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THE BACH FAMILY
BY KARL GEIRINGER

HAYDN
A Creative Life in Music
BRAHMS
His Life and Work

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
I. Johann Sebastian Bach
Pastel by Gottlieb Friedrich Bach in the possession
of Paul Bach, Eisenach
THE BACH
FAMILY
Seven Generations of
Creative Genius

KARL GEIRINGER
IN COLLABORATION WITH

IRENE GEIRINGER

NEW YORK
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
1954
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PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

To the Memory of
MARY CONOVER MELLON
whose eager quest
for the adventures of the mind
was a source of stimulation
to the Author
PREFACE

books and articles on members of the Bach family are so numerous that
a complete bibliography would fill several volumes. Nevertheless it does
not seem to have occurred to previous authors to write the history of the
whole clan from the first manifestations of musical talent in the 16th
century to its last occurrence in the middle of the 19th. This has been
attempted in the present book, and the magnitude of the task will, it is

hoped, be accepted as an excuse for the inevitable shortcomings of the

work.
From the outset the writer was aware of the complexity of problems
confronting him, since, with the exception of Johann Sebastian's works
and a small number of modern reprints, the majority of the material
needed was only available in European libraries. Moreover, the where-
abouts of the invaluable Bachiana of the former Preussische Staatsbiblio-
thek, Berlin, were not known in 1947, when the present research was
started. A tremendous amount of slow and painstaking spadework had to

be done before the author was in possession of a representative collection

of photostats and microfilms, on which to base his study. However, most
obstacles were eventually overcome, and the writer believes that the book
offers in each of its sections material new to the English reader. In the case
of Sebastian's relatives a great amount of works accessible only in manu-
script or in contemporary prints was dealt with, among them various
compositions not considered by former research students. An attempt was
also made to outline the careers of the different Bachs against the religious,
social, and political backgrounds of the time. With regard to Sebastian it

was felt that a substantial part of the book ought to be devoted to this
most representative member of the family. The author aimed at including
the results of recent German research, in particular from publications
issued in honour of the Bicentenary of 1950. Various details have now
been cleared up which contribute to an interpretation somewhat different
from that given in the classical biographies of Spitta, Schweitzer or Terry.
In this connection mention should be made of the frontispiece to this book,
the miniature portrait of Sebastian painted by his kinsman, Gottlieb
Friedrich Bach, which the artist's great-grandson gave to the author for
first publication.
Vlll PREFACE
As the amount of music quotations included in the present book
was naturally restricted, the author plans to present before long an
Anthology of music by members of the Bach Family.
The list of persons and institutions to whom the author feels indebted
is a very extensive one. In the first place he should like to express his
deepest appreciation to the Bollingen Foundation for their generous
financial assistance which enabled him to obtain the necessary material
from foreign countries. Moreover, he found European experts most
co-operative and interested in his project. Without their unfailing assist-
ance and patient labours this book would never have been written. In
particular he wishes to express his thanks to Mr. Paul Bach, Eisenach;
Mrs. Mia Bach, Witten/Ruhr; Mr. Ernst Brinkmann, Mtihlhausen; Pro-
fessor Victor Burr, Director of the Universitatsbibliothek, Tubingen; Dr.
A. Corbet, Bibliothecaire de la Bibliotheque du Conservatoire Royal,
Brussels; Dr. Martin Cremer, Director of the Westdeutsche Bibliothek,
Marburg/L.; Dr. Conrad Freyse, Director of the Bach-Museum, Eisenach;
Professor Wilibald Gurlitt, Freiburg/B.; Dr. Rudolf Hocker, former
Director of the Oeffentliche Studienbibliothek, Berlin; His Honour, the
Mayor of Jena; A. Hyatt King, Esq., Department of Printed Music,
British Museum, London; Dr. Hedwig Kraus, Director of the Collections
of the Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, Vienna; His Honour, Mayor
Mogk of Meiningen; Dr. Herbert Pee, Curator of the Kunsthalle, Ham-
burg; Dr. Roland Philip, Vienna; Mrs. Fritz Rollberg, widow of the late
Bach scholar, Eisenach; Dr. Friedrich Schafer, Kirchenarchivrat, Eisenach;
B. Schofield, Esq., Keeper of the Department of Manuscripts in the
British Museum, London; Dr. Friedrich Smend, Professor of the Kirch-
liche Hochschule, Berlin; Stadtarchivar Fritz Wiegand, Erfurt. In this
country the author received most valuable help from Dr. Huntington
Cairns, Director of the National Gallery, Washington, D.C. ; Dr.
Archibald T. Davison of Harvard University; Dr. George S. Dickinson of
Vassar College; Dr. Paul H. Lang and Dr. Daniel G. Mason of Columbia
University; Mr. Philip Vaudrin, New York. Unfailing assistance
was given by Dr. Harold Spivacke, Mr. Edward Waters, Mr. Richard S.
Hill and Mr. William Lichtenwanger of the Library of Congress,
Washington, D.C, as well as by Mr. Richard Appel, chief of the music
department of the Boston Public Library. Various officials of the Widener,
Houghton and Isham Libraries of Harvard University, the Sibley Musical
Library of Rochester, N.Y., and the New York Public Library proved
most helpful too. Dr. George B. Weston, Professor emeritus of Harvard
University, very generously made the treasures of his Friedemann Bach
PREFACE IX

Collection available to the writer.Thanks are also due to Lord Hilling-

don and Oxford University Press for permission to reproduce the
the
portrait of Johann Christian Bach by Thomas Gainsborough from Johann
Christian Bach by Terry. For basic advice regarding the evaluation of
the Bach painters he has to thank Mr. Thomas M. Messer, Assistant
Director of the American Federation of Art, and Dr. Else Hofmann,
New York. Linguistic advice was generously contributed by Mrs. Mabel
E. Blandford and the late Walter F. H. Blandford, as well as by Mr. Klaus
G. Roy, Librarian of the College of Music of Boston University. Dr.
Henry S. Drinker of Merion, Penna., very kindly translated some poems
into English; moreover his outstanding translations of Bach Cantatas and
Chorales were used throughout this book. The author's brother, Dr.
Ernest Geiringer, rendered valuable help in checking historical data.
Great patience and understanding were displayed by the publishers, to
whom sincere thanks are due for their splendid co-operation.
Dr. Irene Geiringer (Mrs. Karl Geiringer), who has assisted the
author in his previous literary efforts, extensively collaborated in the
writing of the present book, particularly with regard to the biographical
sections.
KARL GEIRINGER

BOSTON, MASS., October 1953

CONTENTS

Preface •
page vii

Abbreviations xv

PART I THE RISE OF THE BACH FAMILY AND

THE FIRST GREAT ACHIEVEMENTS ( -1700)

Introduction : Ordeal in Germany 3

A Miller, A Jester, A Piper (Veit, Hans, Caspar Bach) 6

The Founder of the Erfurt Dynasty (Johann Bach) 13

Two Bachs at Arnstadt (Christoph and Heinrich Bach) 19

Musical Trends in the lyth Century —
The Compositions ofJohann and Heinrich Bach 23

Heinrich's Two
Great Sons (Johann Christoph (13) and Johann
Michael Bach) 30
The Music ofJohann Michael Bach 39
The Music ofJohann Christoph Bach 47

The Triple Team of Bach Brothers (Georg Christoph, Johann

Christoph (12), Johann Ambrosius Bach) 63

Epilogue 78

PART II EXPANSION AND CULMINATION (1700-1750)

Introduction : Particularism and Universalism in Germany 83

The Jena and the Muhlhausen Bach (Johann Nicolaus and

Johann Friedrich Bach) 87
The Music ofJohann Nicolaus Bach 93

The Descendants of Johann Bach (Johann Christoph (17) and

Johann Bernhard Bach) 97
The Music ofJohann Bernhard Bach 99
The Meiningen Bachs (Johann Ludwig and Nikolaus Ephraim
Bach) 102
The Music ofJohann Ludwig Bach 108

Johann Sebastian Bach 119

I. Apprenticeship (1685-1703) 119
II. Years of Growth (1703-1708) 128
1

Xll CONTENTS
in. The Great Organist (1708-1717) page 143
iv. Court Conductor and Princely Friend (1717-1723) 154
v. Thomas Cantor and Director Musices at Leipzig (1723-

1750) i 63

vi. Sebastian and His Family I 9°

The Music of Johann Sebastian Bach 202

1. Works for Voices and Instruments 206

11. Works for the Organ Solo 242
in. Works for the Clavier Solo 259
iv. Works for String and Wind Instruments ; Concertos 279

Epilogue 2 9^

PART III THE LAST GREAT ACHIEVEMENTS AND

THE DECLINE OF THE BACH FAMILY (1750- )

Introduction : Rococo and Classicism 3 QI

The Halle Bach (Wilhelm Friedemann Bach) 3°3

The Music of Wilhelm Friedemann Bach 316

The Berlin and Hamburg Bach (Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach) 336
The Music of Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach 352

The Buckeburg Bach (Johann Christoph Friedrich Bach) 378

The Music ofJohann Christoph Friedrich Bach 386

The Milan and London Bach (Johann Christian Bach) 4°4

The Music ofJohann Christian Bach 417

Two Painters at Meiningen (Gottlieb Friedrich and Johann

Philipp Bach) 445
The Works of Gottlieb Friedrich and Johann Philipp Bach 447

Bachs at Eisenach (Johann Ernst and Johann Georg Bach) 45

The Music ofJohann Ernst Bach 454

Sebastian's Children and the Bach Family 4 64

Two Grandsons of Sebastian (Johann Sebastian II and Wilhelm

Friedrich Ernst Bach) 47 1
The Music of Wilhelm Friedrich Ernst Bach 417

Epilogue 481

Genealogical Table of the Bach Musicians 487

Bibliography 49°

Index of Persons and Places 497

Index of Compositions by Members of the Bach Family 506

1

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

I. Johann Sebastian Bach. Pastel by Gottlieb Friedrich

Bach in the possession of Paul Bach, Eisenach frontispiece

II. A genealogical tree of the Bach family drawn in

the 19th century facing page 16

III. A genealogical tree of the Bach family from the 19th

century, beginning with the year 1530 17

IV. Hans Bach. Engraving, 161 7, in Bibliotheque Nationale,

Paris 32

V. Eisenach, where Johann Sebastian Bach was born and

members of the family served from 1665 to 1797.

Engraving by Merian, 1650 33

VI. Autograph of the first page of the Cantata for the 16th
or 24th Sunday after Trinity by C. Philipp Emanuel
Bach in Universitatsbibliothek, Tubingen 48

VII. Title-page of the Birthday Cantata by Georg Christoph

Bach in Singakademie, Berlin 49
VIIL Johann Ambrosius Bach. Oil-painting formerly in

Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Berlin 80

IX. The house, 1 1, Rittergasse, in which Johann Ambrosius

Bach lived during the first three years of his stay in

Eisenach 8

X. Johann Ludwig Bach. Pastel by Gottlieb Friedrich Bach

in Oeffentliche Studienbibliothek, Berlin 96

XL Johann Ludwig Bach's Cantata 'Gott ist unser Zuver-
sicht' in the hand of Johann Sebastian Bach. MS. in

Oeffentliche Studienbibliothek, Berlin 97

XII. Corridor in the Eisenach 'Bach House.' Oil-painting by
Paul Bach in the possession of Karl Geiringer, Boston 128

XHJ. First page of the autograph of Johann Sebastian Bach's

Cantata 'Es erhub sich ein Streit,' formerly in Preus-
sische Staatsbibliothek, Berlin 129
XIV ILLUSTRATIONS
XIV. Wilhelm Friedemann Bach. Drawing by P. Gillie, for-

merly in Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Berlin 320

XV. First page of autograph of Wilhelm Friedemann Bach's
unfinished Clavier Concerto in E flat, in Westdeutsche
Bibliothek, Marburg 321

XVI. C. Philipp Emanuel Bach, Pastor Sturm and the artist.

Drawing by Andreas Stottrup in Kupferstichkabinett,

Hamburg 352
XVII. Autograph of the 'Heilig' for one chorus by C. Philipp
Emanuel Bach in Universitatsbibliothek, Tubingen 353

XVIII. Johann Christian Bach by Thomas Gainsborough 400

XIX. Autograph of Johann Christian Bach's Clavier Concerto

in B flat major in Westdeutsche Bibliothek, Marburg 401

XX. Gottlieb Friedrich Bach. Self-portrait. Pastel in the

possession of Paul Bach, Eisenach 448

XXI. Johann Philipp Bach. Self-portrait. Pastel in the posses-

sion of Paul Bach, Eisenach 449

XXII. C. Philipp Emanuel Bach. Pastel by Johann Philipp
Bach in the possession of Paul Bach, Eisenach 456
XXIII. Wilhelm Friedrich Ernst Bach. Oil-painting in Sin-
akademie, Berlin 464
XXIV. The painter Johann Sebastian II. Engraving 465

XXV. Johann Sebastian II. 'Ideal Landscape.' Oil-painting in

Kunsthalle, Hamburg 480
XXVI. Johann Sebastian Bach II. 'Landscape with mill.' Draw-
ing in the Albertina, Vienna 481

SKETCHES

1. The Bach cities on the map of Germany page 64

2. Signatures of various Bach musicians 72

3. Places significant in J. Sebastian's life 192

(Nos. 2 and 3 from F. Wiegand: 'J. S. Bach und seine Ver-
wandten in Arnstadt')
ABBREVIATIONS

The numbers appearing in brackets after certain Bach names are those
established by J . S. Bach in his 'Origin of the Musical Bach Family (cf. p. 6)

In the discussion of the music lower case letters indicate a minor key, capitals
a major key (a=A minory A=A
major, etc.)

AfMf Archiv fur Musikforschung.

BG J. S. Bach's Collected Works published by the Bach-Gesellschaft.

Leipzig, 185 1 -i 900.

BJ Bach Jahrbuch. Leipzig, 1904-

BWV Thematic catalogue of the works of J. S. Bach in Wolfgang
Schmieder, 'Thematisch-systematisches Verzeichnis der musikal-
ischen Werke J. S. Bach's.' Leipzig, 1950.

DDT Denkmaler deutscher Tonkunst. Leipzig, 1892-1931

EDM Das Erbe deutscher Musik (continuation of DDT since 1935).

F Thematic catalogue of the works of Wilhelm Friedemann Bach

in Martin Falck, 'Wilhelm Friedemann Bach.' Leipzig, 1913.

fl. Abbreviation for the German Gulden (florin), which was, similarly

to the present pound sterling, subdivided into 20 Groschen (gr.),

each Groschen comprising 12 Pfennige (pf.)

gr- Groschen. One-twentieth of a German Gulden.

MQ_ Musical Quarterly.

P. J. S. Bach's organ works as published by C. F. Peters in 9 vols.

Pf. Pfennig. One-twelfth of a German Groschen.

Schn. Thematic catalogue of the works of older members of the Bach

family in Max Schneider, 'Thematisches Verzeichnis der
musikalischen Werke der Familie Bach,' in BJ, 1907.
SIMG Sammelbander der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft.
Sti Thematic catalogue of the works of Johann Christoph Friedrich
Bach compiled by Georg Schunemann in 56. DDT
Thematic catalogue of the works of Johann Christian Bach in
Charles Sanford Terry's 'John Christian Bach.' London, 1929.

th. Thaler. i\ of a German Gulden.

Thematic catalogue of the works of Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach

in Alfred Wotquenne, 'C. Ph. E. Bach, Thematisches Ver-
zeichnis seiner Werke.' Leipzig, 1905.

ZfMu Zeitschrift fur Musikwissenschaft.

PART I

THE RISE OF THE

BACH FAMILY
AND THE FIRST
GREAT ACHIEVEMENTS
( -1700)
INTRODUCTION: ORDEAL IN GERMANY

the story of the Bach musicians is unique with regard to achievement as

well as duration. In seven successive generations Bachs were active as
church or town musicians, and even the immortal genius rising out of
their midst was succeeded by sons who played a highly significant part
in the art of their time. of so tough a fibre were the Bachs made that
And
they managed to rise from the humblest beginnings in a period of the
greatest national distress.
hardly possible to paint too dark a picture of the ordeal which
It is

the German people had to endure in the first half of the 17th century,
when the Thirty Years "War was fought in their land. 'Fields lay waste
and Burnt castles and villages in ashes were scattered far and
desolate.
wide. The towns groaned under the scourge of undisciplined and preda-
tory garrisons, who wasted the property of the citizens, and availed them-
selves to the utmost of the licence of war. The destruction of the crops
and the constant succession of armies which overran the exhausted
country were inevitably followed by famine. The crowding together of
men in camps and billets spread diseases which proved more fatal than
even fire and sword. All vices flourished under the protection of anarchy
and impunity, and men became as savage as the country itself.' This
1
description by the German poet, Friedrich Schiller, is, if anything, still

too moderate in tone.

There are other historians 2 who have most bloodcurdling tales to tell.

Certainly the German people had reached by 1648,

a tragically low level

the year in which the peace of Westphalia was concluded. In the more
fortunate provinces the population had dropped to half its former
strength, while in other states, for instance Thuringia, which will occupy
us in particular, not more than one fourth was left. Those who had
miraculously survived were physically and spiritually exhausted, and
naturally the children they produced during the later war-years and the
immediate post-war period also showed a lack of vitality.
From such a generation no great creative achievements could reason-
ably be expected. Indeed, the German literature of this period produced

1 'Geschichte des dreissigjahrigen Krieges,' written in 1791-92.

2
Cf. Hermann Gebhardt, 'Thuringische Kirchengeschichte,' Gotha, 1882.

3
4 THE BACH FAMILY
hardly anything of lasting value. There were few gifted poets or writers,
and those who did show a distinctive talent spoiled a genuine capacity
for expression by crude and unsavoury details. Even the German language
itself had, as it were, been given up by the people, who were anxious to

interlard it with as many French and Latin idioms as possible, in order to

give it style. In the fine arts things were hardly better; 'lacking talents,
lacking independent artistic ideas, lacking opportunities for expression,
German art could in no way compete with the creative work of the
neighbouring countries.' 1
It is a strange and heartening phenomenon that in these disastrous
years music remained alive, composers of indisputable talent appeared,
and although they were often badly hindered by the exigencies of war,
there was never the arid desert which was to be found in other domains
of art. A 17th-century writer, Johann Flitner, even went so far as to speak
of a 'seculum musicum.' A baffling paradox indeed!
A
key to its solution may be found in the close interdependence of
music and religion. Wherever destruction and ruin were not complete,
religion retained something of its former power. The little spiritual force
that subsisted in the survivors of the war and the nearest post-war genera-
tion found its expression in religious life. The worse conditions became
in the outside world, the more fervent grew the longing for the peace and
inner security to be derived from a life in Christ. In such an atmosphere
music, the most transcendental of all creative manifestations, was a
spiritual necessity, a medicine the German people simply could not do
without. In particular the Protestant Church, with much of its original
driving force still intact, was responsible for a continuous flow of new and
important musical works. Wherever a church was spared from destruc-
tion, the parishioners did their utmost to have services which, with the
help of music, would enable them to triumph over their wretched and
hopeless material existences. This does not mean, of course, that the long
war and its after-effects did not cause grave damage to musical life as
well; the injuries inflicted were by no means fatal.
serious, but
Thismost vividly revealed when we turn from the large cities,
is

which had naturally greater resources, to the small Protestant communi-

ties, where cantors, organists, and town musicians did an amazing job

against tremendous odds. In particular, music flourished in the province

of Thuringia and a local historian2 could remark proudly in 1684:

1
Cf. Wilhelm Liibke and Max Semrau, 'Barock und Rokoko,' 14th ed., Greifswald, 1913.
2
August Boetius, 'Merkwiirdige und Auserlesene Geschichte von der beriihmten
Landgraffschaft Thiiringen,' Gotha, 1684.
INTRODUCTION 5

'Music is diligently cultivated in churches and schools. The Thurin-

gians know what the ancient claimed, that he who does not love singing,
does not possess balance either in mind or body. Here they build in
villages not only string instruments such as violins, basses, viola da
gamba, clavicymbals, spinets, citterns . . . because also the peasants play
them, but one finds even in insignificant parishes organ works with an
amazing number of stops and variety of equipment. [Moreover] such
families as the Lindemann, Altenburg, Ahle, Brigel and Bach have through
their compositions given a great name to the province of Thuringia.'

When this report was members of the Bach family had

written,
indeed already tended the musical soil of their homeland for a long time.
Yet the Bachs were to continue work in this field through more than
another hundred years, and they were to leave the other musical families
far behind, rising to a distinction which even the enthusiastic chronicler
was unable to foresee.
A MILLER—A JESTER—A PIPER
(VEIT— HANS— CASPAR BACH)

Hans Bach (?)

(Wechmar, 16th cent.)

Hans (The jester') Veit (i) Caspar

1555-1615 ?-i6i9 i 57o(?)-i6 4 2(?)

