organization by name “ Sadhujana Paripalana

Sangham”. The main objective of this was the socio-economic emancipation
of the pulayas. Ayyankali fully realized the importance of education for the
social advancement of his people. As a first step, he opened a school for the
pulayas at venganoor in 1904. The attempts of Ayyankali were successful in
drawing the attention of the Government to the educational needs of the
pulayas and many other concessions needed for their education. As in the
case of many other communities, he also demanded employment
opportunities for the pulayas under the government.

Thus the social reformers came from time to time as atomic individuals and
worked to liberate the oppressed class from the feudal lords and other social
evils. They ignited the depressed class movement in the whole of Travancore
and educated the people to fight for self respect and liberation from
oppression.

Chattampi Swamigal

Like Sri Narayana Guru, another social reformer who worked for the abolition of
untouchability in Kerala was Chattampi Swamigal. He was born on August 25,
1853 in a Nair family at Kannammoola in the outskirts of Trivandrum. Though he
did not have much of a formal education; he was endowed with an intellect of
high caliber. At the age of 24, he undertook an extensive tour of south India. In
the course of which he established contacts with many religious saints of
repute and got opportunities of acquiring mastery of Hindu theological
literature as well. In his late twenties, he returned to Trivandrum and plunged
into religious activities aimed at the eradication of social evils like
untouchability.

His learned discourses as well as works on religion, philosophy and the

brotherhood of man, soon won him a wide circle of disciples. By identifying
himself with the aspirations and problems of the common people in his
speeches, writings and social activities, Chattampi Swamigal gave the reform
movement in Kerala an intellectual appeal, a social basis and a practical turn.
Chattampi Swamigal had a liberal social outlook. He wielded his pen as an
instrument of social change. He believed that early society was based on the
principles of social freedom and equality and that Chaturvarnya was
introduced by the Brahmins in order to further their own self-interest. By
projecting the picture of an original casteless society in ancient Kerala and of
what they have wrought in it by the introduction of Chaturvarnya, Chattampi
Swamikal kindled social awareness among the people and gave an impetus
to the social-religious reform movement in Kerala.

He always expressed his profound faith in the philosophy of Ahimsa and non-
violence. He denounced the primitive custom of animal sacrifice observed in
Temples as barbarous and inhuman and thus set the pace for its isolation in
Temples owned by the Devaswom Department in Travancore during the
Regency of Sethu Lakshmi Bai (1924-1931). In his religious work ‘Padadhikari
Nirupanam’, Swamigal shattered the myth of Brahmins' right to the monopoly
of Vedic learning and asserts the right of every Hindu, irrespective of caste, to
have free access to the treasures of the Vedic lore. His other work
‘Sarvamatasamarasyam’ gives the gist of the truths common to all faiths and
emphasizes the fundamental unity of religion. He worked in close co- operation
with Sri Narayana Guru in the common cause of Hindu social and religious
regeneration. His death in 1924 was a great loss to the cause of social reform
movements in the whole of Travancore.

Pandit Karuppan
Pandit Karuppan (1885 – 1938) was a poet, dramatist and social reformer who
made a relentless crusade against untouchability and social evils. Hailing from
a community of inland fishermen, Karuppan worked well to steer socio-
economically and educationally backward communities to the front. Being the
first human rights activist of the Cochin State, he used his literary ability and
managerial skill to fight illiteracy, social injustice, casteism and superstitions.
He also campaigned for the rights of lower-caste people. As a social reformer,
Karuppan quit his teaching job and organized the people of his own
community. Various sabhas were formed aimed to achieve the upliftment of
the subaltern dalit castes. He even persuaded other communities like Velas,
Sambavas, Ulladas and Kudumbis to form similar Sabhas to give impetus to
their fight against social evils and injustice.

Mannathu Padmanabhan

Mannathu Padmanabhan (1878 - 1970) was a social reformer and a freedom

fighter who is recognised as the founder of the Nair Service Society (NSS). Being
a visionary reformer, Padmanabhan organized the Nair community under the
NSS. Even though he started his career as a government school teacher, he
changed his profession and started practicing law. With an ambitious mind to
uplift the status of the Nair community, he started the Nair Service Society in
1914. He fought for social equality, took part in the Vaikom and Guruvayoor
temple- entry and anti-untouchability agitation. In 1959, Padmanabhan along
with Christian Churches led a united opposition against the Education bill
introduced by the State Ministry, which was known as the Vimochana
Samaram (liberation struggle). The movement caused the dismissal of the
Communist government and even sowed seeds to introduce President's rule in
the state. He was honored with the title Bharata Kesari by the President of India
and also received Padma Bhushan in1966.
V.T.Bhattathiripad

Vellithruthi Thazhathu Karutha Patteri Raman Bhattathiripad(1896-1982),

popularly known as V. T. Bhattathiripad or V. T. was a prominent freedom fighter
who played a key role in removing casteism and conservatism that existed in
the Namboothiri community. He tried to reform the conservative practices of
the Namboodiri community. V.T can be credited for starting the progressive
theater movement of Kerala. His drama 'Adukkalayil Ninnum Arangathekku'
was the first play in Malayalam which had a definite and concrete social
objective. The slogans became very popular during the period which sought
for the transformation of "Brahmans into human beings".

Dr. Palpu

Padmanabhan Palpu (1863 - 1950) was a bacteriologist and social

revolutionary who is known as the "political father" of the Ezhavas. Palpu studied
at colleges in Trivandrum Madras and then went to England and completed his
medical training at London and Cambridge. Returning to India, his low caste
status prevented him from obtaining employment in the Travancore Health
Service which made him move to Mysore in order to get work. As Palpu became
aware about the importance of education as a way of socio-economic
advancement and also as means to improve health, Palpu attempted to
highlight inequalities in Travancore society and organized a petition duly
signed by 13,176 Ezhavas. He presented it to the Maharajah of Travancore and
demanded their right to admission in schools which were managed by the
colonial government and also access to employment in public service. As a
result of this, drastic changes happened in the Travancore with their demands
getting satisfied.
Vakkom Moulavi

Vakkom Muhammed Abdul Khadir Moulavi, (1873 – 1932) popularly known as

Vakkom Moulavi was a social reformer, prolific writer, Muslim scholar, and
freedom fighter who laboured hard for the social upliftment and moral renewal
of his community. As a scholar in Arabic, Persian, Urdu and Malayalam, he
encouraged the Muslims to take English education and be an active part in
modern progressive movements. He popularised Arabic-Malayalam by
publishing an Arabic-Malayalam monthly called Al Islam. He founded the
Travancore Muslim Mahajana Sabha and Chirayinkil Taluk Muslim Samajam
for social uplifting the Muslims and propagating liberal ideas among them.
Maulavi Sahib has contributed a lot to the educational and social fields which
transformed the Muslim community in the state.

