THE ARCHITECTURAL MANIFESTATION OF TIBETAN

BUDDHIST RELIGIOUS PRINCIPLES

A case study of the monastery complex at
Dharamshala, INDIA.

by

SANJEEV MALHOTRA

[Link], [Link] of Architecture

UNIVERSITY OF BOMBAY, INDIA. 1988

A THESIS

submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree

MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE
School of Architecture and Design

KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY

Manhattan, Kansas
1992

Approved by:
..Z.i'40211Z
Donald. J. is
(Major Professor)
LO
264.0o
:PA ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ARCH
1992
M35 A11210359517
c2-.

My first and most profound thanks go to the

Lamas and students at Namgyal monastery, in
India, who despite the language barrier and
cultural differences were able to understand
the purpose of the research and extended their
utmost hospitality during my stay there in the
summer of 1990.

There is no hierarchical order to the names to

follow, each one has had a significant
contribution towards the research of this
thesis. I wish to thank the staff at the
Departments of Architecture and Planning,
Kansas State University, and University of
Colorado at Denver, my Thesis committee
members ([Link] Krstic, Prof. Bernd
Foerster and Prof. Donald Watts) Graduate
committee members, friends and other
individuals at Manhattan, Kansas, who
participated in numerous discussions, and
finally for the patience of the thesis
committee.

This thesis is presented in the hope that

perhaps those who read this will learn and
understand a little more about Tibetan
Buddhists, and their monasteries.

May 1992 Sanjeev Malhotra.

LIST OF FIGURES

Fig.l. Mandala. 18
Fig.2. The Four Symbolic Dimensions. 20
Fig.3. The Social Mandala in a House. 28
Fig.4. The Social Mandala in a Monastery. 32
Fig.5. A Typical Chorten. 34
Canons of Chorten Design. 34
Fig.6.
Fig.7. Map of Western Himalayan Region. 38
The Monastery Complex at Tabo. 39
Fig.8.
Fig.9. The Spatial Ordering Strategy at Tabo. 41
Fig.10. Social Order at Potala and the Social Principles. 44
Fig.11. Map Showing Location of Dharamshala. 50
Fig.12. View of the Monastery Complex at Dharamshala. 51
Map of the Monastery Complexes at Dharamshala. 53
Fig.13.
Fig.14. View of the Secretariat. 54
Fig.15. View of the Monasteries from the Central Prayer
Hall. 55
Fig.16. View of the Middle World Monastery. 56
The Spatial Ordering Strategy at Dharamshala. 58
Fig.17.
Site Plan of Main Prayer Hall Complex. 60
Fig.18.
Fig.19. Section thru the Central Monastery Complex. 61
Plan of the Courtyard and Surrounding Buildings. 62
Fig.20.
Section thru the Courtyard. 63
Fig.21.
Fig.22. Relationship between the Social Order at
Dharamshala and the Potala. 67
View of the Central Prayer Hall. 68
Fig.23.
View of the Central Courtyard Facing East. 69
Fig.24.
Plan of the Central Prayer Hall. 71
Fig.25.
Elevation of the Prayer Hall. 71
Fig.26.
Axonometric View of the Central Prayer Hall. 72
Fig.27.
Fig.28. The Social Mandala in a Monastery. 75
Realization of the Principal of "Centrality". 78
Fig.29.
Realization of the Principal of "Mandala" 79
Fig.30.
Spatial Mandala at Dharamshala. 80
Fig.31.
Social Mandala at Dharamshala. 81
Fig.32.
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
LIST OF FIGURES

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Tibet. 3
A.
B. The Lamaist Hierarchies. 5
C. The Institution of the Dalai Lama. 10
D. Monasteries. 11
E. Enrollment in a Monastery. 12

CHAPTER 2 RELIGIOUS PRINCIPLES OF MONASTERY DESIGN

A. Primary Principle: Centrality. 17
B. The Symbolism of Centrality in the House/
Monastery. 19
C. The Spatial Mandala. 24
D. The Social Mandala. 27
E. Symbolic Formal Ordering of the Chortens. 32
F. Principles underlying the Chortens and the
Monastery Complex. 35

CHAPTER 3 MODELS OF MONASTIC SPATIAL AND

SOCIAL FORM
A. Models as Translations of Principles. 37
B. Symbolic Spatial Organization. 38
C. Symbolic Social Organization. 42

CHAPTER 4 ELEMENTS OF THE MONASTIC BUILT FORMS

AT DHARAMSHALA
A. Elements as Specific Realizations of
Religious Principles. 46
B. The Hypothesis. 46
C. Dharamshala. 48
D. Symbolic Spatial Ordering of the Group of
Monastery Complexes. 57
E. The Main Prayer Hall and the Courtyard. 59
F. Symbolic Social Ordering of the Main Prayer
Hall Courtyard. 64
G. Correlations between the Social Ordering of
Devnagra Square and Namgyal Square 66
H. The Central Prayer Hall at Dharamshala. 68
I. Spatial and Social Mandala at Main Prayer Hall 73
J. The Social Mandala 74

CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS 76

ENDNOTES

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ABSTRACT
Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION

As a child the author was fascinated with the Tibetan

settlements around Simla, in the northern regions of India.

It was not until the author began his graduate work in

architecture at the University of Colorado at Denver in

1989, that the author formally started researching the

development and later transformation of their architectural

heritage. The following research is an attempt towards

identifying certain principles that have governed the

designs of monasteries in Tibet and continue to do so,

although with a fine blend of local adaptations in northern

India.

In the past, very little information has been shared by

the Tibetan Buddhists regarding their culture and various

aspects of living. This has resulted in a general lack of

such information. During the past three decades various

sociologists and anthropologists have written and made

available information focusing on the social hierarchies and

aspects of Tibetan Buddhism, but nothing has been written

about the principles governing the design of the

monasteries. The only sources of published information

related to the built form of the Tibetan Buddhist monastery

are two articles% Corlin describes the principle of

1
centrality, and describes a social order present within the

Buddhist house, whereas O.C. Handa gives a diagrammatic plan

of layout of a monastery complex and speaks about the

spatial order of the monastery complex.

This research will deal with the study of Tibetan

inspired built forms of the monastery and the chorten2 in

the northern Indian region of Himachal Pradesh. Tibetan

Buddhism (or Lamaism 3 as now defined by today's historians

and anthropologists), is the religion primarily of the

Tibetans, being an exponent of Buddhism which in the 7th

century collaborated with a ritualistic form of worship (the

BON religion) of the then Tibetan region. Lamaism can be

traced into the following regions of South Central Asia:

1. Tibet and the western provinces of China.

2. Northern India covering the areas of Ladakh, and

Himachal Pradesh.

3. Bhutan, the north eastern regions of India, and

certain parts of Nepal.

The purposes of this thesis are two fold:

1. To identify the religious principles governing the

spatial ordering and the social ordering in specific built

forms of Tibetan monastery complexes at Dharamshala in

northern India.

2
2. To trace the development of the physical built forms

of the monastery complex at Dharamshala.

The process to be used is evolutionary in nature and starts

with :

1. Understanding the
religious principles

associated with the built

UNDERSTANDING
forms. pumr-pus
IDENTIFIYING
2. Identifying their

conceptual realization in FORMULATION

OF A
built forms as models. HYPOTHESIS.

3. Formulating a hypothesis MODELS

M conceptual
linking the conceptual 0 built forms.
.7
4
Cm..1
realizations to built forms. U .4 RnL

Gm
NIX
4. Testing the hypothesis in TESTING
ELEMENTS 1 THE
HYPOTHESIS.
specific built forms, the as specific
built forms.

outcome of which will be the

specific realization of the

principles.

Before advancing further, a brief introduction of

Tibet, Tibetans, their academic hierarchies, traditions and

values underlying their monastic architecture will simplify

the contents of this research.

3
A. Tibet:

No land captures man's imagination with its remote

particularity and mystical aura more than Tibet. People

have for centuries thought of Tibet as a land mysterious and

remote, as a wilderness perpetually covered with ice and

snow. There have been countless descriptions of Tibet, some

genuine and others purely imaginary and the useful though by

no means exhaustive bibliography at the end of this research

will provide some idea of the curiosity that Tibet has

aroused.

The Tibetans are not Chinese either historically or

ethnologically. The region is largely underdeveloped owing

to want of manpower. A large percentage of the male

population takes to a monastic life that ordains celibacy

and thus results in a low birth rate for the country.

Practiced in Tibet by an enormous number of people for over

a thousand years, with countless monasteries and a vast

accumulation of sacred scriptures, Buddhism has penetrated

into every aspect of Tibetan culture. Inspiring temples,

and the relatively imposing scale of monasteries bear

witness to the importance of this form of religious

expression.

4
B. The Lamaist Hierarchies

Tibetans, not only humanize their gods but also deify

human beings. For Tibetans, the world is full of visitors

from other worlds and they do not find the possibility of

daily contacts with incarnations of Buddhas and lesser

deities as a strange phenomenon. They consider this world as

merely one step up and down the ladder which all forms of

mind -possessors from Buddhas to the dwellers in hell are

voluntarily or involuntarily climbing. Thus Tibetans do

worship equally gods who have come down to save men and men
who are going up to the kingdom of the gods. Because of such

beliefs, the Lamaist hierarchy consists of two branches that

are convenient to call the hierarchy by birth and the

hierarchy by acquirement.