Johannes (2) Lips (3) Caspar

?-i6z6 ?-i620 i6oo(?)-?
I

I I

Johann (4) Christoph (5) Heinrich (6)

1604-73 1613-61 1615-92
Meiningen
line

Numbers following a name are those of Sebastian's Genealogy.

during the 1 8th century the Bach musicians became fully conscious of
unique history. In 1727 a Cantor of the Thuringian town
their family's
of Gehren by the name of Bach proudly claimed in a letter that 'the
genealogy of the world-famous Bach family could be traced back to the
year 1504.' 1 Whether the Cantor really possessed a document of this kind,
we do not know. If he did, it was not accessible to his great kinsman,
Sebastian Bach, who wrote eight years later the history of the clan en-
titled 'Origin of the Musical Bach Family.' The Thomas Cantor's
2
chronicle went back only to the later part of the 16th century, beginning
with these words:
1
The writer of this letter was Johann Christoph Bach (No. 17 in Sebastian's
Genealogy). Cf. Fritz Wiegand, 'Johann Sebastian Bach und seine Verwandten in Arn-
stadt,' Arnstadt, 1950. In the district of Coburg, Franconia, the name of Bach can be
found as early as the year 1000, according to Mr. Paul Bach, Eisenach.
2
There are two copies of the Ursprung der music alisch-Bachischen Familie in existence.
One belonged to Philipp Emanuel Bach and was sent by him, in 1774, with some additions
and corrections, to Johann Nikolaus Forkel, the first Bach biographer. The other was
probably copied by Sebastian's kinsman and secretary, Johann Elias Bach, who gave it to
his brother, Lorenz, whose descendants preserved the document. Complete editions of the
'Origin' are available in English translations by Ch. Sanford Terry, London, 1929; and
by David and Mendel ('Bach Reader'), New York, 1945.
6
VEIT HANS — CASPAR J
'Veit Bach, a white-bread baker in Hungary, in the 16th century was
compelled to escape from Hungary because of his Lutheran faith. After
converting his property into money, as far as this could be done, he went
to Germany, and finding security for his religion in Thuringia, settled at
Wechmar near Gotha, and continued his trade there. What he most
delighted in was his little cittern which he used to take with him to work
to play while the mill was grinding. A pretty noise the pair of them must
have made! However, it taught him to keep time, and that apparently is
how music first came into our family.'

We wish Sebastian's report were somewhat more explicit, for it

leaves one essential point unclear. We

do not know whether Veit was a
native of Hungary or a German baker of Wechmar who on the traditional
journeyman's tour had found conditions in Hungary favourable and
remained there. The latter theory was adopted unquestioningly by the
majority of scholars, who point out that the name of Bach can be traced
in various places of Thuringia all through the 16th century and that a
man called Hans Bach (maybe Veit's father) is mentioned as city guardian
of Wechmar in 1561. Recently a dissenting voice was heard, however, in
Germany. 1 If Veit emigrated from Germany, it claims, he could not have
stayed too long in Hungary; how was it possible for him to acquire in so
short a period the apparently considerable property mentioned by
Sebastian? And why did the chronicler describe him as baker in Hungary,
without mentioning the Thuringian origin? Doesn't it seem more likely
that Veit was born in Hungary and inherited property from his father?
His family might still have been a German one, for at that time many
people of German origin were living in Hungary. On the other hand, a
possible mixture of the German and Magyar races in Veit's or in his wife's
ancestry might have been one of the factors determining the rich artistic
heritage Veit bestowed on his descendants.
The question is unanswered yet. 2 Two significant facts emerge, how-
ever, from Sebastian's narrative. Veit, for the sake of his faith, gave up a
settled existence, thus proving the deep Lutheran religion
affinity to the

which was to characterize so many Bachs, and Thuringia was the section
of Germany he decided on. Perhaps he did so because the Bachs residing
there were kinspeople, but whatever were his reasons, there is no doubt

1
Cf. W.
Rauschenberger, 'Die Familien Bach,' Frankfurt a.M., 1950.
a in 'Beschreibung der . .
J. M. Korabinsky's assumption Stadt Pressburg,'
.

Pressburg, 1784, that Veit Bach had his domicile in Pressburg (Bratislava) has not been
proved so far.
8 THE BACH FAMILY
that the country suited him. Many him
generations of Bachs following
felt the same attraction and they stayed on Germany,
in this part of
just moving from one Thuringian town to another, establishing Bach
centres in Gotha, Arnstadt, Erfurt, Eisenach, and so forth. Maybe a
certain lack of initiative in the Bachs was responsible for this, as was
also the traditional conception of the time that the son should inherit
the father's position. But these were not all the decisive factors. Partly
it was love of Thuringia that made the Bachs cling to it up to our own
time.
It is a beautiful country, this Thuringia. In the south-west and north-
east, a central basin is bordered by the huge, dense forests of the
Thuringerwald and Harz Mountains, which even in our days are among
the most popular vacation resorts in Germany. Nature is kind to the
Thuringians; a moderate climate and fertile soil bring forth crops not
excelled by those of any other German province. The inhabitants are
stolidand introvert, and an abundance of legends testifies to their strong
imagination. In Thuringia stands the Kyffhauser mountain in which the
Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa is believed to be waiting with his
crusading army until such time as the ravens give him the signal to
return to the German people. The highest mountain of the Harz, the
Brocken, famous for the peculiar mist formations on its summit, is held
to be the meeting place of all Near Eisenach there stands the
witches.
Horselberg in which Venus is reported to have kept Tannhauser in bondage,
until he left her and appeared in the Wartburg while the Minnesingers'
song contest was being held. But the name of Eisenach's Wartburg
conjures up yet another picture. Here it was that Luther, under the
assumed name of Junker J org, stayed whilst working on his epoch-
making translation of the Bible; and this is by no means the only place in
Thuringia connected with the reformer. In Eisenach he went to the Latin
school, the same institution which Sebastian Bach was destined to attend
almost two hundred years later. In Erfurt Luther studied at the University
and entered the Augustinian monastery. No wonder that Thuringia
became one of the pillars of the new Reformation, and that some of its
ruling princes were among the leaders of the movement.
So Veit Bach settled down in Thuringia, where simple plough-boys
were apt to appear on Sundays in their choir-loft to sing or perform on
instruments 'with more art than many a learned musician,' 1 where even
in the churches of the tiniest hamlets Vocal music was adorned and

1
Preface to the 116th Psalm written in 1623 by the Jena official, Burkhardt
Grossmann (formerly Prussian State Library, Berlin, Mus. aut. G 930).
VEIT HANS — CASPAR 9
1
embellished by at least five or six violins.' In this land, steeped in music,
the baker's musical proficiency increased, and his beloved cittern became
so much a part of his existence that he did not confine himself to playing
it in hours of leisure but also took it to his mill.
Veit was not the only Bach of his generation to feel so strongly
inclined towards music. About
same time there lived Hans Bach,
the
possibly a brother of Veit, who, though a carpenter by trade, became
fiddler (Spielmann) and court jester to the widowed Duchess of
Wurttemberg in Niirtingen. The little we know about him is revealed in
two portraits which were preserved to posterity through Emanuel Bach's 2
collection of family treasures. In the earlier of the two portraits, an etching
formerly in the State Library of Berlin, we see a middle-aged man, wearing
the large ruff fashionable at the time, and carrying a fiddle in his left hand, a
bow in his right. His hair is cut quite short, except for a carefully modelled
'quiff' in the middle of his forehead, which was probably meant to
produce a comical and he has a pointed beard and moustache. On
effect,

of the jester. The music

his right shoulder are displayed the jingling bells
he performed was apparently of a light character. At least that is what the
verses 3 on a panel above his head imply:

Hans Bach, the fiddler, has a style

That when you hear him, you must smile;
It is indeed unique and weird,
In keeping with his Hans Bach beard.

The other portrait, a copperplate engraving owned by the Bibliotheque

Nationale in Paris, depicts an older man, dressed in about the same style,
and bears an inscription in Latin: 'Hans Bach, famous and amusing court
jester, jocular fiddler, a diligent, upright, and religious man.' As a symbol
of his real trade, eighteen different carpenter's tools are engraved around
the inscription (111. IV).
The fact that two different portraits were engraved of Hans Bach, one
of them by the well-reputed Wilhelm Schichard, subsequently a Univer-
sity professor in Tubingen, reveals that the portrayed was by no means
a common court jester. It is also noteworthy that although jesters, like

jugglers, ranked at that time among the 'infamous' (unehrlich) professions,

1
Cf. Michael Altenburg, preface to 'Erster Teil newer lieblich und zierlicher Intraden,'

1620.
2 Emanuel Bach erroneously assumed the portrayed to be Johannes (Hans) Bach (2),
the great-grandfather of Sebastian, who died in 1626. Actually the Hans of the pictures died
in 161 5 and his exact relationship to Sebastian is not known.
3 Translation by Henry S. Drinker.
IO THE BACH FAMILY
the church register mentions that Hans 'this diligent and faithful servant

of Her Ducal Highness was given an honest funeral.' Thus Hans Bach had,
thanks to his fine character and excellent work, succeeded in rising out of
the lowest stratum of society and had earned general respect.
While the miller-baker Veit was an amateur musician, and Hans
combined the positions of a fiddler and jester with that of a carpenter,
another Bach, by the name of Caspar (born around 1570), perhaps a
younger brother of Veit, served in the Thuringian city of Gotha as a
town piper (Stadtpfeifer). Caspar lived in Gotha in the high tower of
the town hall, 1 as was the custom for the town piper; for, according to the
instructions given to him, in addition to his duties as a town musician
(cf. p. 15), he had to 'strike the hours, look out day and night for riders

and carriages, watch closely all roads on which more than two riders were
approaching, and also report whenever he observed a fire nearby or in
the distance.' He stayed in Gotha until 1620, when he was called in the
same capacity to the city of Arnstadt. This Thuringian town was to play
a highly important part in the Bach chronicle, and, save for short intervals,
to harbour musicians of the clan for almost two centuries. 2 Caspar came
to a city sadly depleted through an epidemic of plague in the preceding
year, in which around a had perished. Even when
third of the population
health conditions improved, the war, which had broken out in 161 8,
created an atmosphere of tension. The watch duties of the piper were now
of the greatest importance and Caspar may have experienced plenty of
anxious moments while living in the tower of the castle. In 1633 he was
at last able to resign his position and to buy a house of his own, which

still stands to-day. He continued, however, to work as musician, though

not as watchman, both for the town and for the city's patron, the Count
of Schwarzburg-Arnstadt, in whose band he played the duliian (bassoon).
The music-loving sovereign showed himself very generous in promoting
the training of another Caspar, probably the town piper's eldest son
(born around 1600). He who apparently showed great
sent the youth,
of Bayreuth and Dresden, paying for Caspar's instruc-
talent, to the courts

tion by renowned masters, and liberally equipping him with the necessary
clothes and instruments. In return Caspar had to sign a pledge that he
would practise assiduously on various instruments and subsequently

1
The Genealogy relates that he resided at the casde of Grimmenstein, which cannot
be correct as the casde was demolished in 1567.
2
The name of Bach occurs for the first time in the Arnstadt church register of 1613,
when a Johanna Elisabeth Bach from the village of Ichtershausen married the cooper,
Andreas Hartmann. Cf. Wiegand, I.e.
—
CASPAR JOHANNES LIPS II

enter the Count's service. This plan never materialized, however. Maybe
the Count did not engage young Caspar because the war situation was
interfering more and more with musical activities, maybe the promising
young artist died at an early age; whatever the explanation, there is no
trace of him in Arnstadt. Nor were old Caspar's other descendants privi-
leged to carry on the father's work. Four of his younger sons died before
him, in the years 1632 to 1637, and the town thus lost a number of
musicians. 1 After experiencing so much unhappiness in Arnstadt, old
Caspar seems to have felt the urge to leave There
it for the time being.
were many kinsmen living in nearby and he may have joined one
villages
such group and supported himself as a musician. Thus his death, which
occurred between 1642 and 1644, is not noted in the Arnstadt register.
was to Caspar Bach that a son of Veit by the name of Johannes (2),
It

born around 1580, was apprenticed when the lad's 'evident talent'
(Genealogy) induced him to adopt the profession of a musician. Johannes
stayed with his master even after the traditional term of apprenticeship
was served, but at last he moved back to Wechmar. He was frequently
called to nearby places like Gotha, Erfurt, and Arnstadt, when the town
musicians needed reinforcement, and he had an excellent reputation all
through the district. In addition to this he worked as a carpetmaker, 2 and
when his father Veit died in 161 9, Johannes seems to have taken charge
of the mill as well. But, only seven years
after his father's death, this busy

lifewas cut short when Johannes succumbed to the plague which

ravaged the district. He left three sons, each of whom was destined to
found an important musical dynasty. 3
The Genealogy also mentions a brother of Johannes, describing him
as a carpetmaker but omitting his name. It is generally assumed that this
was Lips Bach, who appears in the Wechmar register as the son of Veit,

1
Three of them, Melchior (1603-34), Johannes (1602-32) and Nicol (1619-37), are
described in the death-register as musicians; the fourth, who died in 1635, as a blind man.
This latter, by the name of Heinrich, may well be the 'blind Jonah' whom the Genealogy
mentions as the subject of many adventures.
2
This is how sermon for his son, Heinrich Bach, by J. G. Olearius,
the funeral
1692, describes him. The Genealogy on the other hand mentions his work as a miller.
3
The information in the Genealogy regarding his marriage, taken over uncritically
by some Bach biographers, including Ch. S. Terry, is slightly misleading. It states that on
Johannes married
his return after Veit's death, Anna Schmied, an innkeeper's daughter.
This marriage would have taken place in 1619. On the other hand, the important sons of
Johannes mentioned in the Genealogy were born in 1604, 1613, 1615. If he married Anna
Schmied in 1619, she can only have been his second wife, while the sons we know of were
children of a first marriage. It seems more likely, however, that he moved to Wechmar
much earlier.
12 THE BACH FAMILY
and died in 1620. The family tradition claims that the three gifted sons of
Lips were sent to Italy by the Count of Schwarzburg-Arnstadt for their
musical education, but so far no evidence to support this claim has been
unearthed. It is not until a century later that we find solid historical
evidence of this branch of the family, the so-called 'Meiningen line,'

which was to produce some very fine artists.

THE FOUNDER OF THE ERFURT DYNASTY
(JOHANN BACH)

Johannes (2)
?-i626
I

Barbara Hoffmann=Johann (4)=Hedwig Lammerhirt

r -1636 1604-73 1675

Johann Christian (7) Johann Egidius (8) Johann Nikolaus (9)

1640-82 1645-1716 1653-82

Johann Bernhard (18) Johann Christoph (19)

1676-1749 1685-1740

AT the time when Johannes Bach (2) died, Wechmar was no longer a
good place in which to live. War had come to Germany, and as Thuringia
was crossed by two strategically important roads, one to Niirnberg and
one to Wiirzburg, troops marched again and again through the lovely
land and drained its resources. Moreover, it did not take long for the
plague to catch up with war. The little community of Wechmar suffered
dreadful epidemics in 1626 and 1635; in the latter as many as 503 victims
were listed, among them the widow of Johannes, who himself had been
felled by the first outbreak of the Black Death nine years earlier. If ever a
time was inimical to the muses, this can be said of the years when the
three sons of Johannes started on their careers. Nevertheless they all chose

music as a profession. The eldest, Johann (4), born in Wechmar in 1604,

loved accompanying his father on musical expeditions. At an early age
he showed such skill that the town piper of the city of Suhl, a man by the
name of Johann Christoph Hoffmann, persuaded Johannes to entrust the
lad to him for instruction. For seven years young Johann stayed at Suhl
as apprentice and journeyman.. He became attached to his master's
daughter, Barbara, and ultimately married her, when he was financially
able to do so. As was a tendency of the Bach family and, as a
a rule it

matter of fact, of the times, to marry young, but the disastrous conditions
then prevailing in Germany forced Johann to wait until he was 3 1 years
old. In spite of excellent qualifications, Johann was unable for some

13
14 THE BACH FAMILY
considerable time to find a permanent position; he drifted from Suhl to
Schweinfurt, thence to his native village, and off again to various places,
only to return six years later to Wechmar. He may have been connected
with the army, for in a subsequent declaration for income tax he admitted
possessing some money in cash, which he 'had previously earned from
the officers.' 1 At last in 1635 he was called to the city of Erfurt. The events
that were responsible for an opening in the town band were so typical of
the time that they deserve mention here. Since 1631 Erfurt had had a
Swedish garrison within its walls; but although the Swedes had come to
help the Protestant cause and had orders to treat the Erfurt citizens in a
friendly manner, the soldiers could not be restrained from brutality and
the city suffered greatly at the hands of its Swedish allies. One day an
Erfurt citizen by the name of Hans Rothlander invited a Swedish soldier
to his house and induced the town musicians to play at his little party.

The soldier drank too much and dozed off; when roused by his hostess,
he thought he was being attacked. He jumped up and killed or wounded
all within his reach. Thus the town band was depleted and Johann Bach
got his chance. 2
In spite of the grim reasons for his appointment, Johann must have
been glad of the opportunity. Erfurt, with a population of 60,000 (a
number that was to drop to 15,000 before the end of the century!), was
one of the cultural centres of the country. It had always been a progressive
town. One of the earliest organs in Germany was erected in the nth
century in its church of St. Paul, and its University, founded in 1392,
formed one of the bastions of Humanism. But since the outbreak of the
Thirty Years War the city had suffered enormous damage, both
economically and morally. How its funds were depleted may be seen from
the following summary. In 1622 Erfurt had to pay 200,000 fl. (cf. note 2,
p. 20) for the army of Duke Frederick of Altenburg;
in 1625 the war
taxes paid to the Elector of Mainz amounted to 60,000 A.; one year later
the citizens gave 50,000 fl. to General Merode to ward off the billeting
of his army, and in 1630 they were called on to supply 50,000 pounds of
bread and 7000 thalers to the Emperor's general, Tilly. When ultimately
the Swedish garrison occupied the city in 1631, it stayed there for five
long years. The respite offered by its departure was all too short. Hostili-
ties were soon resumed and in the following years various armies invaded

'J- S. Bach in Thiiringen,' Weimar, 1950.

1
Cf. Otto Rollert, 'Die Erfurter Bache,' in
2
The Genealogy was appointed director of the town band. Rollert,
claims that Johann
I.e., states, however, that although Johann Bach held a very influential position in the

band, its nominal head was a man by the name of Christoph Volpracht.
LIFE OF JOHANN 15

Erfurt. Even after the end of the Thirty Years War the ill-fated city's
troubles were not over. In 1664 it again suffered a heavy bombardment
and, a few years later, occupation by an imperial army.
Through these turbulent years up to his death in 1673, Johann Bach
remained at his post, the duties of which were manifold. In these
dangerous times the town musicians had to 'keep watch seriously and
diligently,' and when their suspicions were aroused, 'to blow with the
greatest force so that all the people might take heart and grasp their
guns.' 1Many of the town musicians' activities helped the citizens 'to take
heart.' The populace woke up to the sound of a chorale (a Protestant
hymn tune) played around 3.30 a.m. by the pipers from the tower to
signal the beginning of the day; they heard another sacred melody when
they sat down to their noonday meal; and when a chorale sounded for
the third time in the day, they knew it was time for bed. Great art was
displayed in the arrangement and performance of these chorales. Johann
Kuhnau, for instance, described the work of the Leipzig pipers in 1700
2
in these words: 'when our town pipers blow a hymn tune from the
tower on we are all immeasurably stirred and imagine
their sackbuts,
that we hear the angels singing.' There is reason for assuming that the
playing of Johann Bach and his colleagues was on the same high level.
Aware of the morale-building effect of music, the Council, in 1657, added
a balcony to the City Hall, on which the band performed regularly on
Wednesday and Saturday afternoons. In all these performances Johann
Bach and his kinsmen played so decisive a part that eventually the name
of Bach became a synonym for town musician, and maintained this
meaning even at a time when no member of the family was living in
Erfurt. The minutes of the City Council expressly refer to the 'local
privileged band of town musicians or so-called Bachs,' 3 and once a man
by the name of Tobias Sebelitzky was threatened with a fine of 5 th. if
he engaged for his daughter's wedding musicians who did not belong
to the town band as 'no others but the Bachs . . . were privileged to
perform.' 4
This decree is also interesting as proof of the authorities' endeavours
to protect their town musicians. Playing at christenings, weddings, and
funerals made up the larger part of their work and of their income too,
and the rates for such performances were strictly regulated by the Council.

1
Falckenstein, 'Civitatis Erfurtensis Historia Critica et Diplomatica,' Erfurt, 1740.
2
Johann Kuhnau, 'Der musikalische Quacksalber,' 1700; reprint by Curt Benndorf, 1900.
3
Stadtarchiv Erfurt, Ratsprotokolle of December 1, 171 6,
4
Stadtarchiv Erfurt, Ratsprotokolle, 1682.
l6 THE BACH FAMILY
These so-called Accidentien were especially important as the Council itself,
owing to the tribulations of war, was often unable to pay its employees
for years at a time, during which only the small fees collected from private
persons kept the musicians going. In theory the regulations forbidding
other than the town musicians to perform were very strict; in practice
methods to bypass the law were found, and the feuds with the so-called
'beer fiddlers' (musicians not holding any permanent appointment) were
constantly recurring vexations in the town musicians' existence.