Kuriakose Elias Chavara

Kuriakose Elias Chavara (1805 -1871) was the co-founder and first Prior General
of the first congregation for men in the Syro-Malabar Catholic Church which is
now known as the Carmelites of Mary Immaculate(CMI). After his elementary
education, he joined the seminary. After being ordained in 1829, Father
Kuriakose along with two other priests founded a community named 'Servants
of Mary Immaculate'. As a social reformer, Kuriakose Elias Chavara played a
large role in educating the people of the lower ranks of society. He first
introduced the system called "A school along with every church" later known as
'Pallikudam' making free education available for everyone. As he believed that
intellectual growth and the education of women was the first step towards
overall social wellbeing, the first religious congregation for women was
founded. With the help of an Italian missionary, Fr.Leopold Beccarohe,
Fr.Kuriakose Elias started an Indian religious congregation for women, the
Congregation of the Mother of Carmel.

T K Madhavan

TK Madhavan was a social reformer and journalist who led crusades for the
eradication of untouchability. He was born in 1880. Madhavan was a disciple of
Sree Narayana Guru. He founded Deshabhimani weekly with K P Kayyalakkal.
He took part in the Congress conference of 1923 at Kakinada and earned the
support of Mahatma Gandhi in the fight against caste prejudices. He was one
of the leaders of Vaikom Satyagraha in 1924. He passed away in 1930.

Sahodaran Ayyappan

Ayyappan was a journalist, thinker and social reformer. He was born in Cherai
in 1889. Sahodaran movement was established by him to fight against the
discrimination in the name of castes and untouchability. He organized
Mishrabhojanam in 1917, in which people from different castes had meals
together. He founded an organization named Vidyaposhini and established the
newspaper Sahodaran to propagate his ideas. He passed away in 1968.

Vagbhatananda

Vagbhatananda Gurudeva(1885-1939) was a social reformer who played a

crucial role in the social reform movement in modern Kerala. His magnetic
personality and oratorical skill engrossed him with a large number of
supporters. He founded the Atmavidya Sangham, a group of professionals and
intellectuals who had a more secular approach to reform. He condemned
caste barriers and idol worship and urged his followers to reject such practices.
Being a vigorous campaigner against addiction to liquor, his teachings helped
to strengthen the base of the nationalist movement mainly in north Kerala.

Thycaud Ayya

Thaikkattu Ayyavu Swamikal (1814–1909) was a spiritualist who is considered to

be one of the greatest social reformers of Kerala. He was the first to break
customs related to caste in Kerala when caste restrictions and untouchability
were at its peak. Ayyavu wrote several books on Bhakthi, Jnana and Yoga in
Sanskrit, Tamil and Malayalam with Brahmotharakandom, Pazhani Daivam
and Ramayanam Pattu prominent among them. His disciples Chattampi
Swami, Narayana Guru, Swayam Prakasini Amma, and others followed the
teachings of their great teacher.

Ayya Vaikundar

Vaikunta Swami (also known as Muthukutti Swamy) (1809-1851) was a man of

progressive social outlook. Even though he was also called as Mudichoodum
Perumal, he had to give up the name as it could only be used by the upper
class people during the time. So parents called him Muthukutty. After learning
Nalvazhi Moodur, Thirukural and the Bible he went for a pilgrimage and
meditation in Thiruchendur. Returning at the age of 24, he called himself
Vaikunda Swami. He tried to alter certain social customs which were prevailing
at that time among Nadars. In 1836, he founded an organization called
'Samatva Samajam' to fight for the redressal of the gripe of the Avarnas. The
Samatva Samajam being one of the earliest social organizations, Vaikunda
Swamikal became a pioneer social revolutionaries in Kerala. As his popularity
increased, the King of Travancore arrested his and tortured. After returning
from imprisonment, Vaikundar inspired a group of his devotees to undertake a
religious exercise called Thuvayal Thavasu.

Poikayil Yohannan (Kumara Guru)

Poikayil Yohannan (1878 – 1939), known as Poikayil Appachan to his followers,

or Kumara Gurudevan was a Dalit activist, poet, Christian preacher who
founded the socio-religious movement Prathyaksha Raksha Daiva Sabha
('God's Church of Visible Salvation'). Born as a bondsman to a Syrian Christian
family, he had to follow Christianity and a Christian name, called Johannan.
Well literate and versed with Bible, Johannan sought to create a sense of unity
among the Christian Dalit communities. Even though he joined the Marthoma
church, as he realized that the church treated Dalits as an inferior class, he left
the church. In 1909, Johannan left Christianity and formed his own Dalit
liberation movement named 'Prathyaksha Raksha Daiva Sabha' (PRDS). Known
as Poikayil Appachan or Kumara Gurudevan later, Johannan advocated
devout liberation, and sought to empower and unite the Dalits. Poikayil
Yohannan bought several acres of land and set up schools and industrial
training centers in various places. He even established several government
aided schools for Dalit education.

Brahmananda Swami Sivayogi

Brahmananda Sivayogi (1852-1929) the founder of the Sidhasramam was a

strong advocate in the Yoga system of philosophy. He founded the 'Ananda
Maha Sabha' in 1918. Sivayogi fought against various social evils and wished to
bring changes in the Marumakkathayam system of inheritance, widow
marriage, prohibition of liquor and female education. He laid stress on
happiness (ananda) which was essential for the welfare of mankind. He has
written more than 15 books including Mokshapradipam and Ananda Sutram.
His personality and teachings truly influenced the social life of Kerala.

Vaikom Satyagraha: Kerala’s First Anti-Caste Movement

On 30th March 1924, Satyagrahis by the name of Kunjappy, Bahuleyan and

Venniyll Govinda Panicker walked hand in hand towards a notice board that
read, “Ezhavas and other low castes are prohibited through this road.” The
policemen patrolling the road would stop the three men and ask them their
caste. Kunjappy would declare his Pulayan caste, Bahuleyan would assert his
Ezhava caste and Venniyll Govinda Panicker would proclaim he was a Nair.
Kunjappy and Bahuleyan would be denied entry on the premise that they
belonged to a ‘lower caste’.
The three men would, nevertheless, stand their ground, and they would be
arrested. As each man got arrested, more Satyagrahis would take their place,
marking the commencement of the Vaikom Satyagraha: one of Kerala’s
foremost organized agitations against Hindu ‘upper caste’ orthodoxy for
securing the basic civil right of marginalized castes to access all public roads
surrounding the Shiva temple in Vaikom, Travancore.

The Anti-Untouchability Committee

While most historical accounts credit the roots of the Vaikom Satyagraha to
M.K Gandhi, its seeds were laid by Dalit revolutionary, T.K. Madhavan, who
believed that marginalized castes must not only assert their basic civil right of
accessing public spaces but they also demand equality in the eyes of God. He
submitted a resolution to the Travancore legislative council demanding a right
to temple entry and worship for all people irrespective of caste and community,
while submitting repeated memorandums to the royal government for lifting
the ban for marginalized castes to access Vaikom’s temple roads.

THE SATYAGRAHA MARKED THE BEGINNING OF WHAT WOULD GO ON TO BECOME A

NATIONWIDE TEMPLE ENTRY MOVEMENT THAT CONTINUES TILL DATE.

While his efforts were to no avail, it spurred the formation of the Anti-
Untouchability Committee (AUC) in January of 1924, under the leadership of T.K
Madhavan and other anti-caste radicals such as KP Kesava Menon and K
Kelappan; a committee that would go on to play an unrivaled role as the
primary architects of the Satyagraha.