As for the hierarchy by acquirement, when an average

Lama4 Ge-Shi5 enters the esoteric academies, he is entering

an unlimited term of apprenticeship with no prospect of a

higher degree. Most Ge-shis, therefore, leave after a

certain number of years to continue studies by themselves or

to become respected members in some monastery. For the

holders of the first class Ge-shis degree, however, there is

the chance of promotion, in the order of seniority in

enrollment, to the faculty of the academies. Whenever

vacancies occur, the senior among the first-class Ge-shis

5
may be promoted. He may thus be promoted up to the position

of principal of the monastery (Khen-Po). After he has served

the full term as a Khen-Po he retires, and his name is

included in a special list.

The Buddhist Outlook on Life and Salvation

In Tibet everything begins and ends with religion. A

purer form of Buddhism may still be found in Tibet than

anywhere else today. To Buddhists, and of course to

Tibetans, Buddhism is not merely another of the world's many

religions which seek to save mankind. Mankind is too limited

a concept for Buddhists, who think in terms of a much

broader kingdom of animate beings, stretching, so to speak,

from an amoeba to Buddha. All beings within this domain are

in possession of a mind, or soul. Buddhism is the law of

salvation for each of these mind -possessors. The law is

simply there: it can neither be made nor unmade even by

Buddha. He only knows it. The most basic teaching of the

Buddha is the "law of cause and effect". According to the

Christian equivalent of this law, " Whatsoever a man soweth,

thus shall he also reap". But Buddhism does not stop at

that. It goes on to tell us that every being or every form

of mental and physical activity represents the total effect

of countless causes in the past, and is itself the cause of

6
an unlimited number of future effects. Every cause is an

effect and every effect is a cause, in an endless chain.

According to Buddhist belief, all trouble arises from

our lack of foresight. It is our folly that gives birth to

our avarice, hate, and ignorance, the three propelling

forces that cause us to go on and on in the current of

transmigration°. In order to remove our folly, Buddhism

expounds the three truths (Nirvana); of non -permanency

(Anityata ), non-existence of ego (Anatmata), and the

perfect peace (Shanti). A Buddhist looks on everything in

the cosmos (both physical beings and actions) as in a state

of perpetual flux, hurrying through ceaseless and countless

changes, that may be summarized as birth and death or

beginning and end. Neither a man nor an amoeba, a house, a

government, a social movement, a sea, nor a mountain can

escape this process. Now to be permanent, according to

Buddhist definition, is to be both perpetual and

unchangeable, without beginning or end. Since nothing is

like that, everything is impermanent.

Then to say that a given thing exists is to affirm that

the thing has an ego (Sanskrit = Atman), that is to say, a

thing that possesses certain distinct and unchangeable

attributes and is capable of coming into being by itself

7
without relying on other factors. Evidently such a thing is

non-existent. Everything is constituted of something else;

hence there is no ego. What we take for the ego of a thing

is but a void into which extraneous factors stream to make

something. It is the aim of Buddhism to deliver all mind -

possessors, including mankind, from misery of transmigration

by showing us that nothing is permanent, and nothing really

exists as such. Only when we have come to see this shall we

have plucked out avarice, hatred and ignorance, the

propelling forces that drive us on in eternal

transmigrations, and only then shall we attain the perfect

peace and bliss of Nirvana.

Buddha and his disciples have laid down a full course

of the science for gaining Nirvana. For the Mahayanists7,

however, two choices are open. One is Sutra, the exoteric

course, which is shared by the Hinayanists; and the other

Tantra, the esoteric course, which is reserved for "the

proper vessels of law" among the Mahayanists. Both courses

are contained in the "Tripitaka". These three collections

of Buddhist Scriptures are, first, Buddha's own utterances

revealing the truth; second, Buddhist disciplinary rules

laid down by Buddha and his disciples; and third,

commentaries and expositions on both by his important

followers. In Tibet, the Tripitaka is classified into only

8
two collections, the words of Buddha and the words of

others.

As Tibetans are Mahayanists, they seem to show more

enthusiasm for the esoteric than for the exoteric course.

Regarding the relative merits of the two courses, one

tradition relates that a practical -minded disciple of Buddha

once asked him how long it would take to attain Buddhahood

through the exoteric course and how long through the

esoteric. The reply was for the exoteric a figure for which

we can yet find no approximate expression; it is said to be

the fifty-ninth power of 10. He said that by the esoteric

course, however one could achieve Buddhahood in one

lifetime.8

Lamaism cannot therefore be seen as a single religious

current: it is divided into many sects, although they are

all set out from the same premises and have sprung from the

same concern with salvation. Although the Tibetans

recognize the plurality of schools, they rightly insist on

the fundamental unity of inspiration and aims: different

methods are used to reach the same end -salvation by rebirth

in some paradise, or final escape from rebirth with the

attainment of Nirvana.9

9
C. The Institution of the Dalai Lama

The Dalai Lama is regarded by the Tibetans as a

Bodhisatwa, ie one who has attained the right to Nirvana,

but consents to be reborn for the spiritual benefit of his

fellow creatures." The Dalai Lama is the spiritual and the

political leader of the Tibetans.

Regarding his spiritual supremacy, the Dalai Lama is

discovered (due to the fact that the Dalai Lama is a

reincarnated soul) by the council of monks, rather than

elected by the people. A council of twenty learned Lamas

undertake the education of the Dalai Lama, until he is

enthroned at the age of eighteen, whereupon the Dalai Lama

assumes the sole responsibility befitting a spiritual and

political guide.

A council of ministers and an assembly assist the

Dalai Lama in exercising his functions. The council is the

executive power whereas the assembly is mainly a

consultative body. As to the religious hierarchies of the

Tibetan Buddhists, there are primarily six sects, all of

whom respect the institution of the Dalai Lama.

10
D. Monasteries

An easy introduction to the lamaseries and lama

communities of contemporary Tibet is by comparing the three

leading lamaseries of Dre-Punq, Se-Ra, and Gan -Dan with the

Western institutions of learning. The basis of each of these

lamaseries is a three layer organization of the university

board (La -Chi), the college (Dra-Tshang), and the boarding

quarters (Kham-tshen). The college or the (Dra-Tshang)forms

the backbone of the institution, It forms a compact, self-

contained administrative unit, financially and academically.

Besides keeping its own property, real estate, and revenues,

a Dra-Tshang retains a high degree of autonomy in its

curriculum, textbooks, and rule of discipline. Both of the

esoteric academics, (Gyu-me and Gyu-to), 11 are independent

colleges.

Forming the center of all activities in a college is

the prayer hall, which is also the location of an

administrative committee under the chairmanship of a Khen-

Po, who in our analogy is the college president. A Khen-Po

is elected from among the graduates with the Ge-Shi degree

of the college concerned and is then chosen by the Dalai

Lama or the regent from several such candidates, for a term

of six to seven years. He then appoints committee members to

assist him in the internal administration. In a lamasery

11
the teaching staff, as such, does not exist. Aside from

certain hints the Khen-Po gives during the class hour, a

lama student is left to himself to find a tutor or any

number of tutors he can afford. Study is not obligatory.

There is even a name for those who study, "the Book Man"

(Bai-Ch'a-Wa) as distinct from the ordinary monks, who

constitute perhaps three -fourths of the total congregation.

To such student lamas the Khen-Po gives his regular lessons

in sort of a garden, often under a small grove of trees.

This open-air classroom is the center for group studies.

Besides the Khen-Po's short lecture, the students practice

their theological debates here with much noise and dramatic

display.

E. Enrollment in a Monastery

Monks of all description flock to the lamaseries, some

for education, some for social standing, some for vocational

training, and some because they have nowhere else to go. A

lamasery is a society in itself, that permits all individual

pursuits, provided that certain basic concepts of Buddhism

are not transgressed. Each is a humming, growing town with

a mass of many -storied buildings and a maze of narrow lanes.

Theoretically, the door of a lamasery is open to all.