Besides 'blowing' from the tower and performing at public functions

and private festivities, the town musicians were required to play in the
church orchestra and were supposed to master both stringed and wind
instruments. In the case of Johann Bach, his duties at church were strictly
regulated, as he had been since 16361 organist of Erfurt's Predigerkirche, a
beautiful Gothic church of the 13th century. It speaks for the high esteem
in which the organist was held that he succeeded in having the church's
old organ rebuilt by the renowned master, Ludwig Compenius, an under-
taking for which, in spite of the terrific shortage of money, the amount of
1 46 1 fl. was raised within a short time. Though the organist knew how
to solicit funds for an artistic purpose, he was unfortunately less able to

look after his own needs. In 1669 Johann found

it necessary to complain

that within twenty-two years he had no more than once received the
yearly supply of a Matter (some 250 lbs.) of grain, which constituted his
only fixed honorarium as an organist at the daily service held at 9 a.m.
A document like that poignantly illustrates Johann's economic status.
He had indeed to display a maximum of resourcefulness and frugality in
order to steer his household through those precarious times. Nevertheless
he showed the hospitality and deep sense of responsibility to the entire
family which we meet again and again among the Bachs. When he came
to Erfurt, his brother Heinrich (6) stayed with him until being called to
Arnstadt in 1641, while two brothers-in-law, Johann Christoph and
Zacharias H. Hoffmann, studied with him for many years.
When his first wife died giving birth to a still-born child, Johann,

with his house full of relatives, had quickly to marry again. He chose
Hedwig Lammerhirt, a member of the family which was to produce, to
its lasting glory, the mother of Sebastian Bach.

The story of the Lammerhirts bears a significant resemblance to that

of the Bachs. Though they were apparently of Thuringian origin — their

name occurs as early as 1419 in a village near Gotha —they lived for

1 Spitta gives the year 1647 for Johann Bach's appointment. Johann himself, however,

mentions the year 1636 in a tax declaration he filed. Cf. Rollert, l.c.
in. A genealogical tree of the Bach family beginning with the year 1530
LIFE OF JOHANN 17

several generations inLower Silesia in Eastern Germany. Persecution of

their faith forcedthem to leave this district just as it had driven Veit out
of Hungary, and around 1620 they took up their residence in Erfurt,
where the family, which followed the trade of furriers, quickly gained a
good social standing and a modest fortune. They owned several houses
and one of their members, Valentin Lammerhirt, was three times, in the
years 1648, 1658, 1663, the representative of the furriers' guild in the
City Council. He must have given his daughter, Hedwig, a good dowry,
for she was able to buy in later years, at a price of 120 fl., the house 'The
Three Roses' from her widowed stepmother.
Although the Lammerhirts did not produce any professional
musicians, it is noteworthy that several musicians married into the family.
The example of Johann Bach was imitated by his nephew, Ambrosius
Bach, and by a later successor to Johann Bach's position in the Prediger-
kirche, the organist Johann Heinrich Buttstadt. Another Lammerhirt girl

was the mother of the distinguished composer and music scholar, Johann
Gottfried Walther. But if the Lammerhirts' musical gifts are only con-
jectural, the family's strong religious feeling seems certain. A deeply
mystical strain is revealed in the family's faithful attendance at the
'Christian music' meetings conducted by Esajas Stiefel,1 an eccentric
heretic who was influenced by the tenets of the Anabaptists. He believed
that every Christian should strive for direct contact with the Divine
Spirit, and in his meetings music, composed partly by himself, was the
principal means ofattaining the ecstasy leading to union with God.
Between the orthodox Church and Stiefel there was a continual feud, his
ideas on the social reforms destined to establish the Kingdom of Heaven
on Earth being particularly unpopular with the authorities. But the
Lammerhirts held firmly to their beliefs, just as the Bachs would have
done in a like situation; and when Stiefel was sentenced to imprisonment,
he was able to point in his written defence to three men of the highly
respected Lammerhirt family as his friends. A son of the heretic married
a Lammerhirt girl and was godfather to Johann Christian Bach (7), the
eldest surviving son of Johann and Hedwig. Undoubtedly the Lammer-
hirts brought a new element into the Bach clan: a certain mysticism, a

passionate striving for the inner vision of God, which was to be one of
the wellsprings that fed Sebastian Bach's artistic personality. Whether the
children of Johann and Hedwig showed similar traits cannot be ascertained
to-day, but we know that they were fine musicians who upheld the tradi-
1
Cf. P. Meder, 'Der Schwarmer, Esajas Stiefel,' in 'Jahresbericht des Erfurter
Geschichts- und Altertum-Vereins,' 1898.
l8 THE BACH FAMILY
tions started by their father. The eldest son, Johann Christian (7), bom in
1640, held the post of director of the Erfurt town band. When he died
in 1682 from the plague, his younger brother, Johann Egidius (8), born
in 1645, succeeded him. These two brothers not only did similar work,
but had as wives two sisters, daughters of the town piper Schmidt from
Eisenach. Egidius seems to have been more versatile than Christian, for
he held, like his father, positions both as organist and member of the
town band. Another son, Johann Nikolaus (9), born 1653, a city musician
like his brothers, was an excellent player of the viola da gamba, but fell
in early years victim to the plague that also took Johann Christian. If
these Bachs composed any music at all, it has not been preserved. Great
creative gifts can be proved only in the following generation, in the
person of Johann's grandson, Johann Bernhard (18).
3

TWO BACHS AT ARNSTADT

(CHRISTOPH AND HEINRICH BACH)

Johannes (2)
?-i626

I I I

Johann (4) Christoph (5)= Maria Magdalena Heinrich (6)= Eva Hoffmann
1604-73 1613-61 Grabler, 1 614-61 1615-92 1616-79

Joh. Ambrosius (11)

1645-95

Joh. Michael (14) Maria Catharina= Christ. Herthum Joh. Gunther (15)
1648-94 1651-87 1651-1710 1653-83
I

Joh. Christoph (22) Joh. Sebastian (24)=Maria Barbara

1671-1721 1685-1750 1 684- 1 720

Carl Philipp Emanuel (46)

1714-88

little is known about

the life of Johann's brother, Christoph, and no
composition of his has been preserved. He was born at Wechmar in 161
and received musical instruction from his father. If we may accept the
information given by his grandson in the Genealogy, Christoph was
interested only in instrumental music. His first employment was as a
'court servant' to the Duke of Weimar. This probably meant that, in

addition to the duties of a valet or footman, he had to play in the

sovereign's band, a combination of work frequently to be found in this
period. About 1640 he married Maria Magdalena Grabler, a farmer's
daughter of Prettin, Saxony, and moved to Erfurt to work with his
brother as town musician. Here six children were born to him, among
them three highly musical sons, one of whom was to become the father
of Sebastian. In 1654 Christoph was called to Arnstadt as head of the
town musicians, probably on the recommendation of his younger
brother, Heinrich, who had been living there since 1641. Christoph's
position corresponded in various respects to that of his kinsman and

19
20 THE BACH FAMILY
predecessor, Caspar Bach, but he was no longer required to do watch
duty and to According to the contract signed by the
live in the tower.

Count of Schwarzburg-Arnstadt,1 he was expected to 'serve with his

assistants faithfully, proficiently and dutifully, both at church and at
court, performing on
and wind instruments.' His yearly salary
viols
2
amounted from which he had also to defray his rent. For
to only 35 fl.,

this pitifully inadequate cash allowance he was somewhat compensated

by the allotment of 10 Mass (about one ton) of grain and the right to
brew about 1100 quarts of ale taxfree. Moreover the exclusive right of
performing at weddings and funerals was guaranteed to him. Neverthe-
less it was hard for a large family to make ends meet, and in 1661 we see

Christoph applying for a position in the city of Naumburg. But before this
matter was settled he died, and only twenty-four days later his widow
followed him. Christoph seems to have been less interesting and creative
an artist than his two brothers. Yet the heritage he transmitted was any-
thing but negligible. Through from Saxony he
his marriage to the girl
added important features to the Bach character. There is considerable
divergence between the imaginative, full-blooded Thuringians and the
more energetic and intellectual inhabitants of Saxony, and the descendants
of Christoph and Magdalena were bound to be different from other
branches of the clan.
Johannes Bach's third son, Heinrich, born in 161 5, showed as a lad
tremendous interest in the organ, and since his native village of Wechmar
did not then possess any such instrument, he used to walk on Sundays
for miles, just to hear an organ played in some other town. He studied
music with his father and his eldest brother, Johann, and for six years

worked under the latter in Erfurt, until in 1641 he was appointed organist
in Arnstadt, which he held for more than fifty years. Now he
an office

was ready to set up own. He chose Eva Hoffmann, a

a household of his
sister of Johann's first wife, Barbara. That two brothers should marry

two sisters was by no means unusual among the Bachs. Indeed, two sons
of Johann as well as two sons of Heinrich imitated their father's example
in this respect. The union of Heinrich and Eva was, in the words of the
preacher J. G. Olearius, a 'peaceful, blessed and loving' one, which lasted
through thirty-seven years. Eva was the daughter of the town musician
of Suhl (cf. p. 13), and the mixture of the heritages from two musicians'
families seems to have produced particularly favourable results, for the

1
The complete document is reproduced in German by Wiegand, I.e.
2
To give an idea of the value of a fl., we might mention that in 1653 1 lb. of beef cost
20 pf., 2 lbs. of bread 1 gr., a pair of soles for men's shoes 12 gr. Cf. Rollberg in BJ, 1927.
CHRISTOPH AND HEINRICH 21

couple had three sons of outstanding musical talent. The father was their

teacher and must have thoroughly enjoyed such pupils. But while life in
all human was satisfactory enough, the economic conditions
aspects
presented grave problems. The lot of organists in Germany had never
been a good one, and even in 1619, before the war had critically affected
the whole economy, Michael Praetorius had to complain: 1 'It is regrett-
able how very small are the salaries paid even in some illustrious cities
to their masterly organists. These men can make but a wretched living
and sometimes even curse their noble art and wish they had learned how
to be a cowherd or some humble artisan instead of an organist.' At the
time when Heinrich settled down in Arnstadt, the small principality was
destitute through war taxations and other tribulations, and neither the
Count of Schwarzburg nor the city fathers were in a position to pay their
2
servants regularly. Heinrich was entitled to a salary of 52 fl. a year plus
5 fl. for rent; yet three years after his appointment he was forced to com-
plain to the Count that he had not received any remuneration for a whole
year, and before that had 'to beg for it almost with tears.' The treasurer,
when ordered by the sovereign immediately to satisfy the organist,
merely promised he would endeavour to do so, hinting that the disastrous
state of finances made continual payments quite impossible. However,
Heinrich somehow managed to keep his family from starvation, probably
mainly thanks to his own piece of land; and it bears testimony to their
resilience and vitality that of his six children five reached maturity, a feat
rare in those times. Heinrich himself took all hardships with fortitude
and even cheerfulness, and he was, like his great-grandson, Philipp
Emanuel, always ready for a joke. His never-failing friendliness made him
beloved by everybody. When he had to test a very mediocre musician
for the work of organist in Rockhausen, he reported to the Consistory
that the man was 'able enough for the salary allowed,' thus getting the
applicant the position and at the same time enjoying a gentle reproach to
the authorities for their miserable salaries. His modesty is revealed by the
fact that only after serving for thirty-one years in Arnstadt did it occur
to him which his predecessor used
to ask for the yearly allotment of grain
to receive. While this request was granted, his superiors were less accommo-
dating in other respects. When Heinrich's two elder sons found positions
in cities nearby, their father often felt tempted to visit them. Although he
left a substitute to take care of his duties, he was reprimanded for repeated

absences and urged not to leave the town without special permission.
1
'Syntagma Musicum,' II/89.
2
Subsequently he received another 20 fl. from a trust fund.
22 THE BACH FAMILY
Here we meet for the first time with a particular difficulty under which all
the Bachs laboured. According to the custom of the time, both court and
town musicians were greatly restricted in their movements, and the Bachs,
who all possessed a strong sense of independence, deeply resented this
state of affairs and transgressed again and again. From Heinrich, through
Sebastian, to Friedemann Bach, conflicts with the authorities arose from
such causes.
Atthe age of 67 Heinrich petitioned the Consistory to appoint
his youngest son, Johann Giinther (born 1653), his deputy. The
authorities complied, and presently young Giinther married the daughter
of a former mayor of the town. Their joy was not to last long, however,
for only five months later Giinther died suddenly at the age of 30.1
As Heinrich was now left quite alone, his wife having died in 1679, he
went to live with his daughter, Maria Catharina, and her husband,
Christoph Herthum, who was both organist and kitchen-clerk to the
Count of Arnstadt. Herthum gradually took over Heinrich's duties, as
the old man was less and less able to move around, and was assisted in
1689-90 by Sebastian Bach's eldest brother, Johann Christoph (22). In the
end Heinrich was blind and bedridden, but he did not lose the composure
that had upheld him through all the hardships of his long life. A great
joy were his grand- and great-grandchildren (altogether twenty-eight in
number), who read his favourite religious works to him. When he felt

his end near, he wrote to the Count on January 14, 1692:

'Through God's graciousness I have for more than fifty years been

organist here, but for some time I have been laid up and I am now
expecting a blissful ending from God. During my illness my son-in-law
has done my work to the satisfaction of your Lordship, the ministers, and
the whole community. After my death the service will have to be entrusted
to a suitable person, and as I am daily expecting my blissful passing, I
have wanted to present my humble request on my deathbed that your . . .

Highness shall be pleased to favour your kitchen-clerk with this position,

on account of his well-known perfection and outstanding art, and make

him my successor before I depart. Such graciousness will give me
particular joy and consolation in my miserable condition, and I will not
fail, while I am still alive, most humbly to implore the Highest day and

1
His widow, Barbara Margaretha, married one year later an Arnstadt clergyman,
whom she lost after four years. She let six years elapse and then married another Bach,
Ambrosius, the father of Sebastian. Again misfortune struck and she lost her third husband
two months after the wedding.
MUSICAL TRENDS IN THE I7TH CENTURY 23

night that He shall bless your Lordship and keep your Lordship and his
gracious spouse in good health and long life.'

The matter-of-fact way in which Heinrich refers here to his forth-

coming death is highly characteristic of this deeply religious man, and
of the period in which he lived. His intense preoccupation with death
(which we shall find again in his grand-nephew, Sebastian) is also revealed

by the fact that as long as Heinrich could move about he attended every
funeral, even that of the poorest person. The last wish of the old organist
was fulfilled and Herthum was appointed his substitute cum spe succedendu
A few months later Heinrich was 'gently and blissfully called from this
temporary abode' (Olearius). Hardly ever had a funeral in the little town
been so well attended as that of the beloved musician.
round keyboard instruments.
Artistically, Heinrich's interest centred

It is probable that he performed on the clavier when he was called to

Court, but his main occupation was that of playing the organ in Arnstadt's
two big churches, the Oberkirche and Liebfrauenkirche, and he enjoyed a
very great reputation as an outstanding virtuoso. The work of an
organist in those times was highly responsible. He had not only to accom-
pany, but frequently to conduct the chorus. He was expected to be
thoroughly familiar with the old traditional music, and at the same time
to master the new forms introduced from Italy, and elsewhere. Great
skill in improvising fugues and chorale variations was required of him,

and a candidate had to prove his craftsmanship and superior knowledge

in this respect before he was appointed to a more important position.1
All this Heinrich Bach did to perfection and he was not only a master of
improvisation, but, as Emanuel Bach, his great-grandson, proudly
proclaimed, 'a good composer.'

MUSICAL TRENDS IN THE 17TH CENTURY—

THE COMPOSITIONS OF JOHANN AND HEINRICH BACH
The Baroque period, covering the phase from the end of the 16th to
the middle of the 18th century, showed in the field of music numerous
features distinguishing from the preceding Renaissance.
it

The compositions displayed a new quality of excitement and strong

emotionalism. Sharp dissonances never before used to such an extent

1
Cf. Arno Werner in SIMG, IX, 310 and foil.
24 THE BACH FAMILY
were now employed, and the halftone progressions of chromaticism began
to play an important part in the melodic language. Contrary to the calm
evenness of the Renaissance music, the Baroque period tended towards
dramatic changes in tempo and dynamics. The pleasure taken in rhythmic
and colouristic variety led to a predilection for the variation-form, which
at the same time satisfied an urge for structural unity. Once more com-
posers discovered the unlimited potentialities of the solo human voice,
both for dramatic expression and for producing beautifully sounding
tunes. The highest part, the melody, became a dominating factor in every
composition; but had to share the limelight with the sustaining bass,
it

the basso continuo, the performers of which were also entrusted with the
improvisation of the filling middle parts.
Strong contrasts were used throughout the works of art. Baroque
music might be sweet and tender, and then again powerful and monu-
mental.The bowed string instruments, and in particular the violin, which
matched the human voice in mellowness and expressiveness of tone,
became the favourites of the period; at the same time the musical palette
was enriched by the construction of the mighty double bassoon and the
contrabass trombone.The stile concertato with its vigorously competing
sound groups played a prominent part both in instrumental and vocal
music, in secular as well as in sacred compositions.
Protestant church music, on which the first masters of the Bach
family concentrated, was bound to show the main features of Baroque
art. It is true that the novel ideas emanating from Italy reached Germany,
and especially its smaller cities, only several decades later; nevertheless
the cantors and organists of little Thuringia were as eager to keep up
with the progressive trends in music as their colleagues in larger centres.
The by the German hymns,
core of the Lutheran service was formed
were sung in unison or choraliter by the congrega-
called chorales, as they
tion. The finest of these texts and tunes originated in the 16th century,
but all through the Baroque period additions were made, with new tunes
frequently derived from secular sources. In particular the sacred aria, a
hymn assuming a more personal and subjective character, was cultivated
by 17th-century composers.
The motet in which each voice could be sung, although the reinforce-
ment by instruments was favoured, also went back to Renaissance sources.
Nevertheless the frequent use of two competing choruses, and the
dramatic combination of Bible-word and hymn texts were dictated by the
spirit of the Batoque. Most exciting were those motets in which one

voice presented in long-extended notes a chorale melody with its words,

—
MUSIC OF JOHANN 2<y

while at the same time a text from the Gospel was interpreted by the rest
of the singers.
The connection with the past was less noticeable in those vocal com-
positions which also prescribed independent instrumental parts. The
sacred concerto sometimes made use of traditional chorale melodies, and
at others it was freely invented. The treatment of the human voices was

more brilliant than in the motets, with ample opportunities for the display
of technical skill and an individual interpretation of the text. The instru-
ments were no longer confined to mere accompaniment. They alternated
with the voices, and a purely instrumental introduction to a concerto was
not unusual. In its numerous forms — for a single voice, as a dialogue, or
as a composition for three and more solo voices, mostly with chorus
it paved the way for the great church cantatas of the 18th century.
In their compositions of pure instrumental music, the Bachs confined
themselves to works for the keyboard, intended mainly for the church.
It had been an old habit of the Lutheran service that not all the countless
verses of a hymn were sung by the congregation. Some of them were
performed by the chorus, others by the organist, in a more or less poly-
phonic For such purposes the great masters of the 17th century
setting.

wrote whole sets of chorale-variations to be played on the organ, as well

as individual chorale-preludes, resembling a single one of these variations.
It is noteworthy that such chorale preludes often display the same

construction as the chorale-motet, just as the instrumental fugues of the

time resemble their vocal counterparts. Variations on a chorale, to be
played in church on an organ, use a technique similar to that of variations
on a dance-tune meant for secular purposes and employing a stringed
clavier. As organ music of the 17th century usually has no separate pedal
parts, modern research students often find it quite difficult to determine
whether a composition was meant for the 'king of instruments' or for a
clavier equipped with strings.

Altogether the ambiguousness and interchangeability of musical

idioms which is still noticeable in the works of Sebastian Bach constitute
one of the most intriguing aspects of this music.
Three compositions by Johann Bach have been preserved in the Alt-
Bachisches Archiv, a collection of Bach works started by Ambrosius Bach
and continued by his son, Sebastian. The invaluable documents were
passed on to Philipp Emanuel Bach and after his death came into the
possession of one Georg Polchau and Goethe's friend, Carl Friedrich
Zelter. These two men authorized in 1821 a first publication of nine of
these pieces through Johann Friedrich Naue, music director of the Halle
26 THE BACH FAMILY
University. His edition is unfortunately marred by numerous omissions,
and even changes of the names of the composers.
arbitrary additions,
it was the main source for knowledge
Nevertheless, for almost a century
of the music of the older Bachs, since the original manuscripts were
transferred to the Berlin Singakademie, whence they mysteriously dis-
appeared. They were rediscovered at the end of the First World War
through the efforts of Max Schneider. His publication of numerous scores
in EDM i and 2 (1935) offers a solid basis for the research on
Sebastian's ancestors.
Simplest in character is Johann Bach's aria for four voices Weint
nicht um meinen Tod (Don't mourn my death). The brief melody used
for each of the nine verses of the text is harmonized in a completely
homophonic four-part style. Obviously it can also be performed as a
piece for soprano solo with organ accompaniment. The unassuming com-
position with its attractive, partly modal chord sequences, displays both
simple dignity and beauty. The constant changes of its free rhythms
provide the melody with inner life and unfettered pulsation {Ex 1).