The Protest
The first target of the committee were the four public roads leading to the Shiva
Shrine in Vaikom, with ‘marginalized castes’ being denied access to them. It
was decided that this climate of casteism would be defied by a group of
satyagrahis, who would move to enter the temple roads in batches of three. A
week later even TK Madhavan and KP Kesava Menon courted arrest, with their
arrest spurring volunteers to come in from the Tamil country. Among them was
Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy, a man who would come to be known as the ‘Father of
Modern Tamil Nadu’ for igniting the ‘Self-Respect Movement’ against
Brahmanical orthodoxy and the structural exploitation of marginalized castes.
Throwing himself into the struggle, he was the only Satyagrahi to be arrested
twice, his tenacity earning him the appellation of the Vaikom Virar (the fearless
hero of Vaikom).

As Travancore’s jails began brimming with a deluge of protestors, the temple

authorities changed tactics, by barricading the roads and arming them with
police guards. In the spirit of passive resistance, the satyagrahis changed
tactics as well, by stationing themselves outside the barricade and embarking
on a hunger strike that would last days. Many accounts recall the satyagrahis
standing in waist deep water to continue their protest in the face of heavy rains
inundating the temple roads.

But what most accounts conveniently seem to overlook in their efforts to

romanticize the lives and sacrifices of people we shall never even begin to
fathom, are the repeated atrocities committed on the Satyagrahis by the
‘upper caste’ orthodoxy. The orthodoxy arranged for the Satyagrahis to be
beaten up, thrown into neck-deep waters and have irritants poured into their
eyes, an unprecedented barbarity in the face of a peaceful protest. The
justification of this barbarity lay in the belief the Brahmanical orthodoxy held,
that marginalized castes were reaping the benefits of the ‘bad karma’ they had
accumulated in their previous life.

The March
The atrocities committed against the Satyagrahis by the Hindu orthodoxy and
the bigoted resolve of the temple authorities, called for the need to escalate
the Satyagraha’s demands to the royal government. On Gandhi’s advice, a
March consisting of ‘upper caste’ Hindus who supported the reform
commenced in Vaikom and ended at the capital of Trivandrum. The marchers
armed with 25,000 signatures of ‘forward caste’ Hindus, submitted a
memorandum to the Maharani Sethulakshmi Bai of Travancore for opening the
Vaikom’s temple roads to all castes. The Maharani passed over the resolution
to the legislature, where it was met with the narrowest margin of defeat, namely
22 to 21 votes. This defeat deeply affected the morale of the satyagrahis,
magnified in the face of the escalating atrocities committed against them by
the Brahmin orthodoxy.

This incited a statewide agitation, with the boycott of ‘upper caste’ temples and
tensions began mounting in Travancore. It became glaringly obvious that a
settlement had to be reached, and in 1925 the princely authorities withdrew the
prohibitory order on three of the four temple roads. However, the fourth road
remained a ‘Brahmin only’ path from which Muslims and Christians were
excluded, continuing to perpetuate not only Brahmanical but Hindu
ascendency.

The Women
Women played an unprecedented role in the Vaikom Satyagraha, with the
large-scale participation of women being witnessed for the first time during
the Satyagraha, marking the passage of women into the socio-political
consciousness of the country. It also brought a number of prominent women
activists to the forefront; most of the women who were formerly known as the
wives of the Satyagrahi leaders, emerged as leaders in their own right, going
on to drive the women’s movement in India for the coming decades.
Women such as Narayani Amma, Meenakshi Amma, Thirumalai Amma and
Nagammai Amma, were at the forefront of the Satyagraha, empowering
women from across the country to join the fight, however most historical
accounts have done them a disservice, by either omitting them or presenting
them as the wives of prominent leaders, rather than the forces they were in
themselves.

The Impact
To many, the Vaikom Satyagraha did not yield the desired outcome, some
believing the settlement was humiliating in face of the revolutionary cause.
However, the precedent it set for Hindu orthodox and colonial nations could not
have been prophesied. Almost a decade later, in November 1936, the historic
Temple Entry Proclamation was signed, which removed the age-old ban on the
entry of marginalized castes into the temples of Travancore. In many ways, the
Satyagraha marked the beginning of what would go on to become a
nationwide temple entry movement that continues till date.

IT ALSO BOUGHT A NUMBER OF PROMINENT WOMEN ACTIVISTS TO THE FOREFRONT;

MOST OF THE WOMEN WHO WERE FORMERLY KNOWN AS THE WIVES OF THE
SATYAGRAHI ACTIVISTS, EMERGED AS LEADERS IN THEIR OWN RIGHT, GOING ON TO
DRIVE THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT IN INDIA FOR THE COMING DECADES.

The Satyagraha also built a bridge between the social justice and
independence movements in India, by bearing testament to the efficacy of
non-cooperation as a mode of protest, while also rallying princely states like
Travancore into the burgeoning freedom struggle. But most notably, it opened
an insulated and unquestioning country’s eyes to the realities of caste at a time
when national harmony in the name of the freedom struggle had assumed
precedence over daily human right violations taking place in its name.
But the Vaikom Satyagraha was above and all a revolt against sacerdotal
discrimination: the denying of morality, equality and justice in the name of
custom and tradition. It was a fight against discrimination that was deeply
structural; a way of perpetuating the caste status quo by ensuring that
marginalised castes were denied basic opportunity to live lives of freedom and
dignity. But what made this discrimination even more insidious was its
invisibility, as it was not viewed as arising from human choice and intention but
rather the will of whatever religion, custom or tradition it was hiding behind.

Temple Entry Proclamation

● In Travancore the movements for the mitigation of the severities of caste,

if not its total abolition, have been popular. The teachings of Sree

Narayana Guru gave a momentum to the forces which were generated

by the extension of western education among the masses and the

tolerant policy pursued by the State in recognising the legitimate claims

of the backward communities.

● The promulgation of the Temple Entry Proclamation was a

● reform of far-reaching importance, not only to the teeming millions of

Travancore but a momentous act of emancipation and hope to the

whole of India. The Proclamation runs as follows: "Profoundly convinced

of the truth and validity of our religion, believing that it is based on

divine guidance and

● on all-comprehending toleration, knowing that in its practice it has

throughout the centuries, adapted itself to the needs of changing

times, solicit that none of our Hindu subjects should, by reason of birth

or caste of community, be denied the consolations and the solace of

the Hindu faith. "His Highness the Maharaja had earlier in his reign

commanded

● the appointment of a committee to examine the question of Temple

Entry for the 'Avarnas' to find out the extent of the demand for reforms, to

ascertain the attitude of the Savarna castes, to examine the question in

the light of the Hindu scriptures and formulate proposals as to the lines

on which

● the reform might be affected. The committee expressed their considered

opinion that a Parishad of learned persons, well versed in the theory and

practice of Hinduism, should be summoned, and that the reform might

be affected by the ruler with their approval.

● They also suggested certain methods by which the rigor of the custom

excluding the Avarnas from the temple might be softened.