No age limit and no academic qualifications are set for

12
admittance. Candidates from the age of five or six to fifty

or sixty, scholars and illiterates, are all admitted on an

equal footing, at least in theory. As a member of the

lamasery, a lama not only pays nothing to the lamasery but

is entitled to a share of the allowance, in kind and in

cash, from the three levels of the lamasery. In return, he

owes to all of the three levels a service called "Khrai"

(conscript labour or service). It summarizes all the

obligations a Tibetan owes to his superior, whether that

superior is a person or a legal body. A lama's khari to a

lamasery may be serving tea to the congregation in assembly

time, doing manual labour, or serving in unrenumerative

posts on various committees. To get exemption from khrai

one must subscribe to a privileged status. To an

incarnation lama, that is, a lama who is supposed to be the

incarnation of a god in this world, such a status is an

obvious necessity. In fact nobody can become an incarnation

lama until, by a prescribed process, he gains recognition by

the congregation. The process consists first of a formal

application to the Dalai Lama. The secretariat of the Dalai

Lama keeps a list of such incarnation lamas and grants to

each the rank which belongs to him. Generally speaking,

there are two chief ranks, namely Tsho-Chen incarnations and

Dra-Tshanq incarnations. Once the application is approved,

the incarnate must be host once to the congregation of the

13
whole lamasery or Dra-Tshang, according to his rank, serving

tea and cooked rice to all, besides giving alms or making

donations. The occasion also is celebrated with gift giving

and feasting. After that, the incarnation lama is

immediately promoted to a seat of honour in keeping with his

rank in the great assembly hall, as well as in the halls of

his Dra-Tshang and Kham-Tshen. Then he is officially

recognized as an incarnation lama. To gain official

recognition in one of the triumvirate of Drepunq, Se-Ra, and

Gan -Dan is to gain official recognition all over Tibet. This

is the first aim of an incarnation lama, the exemption from

Kharai being a matter of course. Once recognized as an

incarnation, he will be respected and honoured in strict

accordance with his rank wherever he goes. All the greatest

incarnation lamas of the Ge-Lu-Pa sect, including those

qualified to be the Dalai Lama's regent, belong to the rank

of Tsho-Chen.

However everyone cannot be an incarnation. Therefore,

by a somewhat similar process, any ordinary monk with enough

resources may apply for another privileged status called

Ch'on-Dse. The holder of a privileged status is entitled to

various advantages, one of which is the shortening of the

academic term by four or five years. Thus, even financially

speaking this status pays. The reason given for granting

14
such an advantage is that, since a privileged monk is

exempted from all services and has more time to devote to

his studies, he should be allowed to complete his courses

earlier.

15
Chapter 2:RELIGIOUS PRINCIPLES OF MONASTERY DESIGN

This chapter deals with the religious significance of

monastery buildings and to some extent their physical

representation. The religious thoughts or the philosophical

meanings are so finely interwoven with their physical

representation, that it becomes quite difficult to

categorically differentiate them, in fact it would be quite

demeaning if these are isolated and listed in some order.

The general thought behind this research is not to use

quantative methods of analysis, comparing the translation of

religious thoughts to built form as seen at monastery

complexes. Rather, this thesis explores specific elements at

monasteries and seek's to identify their correlation with

the religious thoughts and functional aspects of different

activities within the monasteries. It is not possible to

always find a direct correlation among the religious

thoughts and their physical interpretations being studied in

this research. However a study of the "Models" as

conceptual realizations of principles and "Elements" as

specific realizations of principles, explore the spatial and

social dimensions of a monastery.

16
A. Primary Principle: Centrality

Conceptually the center is an area where all the

vectors constituting a visual pattern are in equilibrium.

According to the Buddhists the world is conceived to have

four dimensions which are structured as two oppositional

pairs of two axes12. The meeting point of these axes is of

religious significance as being the center of the physical

world. The four dimensions are abstractions supporting the

physical entities of the world. The four dimensions of the

world are:

[Link] Celestial world dimension CELESTIAL

MIDDLE
[Link] Middle world dimension.

[Link] Transcendental world dimension.

[Link] Subterranean world dimension.

TRANSCENDENTAL SUB-TERRANEAN

a. The Center of the World Axes

These four dimensions are

connected to each other by

means of two world axes. The

CELESTIAL
celestial and the MIDDLE

I
transcendental dimensions form

one axis representing the

A dy
purity of life and the other

two form the other axis, which 15.?.4

SUBTERRANEAN
TRANSCENDENTAL
represents the impurities of

17
life. The center of these axes

represents the ideal position

of a living being which lies

balanced at the center of the

IDEAL POSITION
world axes. at the center of
the COSMIC AXES

b. Mandala as a Cosmogram

In Buddhist belief the physical universe is conceived

as a series of concentric circle of mountains which divide

it from the non -material world and beyond. In the center is

placed the main deity which is encircled by minor deities

according to an order of precedence differing from one sect

of Buddhism to another. The central axis of the mandala

coincides with the zenith of the universe."

CENTER OF THE UNIVERSE.

Fig 1: Mandala

18
The four world dimensions, the axes connecting them and

the center of the world are represented as a "mandala""

that captures the significance of a central object by

grouping other objects around it. The mandala is the

foremost physical representation of these abstract

principles. The physical parameters of almost all the

activities whether related to a building or a ritual or a

religious dance or any social activity are determined by the

abstraction of a mandala. To the Buddhists, the mandala

determines the physical representation of the critical

balance between the good and the evil and a balance between

the pure and impure.

Cycles
of
Growth

GROWTH MUST BE BALANCED

IN ALL RESPECTS, EXCESS
OF MATERIAL GROWTH IS
CHECKED BY EVIL INCLINATIONS.

B. "Symbolism of Centrality in the House/ Monasterv05

The foremost principle guiding layouts of monasteries

is the existence of parallels between the house and

19
monastery, which are conceived not only as built forms, but

also as symbolic systems, specifically a microcosm. There

exists a correlation between their spatial organization and

ritualistic use.

The house and the monastery both relate to four

symbolic dimensions (see figure 2), which are based around

the center of the world axes. The four dimensions constitute

the mandala and the center of the axis from the four

dimensions represents the position for a pillar. As such

there are two main components associated with this

symbolism:

A. The Pillar

B. The Mandala

CELESTIAL
MIDDLE WORLD
WORLD DIMENSION
DIMENSION

SUBTERRANEAN
TRANSCENDENTAL WORLD
WORLD DIMENSION
DIMENSION

Fig 2: The Four Symbolic Dimensions

20
i. The Pillar

The house is primarily a

single room structure, with

various divisions for

different activities, whereas COSMIC

AXIS
in a monastery there are

separate structures or

separate areas serving MIDDLE CELESTIAL

purposes for different

activities. The most CENTER 01

THE WORLD AXIS,
conspicuous feature of the

room of the house is a central

cf
pillar,(called Sbas-ka). The

same is expressed in a TRANSCENDENTAL SUBTERRANEAN

symbolic context as the space

of the main prayer hall of a

monastery.

The Sbas-ka pillar is of great ritual and symbolic

significance. It represents the world-tree,the cosmic axis,

the center of the universe, and the communication channel

between the middle world of men, the upper world of gods and

beings, and the subterranean world of the serpent

21
spirits16. The strong basis for centrality in the house

and the monastery can be seen from the following ritual

that governs the construction of a house or the monastery.

The pillar plays a dominant part in the ceremonies performed

to increase the luck and prosperity of the residents, in a

house or the community, in case of a monastery. And so the

choice, making, and inauguration of the pillar is performed

with elaborate ritual, similar to the construction of Iseu

shrines in Japan.

First a suitable tree is sought in the woods. This

search should be made on a lucky day according to

divination. The tree should be tall, straight, round and

without defects. When such a tree has been found, it is

marked by a stroke of the axe on its eastern side. Prior to

felling, a ceremonial fire (b-Sangs)18 is lit to the Yul-

lha, or god of the locality. When the tree is ready to be

transported, the neighbors of the family (as would be the

case for construction of a house), or the lamas of a

neighboring commune come to assist. Two strong crossbreeds

(Mdzo)19 are especially selected for the task of

transporting the tree to the building site: scarves(Kha-

btags)N are wrapped around the horns of the beasts and are
also worn by the men. Another ceremonial fire is lit as the

beasts start to pull and when they approach the building

22
site, a third fire is lit. The crossbreeds are fed with

wheat, the ceremonial food, and are then led to the best

pastures. The workers are invited to a feast and receive

food gifts for their assistance.

As the ground floor of the house or the prayer hall in

a monastery is finished, the pillar is erected in the middle

of the central room on the first floor. This event is

accompanied by another ceremonial fire and a feast for the

workers. When the house or the monastery is finished a

great feast is sponsored by the family or the lamas who will

move in on an auspicious date. After this feast, a ritual

expert (Tshangs-pa) is invited to perform the following

qyanq-len ritual. A length of silk is wrapped around the

pillar and close to its top, a Mdos thread -cross and several
triangular paper flags are attached to a multi -coloured

bamboo ribbon tied around the pillar. The qyang-len ritual

is performed not only in connection with the building of a

house or a monastery but also once a year to renew the luck

and prosperity of their house or the monastery and its

inhabitants.

ii. The Mandela

The mandala forms the basis of spatial and social order

in the case of a house and a monastery. The cosmologically

important points of a room space are arranged symmetrically

23
in the shape of a simple mandala. In the center of the

square space is the pillar, representing the center of the

world. From this focal point beams lead to the four corners

of the room with each corner having its special ritual

function.

There exists the following two kinds of mandalas

related to the symbolism of centrality in the house and the

monastery:

1. Spatial Mandala.

2. Social Mandala.

The spatial mandala governs the symbolic spatial

ordering of the principal room of a house or the prayer hall

of a monastery and the social mandala governs the symbolic

social ordering within the principal room of a house or the

prayer hall of the monastery.