Xxd

"Weini nichtum mei. nen Tod, icli Tiai' in fro . Acn Sit. gen nun vol . lig u . btr.stie . _ yen

The flexible declamation in this aria contrasts favourably with the

monotonous isometric chorales of a later generation, which give to each
note the same length.
Johann's eight-part motet for two choruses Sei nun wieder ^ufrieden
(Be contented again; Schn. 1 30) was published by Naue, in the early 19th
century, as a composition by Johann Michael Bach, although the original
parts clearly indicate the authorship of the older composer. Besides, the
simple and austere style of the composition distinguishes it from the
smoother and more elaborate writings of Johann Michael. The composer
uses a purely homophonic technique, similar to that of the aria, but there
are no strophic repetitions of the tune. As soon as the whole text has been
dealt with, the motet abruptly reaches its end. The composition derives

mainly from the contrast in tone-colour produced by the employ-

its effect

ment of two choruses of four voices each. One is a higher-pitched group

of two sopranos, one alto and one tenor; the other a lower-pitched group
of an alto, two tenors and a bass. Each part of the higher chorus is re-
1
The works of the older Bachs are quoted according to Schneider's catalogue in
BJ, 1907 (see list of Abbreviations). Weint nicht um meinen Tod is missing in this
catalogue.
;

MOTETS OF JOHANN 27

inforced by an instrument, presumably stringed, while there is no re-

inforcement of the lower chorus. 1 This work is of solid craftsmanship,

although the absence of a clear formal construction somewhat weakens
its effectiveness.
On quite a different level is the third composition of Johann Bach,
the chorale motet Unser Leben Schatten (Our life is but a shadow
ist ein

Schn. 31), a work of weird grandeur. This piece too was wrongly edited
by Naue as a work of Johann Michael Bach, although the original score
is unmistakably initialed with 'J-
B.' and the starkly monumental character
of the music should have warned the editor that it is the product of an
earlier generation.Following the general tendency of the time, Johann
effectively combines Bible texts and church hymns. The whole motet is
constructed in a sort of rondo form, with three chorales separating the
hymn quotations from the Scriptures. The contrast between two strongly
differentiated choruses is again employed. The main group of singers con-
sists of six parts, two sopranos, one alto, two tenors and one bass, while
the second chorus employs only one alto, tenor and bass voice each. A
most unusual feature of this motet is the composer's own designation of the
small choral group as chorus latens (hidden chorus). The six-part chorus
begins with a description of the frailty and uncertainty of human life,

Ex.2
iin . ser Le. ben ist ein Sctiai:

v v ft '
r
ein Sch&i.ien,

offering a weirdly realistic picture of quickly moving and vanishing

shadows (Ex. 2). This sinister picture is interrupted by the hidden

1
Max Schneider, who edited the motet in EDM, assumed that all the voices were to
be doubled by instruments. This does not seem correct, since the catalogue of the Alt-
Bachisches Archiv, printed in the list of Philipp Emanuel's estate, clearly indicates that the
composition was written 'for 8 vocal parts and 4 instruments.' The old parts which are our
source for knowledge of the composition, contain 2 instrumental parts for the sopranos.
As the 4 voices of each chorus always appear as a compact unit and are never separated, it
seems obvious that the remaining 2 instruments were used to reinforce alto and tenor in
the first chorus. Our assumption that strings were employed is based on the Bachs' apparent
preference for this type of instrument.
28 THE BACH FAMILY
chorus, intoning, like a congregation in a distant church, the comforting
message: 'In the darkness of the grave Jesus is my shining light'
(fourth and fifth stanzas of the chorale Ach was soil ich Sunder ma.ch.en).

The group of dejected men seem to derive consolation from this

heavenly message, and in complete rapture they repeat the last words
of the prophecy. The terror of the beginning is replaced by quiet confi-
dence when the main chorus sings 'I am the resurrection and the life.'
A hymn of the hidden chorus follows, again intensified by certain repeti-
tions through the main body. With the words 1 depart' the vision
of the distant congregation disappears and once more earth seems drab
and full of menace. From here to the end the hopeless mood of the
beginning dominates the work. The last words of the composition seem
to have come out of the very heart of a man who had witnessed the
horrors of unending war:

O Lord teach us to know that we are mortal,

That we cannot stay on this earth,
And must all go;
The learned, the rich, the beautiful,
They must all go, all go.

whole of this dramatic and unconventional composition,

Striking, like the
is have ceased, the
also its ultimate measure. After all the other voices
two sopranos repeat the words 'all go' (davon) like a last sigh {Ex. 3).
Zx.3

dlt . dtr schonjnus.sen a.1 .le l il.lt, dl . le da.. von, da. von

Tvn da - yon

With a feeling of envy and frustration the music lover reads in the
funeral sermon by Olearius of the different chorales, motets, concertos,
preludes and fugues produced by Heinrich Bach. Of all the numerous
compositions which the Arnstadt organist is bound to have accumulated
during a long and laborious existence devoted to music, only a single one
has been preserved. 1 This, however, is a powerful work, worthy in every
respect of the high reputation enjoyed by its composer. Ich danke dir, Gott
(I thank Thee, God; Schn. 1) is an excellent specimen of the stile concertato.

The lament Ach dass ich

1
W
assets gnug hdtte, listed in 1907 by Schneider as a work
of Heinrich Bach, has in the meantime been recognized as a composition of his son, Johann
Christoph (cf. p. 52). The two chorale preludes, Christ lag in Todesbanden and Erbarm
dich mein, edited by Ritter and others as works by Heinrich Bach, are by a composer with
the initials J. H. B. (possibly Johann Heinrich Buttstadt), but not by Heinrich Bach.
HEINRICH S CANTATA 29

There is a harmonious contest, a permanent rivalry between different

sound groups. Under the influence of sacred concertos by Scheidt, Schiitz,
and others, older forms of church composition are here gradually
assuming features of the 1 8th-century cantata. The human voices do not
dominate the composition as they did in the aria and motets by Johann
Bach; four instruments, two violins and two viols, are assigned important
parts. The vocal body is subdivided into a small group of solo singers or
favoriti and a larger chorus of accompanying ripieni, each consisting of five
parts, viz. two sopranos, an alto, a tenor and a bass. Most of the musical
development is entrusted to the instruments and to the favoriti, while the

ripieni are employed only as an occasional reinforcement. A spirited

competition between upper and lower voices may already be observed
in the bright and gay instrumental Sinfonia serving as an introduction to
the work. The following vocal section introduces a powerful homophonic
setting of the words 'I thank Thee, God,' in which the whole body of
sound is employed. Then the favoriti take over, using a transparent style,
rich in sparkling coloraturas and not unlike the performance of instru-
mental soloists in a contemporary concerto grosso {Ex. 4). At key

diss Jf?i wu n - - - - der_,wm3_-_. . .der. ha.T.lich gi.mzckl bin,

vim .dcr.baT.lich gem&Al da£s icA vim der-,wim. . . ' dcr- d&is
t
ithmin . . .. der.

points of the composition, especially whenever the name of the Lord

is mentioned, and at the end of the'cantata, the full assembly of singers
r
and] players is united in vigorous plain chords. Heinrich's unusual
technical skill, but more still the emotional fervour and unshakable trust
in God expressed in this composition, make it one of the most significant

works of the older Bach generation.

HEINRICH'S TWO GREAT SONS
(JOHANN CHRISTOPH (13) AND JOHANN MICHAEL BACH)

Heinrich (6)
1615-92

Joh. Christoph (13) Maria Elisabeth Wedemann Joh. Giinther (15)

1 642- 1 703 1 646- 1 703 1653-83

Joh. Michael (i4) = Catharina Wedemann

1648-94 1650-1704

Maria Barbara=Joh. Sebastian (24)

1684-1720 1685-1750

Joh. Nicolaus (27) Joh. Christoph (28) Joh. Friedrich (29) Joh. Michael (30)
1669-1753 1 676-? 1 682- 1 730 1 68 5-?

the scene now shifts to the little town of Eisenach, beautifully situated
at the north-west end of the Thuringian forest, and dominated by the
imposing medieval castle of the Wartburg. 1 Eisenach was from 1662 to
1 74 1 the capital of a miniature duchy which had come into existence

through the partition of the estate of the Prince of Weimar, and its rulers
did their best to act like great sovereigns and patrons of the arts. This was
not easy, as the pocket-size territory did not admit the raising of heavy
taxes,and the private means of the ducal family were very limited. Thus
it came about that many interesting personages were invited to Eisenach,

who after a short stay decided to move to another place which offered
more scope for their talents and better financial opportunities. At four
2
different times the Dukes secured the service of the violinist, Daniel
Eberlin, a gifted man with a most unusual career that included, besides
musical activities, a captainship of papal troops fighting the Turks, and
work banker in Hamburg. At Eisenach Eberlin held the posts of
as a
private ducal secretary and conductor, and at one time even that of
director of the ducal mint. In 1677 Johann Pachelbel, the great organist
1
For a poetical description of Eisenach and the Wartburg, cf. W. G. Whittaker,
'The Bachs and Eisenach,' in 'Collected Essays,' London, 1940. (See also 111. V.)
2
Cf. Wilhelm Greiner, 'Die Musik im Lande Bachs,' Eisenach, 1935.

30
JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( 1 3) AND JOHANN MICHAEL 31

and composer, joined the court orchestra as 'Musicus,' but moved as early

as 1678 to Erfurt. Later the ruler succeeded in engaging as conductor

Pantaleon Hebenstreit, a renowned dancing master and inventor of the
'Pantaleon,' a kind of dulcimer, which created a sensation at the court of
Louis XIV. Hebenstreit put up with Eisenach from 1706 to 1709, and was
followed by no less a master than Georg Telemann, who remained in
the little Residenz for four years.
The Eisenach authorities in their search for musical talent did not, of
course, overlook the Bach family. Heinrich's reputation as a masterly
organist had travelled far beyond Arnstadt, and when in 1665 the death
of the city organist created an opening, Heinrich's eldest son, 2 3 -year-
old Johann Chris toph (13), who worked as court organist in Arnstadt,
was invited for the customary trial performance. The young musician
passed the test with flying colours, but had to get permission from his
patron, the Count of Schwarzburg-Arnstadt, before accepting the new
1
position. He submitted therefore a petition in which he explained that
the Eisenach appointment had come about without any special effort on
his partand therefore might be regarded as an act of divine providence.
For he suggested his younger brother, Johann Michael, an
his successor
arrangement acceptable to the Count, who liked to see a member of the
Bach family in this positionon Heinrich Bach's son-in-
and conferred it

law, Christoph Herthum, when Michael moved to Gehren in 1673. Thus

Johann Christoph was duly appointed Eisenach's city organist, which
meant that he had to play in the three churches of the town, in particular
in the Georgenkirche. The city fathers must have been well pleased indeed.
Here was a young and extremely able musician, who had been brought
up and trained by a man generally beloved for his great art and his gentle,
modest nature as well. They were in for some surprises, however.
Artistically everything was satisfactory, of course; the organist was not
merely capable, he was brilliant. On the other hand, young Bach showed
a disappointing unwillingness to put up with the hardships of an
organist's position in an impecunious little town. On October 10, 1670,
2
he complained to the superintendent in no uncertain words :

'As is well known to your Honour, the complete salaries of the church
employees are payable at the end of the year only. ... I was therefore
1
The document (Thiiringisches Staatsarchiv, Rudolstadt, Sign. 679) was only
recendy unearthed and kindly supplied to me by Mr. Fritz Wiegand, Stadtarchivar,
Erfurt.
2
Superint. Archiv Eisenach: B 25 B 1, Bl. 4, where all the documents referring to
Johann Christoph, unless otherwise mentioned, are preserved.
32 THE BACH FAMILY
instructed by the Honoured Council to collect 10 fl. in quarterly instal-
ments from the Hospital-Bursar, Joseph Herman, to defray the bare
necessities of life until the entire salary became due at Michaelmas day.
With sadness I have to report, however, that this sum can be obtained
only very slowly from the Hospital-Bursar. Either he sends me to another
place, or he holds out hopes for the future, and he is so dilatory with
his payment that one loses one's credit with honest people. ... As it
is very hard for me to subsist with my family, having no income what-
ever beside my salary, I cannot help informing your Honour of these
facts. ... So far, whenever an instalment has been due, I have been
obliged to send for this money so often that I felt ashamed. I hope
your Honour will help to redress this as I have had to report it out of
urgent need.'

We don't know whether Johann Christoph's request was granted, but

judging from subsequent documents in Eisenach's archives, it seems that
the authorities did not care for their organist's far too outspoken approach.
From the year 1679 another lengthy complaint to the Consistory is

preserved. This time the organist deplored his inability to collect the
Accidentien, viz. the fees to which he was entitled for playing at funerals,
weddings, or christenings. Only too often, he claimed, the bereaved one,
the bridegroom, or the happy father found some way of slipping out of
his obligation, forgetting to remunerate the organist at all, or paying him
only part of the amount prescribed. Johann Christoph claimed that no
less than 46 fl. 20 gr. (almost half as much as his basic yearly salary) was
outstanding from such sources. But he was not satisfied just to complain;
he felt he ought to advise remedy the abuse. Why
his superiors how to
could not the written confirmation of published banns be handed to the
prospective couple only after they had paid the fee for the organist? The
Consistory, however, apparently did not like to receive advice from Mr.
Bach. So matters went on as before and petitions survive from a later date
to show that Johann Christoph was again airing his grievances about un-
paid wedding fees. On this occasion he pointed out that whenever needy
persons were concerned he would gladly waive his fee, provided the
other church employees were willing to do the same.
Numerous other documents reveal the organist's eternal problem of
finding suitable living quarters.While the house in Arnstadt known as
that of Heinrich Bach was occupied by him throughout the greater part
of his long life, Johann Christoph changed his domicile again and again.
Excerpts from a long petition he wrote on February 15, 1692, to the
iv. Hans Bach. Engraving, 1617
i

bD

£S*

o
M-l

>->.5

bD
G

C/J li C/3
re p 3

CQ H

re —
!

c -£

•S °
^ Oh
1) o

£ o
o C
re 3
c o
v u
.52 bD

. re
> -a
JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( 1 3) AND JOHANN MICHAEL 33

Burgomaster and City Council will illustrate the wretched position of

the organist:

'It is well known to your Honour that while being in your Honour's
service for the past twenty -seven years, I have often besought your
Honour for a free lodging. I was, however, unfortunate in not achieving
my aim, and have, to my gravest detriment and misery, been forced to
move from one place to another. After living in ten different rented
houses, I feltno longer able to bear such unsettled conditions and decided
to buy a place ofmy own. As I had no means available to pay the deposit,
until an inheritance from my hometown of Arnstadt came my way [this
matter-of-fact reference to the impending death of his father is quite in
accordance with the general attitude of the time!], I had to borrow the
capital at interest. Afterwards had to pay for indispensable repairs to the
I

house, and as my creditors insist on payment, while the expected remit-

tance [from Arnstadt] has not arrived, I am again cast out of this house,
with what despair, your Honour, knowing my domestic circumstances,
can well imagine. ... I am aware, of course, that I was favoured only
recently with an increase in salary. On
Honour the other hand your
knows that from 1677 onward more work has been given me on Wednes-
days and Thursdays [at prayer hours and confession service], which I had
to undertake for several years without receiving further benefit, and I
therefore cannot assume that this [recent increase] will now be held
.'
against me. . .

And then, in the typical Johann Christoph Bach manner, which was so
irritating to his superiors, he suggested that the house occupied by a
certain teacher of a German school 1 should be vacated and given to him;
he was even undiplomatic enough to mention the necessity of making
some important and adding a cellar.
repairs
The City Council failed to be impressed by the organist's plea,

although the Ducal Consistory and even the Duke himself intervened in
his favour. The Council felt that Bach had a salary on which he could
'honestly subsist in an orderly life and household,' while the city funds
were depleted and the house in question could not possibly be vacated.
Nevertheless Johann Christoph tenaciously fought on, and even after
he had wrenched a contribution of 10 th. toward his rent from the tight-
fisted Council, the correspondence between the city and the Duke on
his behalf continued. At last the city fathers cut off any further discussion
1
The leading school was Eisenach's Latin school, besides which there existed some
German schools.
34 THE BACH FAMILY
by observing spitefully: 'Perhaps the alleged afflictions are due to a dis-
orderly household. would be good if Bach had administered the alms
It

more satisfactorily and not employed them adproprios usus [for his private
good],' a remark implying that the organist had at some time treated the
charitable gifts he collected for the church as an advance on his out-
standing salary.
The Duke, however, did not take this accusation seriously. He was
farmore aware of the organist's artistic importance than the city fathers,
and was therefore intent on helping him. Since 1690 he had paid Johann
Christoph a separate salary for service in the ducal band. When in 1694
the organist's family was stricken by serious illness, 1 he sent them food
and firewood, continuing such contributions at regular intervals through-
out the following year. Finally he found a way to satisfy the artist's great
wish. The ducal mint building had been vacated in 1694, when the
sovereign decided not to have money minted there, after various super-
visors had been found guilty of dishonesty. 2 In this house seven rooms,
attic, and stables were in 1796 put at the disposal of the overjoyed Johann

Christoph, who believed that his troubles were now over. However,
Duke Johann Georg II died two years later and his successor, Johann
Wilhelm, decided to restore the mint building to its former use, with the
result that in 1700 the unlucky organist again had to start househunting.
To soften the blow, the new ruler conferred on Johann Christoph the
title of ducal chamber musician and allowed him a yearly salary of 24 th.,

plus a single payment of 12 th. for a uniform, and certain supplies of

firewood, rye, and barley. 3 Moreover he urged the City Council to grant
the organist a loan of 300 th. for the purpose of buying a certain house
Johann Christoph wished to acquire. The Council, unco-operative as
ever, refused, but suggested three other houses mortgaged to the Duke,
each of which could be purchased very cheaply if the Duke waived his

claims. These, however, did not suit the stubborn organist, and so the
went on, until in 1702 a
struggle with the equally stubborn Councillors
compromise was reached and Johann Christoph again had a house of his

Johann Christoph complained in a letter to the Duke that his house looked like a
1

hospital, and the church entries reveal that in October 1694 six persons in the organist's
household were given private communion. It is also significant that Johann Christoph's
third son was 234 times absent during the school -year 1693-94, while the youngest did not
attend school at all in 1695. Cf. Helmbold in BJ, 1930.
2
Cf. Friedrich Schafer, 'Der Organist Johann Christoph Bach und die Eisenacher
Munze,' Luginsland, 1929.
3
In the decree mentionis made of the organist's 'wretched condition.' Cf. No. 471 in

Weimarer Archiv, Eisenacher Dienersachen.

JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( 1 3) AND JOHANN MICHAEL 35

own. But he was not to enjoy it for long; one year afterwards the artist

died at the age of 61. The funeral sermon was preached on the text by
Paul Gerhardt: The head, the feet, and the hands are glad that now the

end of The
toiling has come.' choice seems appropriate, for Johann
Christoph must have been worn out from continuous petty worries.
It is not a pretty story, this life of an artist who may be considered the
1
greatest Bach before Sebastian. The numerous documents preserved
paint a tragic picture of ever-recurring financial troubles and desperate
attempts to solve them, attempts which entangled the artist more and
more. At the time he died, he had, for instance, received his salary for
three years in advance, probably in order to pay for his house. It seems
as though the artist had never led anything but a harassed existence. Yet
his salary was not bad, as salaries went in those days. He had 116 fl. a
year from the city, plus the customary Accidentien and the salary from
the Duke. This was by no means a starvation income and his father had
subsisted on much But Johann Christoph, conscious of his artistic
less.

mastery, felt himself entitled to a better way of life. When he was estab-
lished in Eisenach and thus able to marry, he chose as his bride Maria
Elisabeth Wedemann, who came from a family of higher social standing.
His father-in-law was town clerk and syndic of Arnstadt, and a brother-
in-law was to be mayor of the town. An invitation to the wedding has
been preserved and it seems that a rather elaborate feast took place in
honour of the occasion. Moreover in Eisenach the couple aimed at a
standard of living superior to that of their colleagues. For instance the
house Johann Christoph owned in 1679 was so large that he had to pay
four times as much tax on it as was assessed on his cousin Ambrosius'
property. 2 In the schooling of his children too Johann Christoph did not
conform to custom. While most musicians took their sons out of the
Latin school at the age of 14 or 15 in order to apprentice them with a
member of their profession, two sons of the organist stayed there up to
went to the Univer-
the age of 21 and 20 respectively, and the eldest even
sity of Jena, an enterprise on which no other Bach of his generation had

ventured. All this must have seemed somewhat presumptuous to the

Eisenach Council and it served to aggravate still further the city fathers'

feelings against their difficult employee. He was certainly anything but

popular with the city authorities; yet they did not allow him to take

another post. Johann Christoph once had a chance to leave the stifling

1 The basic research was made by Schumm and Rollberg. Cf. Bibliography.
2
Cf. Tax registers for 1679. The organist paid 1 fl. 6 gr. 6 pf., while Ambrosius
paid 6 gr.
36 THE BACH FAMILY
atmosphere of Eisenach, being offered in 1686 the position of town
organist in the city of Schweinfurt. He accepted joyfully, but had to
write a few weeks later that neither the Council nor the Duke of Eisenach
was willing to grant him permission to leave. 1
Only in one respect was a satisfactory intercourse maintained between
the Council and the organist. The authorities could not help being im-
pressed by Johann Christoph's continuous endeavours on behalf of the
organ entrusted to his care. The instrument of St. George's built in 1576
was proving more and more inadequate. In the first decades of his service,
the organist merely succeeded in having the worst defects repaired, but
ultimately he convinced the Council that a thorough rebuilding of the
instrument was imperative. His own draft of the contract with the organ
2
builder, Georg Christoph Stertzing, dated March 19, 1696, is preserved.
It comprises ten pages and offers an interesting insight into Johann
Christoph's mastery of the subject. But even when the draft was accepted,
the organist did not feel quite satisfied. He continued pondering the
problem of how to get a really first-rate instrument, and in the following
months he presented so many additional suggestions, that the Council
eventually voted on ordering a new instrument from Stertzing, using
only some material from the old organ. Johann Christoph not only
worked out all the specifications, 3 but tried to obtain better performing
conditions for the church musicians. He urged the 'building of a so-called
half-moon (in front of the organ), such as was found in other high-class
churches' and the addition of 'two little choir-lofts on both sides of the
half-moon. This would provide in the nicest manner for the performance
of two-chorus motets, a convenience never yet enjoyed in Eisenach.'
When he submitted his last project for improvement on October 30, 1697,
he made the following, very characteristic remarks: 'There is no profit
for myself in this, but I have the interests of the church, the town, and
the organ at heart, and I take care of the instrument as though I were to

play it in all eternity. ... As we have now come so near to having an

exquisite organ, it would be a shame not to afford the little that is still
necessary. After all, the money for this is not needed right away; there is
still time to obtain it. Thus we shall, with God's help, get a very fine
instrument, which will bring us fame and honour far and wide, especially
1
Three letters on this matter are preserved in copiesin the Bach Museum of
Eisenach, according to kind information by the Curator, Dr. Conrad Freyse.
2
Cf. Werner Wolffheim, 'Die alte Orgel zu St. Georg in Eisenach,' Eisenacher
Tagespost, 191 1, and Hans Loffler, 'Nachrichten uber die
St. Georgenkirche in Eisenach,'

in 'Zeitschrift fur evangelische Kirchenmusik,' IV, V.