● But the Maharaja did not believe in half measures. With an outlook which

no Indian monarch had been able to entertain for a couple of thousands

of conservative years,
● His Highness the Maharaja Sree Chitra Thirunal affixed the Sign Manual

to the momentous Proclamation. It was on the eve of the Maharaja's birth

day in 1112(1936 A.D.) that the edict was promulgated. The

● Proclamation was received throughout India with delight and

admiration. It was welcomed by the whole civilized world. To the Hindus

it was a matter of pride and fresh hope.

● The Repercussions of the Proclamation were so great that the Christians

and Muslims were so great that the Christians and Muslims were equally

warm in giving it a hearty reception.

● Dr. C. P. Ramaswami Aiyer referred to the day of the Proclamation as a

unique occasion in the history of India and specially of Hinduism. Gandhiji

expressed the hope that "all other Hindu Princes will follow the noble

example set by this far-off ancient Hindu State." The Prime Minister of

Madras described the Proclamation as the "greatest religious reforms

in India after the time of Asoka ''.

● The Maharaja gave the biggest charity that any ruler could give to his

subjects in opening the doors to every class and creed.

Beginnings of the National Movement

British Malabar played a leading part in the National movement which

culminated in the achievement of Independence by India in 1947. The

Indian National Congress founded in 1885 had its adherents in Malabar

from very early days. In 1897 Sir C. Sankaran Nair, a distinguished son of

Malabar, presided over the Amravati session of the Congress. A

conference was held at Calicut under the auspices of the Congress in

1904 with C. Vijayaraghavachariar in the chair. A District Congress

Committee was formed in Malabar in 1908. A branch of the All India Home

Rule League founded by Dr. Annie Beasant in 1916 also started functioning

in the district. K. P. Kesava Menon functioned as the Secretary of the

District Congress Committee, as well as of the Home Rule League. From

1916 onwards political conferences were held in Malabar to bring the

grievances of the people to the attention of the Government. British

Malabar 282 A Survey of Kerala History Home Rule Movement The Great

War (1914-1918) gave an impetus to the National movement in Malabar.

In 1916 a public meeting held in the Calicut Town Hall to mobilize public

support for the war efforts of the Government created history. K. P. Kesava

Menon who was denied permission by Collector Innes to address the

meeting in Malayalam staged a walkout from the hall accompanied by

the vast majority of the audience. The incident was symbolic in so far as

it demonstrated the rising tempo of the National movement. The end of

the war saw the announcement of the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms

(1919) and a great controversy arose as to whether the reforms should

be accepted or not. The fifth Malabar District Political Conference held at

Manjeri on April 28, 1920, in the presence of Dr. Annie Beasant passed a

resolution declaring the reforms to be unsatisfactory and disappointing.

It also called for the early introduction of agrarian reforms in Malabar.

The conference was attended by 1,309 delegates from all parts of the

district Following the passage of the resolution there was a cleavage at

the conference between the moderate and extremist elements. The

landlords and rich men left the Congress organization and its leadership

passed into the hands of extremists, who championed the cause of the

peasants, the workers and the middle class. Manjeri may be called ‘a

Surat in reverse’, for here, unlike at Surat in 1907, the Moderates and not

the Extremists had to leave the Congress.

Non-co-operation

With the assumption of the leadership of the Indian National Congress

by Mahatma Gandhi in 1920 began a new era in the history of the

National movement in Malabar as well. The Non-co-operation

movement which was started after the Nagpur Congress of the year

made considerable headway in Malabar. There was a widespread

boycott of foreign goods, courts of law and educational institutions in the

district. Meanwhile, the Khilafat movement was started as a protest

against the action of the British Government in disrupting the Turkish

Empire and depriving the Sultan of Turkey of his spiritual headship as the

Khalifa. This agitation also made a tremendous impact on the Muslim

population of Malabar. The Khilafat work was organized all over the

country under the auspices of the Congress and therefore, for a while the

Congress and Khilafat movements merged themselves into a single

movement in which Hindus and the Muslims took part with great

enthusiasm. Mahatma Gandhi and Maulana Shaukat Ali visited Malabar

to organize Khilafat Committees and to accelerate the tempo of the

National movement against the foreign government. In April 1921 the first

All Kerala Political Conference attended by delegates from Malabar,

Travancore and Cochin was held at Ottappalam under the presidency of

T. Prakasam. Several of the prominent Congress leaders who attended

the conference were manhandled by the police.

Malabar Rebellion (1921)

The most important event connected with the political movement in

Malabar during this period was the Malabar Rebellion of 1921. The

progress of the Khilafat movement in Ernad and Valluvanad taluks

created alarm in official quarters and the Government brought these two

taluks under Section 144 of the Indian Penal Code. The British police let

loose a reign of terror against the Mappilas. The attempted arrest of

Vadakke Vittil Muhammad, the Secretary of the local Khilafat Committee

at Pukottur in Ernad taluk, led to a series of violent clashes between the

police and the Mappilas in the Ernad and Valluvanad taluks. The

Mappilas attacked police stations, looted Government treasuries and

destroyed Government offices. The rebellion was led by such leaders as

Variankunnath Kunjahammad Haji, Sithi Koya Tangal of Kumaranputhur

and Ali Musaliyar. The rebels achieved a large measure of success in

extirpating British authority in their strongholds like Malappuram,

Tirurangadi, Manjeri and Perinthalmanna and establishing their own

government in these places. The Government rushed British and Gurkha

troops to the trouble-spots in a desperate bid to crush the revolt. Martial

law was declared and repressive measures were adopted. One of the

tragic episodes of the rebellion was the ‘Wagon Tragedy’ in which 61 of

the 90 Mappilas carried as prisoners in a closed railway goods wagon

from Tirur to Coimbatore on November 20, 1921, had died of suffocation

by the time the train reached Podanur. Sumit Sarkar calls the incident

‘the Black Hole of Podanur’. In the later stages of the Malabar Rebellion

the Mappilas committed several violent atrocities and forfeited the

sympathy of the majority community. What began originally as a

reaction against police repression turned out in its last phase to be a sort

of communal flare-up in which the Hindus became the special targets of

attacks by the Mappilas. There were even some cases of forcible

conversion and looting of the wealth and property of the Hindus. It is

pointed out by writers who look upon the Malabar Rebellion of 1921 as an

agrarian or Janmi-Kudiyan conflict that the Mappilas engaged in these

outrages were tenants who were being harassed and exploited by Hindu

Jantmis. The latter, it is alleged, had helped the police in ferreting out the

rebel leaders and this provided the provocation to the Mappila tenants

to turn against the Hindu Janmis and indulge in acts of violence

bordering on religious fanaticism. This would suggest that religious

fanaticism was not the cause but the result of the outbreak of 1921. The

Congress leaders like M.P. Narayana Menon, K. P. Kesava Menon, K.