C. The Spatial Mandela.

There exists a parallel between the symbolism of

spatial ordering of the principal room in a house and that

of a prayer hall in case of a monastery. This can be seen

from the following descriptions of the spatial divisions of

the principle room in the house and the principal room in

the monastery.

24
i. The Principal Room of the House

The principal room of the house has the following two

components:

1. The four corners.

2. The Center.
MIDDLE CELESTIAL

The Four Corners (72

0
The four corners of the 0
0 0 4'
principal room of house ',,,"

represent the four dimensions 0

0 %0
0
0 0
of the world mainly the 0_,
In
celestial, middle, TRANSCENDENTAL SUBTERRANEAN
transcendental and the
subterranean. The celestial

world dimension is connected

to the transcendental world

dimension through an axis. The

middle and the subterranean

dimensions form the other

axis.

The Center

The intersection of the

above two axes determines the

centrality of the principal

25
room of the house, which

indicates the position of the

central pillar.

ii. The Principal Room of a

One Room Monastery.

The principal room of a

monastery is the main prayer

hall which has the following

two components of spatial

ordering:

[Link] Four corners.

[Link] Center.

The Four Corners

The four corners of the

prayer hall represent the four

dimensions of the world mainly

the celestial, middle,

FOUR CORNERS OF
THE WORLD AXES.
transcendental and the

subterranean. The celestial

world dimension is connected

to the transcendental

dimension, the middle and the

26
subterranean dimension form

the other axis.

The Center

The intersection of the

above two axes determines the

centrality of the principal

room (prayer hall) of the

monastery, determining the

position of the central

THE CENTRAL PILLAR
pillar21, or symbolic

representation of the center

of world axes.

D. The Social Mandela

The social mandala also establishes a parallel between

the symbolism of social ordering in the principal room of

a house and the principal room of a monastery.

i. The Principal Room of the House.

The principal room of the house has the following three

components: (see figure 3)

1. The social identity and social position of the

participants.

2. The hearth.

3. Participants spatial location within the room.

27
FATHER

MOTHER DAUGHTER
, /

/
X HEARTH
N SON//
_ /

/
MAIN ENTRANCE N
7 X

Fig 3: The social mandala in a house

The Participants
The participants in the

social mandala are the members

of the house consisting of the

LFATHER
father (as a source of I

knowledge), the mother (as a MOTHER

donor of life and also as a

LSONS \
contributor of knowledge), the
rDAUGHTERS 1
sons and the daughters (as

recipients of knowledge), and 1 GUESTS 1

in some cases the

participation of a guest

28
combines the role of the sons

and daughters.

The Hearth

The hearth is a symbolic

representation of a mound of FATHER

earth (soil) sacred for its

representation of the earth as

the symbolic matrix for the

origin of life and subsequent

SON
support of the same. The

representation of the hearth

can be in the form of a low

table, or in certain

households, a mound of clay.

The hearth acts as a focus for

directing all conversations

MIDDLE WORLD CELESTIAL WORLD
and a means of achieving order
FATHER
in dialogues.

MOTHER DAUGHTER
The Spatial Location of the
SON
Participants.
The participants gather
/CENTER
around the hearth which is

29
located in the triangle formed by the celestial world, the

middle world and the center of world axes. Around the

hearth the father sits in between the middle and celestial

world; the sons are opposite him (closer to the center of

the world axes); the mother is to the father's right (in

between the middle world axes and the center of the axes)

and the daughters opposite her. In the case of a guest, the

daughters sit in between the mother and the sons and their
space is occupied by the guest.

ii. The Principal Room of a Monastery

The principal room of the prayer hall has the following

three components (see fig 4)

1. The social identity and social position of the

participants.

2. The hearth.

3. Participant's spatial location within the room.

The Participants
ABBOT
The participants in the

social organization of the GUEST OF HONOUR

monastery are the Abbot (as a
f MONKS
source of knowledge), the

"Guest of Honour" (as a

GUESTS
;
contributor of knowledge),

30
monks and other guests (as

recipients of the knowledge).

The Hearth
ABBOT \
The hearth does not

undergo any changes in a one OTHER

GUEST
room monastery from that of a
MONKS
house and its representation

varies from a low table to a

mound of clay.

MIDDLE WORLD CELESTIAL WORLD

The Spatial Location.

The participants gather ABBOT

around the hearth which is

located in the triangle MAIN

GUEST
z N OTHER
GUEST

formed by the celestial

HEARTH
1 MONKS
dimension of the world, the

middle dimension of the world,

CENTER OF
and the center of world axes. THE WORLD AXES

Around the hearth, the abbot sits in between the middle

and celestial world; the monks opposite him (closer to the

center of the world axes); the guest of honour to the

abbot's right (in between the middle world axes and the

31
center of the axes); and other guests opposite to the main

guest of honour.

ABBOT

VISITOR

dN
kI-
MONKS -

, /
/ VISITOR

COLUMNS

DEITY
\ea
/ THE CENTRA COLUMN

MAIN ENTRANCE

Fig: 4 The Social Mandala in a Monastery

E. Symbolic Formal Ordering of the Chorten

An important type of building and component of a large

monastery complex is the Chorten, whose name means literally

"receptacle of worship". The original function of these

buildings, which were to contain the relics of the Buddha or

the great teachers, was combined with a ritual significance,

and these became linked, in the course of time, with a

symbolism making the monument a means of salvation.

32
Principles

Certain architectural features apply to chortens in

general. Chortens rest upon steps leading up to a square -

shaped base, technically known as the "throne", above which

are four more steps of decreasing breadth. These support

the bulbous structure known as the "pot", and from an

intervening portion above this rise the "Wheels" culminating

in the image of the crescent moon and sun. The small number

of umbrellas or wheels on the ancient prototype has

increased to nine or thirteen. It rapidly became, in Tibet,

a work of the highest benefit to one's spiritual well being

to build a chorten, and a great deal of money was spent on

doing so. Exoterically, different parts of a chorten

collectively represent a combination of the worlds five

elements. The square base represents the element of Earth;

the stylized dome represents the element of Water; the

tapering shaft represent the element of Fire: the crescent

symbolizing the element of Air and the acuminated circle

representing the element of Ether (see figure 5). The

distribution of these elements in a chorten should conform

to the canons of perfect proportion as prescribed under the

Nav-tal system for a perfect human body so that there is no

essential difference between a perfect representation of the

Buddha's body and the structural form of a chorten as shown

in figure 6. The chortens are believed to possess mystic

33
protective qualities which can keep the evil spirits at bay,

and as such they generally mark the boundaries of

monasteries representing the four worldly dimensions.

-%"

Fig 5. A Typical Chorten. (source: O.C. Handa,1987)

Fig 6. Canons of Chorten Design. (source:[Link] 198718

34
F. Principles underlying the Chortens and the Monastery

Complex

Monastery complexes are groupings of more than one kind

of built forms, placed in adherence to a spatial mandala.

The primary principle of centrality is reflected by the

spatial order noted in the monastery complex.

The four corners of a

monastery complex are

physically represented by four
chortens, repeating at a

larger scale the pattern of

the four corners as was the

case in a one room monastery.

CHORTENS REPRESENTING
The centrality of the THE FOUR WORLD
DIMENSIONS
monastery complex, is

physically realized by a E)

central prayer hall, which is

located at the symbolic

representation of the center n\

of world axes. The plan of

the central prayer hall is

rectangular, with a covered THE MAIN PRAYER HALL

verandah in front. The main

entrance of those temples and

35
halls is generally towards the

east as in the ancient Indian tradition22. At places, where

the local geophysical conditions do not permit such a

layout, deviations from this rule are made.

There exists a change in the scale of the physical

parameters from a monastery to a monastery complex with the

addition of chortens and other prayer halls. This change

of scale is primarily to accommodate a larger group of

monks and students, and as such the principles associated

with their physical and social orders need to be

reconceptualized to accommodate growth. The realization

of these principles in a monastery complex will present the

basis for formulation of a hypothesis, that will occur in

chapter 4.

36
CHAPTER 3: MODELS OF MONASTIC SPATIAL AND SOCIAL ORDER.

A. Models as intermediate grounds of translations between

abstract principles and specific applications.

In the previous chapter there were numerous aspects of

Tibetan Buddhist philosophy which were discussed and

illustrated in the context of principles of monastery

[Link] among those were the spatial mandala and

the social mandala. This chapter will examine the conceptual

realization of these principles, as "models", related to the

spatial and the social mandala. The information about the

"Spatial Organization" is interpreted from the monastery at

Tabo (fig 7) in the northern Indian region of Himachal

Pradesh. This utilizes the only known source of published

information reflecting the principles of "centrality" as

realized thru a mandala.

The information about the "Social Organization" is

interpreted from the Potala Palace at Lhasa, Tibet, which is

one of the few monastery complexes with published

information about their social order.