3
They were reproduced in Adlung's 'Musica mechanica organoedi,' 1768.
JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( 1 3) AND JOHANN MICHAEL 37

with organ and music experts, while other towns in the neighbourhood
won't be pleased about it. As for myself, I will gladly do my share . . .

and advise the builder regarding this or that stop, so that each is accurately
measured, correctly pitched, and all the notes within each stop are of
equal tone, and well-sounding. For whenever you find a well planned
good organists flock to it. Indeed, an instrument of such a kind
fine organ,

makes good organists. How greatly would it have helped me in my work

and profession, had I had since 1665 such an organ under my hands!'
Johann Christoph's characteristic insouciance in money matters for
once proved justified; for when in 1698 a general collection was started
for St. George's new organ, an amount of 3047 th. was obtained, which
by far exceeded the actual costs. Thus the organist's plans could be
executed infull. No one was happier about that than their instigator; but

he was not spared to witness the completion of the large project. On

February 23, 1703, he was still writing to the Council regarding some
details of the construction; on March 31 he breathed his last, four years
before the work on his organ was finished.

Johann Christoph was in many respects a forerunner of his second

cousin, Sebastian, with whom he has more traits in common than
Sebastian's own father. In profundity and creative originality he among
all the older members of the clan came nearest to the culminating genius

of the family; even their handwriting reveals a certain similarity.

Moreover Johann Christoph's fighting spirit, stubbornness, and lack of
diplomacy in his dealings with his superiors, clearly recur in Sebastian.
But there was one tragic difference. Sebastian had the driving power to
start a new life when he felt this to be beneficial to his development and
career. Fighting against heavy odds, including imprisonment, he wrenched
himself free and changed his appointments. Johann Christoph, tied by the
conceptions of his family and his generation, gave in when a supreme
effort was imperative. Thus he stayed for 38 years in Eisenach, where his
art found little recognition and even his performances suffered from an
inadequate instrument; and these uncongenial surroundings made him
dissatisfied and unsuccessful in his dealings with the outside world.

About Johann Christoph's sons little is known, but the

seemslittle

significant. All four were musicians. Two appear to have inherited the
father's restlessness and desire for change, while each of the other two
held one and the same position throughout his life. Johann Christoph the
younger (28) was Northern Germany when his father died. He applied
in
for the position in Eisenach, but the Council decided on another Bach,
Johann Bernhard (18), who had made a name for himself in the city of
38 THE BACH FAMILY
Magdeburg. It may be doubted whether young Johann Christoph was
really unhappy about this slight, for according to the Genealogy he
'found his greatest pleasure in travelling.' He did not even stay in
Germany, but went to Holland and eventually settled down as a clavier
teacher in England. His youngest brother, Johann Michael (30), a trained
organ builder, was also not content to live in Thuringia. He went to
Northern Europe and was not heard of again. About the careers of the
two steady sons of the great organist, more will be said in Part II.
The Johann Christoph's brother, Johann Michael (14), born
great
1648, seems to have been of a less problematical nature, and to have fitted
well into the established Bach pattern. He also received his training from
his father, Heinrich, and was employed in Arnstadt as court organist until
1673. In that year his uncle, Johann Bach, the head of the Erfurt branch,
died and the organist's position at the Predigerkirche became vacant. The
Erfurt town fathers chose Johann Effler, who had so far held the position
of organist to the parish of Gehren near Arnstadt. This created an opening
in Gehren, and Michael Bach, then 25 years old, was invited for a trial
performance in this city. Afterwards a city Councillor wrote1 to
Michael's patron, the Count of Arnstadt, who seems to have recom-
mended the young man for the post: 'The minister as well as the Council
declared that Johann Michael's person and art left nothing to be desired,
and that they owe humble thanks to your gracious Lordship for having
presented to the community and church a discreet and well-behaved
applicant who was experienced in his art. Therefore the Council under-
took to grant the new organist, in addition to the regular salary provided
for this position, the additional 10 fl. allowed to the former organist for
his industry and merits, which payment the new organist will receive not
work as town clerk as well.'
only for service in church but for
Michael must have made a good impression to be granted the privi-
leges acquired by his older and more renowned predecessor. His salary
was a comparatively good one — certainly higher than his father's — for in
addition to a yearly amount of 73 fl. he got firewood, the use of half an
acre of land, and various contributions of food as well as free lodging.
Moreover he must have received payment from his former ducal patron
as well, since he was frequently commanded to play at the Arnstadt court.
Another source of income was opened for this versatile artist through the
construction of instruments for the music lovers of Arnstadt and its

While many Bach musicians had a most thorough knowledge of

vicinity.

organ building (which enabled them to make precise suggestions for the
1
Letter dated October 13, 1673. Cf. Bitter, 'J- S. Bach,' 2nd ed., Berlin, 1881.
MUSIC OF JOHANN MICHAEL 39

repair of their instruments), Michael was an expert in clavichords and

violins; a seal of his preserved in the Manfred Gorke collection proudly
displays two bows and two violin scrolls. This craft was mastered also by
his younger brother, Johann Giinther, whom the Genealogy praises as
5
'a skilful builder of various newly invented instruments, and by his
nephews, Johann Nicolaus (27) and Johann Michael (30), who were
probably trained by him. In his private life, Michael was following closely

the model of his older brother, Johann Christoph. He married Catharina

Wedemann, a sister of his brother's wife, and the wedding took place in
1675, two years after Michael's appointment to the Gehren position, just
as the elder son of Heinrich had set up his own household two years after
getting the post in Eisenach. Here, however, the similarity between the
lives of the two brothers ends. No son of Michael survived to carry on

the father's work and Michael himself passed away at the age of 46,
leaving five unmarried daughters1 behind, the youngest of whom, Maria
Barbara, was only 10 years old. Michael's wife survived him by ten years,
dying on October 19, 1704. Some of the orphaned girls moved to Arn-
stadt, and Maria Barbara stayed with her uncle and godfather, Martin

Feldhaus, the mayor of Arnstadt, in his house inscribed 'The Golden

Crown.' Here it was that she met her cousin and future husband, Johann
Sebastian Bach.

THE MUSIC OF JOHANN MICHAEL BACH

The compositions of Johann Michael and Johann Christoph are to
each other as promise and fulfilment. The two brothers worked along
similar lines, but in every field of composition —with possibly the single
exception of the organ prelude —Christoph was the more successful.
Where the short-lived younger brother tried and experimented, the elder
achieved success. Therefore, in the discussion of their works, the logical
rather than the historical order will be used, so that the analysis of
Michael's compositions will precede that of his brother's works.
There are eleven motets and five cantatas by Michael at present known,
and they give a good idea of this interesting composer's versatility.
Although most motets are based in the traditional manner on Biblical
and chorales, they display in their treatment a surprising variety.
texts
Only a single work, the New Year's motet Set lieber Tag willkommen
(Welcome, beloved day; Schn. 27) makes no use of any church hymn.
1
Their names are given by Wiegand, I.e.
40 THE BACH FAMILY
The composition is written for two sopranos, one
alto, two tenors and

one bass, a combination not to be found in any other of the composer's

motets. Similarly the light and transparent polyphonic setting of the piece
with its interplay of higher and lower voices compares favourably with
thehomophonic style prevailing in Michael's motets. Near the end, at the
word 'death,' Michael as a true composer of the Baroque period, indicates
an impressive sudden piano.
Completely different is the motet Nun haV ich ilberwunden (Now I

have overcome; Schn. 32) which dispenses with any Biblical text. The
third stanza of Melchior Vulpius' familiar hymn, Christus ) der ist mein
Leben (For Christ my Saviour live I), is used as a text for this composition,
written for two mixed choruses in four parts each. The beginning, with
its eleven repetitions of the word nun (now) by the
alternately uttered
two choruses, did not present to a 17th-century audience the slightly
humorous touch which it has for the modern listener. Such restatements
of brief words by way of an introduction to a vocal composition were
intended to heighten the suspense of the audience and were still used by
Sebastian Bach (cf. p. 212). Michael's motet consists of two main sections.
In the first the text of the chorale is divided into brief phrases, which are
presented in the form of a dialogue with concertizing elements. The ardent
fervour and devout strength of Michael's style is here displayed to the
very best advantage. The second half of the motet, in which the two
choruses join forces, employs the more familiar cantus firmus technique;
the chorale melody is presented in long notes in the soprano part, while
the other voices introduce counter-melodies partly derived from the
hymn tune itself (Ex. 5). This technique is used in like manner in
contemporary chorale preludes for the organ.

X*5

Vim hab'ich n be,

In each of the remaining nine motets Biblical text and church hymn
are combined. Particularly impressive are the shorter and more condensed
compositions such as Unser Leben wdhret sieben^ig Jahr (Our life lasts
seventy years; Schn. 23) with the chorale Ach Herr, lass deine liebe Engelein
(Lord Jesus, Thy dear angels send) as a cantus firmus in the soprano. The
MOTETS OF JOHANN MICHAEL 41

contrast between the two text elements, which is at first hardly notice-
able, increases all through the motet until the last twelve measures
represent two strictly separated worlds of heaven and earth. Weird
scurrying and rushing takes place in the lower sphere, inspired by the
words 'for life quickly passes, as though we were flying away.' In the
upper realm a serene calm reigns, the soprano, in high, long extended
notes, praising the Lord Jesus Christ. This contrast between the subjec-
tive suffering of mankind and the objective bliss of divinity is emphasized
by the bold use of a striking dissonance between soprano and alto
{Ex. 6).

Ix.6
Herr

de-nn es fkh . ret,

TTTTTVTTTVF
denn cs fah.ret, denn « f&h . ret schntU cU . hm

Somewhat similar in character, although not of equal dramatic power,

isthe five-part motet Das Blut Jesu Christi (The blood of Jesus Christ;
Schn. 20) introducing one stanza from Johann Heermann's song Wo soil
ichfliehen kin (Whither shall I flee). Here for once the composer prescribes
the use of wind instruments as a reinforcement to the chorus. He calls for

a (a descant horn
Zink with finger holes) to play in unison with the top
voice, and for four trombones of different sizes to support the lower
parts. The first seventeen measures are restricted to the Biblical text.
Here the soprano is treated like any of the other parts, and participates
vigorously in the interpretation of the Gospel. After a short rest its

function changes, however, and henceforth it utters the hymn tune. At

the end of the composition fourteen measures are literally repeated,
causing an anticlimax, of which Michael's elder brother would hardly have
been guilty.
Michael's familiarity with the emotional subjectivity of 17th-century
Italian music is apparent in the five-part motet Ich weiss, class mein Erloser

lebt (I know that my

Redeemer liveth; Schn. 22), based on the passage
from the book of Job that Handel uses in his 'Messiah.' The chorale
mein Leben (For Christ my Saviour live I) is added to the
Christus, der ist
Scriptural text.Like the great Heinrich Schiitz, Michael allows himself to
be inspired by the rhythm of the text and, as a result, achieves an emphatic
and agitated style of strong expressive power. The irregular three-measure
phrases often repeated lend an urgency and emotional appeal to the work
found only in the best German choral compositions of the period.
42 THE BACH FAMILY
More conventional is the Christmas motet Fiirchtet euch nicht (Be not
afraid; Schn. 34), a work of solid craftsmanship, scored for double chorus.

At first the two groups develop the words of the angel in a simple
homophonic dialogue of the kind to be found in the works of Hans
Leo Hassler and Michael Praetorius. Then they join forces, and while
the soprano introduces the chorale Gelobet seist du, Jesu Christ (Praise
be to Thee, Jesus Christ), the lower parts present contrapuntal counter-
melodies.
The five-part chorale motet Herr, wenn ich nur dich habe (Lord, if I

have but Thee; Schn. 21) follows a course which is the exact opposite.
From an initial contrast between Biblical text and chorale it gradually
works up towards a complete unification. Michael uses five stanzas of the
hymn Ach Gott, wie manches Her^eleid (Ah God, how sad and sick at
heart), which is introduced in the traditional way by the soprano, while
the lower parts present the Biblical text. Particularly impressive is the
section preceding the third verse of the chorale, when the four deeper
voices anticipate the melody of the hymn manner of a chorale
in the
prelude and develop it in polyphonic style. In the last stanza words from
the Scripture are eliminated and all five voices join in a powerful harmon-
ization of the chorale. Of peculiar charm is the quickening of the tempo,
which the composer prescribes with the unexpected indication Presto. In
spite of the exultant jubilation of this ending, the composer has the very
last four measures of the motet sung piano. One cannot help being re-
minded of another Protestant master who, some two hundred years
later, used the same effect to end the second movement of his 'German

Requiem.'
A striking similarity in form may be noticed between the three motets
for eight-part double chorus Herr, du lassest mich erfahren (Lord, Thou
lettest me know; Schn. 35), Dem Menschen ist gesetit einmal %u sterben (It

is the law that man must die; Schn. 36), and Halt, was du hast (Hold what

thou hast; Schn. 33), all of which are also in the same key of e. After a
short introduction by the second chorus, which is entrusted with the
Biblical text, the first chorus enters with the chorale. Alternately the two
groups present lines from their respective texts, as if vying with each
other, until the church hymn triumphs. Near the end of each motet, the
two choruses join forces in singing the last sentences of the hymn. The
continual shifting of interest from one chorus to the other, the alternation
of very short sections, and the countless echo effects, particularly in the
last chorale verses, give these motets a quality of restlessness.

In Herr, ich wane aufdein Heil (Lord, I wait for Thy salvation; Schn.
H
CANTATAS OF JOHANN MICHAEL 43

37) Michaelwas led by a longing for death to write one of his most stirring
compositions, solving the problem of the chorale motet in yet another
manner. It is written for eight-part double chorus; and the text of the
Scripture is at first, in the traditional way, entrusted to the second chorus,
while the first chorus presents the church hymn, Ach wie sehnlich wart ich
(Oh, how anxiously do I await). After a mere four lines of the chorale,
the pent-up emotions become so strong that the hymn tune is altogether
swept away. Instead of the usual ending with the glorified chorale, the
second half of the composition calls on all the voices to join in the fervent
supplication 'Lord, I wait for Thy salvation; oh come and take me.' The
motet reveals Michael's gift of harmonizing melodies in a straightforward
and convincing way, and same time his naive pleasure in pictorial
at the
characterizations such as the long melisma on 'I wait' (Ex. 7). It
displays a simplicity and directness which cannot fail to move the listener.

Xx.7.

Ich . . u

-i)L*-|

Teh
r
J

— J J

*—
j

Ich
1

var
r r r r
J
r
J J J
u
1

J
r r r r~ Tt
._ ..U
* J 4 J J - & * j j j & £3- •J-J-
p
f ^L r
£ 1 If 1 r c r r
^T
Five vocal compositions, which have been discovered in the past few
decades, contribute towards completing the picture of Michael Bach's
artistic personality. In each of these a five-part string group is employed,

besides the organ, to accompany the singers and to supply brilliant instru-
mental preludes and interludes. In this respect the five strongly differen-

tiatedworks foreshadow 18th-century cantatas.

The simplest form is displayed in the two arias, for soprano and alto
respectively, based on Michael's favourite Ach wie sehnlich wart ich (Oh,
how anxiously do I await; Schn. 18) and on the hymn Auf! lasst wis den
Herrn loben (Let us praise the Lord; Schn. 17). The accompanying string
body consists of a violin exhibiting a certain amount of virtuosity and
four unnamed instruments, probably three viole da gamba and a double
bass. Each aria starts with a 'Sinfonia,' which, after a few calm measures
of introduction, assumes a freely flowing toccata-like character. The
hymns themselves are treated as strophic songs, and the composer avoids
monotony by prescribing changes for the last line of each verse. In Ach

wie sehnlich he indicates lente, while in AufI lasst uns the triple time of the
beginning is transformed into common time. These are pieces of simple
44 THE BACH FAMILY
and noble beauty meant for singers of modest technical skill such as the
little parish of Gehren could muster.

More intricate is the solo cantata Es ist ein grosser Gewinn (It is of
great advantage; Schn. 16). Each of its three sections starts with a vocal
solo, accompanied by the continuo instrument only, in which the soprano
exhibits a certain amount of gorgia (the Italian coloratura singing of the
period). Then the strings and voice take up this melody in a gay concerted
dialogue. The instruments used in this composition are, besides organ,
two violins, a violino piccolo and a quart violino non di grosso grande. It is

not quite clear what Michael had in mind when he referred to the quart
violino 'not of the large size/ but probably it was, like the violino piccolo^
a small violin tuned a fourth higher than the standard type. We may
assume that the unusual way of describing the instrument is due to the
fact that Michael built it himself in an unorthodox manner.

Liebster Jesu, hor mein Flehen (Dearest Jesus, hear my prayer; not in
Schneider's catalogue), written for the second Sunday in Lent, has the
character of a dramatic dialogue between Christ (bass), the Canaanitish
woman (soprano), and three disciples (alto and two tenors). The accom-
panying string instruments are specifically allotted to the different
characters: the two violins to Christ, the two violas to the Canaanitish
woman, and the double bass to the disciples. Only in the chorale which

concludes the dialogue are all the voices and instruments united. Latin
headings in the score help to clarify the content of the work. After a very
short Symphonia, the Canaanitish woman implores the Lord to save her
daughter, who is possessed of the Devil. The three disciples intercede for

her, and after some hesitation the Master orders Satan to relinquish his
prey. We might well expect the stricken child's recovery of health to be
represented in the ensuing instrumental interlude, but the alternation of
plain chords and rests that we find there does not do justice to the situa-
tion. The form of the epic dialogue in which Hammerschmidt, Ahle, and
other 17th-century composers excelled, apparently did not appeal to
Michael. The only composition of this type which has been preserved
shows a stiff formalism not to be found in his other works.
The most ambitious of Michael's cantatas is Ach bleib bei uns, Herr
Jesu Christ (Abide with us, Lord Jesus Christ; Schn. 42) for two violins,
three violas, bassoon, organ, and four-part mixed chorus, employing the
familiar chorale text without its original tune. Bach sets each line of the
hymn separately, as in a 16th-century motet, exploring the pictorial
possibilities of every phrase, and paying special attention to dynamic
shading. While such a technique is not conducive to structural unity
ORGAN WORKS OF JOHANN MICHAEL 45

within the whole cantata, it is productive of many attractive details. In

the introductory Sonata?- the two violins and first viola develop spirited

competition in which the vocal ensemble joins with vigour and gusto
during the main part of the cantata. When the text refers to the 'heavenly
word, the bright light,' Michael boldly leads the first violin up to giddy

heights (Ex. 8). In spite of occasional awkward progressions in the

rx.a

Lieht, dem qott . Itch Worl dis

voice and string parts, this cantata gives us a good example of the high
standard of his technical skill, proving that he was fully conversant with
both German polyphony and the Italian stile concertato.
Ernst Ludwig Gerber states in his Neues Lexikon der Tonkunstler of
1812-14 that he owned a manuscript with 72 chorale preludes by
Johann Michael, some of them followed by as many as eight or ten

variations. He claims further that 'there is great . . . variety among these

preludes, and none of them is quite unworthy of the name of Bach.' This
manuscript has unfortunately disappeared; and all we know to-day are
eight preludes, which give only a narrowly restricted insight into this
2
part of Michael's activity. They show him as an organist of sound judg-
ment and technical skill, but of limited imagination and originality. The
1
The terms Sonata, Sinfonia, and Symphonia were used at that time indis-
criminately for instrumental preludes. In Liebster Jesu Michael calls the introduction
Symphonia, but writes after the first entreaty of the Canaanitish woman: Sonata
repetatur.
2
An 'Aria with 15 Variations' is known only in a corrupted arrangement for
Harmonium by L. A. Zellner from the second half of the 19th century. Since we are
ignorant of the source of this arrangement, we cannot be sure what its original was like
and even whether it was actually by Michael. Wilhelm Martini claims in 'Johann Sebastian
Bach in Thiiringen' that a composition by Michael is to be found in tablature in the
archives of the parish of Elleben at Osthausen, but I have been unable to get further
information about it.
46 THE BACH FAMILY
simplest form of Michael's chorale prelude is exemplified by his arrange-
ment of Von Gott will ich nicht lassen (From God I'll not be parted; Schn.
47). It is a three-part composition in which the soprano has the hymn
tune, accompanied by rapidly moving counter-melodies
in the two lower
voices. An introduction of one and a half measures and a brief interlude
are the only deviations from a plain and unassuming presentation of the
chorale. A more personal note can be found in such arrangements as In
dich hab' ichgehoffet, Herr (Oh Lord, as I have trusted Thee; Schn. 50) and
Nun frem euch, lieben Christen G'mein (Now dance and sing, ye Christian
throng; Schn. 52), in which the entrance of the cantus firmus in the
soprano is preceded by a fugato of the two lower parts, using as a subject
the first line of the chorale melody. The technique of Pachelbel, with
whom the Bach family was on terms of personal friendship, is unmistak-
able in this arrangement. Particularly impressive, in In dich hab' ich
gehoffet, Herr, is the gradual increase from three parts in the first half of
the composition to four and ultimately five voices, corresponding to the
emotional content of the hymn text. In Dies sind die heiVgen ^ehn Gebot
(These are the holy ten commandments; Schn. 49) and Allein Gott in der
Hoh (To God on high alone be praise; Schn. 5 1) an attempt is made to
'

use a more polyphonic style for the preludes and interludes, contrasting
with a predominantly harmonic setting in the cantus firmus sections.
Possibly the finest work in this group is Wenn mein Stiindlein vorhanden
ist (When finally my hour comes; Schn. 46), in which Michael allots the
cantus firmus alternately to soprano and bass, thus creating a lively
dialogue between highest and lowest parts. The composer's contrapuntal
skill reveals itself in a stretto with partial diminution of the first chorale
line inserted in the middle of the composition {Ex. 9).