Kelappan, E. Moidus Maulavi and Muhammad Abdur Rahiman tried their

best to check the violent turn of events, but their efforts did not prove

successful. The rebellion was at last suppressed by the British

Government with an iron hand. The rebel leaders were captured and

shot, while hundreds were either imprisoned or deported. It is estimated

that about 10,000 people lost their lives in this rebellion. It may be

mentioned that the Rebellion of 1921 was a gigantic national upheaval

against British authority and not a mere Mappila outbreak as British

writers have characterized

Salt Satyagraha
The Salt Satyagraha which began under the leadership of Mahatma

Gandhi in March 1930 had its repercussions in Kerala as well. Payyannur

was the main venue of the Salt Satyagraha in Malabar. Several batches

of Satyagrahis from Calicut, Palghat and other parts of Kerala marched

to Payyannur to take part in the struggle. The Satyagraha went off

peacefully in the early stages, but with the arrest of Mahatma Gandhi on

May 5, affairs took a new turn. The Government resorted to a series of

repressive measures to break up the struggle. On 12th May the

Satyagrahis who assembled at Calicut beach to break the salt laws were

attacked by the police party and more than 30 persons were wounded.

P. Krishna Pillai and R.V. Sarma exhibited rare heroism in defending the

National Fag from forcible seizure by. the police on this occasion. The

Satyagraha camp at Payyannur was raided and its inmates were lathi-

charged. All the top leaders of the Congress like K. Kelappan, Muhammad

Abdur Rahiman, and K. Madhavan Nair were arrested and sentenced to

rigorous imprisonment. Side by side with the Salt Satyagraha, the

Congress workers also organized the picketing of toddy shops and the

boycott of foreign goods. The Civil Disobedience movement came to an

end with the release of Gandhiji on January 26, 1931, and the Gandhi-Irwin

Pact of March 4, 1931. The withdrawal of the movement was disapproved

by the younger elements in the Congress organization but there was no

immediate split in the party. The fifth All Kerala Political Conference which

met at Badagara on May 5, 1931, under the presidency of J. M. Sen Gupta

passed, among others, an 285 important resolution urging temple entry.

The Guruvayur Satyagraha (1931- ’32) was an offshoot of this resolution.

Punnapra-Vayalar Upheaval

The ‘Quit India’ movement of 1942 did not produce any serious

repercussions in Travancore as most of the top leaders of the Congress

were then in jail and the Communists had decided to support the British

Government in their war efforts. The end of the war, however, saw a

violent political upheaval in the State under Communist auspices. In

January 1946 Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Ayyar announced his proposal for

constitutional reforms which provided for an irremovable executive on

the ‘American model’. The State Congress rejected the scheme as

unacceptable. The slogan ‘American Modal Arabi Kadalil’ rent the air

everywhere in the State. The Communists organized a violent struggle in

their strongholds in Alleppey District in a bold bid to put an end to the

autocratic rule of the Diwan and achieve responsible government. In

October 1946 Vayalar and Pinnapra witnessed a violent mass upheaval

in which the workers openly challenged the authority of the Government

and came into violent clash with the police and the military. Political

Movements in Travancore and Cochin 294 A Survey of Kerala History On

October 25 the Travancore Government declared Martial Law in Alleppey

and Cherthala and Diwan Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Ayyar himself assumed

supreme command of the police and military operations in the area. The

Travancore armed forces stationed in Cherthala town moved against

the Communist Camp at Vayalar (October 26 and 27) which lay

surrounded by water on three sides. The workers at Vayalar put up a stiff

resistance with bamboo spikes, stones and axes, but the police and the

military opened fire with machine guns in a determined move to crush

the insurrection. In the massacre that took place at Vayalar on October

27, 1946 more than 150 persons lost their lives on the spot and many more

succumbed to injuries later. In the shootings which took place in two

other places on the same day 130 people were killed. It is estimated that

about a thousand people lost their lives in the Punnapra-Vayalar

outbreak. The tragic events of Vayalar and Punnapra came as a rude

shock to public opinion all over the State and stiffened the attitude of the

people against the Diwan Sir. C. P. Ramaswamy Ayyar and his

continuance in office.

Responsible Government in Travancore

The achievement of responsible government in Travancore came as the

dramatic climax to a series of sensational developments that took place

in the year 1946-47. The Indian Independence Act (1946) provided for the

lapse of Paramountcy of the British Crown over the Indian States with

effect from the date of withdrawal of the British power from India. Sir. C.

P. Ramaswamy Ayyar announced on June 11, 1947, that Travancore would

set itself up as an independent State with effect from the date on which

the British withdrew from India. The action of the Diwan aroused a bitter

controversy inside and outside the State. Travancore was again in the

vortex of a political struggle and the Government resorted to a series of

repressive measures to meet the situation.

One of the highlights of the struggle was the police firing at Pettah,

Trivandrum, in which three persons including a student by name

Rajendran were killed.

A few days after the incident, an unsuccessful attempt was made on Sir

C. P. Ramaswamy Ayyar’s life when the Diwan was attending a function

in the Swati Tirunal Academy of Music at Trivandrum (July 25,1947). The

Diwan escaped with minor injuries and very soon left the state for good.

Immediately after this incident the Maharaja intimated to Lord

Mountbatten, the Governor-General, his decision to accept the

Instrument of Accession and take Travancore into the Indian Union. Sir C.

P. Ramaswamy Ayyar resigned the office of Diwan on August 19, 1947, and

was succeeded in that office by P.G.N. Unnithan. On March 24, 1948, the

first popular Ministry of Travancore consisted of Pattom A. Thanu Pillai, C.

Kesavan and T. M. Varghese was installed in the office. The Thanu Pillai

Ministry had to resign office on October 22, 1948, following the split in the
Congress Legislature Party and a new Ministry headed by T. K. Narayana

Pillai came to power. It was while this Ministry was in office that the

integration of Travancore and Cochin took place on July 1, 1949.

Early Political Agitations in Cochin

As in Travancore, in Cochin also the desire for good government asserted

itself even in the early days of British rule. A notable instance of an

organized political move to change the status quo was in 1834.

The administration of Edamana Sankara Menon, the Diwan, was so

corrupt and inefficient that a deputation consisting of representatives of

the Brahmin, Nair and Christian communities waited on the Governor of

Madras at Ooty and presented a charge-sheet against the Diwan. Menon

was placed under suspension and was later sentenced to five years’

rigorous imprisonment after a judicial trial. There was a similar move

against Diwan Venkata Rao (1856-1860) who had also proved himself to

be unpopular. Deputations of leading citizens waited on the Governor of

Madras at Ooty and Madras and demanded the dismissal of the Diwan.

In 1859 when the Governor of Madras visited Cochin a crowd of 10,000

people surrounded the Bolgatty Residency and demanded the dismissal

of the Diwan. Venkata Rao was compulsorily retired in 1860. The

abdication of Sri Rama Varma (1890-1914), the Cochin ruler, owing to

differences of opinion with the paramount power, was also a notable

political development in the history of modern Cochin.

Early Congress Activities

The National movement in British India under the leadership of the Indian

National Congress had its echoes in Cochin. A committee of the Indian

National Congress was functioning in Trichur, even as early as 1919.

Several Congressmen from the State took part in the various Non-Co-

operation and Civil Disobedience movements carried on under Gandhi's

leadership and courted arrest. In 1933 the peasants and workers of

Cranganore agitated for relief from the burden of indebtedness and

necessary reforms had to be introduced to redress their grievances.