37
Dharamshala .2
Tabo

INDIA
/
Lhasa

Fig 7: Map of Western Himalayan Region

B. Symbolic Spatial Ordering of the Monastery Complex at

Tabo.

i. Location of Tabo.
Tabo is the name of the place, in the northern Indian

region of Himachal Pradesh where the monastery complex is

situated. The monastery complex at Tabo was one of the

larger monastery complexes founded mainly for philosophical

pursuits and religious studies. Such monasteries are

identified as Chos-hkhor which means a "Doctrinal

Enclave"23 The monastery at Tabo (see figure 8 ) is the

38
largest monastery complex in the northern Indian region of

Himachal Pradesh.

MIDDLE CHORTEN CELESTIAL CHORTEN

THE WORLD AXES

OTHER BUILDINGS
OF THE
NdNASTERY
CENTER
OF THE
WORLD AXES
PRAYER HALL
FACING EAST

TRANSCENDENTAL CHORTEN SUBTERRANEAN CHORTEN

Fig 8: The Monastery Complex at Tabo.

[Link] components of the monastery complex.

The monastery complex at Tabo consists of the following

buildings:
-TEN CELESTIAL CHORTEN
MIDDLE CHOP
[Link] Chortens.

[Link] Prayer Halls.

Chortens at The Four Corners

The four corners of the

monastery complex at Tabo

TRANSCENDENTAL SUB-TERRANEAN
CHORTEN
CHORTEN

39
contain four chortens which, the author would assume

represent the four dimensions of the world mainly the

celestial, middle, transcendental and the subterranean.

The Prayer Halls

The Tabo monastery Chos-hkhor, has the distinction of

having free standing buildings as compared to the later

monasteries. All the buildings at Tabo are located in a

linear symmetry in a parallel formation roughly in the

center of the transverse axis of the monastery enclosure.

Most of the temples face eastward24. The entrance of these

prayer halls is on the east or the direction of the morning

sun.

iii. The Spatial Ordering Strategy

The relative scale of a mandala increases as the

monastery becomes a monastery complex. At Tabo the chortens

represent the four dimensions of the world, which are

interconnected to each other by means of axes. The

intersection of the above two axes determines the centrality

of the monastery complex at Tabo, this determines the

position of the central prayer hall, (Gtsug Lha Khang) or

symbolic representation of the center of world axes. As per

the religious principles, the center of world axes

determines the position of the pillar in case of a one room

40
monastery and a prayer hall in case of a monastery complex.

The Buddhist principle of centrality is represented in this

model of a monastery complex whereby a central prayer hall

lies at the intersection of the two world axes.

MIDDLE CELESTIAL
CHORTEN CHORTEN
Gi -1/!3
/
/
/WORLD AMIS

LHAKHANG

ENTRANCE FROM THE BAST

N

TRANS CENDEi4TAL SUBTERRANEAN

CHORTEN CHORTEN

Fig 9: The Spatial Ordering Strategy at Tabo.

41
C. The Symbolic Social Ordering of the Principal Prayer Hall

at Potala Palace, Lhasa, Tibet.

[Link] of the Potala Palace

The Potala Palace is the highest order of a Tibetan

Buddhist monastery in spiritual as well as political

authority. It was the monastery of the Dalai Lama until he

left Tibet in 1959. Today another monastery has been

reconstructed at Dharamshala in northern India, which is

where the Dalai Lama chose to live in exile. The prayer hall

of Potala can be considered a model of the formal

translation of the religious principles that governs it.

This model takes the form of a social mandala. The

principal prayer hall in Potala, known as (Dev Nagara

Square)is situated at the center of the monastery

complex25. The prayer hall and the social mandala define a

space called the Dev nagara (Dev= God; Nagra=Town) square.

ii. Components

The physical realizations of the principles governing

the social mandala are characterized by the social identity

of the participants, the courtyard, and the participants

spatial location within the prayer hall area.

42
[Link] Participants

The participant's in the

social mandala are the members

of the monastery consisting of

the Dalai Lama who sits in the THE DALAI LAMA

1, RESIDENT MONKS
prayer hall, resident monks in
VISITING MONKS '1
their enclosed space, visiting k OTHER GUESTS

monks and other visitors in THE PARTICIPANTS I

their enclosure. The scale of

the social mandala here is

realized at a larger scale

which accounts for separate

buildings.

b. The Central Courtyard

The central courtyard is the

symbolic representation of the MAIN

PRAYER
HALL
hearth. The courtyard lies in

front of the prayer hall, and

HEARTH
is enclosed on the either I (COURTYARD)

sides by the monk's and the

-
visitors area. It acts as a
STUDENT LAMAS
focus and center for directing RESIDENCE

all conversations and a means

of achieving order in

43
dialogues and discourses by

the Dalai Lama. The

observation here is that

despite change of scale the

realization of the principle

is maintained.

iii. The Spatial Location.

The participants gather

around the courtyard, which is

DALAI _LAMA
fronted by the Devnagra prayer
o
o
E7-
hall on one side. This is E Z
mod,
4.1

where the Dalai Lama sits

during social gatherings.

Opposite to him is the

enclosure for the resident RESIDENT MONKS

monks (closer to the center of NN77/

the world axes as indicated in

the principle governing the

social order). On his right

side is the enclosure

for "Guest of Honour" (between the middle world axes and the

center of the axes in accordance with the social ordering

principle) and on his left is the enclosure for visiting

monks.

44
[Link] between the Social Order at Potala and the

Social Order from the Principles.

The relative scale of the social mandala increases here,

this being the part of a monastery complex rather than a

one room monastery (see fig 10). Significant translations

are observed in the case of the hearth which changes from a

mound of earth to a court yard. The spaces for the head and

other participants also become separate buildings, however

their orientations remain the same in accordance with the

social mandala of a single room monastery.

MAIN
GUEST
z ABBOT

THE HEARTH OTHER

GUEST
MAW
WEST
NZSITZNOA+
ONKS

MONKS

SOCIAL MANDALA SOCIAL MANDALA AT

FROM PRINCIPLES. POTALA, LHASA, TIBET.

Figure 10: Social Order at Potala and the Principles.

45
Chapter 4: Elements of the Monastic Built Forms at

Dharamshala.

A."Elements" as Specific Realizations of the Religious

Principles

This chapter deals with those elements of built form

which are the most specific realizations of abstract

religious principles. The focus is on the monastery complex

at Dharamshala which is one of the most recently built

monasteries in the last three decades. The ideas from the

previous chapter which relate to the formal translation of

principles into models now proceeds to formulating a

hypothesis. The author's hypothesis concerning the

Manifestation of Tibetan Buddhist Religious Principles at

Dharamshala is the following:

[Link] HYPOTHESIS

Spatial Order:

a. The four corners of the spatial mandala are realized by

four built forms, as was the case of the monastery complex

at Tabo, where the chortens represented the four corners of

the spatial mandala.

46
b. The center of the world axes marks the location of a

central prayer hall in the geometric center of the spatial

mandala.

Social Order:

[Link] participants are expected to be similar to those at

Potala since the monastery complex at Dharamshala is in

principle built as a functional replica of the monastery

complex at the Potala in Lhasa, and, as such, the

participants should be the Dalai Lama as the abbot, student

monks, visiting student monks and other guest monks.

b. The hearth is realized as a courtyard as was the case of

the social ordering at the Potala, that physically

represents the symbolic hearth as a mound of clay (as in

the principles).

c. The spatial location of the participants of the social

mandala would be expected to lie in the triangle formed by

the center of the axis, middle dimension of the world and

the celestial dimension of the world. The Dalai Lama, or his

representative, would be across the center of the world

axes, with student monks sitting close to the world axes. To

the right of the Dalai Lama would be the visiting monks,

(facing whom would be other guests).

47
CHORTEN CHORTEN
DALAI LAMA

PRAYERN
HALL GUEST OF HEARTH VISITING
HONOUR MONKS

CHORTEN CHORTEN
STUDENT LAMA'S'
RESIDENCE

SPATIAL ORDER HYPOTHESIS SOCIAL ORDER HYPOTHESIS

C.i. Dharamshala

Dharamshala, a popular north Indian hill station, has

come into prominence after settlements were made to house

the Dalai Lama and other Tibetans who chose to come and stay

in India since 1959. A majority of the Tibetan population

came from regions around Lhasa, which was the capital of

Tibet prior to 195. At that time, the Chinese annexed Tibet

as their north west province, and the Tibetan population was

forced to take asylum in neighbouring India.

48
At first the Dalai Lama was given a choice of settling

in the eastern Indian city of Darjeeling. But for

Darjeeling's proximity to the Chinese border, Dharamshala in

the north Indian state of Himachal Pradesh was chosen. Here

there was a small resident population of Tibetans as well as

a monastery. Although from another sect of Buddhism, the

resident Tibetans still believe in the institution of the

"Dalai Lama" as their spiritual leader. The area in and

around Dharamshala has, over the past 30 years, been

transformed into numerous Tibetan settlements.