Tx.9

Different from the rest is Wenn wir in hochsten Noten sein (When we
are troubled through and through; Schn. 48), a set of chorale variations in
the style of Samuel Scheidt. In the first verse the melody is partly broken
up into coloraturas and given to the soprano. The second verse restores
the simple metrical construction of the tune and entrusts it to the middle
voice, above a harmonic bass and beneath a cantabile soprano part. The
MUSIC OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( I 3) 47

third verse brings the composition to its climax. Running sixteenth notes
dominate its two voices, almost completely obscuring the chorale melody.
This last verse displays a light and emotional quality, suggesting that at
times Michael Bach aimed at a subjectivity of expression that is almost
romantic.
In conclusion may be stated that Michael was a composer of great,
it

but uneven talent. He was fully conversant with the art of his time and
used both German and Italian models with considerable success. The
composer was technically well trained, his music abounding in interesting
details and expressive power. Nevertheless, his compositions were too

often lacking in the compelling qualities of a real work of genius. While

some of them are stirring and exhilarating, others hardly rise above the
level of respectable mediocrity. As a rule his harmonic language is

impressive; but there are few attempts at introducing a more polyphonic

texture, and perfect construction is only rarely achieved. Michael may have
been better as an instrumental than as a vocal composer; but since so little

of his instrumental work survives, we are not able fully to judge its merits.
It is possible that some of his finest compositions are lost; but it is just as
probable that his untimely death prevented him from reaching the zenith
of his artistic development.

THE MUSIC OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH BACH

Among the older members of the Bach family Johann Christoph (13)
is undoubtedly the Even the few works preserved show the wide
leader.
He wrote clavier and organ compositions,
range of his creative output.
cantatasand motets, works for a single voice and for a ten-part double
chorus. Serene confidence and trust, sadness rising to agonized despair,
and on occasion a fine sense of humour, can be detected in his com-
positions. Johann Christoph creates beautiful and poignant melodies; he
cleverly mingles the old church modes with themodern major and minor,
thus achieving a striking harmonic variety; he indulges in bold successions
of chords and sudden modulations of great intensity. Above all, his works
display a clear and logical construction, the outcome of his strong sense
of form. Sebastian praised Johann Christoph's work as 'profound,' while
Philipp Emanuel characterized its curiously romantic character by
describing Johann Christoph in the Genealogy as 'the great and expressive
5
composer. Forkel in his book on J. S. Bach refers to the admiration
.

48 THE BACH FAMILY

which Emanuel had for his ancestor. 'It is still quite fresh in my memory/
the historian writes, 'how good-naturedly the old man smiled at me at the
most remarkable and hazardous passages when once in Hamburg he gave
me the pleasure of hearing some of these old pieces.'
Among Johann Christoph's simplest vocal compositions are his arias
Es ist nun aus (It is now past; Schn. 59) and Mit Weinen hebt sich's an
(With weeping there begins; Schn. 66). These are plain four-part songs in
which a purely harmonic support is given to an unadorned melody. As in
similar arias of a hymnlike character, a solo soprano accompanied by the
organ may take the place of the full chorus. In spite of their unpretentious
character, these two pieces are deeply stirring. The former is a funeral
song, or Sterb-Aria, with the refrain 'Farewell, O World' on a bold down-
ward leap of a ninth in the soprano {Ex. 10). The little piece gives

Ve7t gu .'
. '. te N&cht

moving expression to the general longing of the time for repose, and it is

not surprising that Sebastian took a special interest in it. Apparently he

had it performed, since he supplemented the text in the old parts and
made several corrections in the music. According to a note in the manu-
script, the aria Mit Weinen hebt sich's an was written in 1691. The free
rhythms of this composition are remarkable, and they arise from Johann
Christoph's practice of lengthening the notes at the beginning and end of
each line of text, thus constantly interrupting the basic trochaic metre
and producing a feeling of restlessness, which realistically depicts the

sorrows and pain man suffers on earth.

More two five-part motets Sei getreu bis an den Tod
elaborate are the
(Be thou unto death; Schn. 63) and Der Mensch vom Weibe
faithful

geboren (Man born of woman; Schn. 62). These brief compositions display
a combination of the motet and aria form. The first half of each work is
based on the Bible (Revelation and Job xiv, 1, respectively) and
ii, 10,
exhibits a loosely knitted, somewhat polyphonic texture; the second half
is an aria, using a hymn text and the traditional homophonic style. Neither

the quietly confident Sei getreu nor the dark and restless Der Mensch
(which is influenced b;y Johann Bach's Unser Leben ist ein Schatten) is a
particularly impressive composition. Their settings are somewhat conven-
tional and hardly reflect the wilful subjectivity so often noticeable in
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after Trinity by C. Philipp Emanuel Bach. It uses as a first chorus Johann
'
Christoph Bach's Motet Der Gerechte
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VII. Title-page of the Birthday Cantata by Georg Christoph Bach

MOTETS OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( I 3) 49

Johann Christoph's compositions. It is noteworthy that these two works

were not considered sufficiently valuable to be included in the Alt-
Bachisches Archiv. Our only sources for their musical text are reliable,

but very late copies made in the second half of the 19th century.
On quite a different level are two other five-part motets Fiirchte dich
(Be not afraid; Schn. 61) and Der Gerechte (The righteous; Schn. 64)
nicht
which belong to the composer's most significant works. In Fiirchte dich
nicht the church song, presented like a cantus firmus in long notes in the
soprano, alternates with the Bible text in the four lower parts. For the
main body of his motet Johann Christoph chose the words of Isaiah
xliii, 1, by thy name,
'Fear not, for I have redeemed thee. I have called thee
thou art Mine,' and follows up with Luke xxiii, 43, 'Verily I say unto thee,
To-day shalt thou be with Me in Paradise.' Old and New Testament are
here associated to give to mankind the Lord's message of salvation. To
this the tormented soul (soprano) adds the last stanza of the song 'O woe
and grief:
Jesu! Thou my hope and rest,
With tears I kneel before Thee,
Help, that in life and death
1 ever may adore Thee.

The motet begins quietly in the four lower voices; gradually the motion
increases and a monumental dialogue
lively fugato appears, leading to a
between the voices of God and man. The beseeching words 'With tears
I kneel before Thee' are answered with the solace 'Fear not, for I have
redeemed and the repeated anguished cry 'Help, help' with the
thee';

prophecy 'To-day shalt thou be with Me in Paradise.' The postlude of

alto, tenor, and bass resumes the mood of the beginning. The work is

beautifully proportioned, rising slowly to a climax in its middle section

and returning gradually to the initial atmosphere. It is not surprising that
Sebastian, who must surely have known his cousin's composition, was
inspired to write a motet1 based on the same text and using the identical
conception of a dialogue between Christ and humanity. 2
The motet Der was a favourite composition of Philipp
Gerechte
Emanuel Bach, who added strings and organ to the five voice parts of the
original and employed this arrangement as the first chorus in one of his
own cantatas (cf. p. 373). Emanuel informs us also that this motet of his
great-uncle's was written in 1676, when the composer was 34 years old.
Its text is taken from the Apocryphal 'Wisdom of Solomon,' ch. iv,

1
Motet No. IV.
2
Cf. also Sebastian's early cantatas, especially No. 106 Gottes Zeit (see p. 209).

D
50 THE BACH FAMILY
'Though the righteous die before his time, yet shall he come to heaven.'
The pictorial element is At the
here particularly strongly developed.
beginning, the death of the righteous by descending melodic
is expressed
lines, and the pleasure which God takes in him by an ascending melody.

At the words 'quickly he is taken,' a motive in dotted rhythm shows

the suddenness of the event; and the 'evil, evil, evil life' is described
by significant chords {Ex. n). Winterfeld points out that Johann

Christoph was influenced in this composition by Giovanni Gabrieli's

motet Sancta Maria, succurre miseris. The two compositions undoubtedly
resemble each other in many details; but more important still is the sense
of balance and form which the Thuringian composer acquired in his study
of the Italian master's work. The first section of Der Gerechte is majestic
and slow; then follow two parts inscribed as 'Presto' and 'Adagio'
respectively, and a gay dance in triple time marks the end. Clearly there
are four sections in this piece, the tempi of which are slow-fast-slow-fast,
corresponding to the four movements of the Sonata da chiesa which at
approximately the same time was assuming a definite pattern in Italy.

There survive four eight-part motets by Johann Christoph Bach, each

of which uses two antiphonal four-part groups of mixed voices. Ich lasse
dich nickt, du segnest mich denn (I will not let Thee go, except Thou
bless me; Schn. 68) is based on Genesis xxxii, 26, to which later is added
the third stanza of the beautiful song 'Why art thou troubled' by the 16th-
century German poet and shoemaker, Hans Sachs. In the initial section
the Bible text alone is employed. The two choruses alternate in a simple

and purely harmonic style. Gradually the tension grows; instead of

following each other, they overlap and finally they sing together. The
force of this prayer is heightened by the outcry of a single soprano voice
'My saviour,' which is quickly lost in the general excitement. In the second
section Bible text and chorale are combined. The melody of the church
hymn is used as a cantus firmus in the soprano, while the three lower
voices introduce rapidly moving counter-melodies. In spite of the fact
that the initial eight parts are here condensed into four parts, the motet
reaches its culmination in what is possibly the best piece of polyphonic
writing in any of Johann Christoph's vocal compositions. There are two
main subjects among the counterpoints of this section: a stubborn, defiant
s

MOTETS OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( I 3) 51

one to the words I'll not let Thee go/ and an imploring one illustrating
the ardent supplication 'I pray Thou bless me.' Each of these strongly-
contrasting ideas is skilfully developed, not only in simple imitation but
also in stretti and inversions. The fact that this motet was for some time
considered to be a composition of Sebastian's is mainly due to this power-
ful and highly passionate polyphonic setting. The last part of the com-
position again approaches the homophonic style of the beginning. It

introduces a simple harmonization of the chorale in plain four-part chords.

The dramatic excitement of the middle section is here replaced by a mood
of quiet happiness and confidence. This motet, which is also harmonically
bold and unconventional, is one of the finest works produced by the
older Bach generation.
The remaining three motets are in eight parts throughout. Herr, nun
lassest du deinen Diener in Frieden fahren (Lord, now lettest Thou Thy
servant depart in peace; Schn. 65) is based on the words of Luke ii, 29-32,
which Johann Christoph employs without the addition of a church hymn.
Sudden changes between two keys, a whole tone or a semitone apart, and
bold mixtures of major and minor, of medieval modes and modern
tonality, give this composition an iridescent life which makes up for the
simplicity of its homophonic structure. By repeating the first line of the
text at theend of the composition, Johann Christoph rounds off his motet
to a ternary form. The mighty invocation 'Lord, Lord,' which begins the
work, also comes at its close. Even the third section taken by itself is in a
kind of tripartite form, since the composer quotes in its middle a phrase
from the second part, thus linking also these two sections of the motet.
Lieber Herr Gott (Gracious Lord; Schn. 66), which, according to the
manuscript, was composed in December 1672, uses as a text a hymn or
prayer of the period. Bach may have found
words among the com-
the
positions of Heinrich Schiitz, whose Geistliche Chormusik No. XIII, from
1648, is based on the same poem. An additional similarity between the
two works is to be found in their change from common to triple time in
the middle and their return to common time at the end. Johann Christoph'
composition is clearly divided into two sections: a more homophonic first
one, and a glorious fugue on the words 'Through our Saviour, Thy
beloved son.' Here the composer uses the trick of always introducing
subject and answer stretto-like in quick succession, thus increasing the
intensity of the musical language. At first four voices only are employed,
but gradually the remaining parts fill in the polyphonic texture. An even
balance is maintained between the two choruses, which are linked by
skilful imitations. Johann Christoph's study of Italian models is manifest
52 THE BACH FAMILY
in the natural flowof his parts. The mixture of tonalities, in which now
G, then and again the Mixolydian mode, seems to be prevalent, contri-
e,

butes to the feeling of unrest and excitement pervading this dramatic

composition.
Equally moving is the motet for two choruses Unseres Herons Freude
(The joy of our heart; Schn. 67) based on words from the Lamentations of
Jeremiah v, 15, 16. Quite justly, Spitta said about this remarkable com-
position: 'For variety, energy, and appealing fervour of expression, for
the development of sound into bold and striking imagery, for the highest
perfection of form as affecting the whole work, it can find no equal except
among the very best examples of its kind.' With simple dignity the words
of the lamentation are set to music: 'The joy of our heart is ceased; our
dance is turned into mourning.' In a second section the eight voices unite
to the heartrending outcry: 'Woe unto us that we have sinned!' Bach's
only means of expression here are bold chromatic progressions, such as
the juxtaposition of the chords of A flat and G. The first section is now
repeated in a most poetical combination with the second one. Again and
again the words of the lamentation are interrupted by the cry of distress,
until nothing remains but the voice of despair. It is not surprising that
Sebastian copied part of this motet with his own hand; its musical expres-
sion and its architecture point far into the future.
Different from the motets are the five compositions of Johann
Christoph which employ not only the organ but also stringed instruments
for the accompaniment of the voices. Two of these pieces are laments for
a single voice, using the dramatic declamation which Heinrich Schiitz had
introduced into German Protestant music. Ach, dass ich Wassers gnug
hdtte (Oh, had I only enough water; Schn. 5 and 57), written for contralto,
violin, three viole da gamba, and bass, was formerly considered a com-
position of Heinrich Bach.However, the list of the property left by
PhilippEmanuel mentions among Johann Christoph's compositions a
work of this name; moreover the emotional intensity of the lament and
its bold harmonic language indicate the authorship of Heinrich's son.
This solo cantata written in da capo form is unusually concise. There is a
brief instrumental introduction, after which the voice enters, dominating
henceforth the musical structure, which is supported and enriched by the

strings. The style of this lament is a kind of dramatic recitation, closely

following the rhythm and melody of German speech, and adorned with
tonal pictures inspired by the text.
On a much larger scale is the second lament written for bass solo
accompanied by five stringed instruments, Wie bist du denn^ Gott, im
CANTATAS OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( I 3) 53

Zorn aufmich entbrannt (How art Thou, God, enraged in fury against me;
Schn. 58), which is based on a 17th-century version of the penitential
psalms. This too was originally attributed to another composer, Johann
Philipp Krieger (1649- 172 5), and has only recently been recognized as the
work of Johann Christoph Bach. 1 It is a powerful composition in five
extensive sections. In contrast to the preceding work the stringed instru-
ments, particularly the violin, which is treated with the greatest brilliance,
play an important part in its development. 2 A dignified introduction in

the main key of e prepares for the entrance of the voice. Each of the
following three sections starts quietly, accompanied by the continuo only.
After a few measures the strings enter and gradually the expression be-
comes more passionate, building up towards a climax. The most dramatic
section is the third, in which the agitated figures of the violin depict the
merciless treatment that the sufferer is accorded by God. In the last part

the tormented soul tells of its anguish and fear. The rhythm changes from
common becomes more ardent until the words
to triple time; the prayer
are reached: 'My God, no longer be inflamed in wrath against me, let
Thine anger be transformed into goodness.' Hope gradually replaces
despair and the final measure of the lament by its melodic inversion
{Ex. 12) expresses most graphically that the harassed spirit is looking

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forward to a reversal of its fate. Although this cantata makes excessive

demands on the vocal range of the singer (almost two octaves), its
sincerity, poignancy, and fire amply repay the artist.

The wedding cantata Meine Freundin, du hist schon (My love, thou
art fair; Schn. 71) for four solo voices, chorus, violin, three violas, and

basso continuo, based mainly on words from the Song of Solomon, holds
1
Cf. EDM, I, p. viii; BJ, 1907, p. 132; and SIMG, I, 1899/1900, p. 214.
2
Max Seiffert, the editor of the work (in DDT, zweite Folge, VI, 1, p. 125) suggests
the use of a bassoon for the fourth part in the score. This is hardly appropriate, since
in a list of music left by F. E. Praetorius (1655-95) the work is catalogued as written for 'B.
solo, 1 Violine, 3 Violen con B. cont.'
54 THE BACH FAMILY
a unique positionamong the works of Johann Christoph. It displays a
robust sense ofhumour one is hardly led to expect from a composer of
such lofty works as Ich lasse dich nicht or Der Gerechte. To treat the
venerated Song of Solomon, which was usually interpreted in a purely
symbolic fashion, in so realistic a manner for a wedding celebration was
highly unorthodox, and bound to create hilarity among the listeners.
Moreover, Johann Christoph added a running commentary to be recited
before or during the performance, which brings into relief the inherent
humour of the composition, intensifying it by facetious observations.
The 'Wedding Cantata' was a great favourite among the Bachs.
Ambrosius copied the parts and the commentary — indeed, it is not at all

unlikely that he co-operated with his cousin in preparing it for a special

occasion. Sebastian, on the other hand, took the trouble to make a new
cover for the parts his father had copied.
As an example of the Bachs' earthy sense of humour, most of this

commentary is reproduced here.

'A lover saunters along, all by himself, as the bass illustrates. Un-
expectedly he comes across his sweetheart, whom he addresses flatteringly:
My love, thou art fair. Moreover he gives her food for thought by saying:
Turn away thine eyes from me, for they overcome me. Possibly he is afraid
that people might read his inmost thoughts in his eyes.
'His sweetheart, acting like a true German [in a straightforward way]
and also longing for a suitable and convenient place wherein to express
her pure love without being disturbed, answers: that thou wert really my
brother, that I might find thee and no one despise me.
in the street, kiss thee,

But presently she offers him a chance saying: Let my beloved come into his
garden. The lover, who did not expect so bold a suggestion, but is anxious
not to make her suspect from his long silence that he might refuse or be
timid and irresolute, declares himself quickly: / come to my garden, my
sister, my bride. After they have thus agreed to meet . . . they part, this
time quickly, without any long-winded Finale. . . .

'The girl takes a chackan 1 [heavy stick] in her hand and walks to the
garden. On the way she is in a cheerful mood and constantly talks to her-
self, showing herself gay and merry in different ways, which the violin
illustrates [in a ciaccona] with many variations. She also imagines in
natural colours the one or other thing which is going to happen in the
garden (quite likely it is not her first visit either!). Therefore she delights

1
The author employs here the unusual Slavonic expression chackan, as the composition
turns at this point into a ciaccona (chaconne).
CANTATAS OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( I 3) 55

herself with these words: My beloved is mine and I am his; hefeedeth among
and his desire is toward me; his left hand is under my head and his
the lilies

right hand doth embrace me. Mostly, however, she utters these words
. . .

in between: My beloved is mine, and I am his, words of which undoubtedly

her heart must have been full.
'When she is not far from the garden, a couple of men suddenly appear
crossing the field; and as they have probably often seen this girl wandering
to the garden, or perhaps have heard gossip about the affair, they do not
inquire in the usual fashion, asking "Where from? Whither? Why alone?",
but act as though they knew already whom she was looking for, and
therefore inquire: Whither is thy beloved gone?, flattering her at the same
time by saying: Oh, thou fairest among women.
'She, who does not keep it secret any more and probably does not
mind being teased about it, admits: My beloved is gone down into his
garden to the beds of spices, to feed in the garden and to gather lilies.

'Thereupon both out of politeness offer to accompany her: That we

may seek him with thee.
two men walk up and down in the garden. The basso
'After that the
continuo runs round continuously and searches; the other instruments
also move occasionally, then again they stop and look around, until
finally, when they perceive the lover in the garden, they all unite and pay

their respects in a piano and adagio passage.

'He, the lover, while certainly expecting his sweetheart alone and not
with such a retinue, appreciates that these men have joined her only to
serve her; moreover they are not strangers but a couple of good friends,
so he greets them telling them what he did in the garden: / have gathered
my myrrh with my spice. . . .

'And after he has led them all into the little pavilion and set refresh-
ments and food on the table, he as well as his sweetheart, who has some-
what assumed the role of hostess, exclaim Eat, friends; drink,
. . .

beloved, and become drunk)-

'When the feast is over, one hears the guests call to the musicians: The
gratias, thus letting them know that they should intone a song of thanks;
whereupon the musicians play the chorale, while all those present join in
singing, and the instruments keep active as well.
'Finally, as everyone shows the effects of the entertainment, it is
decided to break up the party. Thus one hears everywhere: Good night!
Sleep well! Many thanks ! Good luck ! For you too !'