‘Electricity Agitation’ (1936)

The most spectacular of the agitations in Cochin was the one organized

in Trichur town in 1936 as a protest against the decision of the Cochin

Government under the Diwan Sir R. K. Shanmukham Chetti to entrust the

distribution of electric power in the town to a private company. The

agitation, in spite of its localized character and limited objectives, helped

to bring the people of all castes and communities on a common

platform and as such it was a truly popular movement. Leaders like E.

Ikkanda Warrier and Dr. A. R. Menon came into the limelight during this

agitation. The Government of Cochin adopted repressive measures to

put down the agitation and ultimately it fizzled out. However, it served to

bring the influential Christian community of Trichur into the National

movement in the State.

Demand for Responsible Government

In the late thirties, the Cochin District Congress Committee made itself

active in the public life of Cochin. In 1937 a Political Conference was held

at Trichur Political Movements in Travancore and Cochin 296 A Survey of

Kerala History under the presidency of Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramiah. The talk of

an agitation for responsible government in Cochin was in the air. The

Indian National Congress had by its Haripura Resolution of 1938 decided

to keep aloof from active entanglement in the affairs of the Native States

and hence the idea of an agitation for responsible government under the

auspices of the Congress was shelved for the time being. In the

meantime, the Government of Cochin announced a scheme of

constitutional reforms in a move to placate public opinion. It may be

mentioned in this context that while in Travancore the Government tried

to suppress the political agitations for responsible government in that

State, its counterpart in Cochin adopted an enlightened policy of

meeting the demand in stages.

Dyarchy in Cochin

The constitutional reforms referred to above were embodied in the

Government of Cochin Act passed on June 17, 1938. A scheme of Dyarchy

on the pattern of the system which prevailed in British India under the
Montague-Chelmsford reforms was introduced in Cochin. ‘The

Constitution’, said Dr. A. B. Keith, “is wisely framed as a first contribution to

the achievement of responsible government in full”. A popularly elected

Minister chosen by majority vote from among the members of the Cochin

Legislative Council was given charge of certain Departments of the State

Government like Agriculture, Co-operation, Public Health, Panchayats,

Industries etc. The Legislative Council was to consist of 58 members of

whom 38 were elected. In the elections held under the new scheme two

distinct groups emerged in the Cochin Legislature, viz., the Cochin

Congress (13 seats) and the Cochin State Congress (12 seats). The leader

of the former group, Ambat Sivarama Menon, became the first popular

Minister of Cochin and on his death Dr. A R. Menon was sworn in as

Minister on September 5, 1938. In February 1942 Dr. Menon resigned in the

wake of a no-confidence motion and was succeeded by T. K. Nair.

Rise of Cochin State Praja Mandal

The experiment in Dyarchy did not satisfy the progressive sections of the

population of Cochin. Hence in 1941 a new organization called the Cochin

State Praja Mandal was formed with the declared objective of starting an

agitation for the achievement of responsible government. The

Government of Cochin with A.F.W. Dixon as Diwan decided to put down

the proposed agitation. The first annual session of the Praja Mandal

scheduled to be held at Irinjalakuda in January 1942 was banned, but in

spite of police vigilance the conference did take place. Some of the
delegates who attended it were arrested and sent to jail. The ban on the

Praja Mandal was withdrawn in due course and the arrested delegates

were released, but the organization was not in a position to carry on its

activities in a normal way. The ‘Quit India’ movement of 1942 led to the

revival of political activity in Cochin. Several demonstrations and

meetings were held in the State under the auspices of the Praja Mandal

and many of its active workers were arrested. 297 The movement gave

an opportunity to the Praja Mandal to rehabilitate itself and the effect

was seen in the elections to the Cochin Legislature held in May 1945 when

12 out of the 19 candidates who contested on its ticket got elected. The

Praja Mandal members functioned as an active opposition in the

Legislature. In the meantime, the Maharaja of Cochin had transferred a

few more departments to the control of the Legislature and one more

Minister was appointed from among its members

Praja Mandal in Office

The Cochin State Praja Mandal held its annual session at Ernakulam in

July 1946 and drew up plans for a State-wide agitation for the

achievement of responsible government in Cochin. The 29th of July when

the State Legislature opened its session in Ernakulam was observed as

‘Responsible Government Day’. The Praja Mandal members boycotted

the session and later a Memorial was submitted to the Maharaja by 20

members of the Legislature urging the need for the early grant of

responsible government. A no-confidence motion was passed in the

then Council of Ministers consisting of Parambil Lonappan and K.

Balakrishna Menon. The Ministers resigned and their departments were

transferred to the control of the Diwan. On August 17, 1946, the Maharaja

sent a message to the Legislature expressing his willingness to transfer

all departments of the State Government except Law and Order and

Finance to Ministers responsible to the State Legislature. The Praja

Mandal in alliance with two other small groups decided to form a Ministry.

The two groups were the Progressive Party led by T.K. Nair and the

Socialist Party led by K. Ayyappan. The first popular Ministry of Cochin

consisting of Panampilli Govinda Menon, C.R. iyyunni, K. Ayyappan and T.

K. Nair assumed office on September 9, 1946. This is also the first instance

of a Coalition Ministry being formed in modern Kerala. On August 14, 1947,

the Maharaja of Cochin issued a Proclamation taking away even the

Departments of Finance and Law and Order from the Diwan. While

Finance was transferred to the control of the popular Ministry, the

portfolio of Law and Order was entrusted by the Maharaja to T. K. Nair,

one of the Ministers, to be administered by him under his guidance. The

arrangement broke down and finally ended in the resignation of all the

Ministers except T. K. Nair. The immediate cause of the resignation was

the controversy over the propriety of a lathi charge which took place at

Rajendra Maidan, Ernakulam, on October 18, 1947. A new Cabinet of three

Ministers headed by T. K. Nair was sworn in. In the general elections held

to the Cochin Legislative Council in September 1948 the Praja Mandal

was returned with a clear majority. It is worth noting in this context that

this was the first ever election to be held to a Legislature anywhere in

India on the basis of universal adult franchise. By this time the Praja

Mandal had merged in the Indian National Congress and hence the first

Congress Ministry assumed office in Cochin with E. Ikkanda Warrier as

Chief Minister (September 20, 1948). During the tenure of office of this

Ministry the State of Cochin was merged with Travancore (July 1, 1949)

and the new State of Travancore-Cochin came into existence.