The similarities of Dharamshala and Lhasa lie

primarily in their aspect of being mountainous areas with

healthy climates. The altitude of Lhasa is 11,800 ft.

above sea level, whereas Dharamshala is only 6,000 ft.

above sea level. Dharamshala clearly demonstrates the

remarkable relationship which still exists between the Dalai

Lama, the Buddhist religion and the Tibetan people. This

relationship goes a long way towards justifying the frequent

assertion that the Tibetans, in defiance of recent

circumstances are the most devout people in the world. The

meaning of the word "Dharamshala" ( Dharma= Faith or

religion, Shala= Shelter) has been truly realized although

purely by coincidence; it now represents a shelter for

faith, which it is.

49
Dharamshala
PAKISTAN

NEPAL

Fig. 11: Map showing Northern India and Location of

Dharamshala.

50
MOUNTAIN
RANGE

MOUNTAIN
GE

MONASTERY
MOUNTAIN AN SETTLEMENT SECRETARIAT
RANGE
gti MONASTERY

Fig. 12: View of the monastery complex at Dharamshala.

51
[Link]. The Environs of Dharamshala (fig 13-16)

As seen in fig 12 the monastery complexes are spread

out over three mountain ranges. There exist four monastery

complexes and a secretariat complex on these mountain

ranges. There is a monastery complex at the base of one

mountain where a narrow road winds to the Tibetan

settlement at the top of the ridge. The Dalai Lamas

monastery is walking distance from the Tibetan settlement.

The road continues beyond the settlement towards the other

two monastery complexes, one of which is faintly visible

on the range preceding the range which houses the

settlement. The last monastery complex is obscured from

view by the Dalai Lama's monastery complex. The secretariat

is located at the lower end of the ridge, about 3-4 miles

from the central prayer hall. Even though each complex is

not visible from every other, they can all be seen from the

Dalai Lama's monastery complex. The view from the central

prayer hall is panoramic, extending from two monastery

complexes on the subsequent range of mountains (on the

northern side of the prayer hall), and on the south side one

has to look down at an angle amongst the dense pine forests

to see another monastery complex and the secretariat. These

monastery complexes and the secretariat form the spatial

boundaries of the mandala. The following pages illustrate

52
how these monastery complexes and the secretariat can be

seen to form a symbolic spatial mandala.

ROAD

./7

114
ARMY INSTALLATION

MONASTERY COMPLEX

NORTH
TOWN OF
OH RAMS FIALA

RIVER

0 2 4 6 5k1.45

Fig.13: Map of the Monastery Complexes at Dharamshala.

53
Fig. 14: View of the Secretariat.

54
Fig.15: View of the Monasteries from the Central Prayer

Hall.

55
Fig.16. View of the Middle World Monastery.

56
D. The Symbolic Spatial Ordering of the Group of Monastery

Complexes

The monastery complexes and the secretariat have been

placed in a specific order, consistent with the hypothesis

at the beginning of this chapter. The spatial order at

Dharamshala consists of the following:

a. Monasteries at the corners.

b. Prayer hall at the center.

The Four Corners

The four corners of the monastery complex at Dharamshala

are represented by three monastery complexes and the

Secretariat. In all they symbolically represent the four

dimensions of the world. Whereas the hypothesis anticipated

the four corners to be represented by chortens or buildings,

one finds the corners represented by separate monastery

complexes. One can view this as a transitional development

of the physical realization of the principle governing the

layout of a grouping of the monastery complexes.

Prayer Hall Complex at the Center

The intersection of the (above) two axes determines the

centrality of the main prayer hall complex, a symbolic

representation of the center of the world axes, and also in

57
E.i. The Main Prayer Hall and Courtyard at Dharamshala.

The main prayer hall is part of a courtyard complex

located a few hundred yards from the Tibetan settlement at

Dharamshala. It is the central monastery complex. The

monastery complex is located on a smaller hillock along the

same ridge as the settlement. The prayer hall is one of the

buildings of the complex centered around a courtyard. As

one approaches the complex there is a huge courtyard

relative to its location on the ridge and also relative to

the terrain of the area.

The courtyard is enclosed on two sides by visiting

monks residences, and guest residences, with the prayer hall

and the resident monks residences on the third side. The

approach road terminates at the courtyard. In addition to

these buildings there are other buildings of the adjacent

Namgyal monastery that spread on the slopes of this hillock.

These group of buildings enclose the setting for the social

mandala.

59
O10 4. Wu

1. MAIN PRAYER HALL

2. DALAI LAMA'S PALACE
3. VISITING MONKS PRAYER HALL
4. RESIDENT MONKS PRAYER HALL
5. MAIN PRAYER HALL COMPLEX
6. GUEST HOUSE
7. INFORMATION

Fig.18: Site Plan of the Main Prayer Hall Complex .

60
4. 3. 2. 1.

1. NAMGYAL MONASTERY HALLS

2. VISITING MONKS PRAYER
HALL
3. CENTRAL PRAYER
HOUSE
4. PROPOSED GUEST
5. APPROACH ROAD

Fig.19: Section thru the Central Monastery Complex.

61
1. PRAYER HALL
2. CHORTEN
3. COURT YARD
4. VISITING MONKS
5. GUESTS
6. RESIDENT MONKS
7. INFORMATION
8. ROAD

Fig. 20: Plan of the Courtyard and the Surrounding

Buildings.

62
PRAYER HALL
GUESTS

VISITING MONKS

Fig. 21: Section thru the Courtyard.

63
F. The Symbolic Social Ordering of the Main Prayer Hall

Courtyard at Dharamshala.

The main prayer hall is situated in the center of the

main Monastery Complex. The prayer hall and adjoining monk's

residences enclose a space called the Namgyal Square (only

for its close proximity to Namgyal Monastery complex). The

social organization of the square embodies a social mandala

constituting the following :

1.(i).The social identity of the participants.

(ii).The courtyard.

2. The participants spatial relationships.

i. The Participants

The participants in the

social mandala are members of

the monastery constituting the

Dalai Lama who sits in the

prayer hall, resident monks in

THE DALAI LAMA
their enclosed space, the
RESIDENT MONKS
visiting monks and other
VISITORS (MONKS)
visitors in their enclosure.
GUESTS (OTHERS)
The scale of the social

mandala here is relatively

large which accounts for

separate enclosures, which are

64
in accordance with the

proposed hypothesis.

[Link] Courtyard )
THE DALAI LAMA
The courtyard is a I
U)

symbolic representation of a z
U) 0
mound of earth which is COURTYARD
z
sacred. The representation
U)
here at Namgyal Square is in RESIDENT MONKS

the form of a courtyard which )

lies in front of the prayer

hall, and enclosed on other

sides by the monks and the

visitors area. The courtyard

acts as a focus for directing

all conversations and a means

of achieving order in

dialogues and discourses by

the Dalai Lama. The courtyard

at Dharamshala is also in

accordance with the

hypothesis.

[Link] Participant's Spatial Relationships.

The participants gather in the courtyard. The Dalai

Lama occupies the podium constructed on the steps of the

65
main prayer hall during social gatherings. Opposite him is

the enclosure for the resident monks (closer to the center

of the world axes). On his right side is the enclosure for

the guest of honour (in between the middle world axes and

the center of the axes) and on his left is the enclosure for

visiting monks. As the physical realizations of the

participants and the hearth are in accordance with the
hypothesis, there also exist a predictable spatial location

between the participants and the hearth in the case of the

social mandala at Namgyal square at Dharamshala.

G. Correlations between the Social Ordering of the Dev Nagra

Square of the Potala and the Namgyal Square of Dharamshala.

The relative scale of the social mandala increases at

Dharamshala, since this is part of a monastery complex

rather than a one room monastery (see fig 22 ). The

courtyard (hearth) from the monastery at Potala is

translated at Dharamshala in the similar form (as a

courtyard) rather than a mound. The spaces for the head and

other participants are separate buildings with similar

orientations in accordance with the social mandala of a

single room monastery.

66
HE DALAI LAMA

RESIDENT
MONKS

POTALA

THE DALAI LAMA

GUESTS

RESIDENT
MONKS

DHARAMSHALA

Fig 22: Relationship between the Social Order at Dharamshala

and The Potala.

67
H. The Central Prayer Hall at Dharamshala.

The central prayer hall at Namgyal square is the focus of

attention as one approaches the monastery complex, although

slightly obscured from view at first because of a new

planting of eucalyptus trees and other perennials amongst

the pine country. However, after going a few yards into the
courtyard, one can see the contemporary prayer hall with the

absence of traditional Tibetan building details.(fig 23)

MMMMWMMMwOmmillimitiMMmmuminlimMimilwm!,mmm.,...,

Aor
7 II

i ci
Ole
0 -
i) W
0
11.!
1.&
MN
.i
OF Nimmik-,7,-
rir,=tea
r.,7,e,:reI,
zreammil
f
id r

ELIMMILMOMMOEMMEmsu .01112ffamme.i -aiilli '11110i,

ri IVA
<,4,1
1

!frill1111:1

m -11
-m
ovaltrp_LBW
-0-;

Aumminktmsememmeme...w_.

a.0,u=m0=7==
EragOarijoveNF0EFF=--
WENN

Fig 23: View of the Central Prayer Hall

68
As one passes through the planted courtyard, turning

back provides a partially hidden view of the resident monks

residences along with the visiting lamas and guest

residences.(fig 24)

RESIDENT MONKS

Fig.24: View of the Central Courtyard Facing East.