1
The Luther translation used by the composer has here the words und werdet trunken
(and become drunk), while the King James version reads 'drink abundandy.'
5<5 THE BACH FAMILY
The music of the cantata reaches its climax in a ciaccona with 66 varia-
tions for voice and strings, based on the theme in Ex. 13. It serves the

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bride to express her deep love for the groom, and the composer seems to
have chosen this particular form to demonstrate that every utterance of
an infatuated person appears like a new variation on the same theme.
Johann Christoph's fine sense of balance and proportion leads him to
establish in this number, with the help of harmonic changes, a kind of
rondo form within the larger framework of the ciaccona. 1 When the
scene turns into a feast, a big ensemble develops in which, for the first

time, the chorus joins with brief exclamations. The composer takes special
delight in the invitation of the text to get drunk, which the voices present
with a sort of hiccough {Ex. 14). The end of the composition, how-

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ever, reverts to the serious character sanctioned by tradition. In a dignified

hymn solo voices and chorus join to express thanks to God for His gifts.
The very last note (G) of all the singers is held for ten measures and
gradually dies away, while the violin alone keeps up the motion, thus
describing the reluctant departure of the guests.
Another cantata of a pseudo-dramatic character is Die Furcht des
Herren (The fear of the Lord; not enumerated in Schn.) for five solo

voices, mixed chorus, strings and organ. In the score, written by Johann
Christoph himself, most of the singers, and even the instrumental basso
continuo, are identified with one or other of the functionaries of a city,
thus suggesting a performance in honour of a newly elected city council.
The bass, for instance, is called 'the senior mayor,' the chorus 'the whole
city council,' and the basso continuo (organ) 'the dry clerk.' In the main
section of this composition, each line of a prayer is started by the senior

1
Var. 1-17 are in the tonic, 18-22 in the dominant, 33-51 again in the tonic, 52-59 in
the subdominant, and 60-66 back in the tonic.
CANTATAS OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( I 3) 57

city chamberlain (tenor), and after a measure or two the rest of the singers
and placers join him. Particularly moving is the middle part, a secular
version of the traditional combination between church hymn and Bible
text.'Wisdom' (soprano), boasting of its great merits, is implored by the
city functionaries toimpart to them something of its blessing. The single
soprano voice is confronted by solo quartet and full chorus, and the loose
polyphonic texture realistically describes with its successive entrances and
imitations the uncertainty and confusion of men pining for enlightenment.
When 'Wisdom' proudly announces 'Kings are ruling through me,' both
the melody of the voice and the accompaniment of strings imitate trumpet
fanfares. Johann Sebastian wrote various works on a much larger scale
for similar occasions. Yet the less pretentious composition of his kinsman
by no means suffers by comparison with them.
The St. Michael's Day cantata Es erhub sick ein Streit (And there was
war in heaven; Schn. 69) is the biggest and, as far as orchestration goes,
the most ambitious work that Johann Christoph created. Philipp Emanuel
wrote about it in a letter to Forkel:1 'This composition in 22 parts is a
masterpiece. My blessed father performed it once in a church at Leipzig
and everybody was surprised by the effect it made. I have not enough
singers here [in Hamburg], or else I would produce it sometime.' The
cantata is based on Revelation xii, 7-12, and modelled on the lines of a
composition using the same text by Andreas Hammerschmidt, 2 whose
works were well known to the older Bachs. Its subject, the war of Michael
and his angels against 'that old serpent called the Devil and Satan,' is a
monumental one and very well suited to the belligerent personality of its
composer. The treatment of the Scripture words is epic and oratorio-like;
majestic power and restrained dramatic fire give to this outsized com-
position a character of its own. The 22 parts to which Emanuel refers in
his letter are formed by two five-part choirs, two violins, four violas,
—
continuo [bassoon and organ] and a most uncommon feature in the
—
works of the earlier Bachs four trumpets and timpani. The cantata
begins with a two-part Sonata, in character somewhat reminiscent of a
French Overture. An imitative recitative by two basses leads to the first
climax: the description of the struggle between the powers of light and of
darkness. This gigantic tone picture, in which the trumpets hold a promi-
nent place, is for more than 50 measures exclusively based on the single
triad of C. A brilliant instrumental section, describing the triumph of the
angels, concludes this part. Johann Sebastian, who set the same scene to
1
Dated Hamburg, September 20, 1775. See Bitter, 'C.P.E. . Bach,' I, 343.
. .

2
'Andern Theil geisdicher Gesprache iiber die Evangelia,' Dresden, 1656, No. 26.
58 THE BACH FAMILY
music, was obviously influenced by the work of his
However, he
cousin.
not only used a great variety of forms and poly-
(recitative, aria, chorale,
phonic chorus), but he also divided the words of the Scripture between
two independent cantatas (Nos. 19 and 50). Johann Christoph unites both
sections into a single mighty work. 1 He comes to a second culmination
when the words 'Now is come salvation, and strength' are pronounced,
and a third one to describe at the end the general rejoicing. However, in
some respects the composer strives at more economy than seems
advantageous to his work. There are no solo voices, polyphonic devices
are sparingly employed, and the harmonies are of the utmost simplicity
and limited diversity. This is a work full of interesting orchestral effects;
it made the greatest contribution towards the fame of its author, but it

may be doubted whether it is actually his strongest and most inspired

creation.
works of Johann Christoph Bach 'im-
Philip Spitta called the organ
perfect' and 'disappointing to anybody who knows the master's vocal
output.' This severe verdict was obviously caused by an insufficient in-
sight into the meaning and purpose of this part of the composer's music.
The 44 Chorale welche bey warenden Gottes Dienst %um prdambulieren
gebraucht werden konnen (chorales to be used as preludes during the
service; Schn. 82) are mere improvisations on the organ which Johann
Christoph committed to paper, possibly for the benefit of his pupils. The
collection consists of short and easy pieces intended to prepare the
congregation for the following hymn, and presenting no particular
technical difficulty even to an organist of mediocre executive ability. This
is music for practical purposes, designed to save the player the trouble of
improvising a chorale prelude on the spur of the moment, and at the same
time of such simple texture as not to lead the audience to suspect its

previous composition. In accordance with Mattheson's recommendations

for organ improvisations, 2 none of the preludes exceeds two minutes.
No early print of the collection has yet been unearthed, but the title of
the existing manuscripts with the remark 'composed and edited by
Johann Christoph Bach' implies that the author intended his work for
publication.
Like the preludes of Pachelbel, each of the 44 chorales begins with a
brief fugato. In contrast to this polyphonic section, the second half of the

1
Johann Christoph Friedrich (the 'Biickeburg') Bach, who dealt with the same
subject in his cantata Michaels Sieg (cf. p. 401), was influenced by his father's work;

yet, like the former Johann Christoph, he used both sections of the text in his composition.
2
'Grosse Generalbasslehre,' 1725-27.
ORGAN WORKS OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( 1 3) 59

prelude introduces as a rule a more homophonic texture, employing a

pedal point which serves as a kind of extended cadence, and gives stability
to this part of the composition. In about half his preludes Johann
Christoph follows the style of older masters, such as Scheidt and Ahle.
He uses the entire chorale melody, entrusting the fugato with the first line
of the hymn and the pedal point section with the remainder. In more
than 20 of his preludes, however, Johann Christoph works with selected
lines of the hymn tune only, even occasionally confining himself to the
single line of the beginning. The composer's contrapuntal treatment is of
the simplest kind. Parallel thirds and sixths are frequently employed, and
while rarely more than three parts are played simultaneously, a sort of
mock polyphony is used which makes the listener imagine the presence of
four or even five real voices. 1 No. 13, Nun lasst uns Gott den Herren loben
(Now let us praise God the Lord), for instance, is a three-part composi-
tion, introducing five entrances of the fugue theme, each on a different
level and with not less than three octaves between the highest and lowest
statement. Stretti, although not very frequent, are occasionally to be
found in this collection (cf. Nos. 3, 11, 13).
There are many attractive pieces in this set of preludes. No. 9, Wir
glauben all an einen Gott (We believe all in one God) with its interesting
combination of different motives belongs to the most highly developed
pieces of the collection. No. 41, Aus meines Helens Grunde (From out
my heart I praise the Lord) in the unusual 3/8 time has a
gay and light
character which matches the joyous content of the text extremely well
{Ex. 15). Perhaps the finest number of the set is the last one, Warum

Zt.te

du dkh mein Her\? (Why art thou troubled, oh my heart?). This

betriibst

isone of the very few preludes of the 17th century which does not merely
attempt to follow the mood of the chorale text in a general way. It inter-
prets the changing emotions of the text in much the same way as Sebastian
was to do in the chorale preludes of his Orgelbuchlein. The text begins with
the words: 'Why art thou troubled, oh my heart? So sore, distressed and
sad thou art, why mourn earth's transient joys?' Accordingly the com-

1
The remark in the Obituary for J. S. Bach published in Mizler's 'Musikalische
Bibliothek/ that Johann Christoph never used less than five real parts in his organ playing,
might be explained in this way.
60 THE BACH FAMILY
position introduces chromatically descending passages which, since the
times of Monteverdi and Scheidt, have been the generally accepted
medium of expressing sorrow and grief. In the last two lines, however,
the mood changes completely. Here the text reads: Tut thou thy trust
in God the Lord, Creator, He by all adored.' As soon as the composer
reaches these lines the wailing halftone progressions disappear; the music,
supported by the powerful pedal point, expresses serene confidence and
trust in God. This prelude is so far ahead of its time, that the composer

himself seems to have felt he overshot the mark, and desisted from any
further attempt in this field.
What Johann Christoph was able to achieve in strict instrumental
style is demonstrated by his Praeludium undFuge ex Dis (E flat; Schn. 81).
This is a Toccata with runs and passages displaying the brilliant Italian
writing introduced into Germany by the Austrian court organist, Johann
Jacob Froberger. In the middle of this fine fantasy stands a four-part fugue
on a chromatic descending bass theme. It comprises 45 measures and its

construction is as intricate as that of the chorale preludes is loose. Johann

Christoph uses four real parts, without any attempt at giving the illusion
of a greater number of voices. There is a strong rhythmic motion, the
interesting chromatic theme is effectively harmonized, and the modula-
tions are logically planned. It is not surprising that the powerful com-
positionwas long considered as a work of the young Johann Sebastian
and was published as such by the editors of the BG (Jhrg. xxxvi, 12).
Johann Christoph was also active in the field of clavier music, as is
shown by his Sarabande. Duodecies variat. (Schn. 76), a set of twelve varia-
tions on a saraband-like theme. This composition, which to judge by the
echo effects it employs was probably meant for a harpsichord with two
manuals, is based on a theme of the simplest kind, the formal construction
of which is preserved in each of the variations. Nevertheless the effect of
the composition is from monotonous. Johann Christoph gives it
far
greater life by employing a slightly unorthodox pattern of repetition. The
first eight measures of the theme and of each variation are played twice in
the ordinary way; the second eight measures are subdivided, and the per-
former repeats each phrase of four measures separately. Thus an illusion of
slightasymmetry is created. The sixth, and still more the twelfth variation
skilfullyemploys chromatic effects of great expressive power. The archi-
tecture of the whole work is clear and logical. The motion increases,
reaching a climax in variations 5 and 7, and then decreases again. In-
dependently of the rest, variations Nos. 3, 6, 9, and 12 provide pauses in
the natural flow of the whole set, by reverting to the more meditative
CLAVIER WORKS OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH (13) 6l

character of the slow saraband theme. It can hardly be doubted that Sebas-
tian remembered Johann Christoph's composition while working on his
own 'Aria with 30 Variations' (cf. p. 277). The fact that the later com-
position is likewise in G, that its theme is in 3/4 time and of saraband
character, and, most of all, that here too a clear connection between every
third variation can be detected, are proof enough. Obviously this is
another of the many instances when Sebastian was stimulated and inspired
by the artistic heritage of his ancestors.
Closely related to the variations on a saraband is Johann Christoph's
Aria Eberliniana pro dormiente Camillo, variata (Schn. 77), a set of fifteen
variations on an air by Eberlin written, according to the original, in March
1690. The theme is the work of the Eisenach court composer, Daniel
Eberlin (cf. p. 30), who, in spite of his rather varied interests, was an
outstanding musician according to the testimony of his son-in-law, Georg
Philipp Telemann. Nothing is known about the origin of his aria 'for the
sleeping Camillo,' but must have been a rather well-known piece, since
it

as late as 171 3 Johann Heinrich Buttstadt used part of it as a theme for a

set of variations. 1 Johann Christoph preserves the very simple and rather
charming melody in almost half his variations, furnishing it in each
successive piece with new counterpoints. Variations 9 and 11, which do
not fit into the overall pattern of a gradually intensified and subsequently
slowed-up rhythmic motion, are perhaps the most attractive pieces of the
set. No. 9 is a chromatic variation with progressions of rare boldness

and expressive power (Ex. 16), while the nth places the melody of the

n^ i *JijJb] 1
fa "r
JET ¥
r
r \

^/"fllffpa'iT^f P f
m
3 ^^F
air into the tenor, surrounding it, as in a medieval motet, with highly
significant counter-melodies. If the set in G was primarily intended for the
harpsichord, the almost romantic feeling of the 'Aria Eberliniana' would
call for the use of a clavichord, the only keyboard instrument of the
period on which a modulation of tone was possible. While the 'Varia-
tions on a Saraband' influenced Sebastian, this work with its stronger
emotional life points the way towards the clavichord composer Philipp

1
In 'Musicalische Klavier-Kunst und Vorraths-Kammer.' Cf. Conrad Freyse in
publications of Neue Bach Gesellschaft, XXXIX/2.
62 THE BACH FAMILY
Emanuel. However, Sebastian also knew the composition, as the ioth
variation of the 'Aria Eberliniana' seems to have been the model for the
younger master's organ chorale Wer nur den lieben Gott lasst waken from
the Orgelbiichlein. Not only the gay and energetic rhythm, but the whole
treatment of the cantus Jirmus and even the lengths of the pieces are similar.
No other works of Johann Christoph are accessible in our time. 1
Those prove that the Eisenach organist's composi-
that have survived
tions were not only important as an inspiration and model for the
works of later members of the Bach family, particularly Sebastian;
they are masterpieces in their own right, written by a man who un-
doubtedly belongs to the most remarkable composers of his period.

1
A set of clavier variations in a, the manuscript of which Philipp Spitta owned,
seems to be lost to-day. Cf. Schn. 78.
THE TRIPLE TEAM OF BACH BROTHERS'
(GEORG CHRISTOPH, JOHANN CHRISTOPH (12),

JOHANN AMBROSIUS BACH)

Christoph Bach (5)

1613-61

Georg Christoph (10) J. Christoph (12) J. Ambrosius (n)=Elisab. Lammerhirt

1642-97 1645-93 1645-95 1644-94

J. Valentin (21) J. Ernst (25) J. Christoph (22) J. Sebastian (24)

1669-1720 1683-1739 1671-1721 1685-1750

J. Jakob (23)
1682-1722
J. Elias (39) Ohrdruf line
1705-55

when Christoph Bach (5), the brother of Johann and Heinrich, died in
Arnstadt at the age of 48, he left behind three sons and a half-witted
1
daughter (cf. p. 65). The
Georg Christoph (10), born on
eldest,

September 6, 1642, was best able to fend for himself. Probably with the
help of his relatives in Suhl, the Hoffmann family (cf. p. 13), he obtained
a post as assistant to the teacher in a nearby school, and while thus
supporting himself, he continued his studies with such success that in
1668 he was appointed Cantor of the town of Themar. This meant an
important step upwards on the social ladder. Not only was the Cantor
director of the church music, and thus the superior of the organist and
thetown musicians who played in church, but he also had to instruct the
young people in the Latin school. In filling such positions preference was
given to men who had studied at a University, and it is a well-known fact
that the Leipzig authorities hesitated to appoint Sebastian Bach because
of his lack of a University degree. The Council of the little town of Themar
was, of course, less exacting, but nevertheless Georg Christoph must
have been an educated man to get the appointment. Apparently he did
well in this position; for he stayed twenty years at Themar, after which he
1
The Erfurt register mentions two more children of Christoph: Johann Jakob, born
1647, and Maria Barbara, born 165 1,but nothing could be found out about their fate.

63
64 THE BACH FAMILY
was called in the same capacity to the more important city of Schweinfurt
1
in Franconia. This town had tried two years earlier to secure the services

of the Eisenach organist, Johann Christoph Bach, but his employers

refused their permission to accept the call. Thus Georg Christoph was the
first Bach to settle down in Schweinfurt, and he became the founder of a
long line of Franconian Bach musicians. His two brothers, Johann
Christoph and Ambrosius, were naturally anxious to see what life in
Schweinfurt was like. Georg Christoph's appointment,
So one year after

they paid him a visit to celebrate his birthday, and so pleased was the
eldest brother by this family reunion that he wrote a cantata on the words
of Psalm 133, Siehe, wie fein und lieblich (Behold, how good and how
pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity). The pretty title-

page painted in watercolours (111. VII), which like the composition itself
was preserved in the Alt-Bachisches Archiv, carries the following inscrip-
tion in Latin:
The triple team of the German Bach brothers and its flourishing, sweet and firm
concord, demonstrated with the help of Psalm 133 and adorned by music for two tenors,
bass, violin, 3 viole da gamba and continuo by the eldest brother, Georg Christoph Bach,
Cantor in Schweinfurt, on the 6th September 1689, on which day he reached with the help
of God his 47th year.

Everything in this work is intended to express the complete concord of the

three brothers. The illustrations on the title-page show under the word
'flourishing' a hand holding a rAree-leaf clover, under 'sweet' a triangle
with three rings, and under 'firm' a lock with three chains. In the same way
the composition is written for three solo voices (two tenors and one bass);
it uses three viole da gamba among the accompanying instruments; there

are usually three entrances of every subject; and the instrumental intro-
duction develops three successive themes. In spite of the rather humorous
persistency with which the triad is emphasized all through this
composition, the work is artistically significant proving that Georg
Christoph was both talented and well trained. The instrumental Praelu-
dium consists of one section in common and one in triple time. This
arrangement is adhered to in the vocal section, where, moreover, the
composer, near the end, repeats the text and music of the beginning, thus
creating a kind of ternary construction. The instrumental interludes
develop themes which are subsequently taken up by the voices, and
altogether an uncommonly compact and strongly unified form is thus
1
This was stated by Spitta, I.e. Recently Oskar Stapf pointed out (in 'Johann
Sebastian Bach in Thiiringen') that Georg Christoph's name does not appear in the
Themar church or school registers after 1683, which makes it seem possible that the
move to Schweinfurt took place as early as 1684.
Ham bt

Liineburg

Celle
• Berlin

Minden . .
gijckeburg

• Kothen

Halle •
.