The formation of the State of Kerala on November 1, 1956, marked the

realization of a long cherished desire of the Malayalam-speaking people

to have a State of their own. Public opinion had been in favor of the

formation of such a State since the early decades of this century. The

division of Kerala by the British into three administrative units, viz.,

Malabar, Travancore and Cochin acted as an obstacle to the early

formation of such a State. Moreover, a portion of the Malayalam-

speaking area, viz., the present Kasargod and Hosdurg taluks formed part

of a fourth administrative unit, viz., the district of South Canara. An

account of the popular movement for the formation of the State of

Kerala, or Aikya Kerala as it was popularly called, comprising all the areas
referred to above and the political history of the State since its formation

in 1956 are given in the following sections. Aikya Kerala Movement

One of the earliest resolutions on the subject of united Kerala was passed

at the State Peoples’ Conference held at Ernakulam in April 1928. The

Conference was attended by delegates from all parts of Kerala and one

of the resolutions passed therein called for the early formation of Aikya

Kerala. The Payyannur Political Conference held in May 1928 under the

presidency of Jawaharlal Nehru also passed a resolution requesting the

Central Congress leadership to take steps to constitute Kerala into a

separate province at the time of the framing of a Constitution for Free

India. The series of All-Kerala Political Conferences held under the

auspices of the Kerala Provincial Congress Committee since 1921 helped

to bring political workers from all the three administrative units on a

common platform and to make them think in terms of a united State. The

movement for the formation of a Kerala state gathered momentum in

the forties when the prospects of Indian independence looked bright. In

a message sent to the Cochin Legislative Council on July 29, 1946, Sri

Kerala Varma, the then Maharaja of Cochin, expressed himself in favor of

the early formation of a Kerala State comprising Travancore, Cochin and

British Malabar. A sub-committee of the Kerala Provincial Congress

formed for the purpose met at Cheruthuruthy late in 1946 under the

presidentship of K. P. Kesava Menon and decided to convene an Aikya

Kerala Conference at an early date. The Aikya Kerala Conference held

atTrichur in April 1947 under the presidentship of K. Kelappan was an

offshoot of this decision. It was attended by hundreds of delegates from

all parts of Kerala and was more Travancore - Cochin and Kerala 299

representative in character than any other conference held in Kerala till

then. The reigning Maharaja of Cochin, Sri Kerala Varma, attended the

conference and spoke in favor of the establishment of a united Kerala

State comprising British Malabar, Cochin and Travancore. The

conference passed a resolution moved by the Congress leader E. Moidu

Maulavi, urging the early formation of Aikya Kerala and also elected a

standing council of 100 members to follow it up by action. In February

1949 a similar Aikya Kerala Convention was held at Alwaye and in

November 1949 another at Palghat to press for the formation of Kerala

State

Integration of Travancore and Cochin

In the meantime, the policy of merger and integration of Native States

initiated by the States Ministry of the Government of India under the

guidance of Sardar Vallabhai Patel had improved the prospects of the

early formation of a united Kerala. On July 1, 1949, the State of

Travancore-Cochin came into existence. This was the first positive step

taken in the direction of the formation of the State of Kerala. The State of

Travancore-Cochin started functioning under good auspices. The

Maharajas of the two States willingly signed the Covenant of Integration.

The Maharaja of Travancore became the Rajapramukh of the new State

while the Maharaja of Cochin offered “to efface himself completely in

order that his people might enjoy a larger life”. The Legislatures and the

Ministries of the two States were combined to form the Legislature and

the Ministry of the new State of Travancore-Cochin. It was decided to

locate the capital of the State at Trivandrum and the High Court at

Ernakulam.

Formation of Kerala State

It was during the period of President’s Rule in Travancore-Cochin that

the decision on the reorganization of the States of the Indian Union on

linguistic basis was taken by the Government of India. Under the States

Reorganization Act of 1956 the four Southern taluks of Tovala,

Agasteeswaram, Kalkulam and Vilavancode and a part of the

Shencottah taluk were separated from Travancore-Cochin and included

in Madras State. The district of Malabar and the Kasaragod taluk of South

Canara district were added on to the remaining portions of Travancore-

Cochin to constitute the new State of Kerala. The State of Kerala formally
came into existence on November 1, 1956, with a Governor as the head of

the State. The last vestiges of princely rule in Kerala also disappeared

with the end of the institution of Rajapramukh consequent upon the

formation of the new State.

Constitutional Developments in Kerala

➔ The first general elections to the Kerala State Legislature were held in

February and March 1957.

➔ The Communist Party of India and a few Independents supported by it

secured 65 of the 126 seats in the Legislature. President’s Rule came to an

end on April 5, 1957 and a Communist Ministry under the Chief

Ministership of E. M. S. Namboothiripad came to power.

➔ Some of the legislative measures and policies of the Communist

Government evoked opposition in certain quarters and led to an

agitation for its overthrow in 1959. The agitation known as ‘Vimochana

Samaram Or ‘Liberation Struggle’ began on June 12 under the

leadership of Mannath Padmanabhan, the N.S.S. leader and all the non-

Communist political parties of Kerala including the Congress, the P.S.P.,

the R.S.P. and the Muslim League took part in it.

➔ The agitation took such a serious turn that the police had to open fire in

four places, viz., Ankamali, Pullivila, Vettukad and Cheriatura killing all 15

persons. Towards the end of July the administration of the State had

virtually broken down.

➔ The Governor of Kerala reported to the President of India that the

constitutional administration of the State had collapsed and on July 31,

1959, the President issued a Proclamation taking over the administration

of the State under Section 356 of the Constitution of India.

➔ Travancore - Cochin and Kerala 302 A Survey of Kerala History In

February 1960 fresh elections were held to the Kerala State Legislature.

There was now an electoral alliance between the Congress, the P.S.P. and

the Muslim League against the Communist Party.

➔ The triple alliance annexed 95 seats as against 29 seats won by the

Communist Party and Independents supported by it.

➔ In the wake of the victory of the alliance a Congress-P.S.P. Coalition

Ministry with Pattom A. Thanu Pillai, the P.S.P. leader, as Chief Minister was

sworn in on February 22, 1960, and President’s Rule came to an end.

➔ The Speakership of the Assembly went to the Muslim League in this new

set-up. In September 1962 Pattom A. Thanu Pillai was appointed as the

Governor of Punjab State and R. Sankar, the leader of the Congress Party,

became the Chief Minister.

➔ The P.S.P. eventually left the alliance owing to differences of opinion with

its partner, the Muslim league leaving even earlier. The Congress Ministry

under R. Sankar resigned office on September 10, 1964, following the

defection of 15 members from the Congress Legislature Party and their

support to the opposition in getting a motion of no-confidence passed

against the Congress Government on the floor of the Legislature.

➔ The rebel Congress M.L.A.s organized a new party called the Kerala

Congress. With the fall of the Sankar Ministry Kerala State was again

placed under President’s Rule.

➔ The major political development of the period was the split in the

Communist Party, viz., the Marxist Communist Party as distinct from the

Communist Party of India.

➔ Meanwhile, the Praja Socialist Party had merged with the Socialist Party

of India and a new party called the Samyukta Socialist Party had also

come into existence. In the midterm elections of 1965 all the political

parties contested independently of each other without any electoral

alliance. Hence none of the parties got a clear majority of seats in the

new Legislature.

➔ On the report of the Governor that it would not be possible to form any

stable ministry in the State the President of India issued another

Proclamation on March 24, 1965, dissolving the newly elected Legislative

Assembly of the State.

➔ The State of Kerala continued to be under President’s Rule. In the General

Election of 1967 a united front of seven political parties led by the

Communist Party (Marxist) was voted to power with a thumping majority

of 117 out of the 133 seats in the Kerala Legislative Assembly, the Indian

National Congress and the Kerala Congress being reduced to the

position of small groups in the Legislature.