69
The plan of the prayer hall (fig 25)is a nine square

grid that orders two levels. The ground level is enclosed

while the upper level is left open. The nine square grid

possesses a geometry such that the eight squares surround

the central ninth square. This central cell is celebrated

formally not only by its central position but by the use of

both a changing floor plane on the second level that

surrounds one half of the floor of the central cell and by a

raised clerestory roof that focuses additional light upon

this central cell and also emphasizes this cell's most

central portion within the composition of the front

elevation. The central cell of the upper level occupies the

central portion of the building both in plan and in

elevation. Its location above the main entry is in agreement

with its importance and in this manner follows a pattern of

spatial organization and composition familiar in western

classical architecture. Such observations could mark the

beginning of another research topic.

In terms of functions and activities being carried

out, the prayer hall has been realized as a one room

monastery within a large monastery complex. The lower floor

of the prayer hall has the main entrance from the east which

is in accordance with the religious principles. The students

70
enter from the north. Towards the west corner lies the

statue of the deity.

1. BUDDHAS IDOL
2. BOOK STORE
3. PRAYER HALL
4. ENTRANCE FOR MONKS
5. VERANDAH
6. MAIN ENTRANCE
6

Fig. 25: Plan of the Prayer Hall.

Fig.26: Elevation of the Prayer Hall.

71
An interesting physical representation is made of the

pillar (or the space representing the pillar). On the second

level the central area is enclosed on three sides by a

slightly raised part of the floor from the rest of the

floor level. The elevated part of the floor marks the

boundary of a geometrically central area of the prayer hall,

within whose center is placed a precious idol of Buddha in

an enclosed glass chamber.

1CLEARSTOREY

ELEVATED PLATFORM
BUDDHAS STATUE

-'41111w

$414-V

Fig. 27: Axonometric view of the Central Prayer Hall.

72
I. Spatial and Social Mandela at Main Prayer Hall.
social
There is a recurring pattern of the spatial and

mandala within the prayer hall. The main prayer hall has
ordering:
the following two components of spatial
[Link] four corners.

[Link] center.

The Four Corners

The four corners of this prayer hall represent
functional use of the
specific built form and specific

corner. The celestial world dimension is represented by a

book store, the middle dimension

is represented by Buddha's BUDDHAS E BOOK
IDOL STORE
idol, and the other two

dimensions have the religious

scriptures stored in large

wooden cabinets. Despite the

RELIGIOUS RELIGIOUS
SCRIPTURES SCRIPTURES
changed functional uses of the

corners the prayer hall still FOUR CORNERS OF THE WORLD AXIS
GROUND LEVEL PLAN
encompasses a rectangle as was
the case in the models.
o o a
BUDDHAS IDOL

The Center c10-14-7

The intersection of the a

above two axes determines the SECOND LEVEL PLAN

73
centrality of the prayer hall. This determines the position
axes,
of the symbolic representation of the center of world

which is seen on the second floor at spatially centered

location.

J. THE SOCIAL MANDALA

social
Even though this prayer hall participates in the
however
mandala by representing the position of the abbot,
social
looking inside the prayer hall one finds similar
is
organization to that of a one room monastery. The hearth
areas to
represented by a table, and there exists marked
monks and
seat the Dalai lama, student monks, visiting
which was
guest of honour. This reinforces the hypothesis
of
formulated to examine the physical representation

religious principles, and at the same time extends to

hall of a
explore the principles within the main prayer

large monastery complex. The social mandala also

social
establishes a parallel between the symbolism of
a house and the
ordering in case of the principal room of

principal room of a monastery.

74
MIDDLE WORLD CELESTIAL WORLD

NA

CENTER OF
THE WORLD AXES

Fig: 28: The Social Mandala in a Monastery

75
Chapter 5 CONCLUSIONS

The Tibetan monastery complexes at Dharamshala are

expressions of Buddhist religious principles coloured by the

Tibetan culture. The Tibetans adapted to a new physical

environment in northern India and yet retained the basic

religious principles governing their monastery design.

The hypothesis that evolved from a study of

"principles" and "models" was seen realized in the

"elements" at Dharamshala. The one room common denominator

happened to be the clearest way for the author, as an

architect, to study the religious principles. The concept of

"house" appears to transcend that of monastery and to have

primary spiritual, social, spatial and formal expressions of

a unified world view.

The repetitive use of the principle of centrality

through the mandala and its symbolic expression in built

form and ritual activity is also an expression of a unified

view of the world. The social order of centrality appears

in all scales of built forms. It can be seen to portray the

social hierarchies observed within numerous cultures of

this part of the world, thereby symbolizing a more regional

76
interpretation of social organisation rather than being

solely confined to Tibetan Buddhists.

PRINCIPLE 'CENTRALITY'

SPATIAL SOCIAL

rn
-,. , rn

,,
.'-' -- . N
N
, N
LIT

THE CENTRAL PILLA? THE HEARTH

a
(34

MODEL O
>4

r74
\/
111( 4
PRAYER HALL
o
111='

'ELEMENT

>4

MONASTERY 0,
CI)

z0

Fig.29: Realization of Principle of "Centrality".

77
PRINCIPLE 'MANDALA" AS A COSMOGRAM

SPATIAL SOCIAL
MIDDLE CELESTIAL mmorl

MIN
GUEST

TRANSCENDENTAL SUBTERRANEAN

MODEL

CHORTEN

CHORTEN
CHORTEN

ELEMENT
MONASTERY
nm muJa LAMA
MONASTERY

s.

\ MONASTERY

cVI NC5
SECRETARIAT

Fig.30: Realization of Principle of "Mandala" as Cosmogram.

78
The other principle of the mandala as a guiding

principle for establishing the physical as well as social

boundaries is also carried over beyond the one room house to

a monastery and a monastery complex and finally to the

monastic region of Dharamshala. The physical realization of

the mandala is not as prominent in the case of Dharamshala

(fig.31 ) perhaps because of the extensive spread and

topographical constraints of the monastery complexes.

However, the complexes at Dharamshala do align with each

other in pairs by way of a visual axis. The social order is

maintained and carried out as per the hypothesis at

Dharamshala (fig 32 ).

In this study although the religious principles were

given pre-eminence, the author know that the whole spectrum

of religion and culture has to be considered especially for

the esoteric nature of the Tibetan Buddhists. The aim of

this study is not only to contribute to the appreciation of

Tibetan Buddhist monastic architectural principles, but to

generate more curiosity into the cultural substance of the

Tibetan people.

79
V
cd
o
z

0
1CM 5

Fig.32: Spatial Mandala at Dharamshala.

80
1. PRAYER HALL
2. CHORTEN
3. COURT YARD
4. VISITING MONKS
5. GUESTS
6. RESIDENT MONKS
7. INFORMATION
8. ROAD

Fig. 33: Social Mandala at Dharamshala.

81
1. PRAYER HALL
2. CHORTEN
3. COURT YARD
4. VISITING MONKS
5. GUESTS
6. RESIDENT MONKS
7. INFORMATION
8. ROAD

Fig. 33: Social Mandala at Dharamshala.

81
This study begins the creation of a representative

source of information on the transformation of religious

beliefs and principles into the design elements of Tibetan

Buddhist monastery complexes in Northern India. This will

encourage additional research of the meaning and symbolism

associated with the following design issues:

I. Tracing the development of the spatial mandala from a

Tibetan Buddhist house to a monastery complex.

2. Researching the spatial organization at Dharamshala,

within the monasteries and prayer halls.
3. Tracing the symbolic development of the pillar from the

center of the axes within a house to a monastery

complex.

4. The relation of light to the orientation of a prayer

hall.

5. Significance and development of the clearstory in a

prayer hall.
The list can be as endless as the inquisitiveness of the

researchers.

82
END NOTES

1. The two articles are:

Corlin,1978, A Tibetan Enclave in Yunan: Land. Kinship and
Inheritance. Tibetan Studies, Zurich. This article addresses
issues related to the Tibetan built form of a house and its
religious significance. It by no means provides statements of
religious principles used in the house, but does narrate the
explanation from a ritual song which speaks about the various
parts of the house, and their religious significance. The
principle of centrality has been illustrated within the ritual
of blessing a dwelling house.
Handa O.C,1987,"Buddhist Monasteries in Himachal
Pradesh",pg34. This book contains a chapter on a monastery
complex at Tabo in northern India, and discusses the spatial
principle of a mandala in the layout of the complex.
2. A Chorten is a contemporary of a mausoleum in
Tibetan Buddhism.
3. Lamaism is an offshoot of Buddhism.
4. Giuseppe Tucci,1973, Tibet Land of snows, Paul Elk,
London, p34. Lama (bla-ma): In classical Tibetan language the
word is bla-ma which is equivalent to `the venerable master'.
The Sanskrit equivalent for it is `Guru'. In Tibet and in
Mongolia the Buddhist monks and Tantrik priests go by this
name. The lamas undergo a (sort of) consecration ceremony that
confers on them a priestly career. When a monk is in a
position to impart religious instructions to others he is
entitled to call himself a Lama.
5. Sir. Charles Bell, 1924, Tibet Past and Present.
Oxford at the Clarendon press, p 45. Ge Shi is a very basic
degree a lama has to earn before entering advanced studies ,

which could be in either occultist studies or medicine or

sciences in the Tibetan system of education. Ge Shi translates
to (friends of virtue). A Ge-Shi is supposed to have mastered
all the exoteric studies, and is, in accordance with certain
Buddhist theorists, qualified to take up the esoteric course.

83
6. Ibid,p54. Transmigration, in Buddhist parlance, means
the change of abode of a mind from one tabernacle to another,
as based on the total merits and demerits earned by the mind
in all its previous transmigrations. Whenever the tabernacle
has outgrown its usefulness and reached the stage commonly
called death, the mind leaves it and enters into another
tabernacle, an act which is commonly called birth. In order to
be delivered from the misery of being born and reborn in this
current of transmigration, one must, by accumulation of
appropriate merits, be raised above the sixth form and hence,
beyond the current. This is to attain Nirvana.
7. Ibid,p 69 Mahayana: A religious offshoot of Buddhism
which represents the `golden mean'. Severe ascetism and total
atheism proclaimed by Buddha Shakyamuni would have brought
salvation within the reach of only a few highly disciplined
individuals. But mahayana, the great vehicle, was intended to
bring Nirvana within the reach of virtually everybody. The
Mahayana doctrine is so called exactly because it is meant for
all.

Tsung-Lien Shen and Shen -Chi Liu ,1952, "Tibet and the
8.
Tibetans", pg 99-106.
9. Ibid,p.68-72, Nirvana implies an ecstatic condition in
which the spirit feels pure joy in the absence of so called
reality. In Buddhism, Nirvana can more appropriately be
equated with a bliss that excludes every sensation and
consequently produce a total absence of pain or suffering. It
is a Sanskrit word meaning `extinction'. In Indian
philosophies and religions as well as in Buddhism, Nirvana
signifies the supreme condition of `liberation' from the cycle
of transmigrations or reincarnations.
Since life is suffering, Buddhism aims at breaking the
vicious circle of life and death by the extinction of all
desire and lust through the renunciation of all ties that bind
us to the world. This renunciation can result in Nirvana- a
condition in which all suffering ends along with its causes
and effects including reincarnation. `Karma' which strikes a
balance between good and bad acts, between individual and
collective virtue and evil, is responsible for reincarnation.
Different Buddhist sects offer different interpretations of
the theory of Nirvana and its attainment.

10. Chand Attar,1982, Tibet Past and Present,p36.

11. Gvu-me and Gyu-to are esoteric studies in Tibetan

Buddhism quite equivalent to Graduate studies, and are
considered to be a parallel school of thought. The educational
patterns vary from a normal college education. Within the

84
esoteric studies there are two types of schools which in
themselves show a marked difference.
12. Dumoulin, Heinrich and John C Maraldo, 1973, Buddhism
in the Modern World,p47-49.

13. 1990,"CHOYANG" The voice of Tibetan Religion and

Culture # 3, The Council of Cultural affairs of [Link] Dalai
lama, Dharamshala India, p 56.

14. The Mandala is the foremost guiding principle in the

eastern cultures primarily Buddhism, Hinduism and Jainism. The
buddhist explanation of the mandala is a rite of initiation
that always entails creating a balance of forces in the
universe so that the specific rite or activity is blessed by
the opposite forces, thereby creating a state of perfect
balance, which is the residence of the deities conferring the
initiation, along with all other deities abiding within it. It
is the actual place where the initiation takes place. The
mandala has however been interpreted differently by various
researchers as to the extent of its influence in different
religions and cultures. A description of mandala as a rite is
given by G. Tucci and Burckhardt as the following:
The drawing of a mandala is not a simple matter. It is a rite
which concerns a palingenesis of the individual and in whose
details this individual must participate with all the
attention demanded by the importance of the result to be
obtained. An error, an oversight, an omission renders the
whole operation useless. And this not because (as in all
magical and ritual acts) precision in word and deed guarantees
success, but because any defect is a sign of inattention on
the part of the consecrator and indicates that he is not
working with due concentration and absorption. So, there would
be lacking the psychological conditions by which, in his
spirit, the process of redemption is produced.(this
description seems to be connected to Tantric rituals).

15. Corlin,1978, "A Tibetan Enclave in Yunan: Land,

Kinship and Inheritance in rgyal-thanq." Tibetan Studies,
Zurich.

16. Ibid, p13.

17. Tange Kenzo, pg 54-89, ISE: Prototype of Japanese

Architecture. 1984. By the banks of the limpid Isuzu river,
amid dense forests at the foot of Mount Kamiji and Mount
Shimaji stands the Ise shrine, its appearance only a little
changed since remote antiquity. The Naiku (Inner shrine),
dedicated to the worship of Amaterasu-Omikami ("Heaven -
illuminating Goddess"), Sun -Goddess and legendary ancestress

85
of the Imperial House, is on the east bank of the river. About
four miles away, across the river, against the background of
the (hill) Takakura, lies the Geku (Outer Shrine), in which
Toyouke-Omikami, Godess of Cereals, is venerated. There is
much significance attributed to the central pillar in these
shrines which is replaced every ten years, and that process is
more elaborate than selection and erection of the central
column in a Tibetan household or a monastery.
18. b -Sang is a Tibetan name for a symbolic torch, used
in various rituals connected with the offering to local
deities.

[Link] is a cross -breed of yak and a cow. The mdzo is

strong as the yak, and at the same time produces milk in large
quantities.

20. Khabtags: In Buddhist monasteries, offering to the

deity is made silk or cotton scarves which are either white or
saffron or burgundy in colour. It is quite customary and
normal to make an offering if one visits a religious site, or
a temple or any other form of religious representation.

21. Handa.O.C,1987 "Buddhist Monasteries in Himachal

Pradesh" pg36-38.
22. Ibid, pg 68.

23. Ibid, pg47-48.

24. ibid, p34.

25. Li Huaizhi,1981, Tibet, Mc Graw Hill, NY pg56-78.

86
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Law, Bimla Charan. The lineage of Buddha (Buddhavamsa),

London:1938.

Prebish, Charles 121,(ed). Buddhist Monastic Discipline: The

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HISTORY

Ardalan, Nader and Bakhtiar, Laleh. The Sense of Unity, The

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Chand, Attar. Tibet Past and Present 1660-1981 ,Sterling

Publishers Pvt ltd, New Delhi Banglore Jullunder:1982.

Fantin, Mario. Mani Rimdu..Nepal, The Buddhist Dance Drama

of Tengpoche, The English Book store, New Delhi: 1976.

Getty, Alice. The Gods of Northern Buddhism, Oxford: 1928.

Haimendorf, Christoph von.(ed), Tibetan Religious Dances,

ILN: 1949.

Mallet, Stanley and Samizay, Rafi. Traditional Architecture

of Afganistan, Garland STPM Press, New York and London: 1980

Handa, 0 C. Buddhist Monasteries in Himachal Pradesh,Indus

Publishing Co. New Delhi INDIA: 1987.

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a preface by Harrison Salisbury, Mc Graw Hill Book Company,
NY San Fransisco, St louis: 1981.
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Ram, Rahul. (ed), Forward by the Dalai Lama, The Govt and
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[Link] Connecticut published in agreement with
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JOURNALS AND PAPERS

CHO YANG, The voice of Tibetan Religion and Culture # 3,

1990.

Corlin, A Tibetan Enclave in Yunan: Land, Kinship, and

inheritance in [Link] Studies, Zurich, 1978.

Stein, R. A.: L'habitat, le monde et le corps humain en

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Tucci Giuseppe: Indo-Tibetica, Roma, 7 Vols.1983.

THE ARCHITECTURAL MANIFESTATION OF TIBETAN
BUDDHIST RELIGIOUS PRINCIPLES
A case study of the monastery complex at
Dharamshala, INDIA.

by

SANJEEV MALHOTRA

[Link], [Link] of Architecture

UNIVERSITY OF BOMBAY, INDIA. 1988

AN ABSTRACT OF A THESIS

submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree

MASTER OF ARCHITECTURE
School of Architecture and Design

KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY

Manhattan, Kansas
1992
ABSTRACT

The purpose of this research is to investigate Tibetan

Buddhist monasteries in the northern Indian region of

Himachal Pradesh as manifestations of Buddhist religious

principles.

This research seeks to first understand the religious

principles associated with the built forms, and subsequently

identify their conceptual realizations in built forms as

models. An outcome of the above realization is a hypothesis

attempting to link the principles with models. In

conclusion, the hypothesis is tested on a specific case

study of a monastery complex at Dharamshala.

This research demonstrates that formal and social

expressions of centrality are seen to reoccur at

progressively larger scales of built forms. The concept of

"house" appears to transcend that of monastery and to have

primary spiritual, social, spatial and formal expression

of a unified world view.