➔ A United Front Ministry headed by E. M. Sankaran Namboothiripad, the

leader of the Communist Party (Marxist), assumed office in Kerala on

March 6, 1967, and the long spell of President’s Rule came to an end.

➔ The Namboodiripad Ministry, however, fell in October 1969 and a new

Non-Marxist Coalition Ministry under the leadership of C. Achutha Menon,

the leader of the C.P.I., was sworn in on November 1, 1969. The Communist

Party (Marxist) emerged as the main opposition party in the State

Legislative Assembly.

➔ On August 1, 1970, the Achutha Menon Ministry resigned following its

decision to seek a fresh mandate from the 303 people through a new

General Election.

➔ The State Assembly was dissolved and President’s Rule was proclaimed.

In the General Election held in September 1970 a united front under the

joint leadership of the Indian National Congress and the Communist

Party of India won a clear majority.

➔ A new ministry under the leadership of the C.P.I. leader C. Achutha Menon

assumed office (October 4, 1970), with the support of the Congress Party.

The Congress formally entered the Ministry on September 25, 1971.

➔ In the normal course, the next General Elections should have taken place

in Kerala in the latter half of 1976. However, in the wake of the declaration

of Emergency by the President of India in June 1975, and the decision to

postpone elections throughout the country, the General Elections due to

take place in Kerala in 1976 were postponed. In these circumstances the

second Achutha Menon Ministry continued in office for its full term of five

years and even beyond a record as far as Kerala State was concerned.

➔ A significant development of the period was that the Kerala Congress

which was till then in the opposition also joined the Ministry. With the

withdrawal of the Emergency, General Elections were held in the country

in March 1977.
➔ Whereas the elections brought the newly formed Janata Party to power

at the Centre and in many North Indian States, Kerala presented an

entirely different picture.

➔ Here the united front consisting of the Indian National Congress, the

Communist Party of India, the Indian Union Muslim League, the Kerala

Congress and the Revolutionary Socialist Party annexed 111 of the total of

140 seats.

➔ A new Ministry headed by K. Karunakaran, the leader of the Congress

Legislature Party, assumed office on March, 23, 1977. However, the

Karunakaran Ministry was short-lived as the Chief Minister had to resign

after a month on the issue of police excesses committed in what came

to be known as the ‘Rajan Case’.

➔ The fall of the Karunakaran Ministry was followed by the formation of a

new ministry headed by A. K. Antony, President of the Kerala Pradesh

Congress Committee.

➔ Though not a member of the Legislative Assembly at the time of his being

sworn in as the Chief Minister, Antony soon got himself elected to the

Assembly in a bye-election. The Antony Ministry was in office from April

25, 1977, to October 28, 1978.

➔ It was during this period that the Indian National Congress faced a

vertical split on the issue of the continued leadership of the party by Mrs.

Indira Gandhi. A. K. Antony who headed the anti-Indira section in the

party resigned office in protest against the decision of his party High

Command to support Mrs. Gandhi in the Chikmagalur by-election.

➔ The new Ministry which assumed office on October 29, 1978, was headed

by P. K. Vasudevan Nair, the leader of the C.P.I.

➔ It continued to be in power till October 12, 1979, when the Chief Minister

tendered his resignation following differences of opinion among the front

partners on the issue of the validation of what is known as the Gift Deeds

Legislation.

➔ Another Ministry headed by the Muslim League leader C. H. Muhammad

Koya held office from October 12 to December 5, 1979.

➔ The major political parties kept themselves out of Travancore - Cochin

and Kerala 304 A Survey of Kerala History this ministry which included the

representatives of such small groups as the P.S.P. and the N.D.P. but it

survived in office for a short period thanks to the support extended to it

by the Congress (I), Congress (U) and some other groups.

➔ The Koya Ministry resigned in the wake of the withdrawal of support by

the Congress (U) and the Kerala Congress (Mani group). President’s Rule

was proclaimed on December 5, 1979, and elections to the Legislative

Assembly were held in January 1980. The Left Democratic Front led by the

Communist Party of India (Marxist) captured 93 out of 140 seats in the

Legislature.

➔ The new Left Democratic Front Ministry headed by E. K. Nayanar, the

Marxist leader, was sworn in on January 25, 1980. The Nayanar Ministry fell

on October 20, 1981, following the withdrawal of support by the Congress

(Antony group) and Kerala Congress (Mani group) and Kerala came

under President’s Rule (October 21 to December 27,1981).

➔ Meanwhile, there was a realignment of parties and the erstwhile

Congress (I) led opposition emerged as the majority party in the

Legislature with the formal entry of the Congress (Antony group) and

Kerala Congress (Mani group) into its ranks.

➔ A new ministry under the Congress (I) leader K. Karunakaran assumed

office on December 28. It sustained itself in power with the casting vote

of the Speaker and subsequently resigned (March 17, 1982) following the

loss of majority in the Assembly as a consequence of defection.

➔ Kerala had another spell of President’s Rule from March 17 to May 23, 1982.

In the general elections to the Kerala Assembly held in May 1982 the

United Democratic Front led by the Congress (I) had an edge over the

rival Left United Front led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist). It won

77 out of 140 seats in the Assembly. A new coalition ministry with

Karunakaran, the Congress (I) leader, as Chief Minister assumed office

on May 24, 1982. It continued in office for the full term. In the general

election held to the Kerala Legislative Assembly in March 1987 the United

Democratic Front suffered defeat at the hands of the opposition Left

Democratic Front and a new L.D.F.

➔ Ministry with the C.P.M. leader E. K.Nayanar as Chief Minister came to

power in Kerala on March 25, 1987. It had the support of 79 members in a

house of 140 members. It is significant to note in this context that the Left

Democratic Front had gone to the polls with the clear stand that it would

have no alliance with communal or caste-based parties and that this

stand was endorsed by the electorate.

➔ Thus after a long spell a Coalition Ministry without the Muslim League and

the Kerala Congress as partners came to office in Kerala, thereby

opening a new chapter in the history of coalition politics in the State. The

Nayanar Ministry continued till June 24, 1991 when the United Democratic

Front was voted back to power and another Ministry with the Congress

(I) leader K. Karunakaran as Chief Minister assumed office. This ministry

had to lay down office on March 22, 1995 with the resignation of the Chief

Minister K. Karunakaran following a revolt in the ranks of the coalition

partners against his leadership.

➔ A new U.D.F. Ministry with A.K. Antony as Chief Minister came to power. 305

In May 1996 the LDF was voted to power and E.K.Nayanar again became

the Chief minister.

➔ In May 2001 general elections were held and the UDF under the leadership

of the Congress came to power having won 100 seats in the Assembly.

Another ministry headed by A.K.Antony came to power and it continued

to be in office till his resignation following the total rout of the Congress

in the Lok Sabha elections of 2004.

➔ On August 31, 2004 Oommen Chandy succeeded A.K.Antony as Chief

Minister. However in the general elections held in May 2006, the LDF was

voted to power with 98 seats to its credit and a new ministry with

V.S.Achuthanandan as Chief minister was sworn in