'Leipzig
• Muhlhausen Dresden
Eisenach I Erfurt -Weimar
/ Cotha ,

.Jena
Ohrdruf' 'Arnstadt

SCALE 1:3 Z9S.OOO

o .
£0 1

i. The Bach cities on the map of Germany

1

GEORG CHRISTOPH AND JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( 1) 65

created. The composition is energetic, fiery, and brilliant; it contains

interesting parts both for voices and instruments, which more than com-
pensate for the obvious weaknesses in the contrapuntal treatment caused
partly by the programme-like character of the cantata.
Georg Christoph seems to have been something of a poet too. In a
collection of 20,000 funeral sermons assembled by the Dukes of Stolberg, 1
there are four poems which the learned Cantor wrote, two of them even
in Latin.
Georg Christoph was not fated to enjoy his new position for long. He
died nine years after his appointment, at the age of 55. Three years before
his death, he had the satisfaction of seeing his eldest son, Johann Valentin
(b. 1669), engaged as town musician of Schweinfurt. Valentin's sons
followed in the family tradition. The second
one, Johann Elias (b. 1705),
Cantor in Schweinfurt like his grandfather, interests us the most as we
owe to him the preservation of valuable biographical material about
Sebastian Bach and the Thomas Cantor's family.
Georg Christoph's two younger brothers, Johann Christoph (12) and
Johann Ambrosius, with whom he felt so closely united, were twins, born
February 22, 1645. Sebastian merely mentions this fact in the Genealogy,
but his son, Philipp Emanuel, added the following details, which he must
have heard again and again in the family circle: 'These twins are perhaps
the only ones of their kind known [in our family]. They loved each other
tenderly, and looked so much alike that even their own wives could not
distinguish them. They were a subject of astonishment to noblemen and
everyone who saw them. Their speech, their way of thinking —every-
thing was alike. As musicians, too, they were not to be told apart: they
played similarly and planned their performances in the same way.' The
twins were only 16 when they lost their father and mother, and in a letter

describing their desperate financial situation they asked their father's

employer to allow them Christoph Bach's salary for the current quarter.
This the Count granted, but it did not help much, and the family had to
come to the rescue, especially as there was also a girl to provide for, who,
according to the petition of her brothers, was 'of an imbecile mind and
misshapen figure.' The twins both went to Erfurt to join their uncle
Johann, and before long they were both appointed members of the town
band to which their father had belonged. 2 Johann Christoph (12), however,

1
Cf. 'Mitteilungsblatt des Bach'schen Familienverbandes,' 1939, No. 2.
2
Cf. Otto Rollert, I.e. — Wiegand, /.c, did not agree with this assumption, but has,
according to personal information to this author, changed his attitude after a thorough
study of the Erfurt archives, and now accepts Rollert's theory.
66 THE BACH FAMILY
felt drawn towards Arnstadt and he tried whenever possible to play there
on Apparently he made a good impression, for in 1671
special occasions.
he was appointed court musician by Count Ludwig Gtinther of Schwarz-
burg-Arnstadt. The violin seems to have been his main instrument, as
the contract specifically mentions that he was expected 'further to work
on the elegance and grace of his fiddling.' 1 Apart from his performances
at court he had to play regularly at the church services, in the musical
improvement of which the Count was particularly interested. As his
yearly salary was even smaller than that of his father (cf. p. 20),
amounting only to 30 fl. plus a certain quantity of wood, and 5 J Mass of
grain, he needed an additional source of income. The town musician,
Heinrich Graser, was therefore instructed by the Count, whenever music
was to be played at special functions, to invite first of all Johann Christoph
Bach and give him preference over the town musician's assistants. It can
well be imagined that such vague instructions were bound to lead to
disputes among the musicians, who all needed these Accidentien so
desperately. In fact, the Arnstadt archives hold quite a number of petitions
on the matter from Graser as well as Bach. In particular, Graser, an
elderly and rather embittered man, complained in the most aggressive
way about his young colleague. He could not help being jealous of the

latter's popularity at court and once exclaimed: If my name were Bach,

I would find help everywhere!' It was also a blow to his pride when the

burgomaster's son, anxious to have a really first-class entertainment at his

wedding, asked young Johann Christoph to provide the music together
with his twin brother and a cousin, all of whom had to travel from
Erfurt to Arnstadt for this purpose. 2 Graser therefore fought against
Johann Christoph with all the weapons at his disposal; he ridiculed the
court musician's violin playing as 'the brushing of flies' wings' {Fliegen-
gewedel); he complained about the young man's 'guzzling of tobacco,'
arrogance, and so forth. When
he eventually began to utter grave
calumnies against the whole Bach clan, he had to be stopped. In 1677 a
joint petition was made by the Arnstadt Bachs, headed by old Heinrich,
together with their Erfurt cousins, that Graser should be made to apolo-
gize in public. A
compromise was finally reached, but as controversies
continued to occur, the Count dismissed both Graser and Johann
Christoph Bach in 168 1. Hard times followed; however, a year later, when

1
Cf. H. Albrecht and A. Bach (see Bibliography), and Wiegand, I.e.
2
Formally Graser' s claim was justified, as Johann Christoph was at that time not
yet officially appointed in Arnstadt, but it may be assumed that the burgomaster paid
Graser the compensation customary in such a case.
1

LIFE OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH ( 2) 6j

the old sovereign had died, Johann Christoph was appointed by young
Count Anton Gunther both as court and town musician, with the exclusive
privileges his father had enjoyed,1 while Graser was left without an official
post. The new ruler, influenced by his music-loving wife, the
Countess
Auguste Dorothea, 2 made great improve Arnstadt's musical life.
efforts to

In 1683 he engaged as conductor Adam Drese, an excellent viola da

gamba player, who raised the court orchestra to 21 members, among
whom the Bachs were represented by Johann Christoph, his uncle Hein-
rich (so long as he was physically able), his cousin, Johann Michael (14),
and Heinrich's son-in-law, Christoph Herthum.
Economic difficulties were not the only ones Johann Christoph had
to surmount. In his private life there were problems as well. While most

of the Bachs married with clockwork regularity as soon as they had

reached a settled position, 3 Johann Christoph was 34 when he entered
holy matrimony with Martha Elisabeth Eisentraut, daughter of a school
assistant at Ohrdruf. Six years before, he had passed through a disturbing
experience which made him reluctant to get involved with the fair sex.
He had been courting a girl at Arnstadt, and had even given her a ring, at
her request, but he eventually came to the conclusion that she would not
be the right wife for him, whereupon the ring was returned. The church
Consistory of Arnstadt had found out about the matter, and subjected
both the girl and the young man to repeated and most unpleasant inter-
rogatories which dragged on for almost two years. As no real offence
could be proved, the Consistory tried by persuasion to make the two
young people decide on marriage. The girl indeed was willing. The
young man, however, showed himself most obstinate. The more pressure
the Consistory exercised, the more determined he became to preserve his
freedom. Although his livelihood depended to a great extent on the very
people he had to fight in this matter, Johann Christoph recklessly decided
to appeal to the higher court, the Consistory of Weimar, in order to
obtain his rights. There he pleaded his case with such vigour that he was
absolved of any responsibility towards the girl. The incident is indeed

1
They were even extended to the nearby districts of Keula and Schermberg, where
no one but Johann Christoph Bach and his assistants was allowed to play. The resulting
increase in Accidentien caused the Count to reduce Bach's salary at court to 20 fl.
2
She was the daughter of Duke Anton Ulrich of Wolfenbiittel, who was a great
patron of music and dramatic art. A sister and an aunt of hers achieved similar improve-
ments to the theatres at the courts of Coburg and Meiningen. Cf. Gresky, 'Die Arnstadter
Musikverhaltnisse zur Zeit der Bache,' in 'Arnstadter Anzeiger,' 1935.
3
His cousins, Johann Christoph (13) and Johann Michael (14), were 25 and 27
respectively, his twin brother, Ambrosius, only 23, when they married.
68 THE BACH FAMILY
significant. To appreciate Johann Christoph' s action, we should bear in
mind that in those times, and in that social sphere, the choice of a wife
was far from being a matter of love. It was dictated mainly, if not
exclusively, by economic considerations. Men married to succeed in the
father-in-law's profession, to set up homes of their own, to beget children
who would help with their work. Love played a most insignificant part in
these decisions. It would have been quite in keeping with the attitude
then prevalent if the young man, after being gently prodded by his
spiritual advisers, had married the girl. But Johann Christoph just did not

like to be prodded in any way. Instead of being curbed by the pressure

brought to bear upon him, he mustered up courage to defy his superiors
and public opinion as well. Maybe young Sebastian remembered his
stubborn uncle's attitude, when he refused to be talked into marrying the
daughter of Buxtehude, in order to succeed to the great master's position
in Liibeck.
This outburst of resistance was eventually forgiven, and Johann
Christoph enjoyed great esteem and popularity in Arnstadt. For although
he had the innate stubbornness of all the Bachs, he was quite skilful in
handling people, certainly more skilful than his great cousin and name-
sake, Johann Christoph, the organist of Eisenach. It is interesting to note
how he became the proprietor of a house in which Bach musicians were
to live for many years to come. A contract between Johann Christoph

Bach and an aged wealthy baker's widow dated September 12, 1687, has
been preserved. She undertook to leave him her house with its entire
furnishings, a garden, and six acres of land, 1 provided he would lodge
her, take care of her, and supply her with warm food and two quarts of
beer daily. Johann Christoph undoubtedly came out very well under this
agreement; for the widow died only a few months later, and he acquired
a good house and other property. His income, too, thanks to various
Accidentien, grew, and he managed to save quite a sizable amount of
money. But again, like his father and his brothers, he was not fated to
enjoy this more prosperous state of affairs for long; he reached exactly
the same age as Christoph Bach, dying when 48 years old. He left three
children, among them Johann Ernst (25), who was to be Sebastian's
successor at the 'New Church' of Arnstadt.
Among the music of the Alt-Bachisches Archiv is an unidentified com-
position which may with some probability be ascribed to Johann

1
The house was at Kohlgasse No. 357, now No. 7, which still stands to-day; the
garden at Borngasse; 4 acres on Rabenhold, 2 acres on Eulenberg. Cf. Albrecht-Bach, l.c,
and Wiegand, l.c.
LIFE OF JOHANN AMBROSIUS 69

Christoph. bear any name or initials, and the

The manuscript does not
hand of the writer unknown.
is However,
also at the end of the score the

date 'Arnstadt, 6 July, 1686' is to be found. At that time Heinrich and

Johann Christoph Bach lived in Arnstadt, but as Heinrich was a man of

71 and hardly able to write this vigorous piece, it seems likely that we
have here the only preserved composition by Johann Christoph Bach
(12). Nun ist dies iiberwunden (Now everything is overcome) is a four-

part funeral aria similar in character to Johann Bach's JVeint nicht um

meinen Tod (cf. p. 26). The piece is in common time without any
rhythmic complications. It has a simple, heart-rending melody and an
expressive harmonization effectively alternating between the keys of e and
G. Each of the six verses ends with the same words, 'Now farewell and
good night.' Sebastian, who wrote the text of five of these stanzas on a
separate piece of paper, crossed out the word 'now' and replaced it by
'world.' Thus the ending of the verses was changed to 'World, farewell
and good and assumed a new significance and beauty.
night,'
Philipp Emanuel Bach owned an oil-portrait1 of his grandfather,
Johann Ambrosius, the twin, who bore so striking a likeness to Johann
Christoph. This portrait (111. VIII), which later became the property of
the Berlin library, shows Ambrosius without the customary wig or the
elaborate costume which appears in most portraits of the time. His
camisole is open at the neck, and a coat is carelessly wrapped around his
figure. His attitude is not stiff and ceremonious, but easy and natural, so

as to give the impression that he has just made music in his workroom,

through the window of which the Eisenach Wartburg is to be seen. The

strong throat, the massive chin, and the bold fleshy nose, features his son
Sebastianwas to inherit, seem to proclaim the stubborn tenacity of the
Bach His shrewd eyes and dark hair complete the picture of a full-
clan.

blooded, vigorous and somewhat earthy personality. It may well be

imagined that the appearance of two such striking men who were
absolutely alike was a 'subject of astonishment to everyone.'
Ambrosius started his musical career in the Erfurt musical band, taking
over the work formerly done by his cousin, Johann Christian (7), who
had gone to Eisenach to assist the town musician, Christoffel Schmidt.

In 1667 Ambrosius was officially appointed, and now his thoughts turned

1 was painted by an employee of the Eisenach court, perhaps by

It is likely that it

Johann David Herlicius, who made twelve engravings to a 'Neues vollstandiges Gesang-
buch' printed in 1673. Cf. Conrad Freyse, 'Eisenacher Dokumente um Sebastian Bach,'
publications of Neue Bach Gesellschaft, 1933, and Fritz Rollberg, 'Johann Ambrosius
Bach,' BJ, 1927.
70 THE BACH FAMILY
to marriage. In the house of his uncle, Johann (4), he met Elisabeth
Lammerhirt, who was a much younger half-sister of Johann's wife,
Hedwig. 1 She lived at 'The Three Roses' on Junkersand, a street in Erfurt
where all the Bachs were domiciled, and so Ambrosius and Elisabeth had
plenty of opportunity of seeing each other. Hardly a year after
Ambrosius' definite appointment, the wedding took place, and the
couple moved into a neighbouring house on Junkersand. The bridegroom
was 23, the bride one year older. Elisabeth probably could not bring
more than a modest dowry to Ambrosius, for her father was dead and in
the seven years of his illness most of the little fortune he had accumulated
had been spent. 2 But the Lammerhirts still enjoyed a good social
standing —
the Genealogy proudly describes Elisabeth as daughter of
Valentin, 'member of A Noble Council in Erfurt' —
and other members
of the family were still well off. This is apparent from the legacies which
Elisabeth's brother, Tobias, subsequently bequeathed to his sister's

children. 3
Young Ambrosius was not over-anxious to stay on in Erfurt, as his
cousin, Johann Christian (7), had returned from Eisenach bent on resum-
ing his place in the Erfurt band. A chance to move away presented itself
when the Eisenach town musician, Christoffel Schmidt, died. Had
Christian not left Eisenach, he would probably have succeeded Schmidt,
who was his father-in-law. But as he had returned to Erfurt, the eyes of
the Eisenach authorities turned to another Bach. They invited Ambrosius
where his cousin, the
to give a trial performance at the Georgenkirche,
great Johann Christoph (13), had been organist for the past six years.
Ambrosius appeared there on October 12, 1671, 4 and gave so excellent

1
Hugo Lammerhirt, BJ, 1925, sees in Elisabeth a niece of Hedwig. Ziller in 'J- H.
Buttstadt' contends that Elisabeth was a half-sister of Hedwig, an assumption upheld also
by Rollert, I.e.
2
Cf. Walter Dieck, 'Die Beziehungen der Familie Bach zu Erfurt,' in 'Thur. Allg.
Ztg.,' 1935.
3
The testament granting these legacies gives us some idea of the spiritual atmosphere
in which Elisabeth had grown up. This document, as the notary points out,
was dictated
by Tobias, the uncle of Sebastian, in 'clearly audible words,' which
makes it obvious that
the following powerful introduction is the old man's own: 'Both husband and wife com-
mend their souls, when according to God's gracious will they shall be separated from their
mortal bodies, into the hands of God, their dearest heavenly Father, as the all-powerful
Creator of heaven and earth, and into those of His son, Jesus Christ, as their only
Redeemer and Giver of bliss, and into those of the Holy Ghost which in holy baptism hath
sanctified them unto eternal life; but their bodies they commend to the cool earth, which
is the mother of us all, to be buried in it according to Christian custom.'
4
Emanuel Bach's contention in the Genealogy that the twins led similar lives is
confirmed by the fact that Johann Christoph (12) was also officially appointed in 1671.
LIFE OF JOHANN AMBROSIUS 71

an account of himself that even from the outset he was granted better
terms than his predecessor. While Schmidt's yearly salary from the town
had been only 28 fl., to which, of course, the Accidentien were added as
the main source of income, Ambrosius got a yearly payment of 40 fl. 4 gr.
1
8 pf., plus free lodging for the first three years of his stay. His duties
were to play 'twice a day, at 10 in the morning, and 5 in the evening, with
his four men on the tower of the town hall, and to perform at church on
all holidays and Sundays before and after the morning and afternoon
sermons, according to the Cantor's instructions.'
The new town musician certainly knew how to satisfy his superiors.

A relationship developed that was utterly different from that under which
his cousin, Johann Christoph, was suffering. A few months after his
appointment Ambrosius petitioned Prince Johann Georg I of Eisenach,
who had taken over the government soon after the new town musician
started his work, to be allowed to brew a certain amount of ale tax free.

When the Prince asked for the Council's opinion, the city fathers urged
him to grant Ambrosius a privilege which his predecessor had also
2
enjoyed, adding: 'The new Hausmann (town musician) is not only
conducting himself in a quiet and Christian way agreeable to everybody,
but in addition he shows such outstanding qualifications in his profession
that he can perform both and instrumentaliter in church and in
vocaliter

honourable gatherings in a manner we cannot remember ever to have

5
witnessed in this place before. This was of course sufficient for
Ambrosius to get the requested permission. Shortly afterwards the
Council suggested to the Prince that during periods of public mourning
after the death of a member of the princely house, when instrumental

music was forbidden at weddings, etc., the town musician should be com-
pensated for the resulting loss of Accidentien by payment of one florin for
each wedding. Again the argument ran like this: 'Such a compensation
was granted to the former Hausmann; how much more is it deserved by
the present most competent town musician!' The Prince agreed, and from
a statement of account for 1672-73 we learn that Ambrosius was paid
20 fl. under this title. To be granted such a premium after only eighteen
months' service was something unheard-of in the impecunious little

Residenz. There is no doubt that Ambrosius was highly thought of by

1
Cf. Stadtarchiv Eisenach B, XXV, CI, where the documents referring to
Ambrosius, unless specifically mentioned, are to be found.
2
Rollberg in 'Von den Eisenacher Stadtpfeifern,' Jena, 1932, claims that the
expression Hausmann frequendy used for the town musician points to his duties in the
city house, i.e. the town hall. He was sometimes also called Haustaube, house-pigeon,
because of his domicile in the city tower.
72 THE BACH FAMILY
the very Council which had not a single word of appreciation for Johann
Christoph Bach's outstanding contribution to Eisenach's musical life. In
this the city fathers only echoed what the whole population felt. Two
other contemporary appreciations relating to Ambrosius have been
preserved. One is by a certain Georg Dressel, a carpenter, who wrote a
1
chronicle of important events in the years 1 648-73. Dressel describes a
festal Easter service, in which the Cantor, Schmidt, and the organist,
Johann Christoph Bach, took part together with the town musician and
The chronicler's entire attention, however, is centred on
his assistants.
brilliant Ambrosius, and he records: '1672 when Prince Johann
at Easter,

Georg and his spouse made their entry, the new Hausmann performed
with organs, violins, singers, trumpets and kettledrums, as no Cantor or
Hausmann A more indirect descrip-
has done as long as Eisenach stood.'
tion of Ambrosius' achievements is by a petition which his
supplied
subsequent colleague, the Cantor Andreas Christian Dedekind, made
after the town musician's premature death. He recommended a kinsman

of Ambrosius, the town piper Christoph Hoffman of Suhl, for the posi-
tion and remarked: 'Hoffmann has so assiduously worked on his music,
that in addition to good violin playing, he has mastered the cornetto,
trombone, violone, and especially the trombetta, and eventually may hope
almost to equal Mr. Bach.'
It is obviously easier to fall under the spell of a gifted performer than
to understand the new creations of a very original and profound com-
poser. We therefore cannot be too surprised at the Council's preference
for Ambrosius over his cousin, Johann Christoph, who, on the performing
side, was badly handicapped by the defective instrument of St. George's

which he generally used. Moreover artistic reasons were not the only ones
urged in Ambrosius' favour; what weighed still more was his 'quiet and
Christian' conduct. We hear nothing of debts, advances, or frequent
changes of domicile. For the three years when the city paid the rent,
Ambrosius lived in a house, which still stands to-day (111. IX), with the
chief forester, Balthasar Schneider, who was godfather to the first of his
tenant's children to be born in Eisenach. 2 Afterwards Ambrosius bought

1
Cf. H. Helmbold, 'Bilder aus Eisenachs Vergangenheit,' II, Eisenach, 1928.
2
This house (to-day Rittergasse 11, situated at the back of the present Bach-
Museum) offers with its beautiful wood-carved facade a fine example of 17th-century
architecture. It is the only house in Eisenach which can definitely be proved to have
been the domicile of Ambrosius Bach, while the old tradition, claiming the house on
Trauenplan 21,' housing the Bach-Museum, as Sebastian's birthplace, is not upheld by
the thorough researches of Rollberg, Helmbold, and Kiihn (the latter a Bach descendant
himself). These experts ascertained through the study of tax assessments and other
G OT

•a "a
KG

u ^

!S^
o£

G
LIFE OF JOHANN AMBROSIUS 73

his own house, paying his tax regularly. It required a thrifty disposition
to run a household as large as that of the town musician. Ambrosius'
duties involved keeping at least two apprentices and two assistants; his
mother-in-law and the half-witted sister stayed with him until they died; 1
and, finally, eight children grew up in the Bach household. Among them
were Johann Christoph (22), christened in Erfurt on June 18, 1671;
Johann Jakob (23), christened in Eisenach on February n, 1682; and
finally Johann Sebastian christened in Eisenach on March 23, 1685. 2 It

is also probable that yet another Johann Christoph Bach (17), son of
Johann Christian in Erfurt, who attended the Eisenach Latin school in
1683-84, stayed with the hospitable Ambrosius (cf. p. 97). To provide
for all these called management, and apparently both
for excellent
Ambrosius and Elisabeth were much better qualified to cope with such
problems than their cousins in Eisenach, the great Johann Christoph and
his spouse, Elisabeth. It is Johann Christoph Bach
significant that while
the organist kept going only with the help of loans and advances,
Ambrosius Bach the town musician was well enough off to give up the
income derived from some of the extra-musical duties of the Hausmann.
According to an account preserved, more than a quarter of Ambrosius'
salary was withheld by the city fathers, as a deputy had to perform the
following parts of the town musician's work: ringing the bell in the bell-
tower as a time signal; ringing a certain bell intended to remind the people

contemporary documents that the house was owned at the time of Sebastian's birth by
Heinrich Borstelmann, rector of the Latin school, while was
nearby Lutherstrasse 35
it in
that Ambrosius and his family lived in 1685. A heated controversy raged between these
scholars on the one side and their opponents, H. A. Winkler and C. Freyse, curator of the
Bach-Museum; a controversy which was ultimately stopped by the German Government,
which was anxious Bach-Museum to tourists. But even if
to preserve the attraction of the
the claims as to the authenticity of the house on 'Frauenplan 21' as Sebastian's birthplace
cannot be upheld, the Museum
deserves our attention. The beautiful house is located in a
part of Eisenach where Ambrosius actually lived, and as it dates from the right period, it
gives a good idea of what Sebastian's birthplace may have looked like. On the other hand,
the house on Lutherstrasse is of no interest, as nothing of the old structure has been
preserved. In the last war the Bach-Museum was badly damaged through air attacks, but
thanks to the help of American troops, the house was quickly restored with material taken
from other contemporary buildings, and the work has been done so skilfully that even
old friends of the Museum did not notice any change in it when they visited it after the
war. Cf. the report of the Curator Conrad Freyse in BJ, 1940-48.
1
Eva Barbara Lammerhirt was buried in Eisenach in 1673; Dorothea Maria Bach in
1679.
2
The other five children were Johann Balthasar (1673-91), Johann Jonas (1675-85),
Maria Salome (b. 1677), Johanna Juditha (1680-86), Johann Nicolaus (b. 1683). The last
one is not mentioned in the Eisenach church register, but Helmbold found his name in
the school register and places him between Johann Jakob and Johann Sebastian.
74 THE BACH FAMILY
that taxes were due on that day; and the yearly safety inspection of fire-
places. Evidently Ambrosius was so much in demand for musical work
that he could afford to lose this not inconsiderableamount. At times he
even played weddings in other towns; Cantor Dedekind reports, for
at

instance, that he once performed at such an occasion at Ohrdruf together

with Johann Pachelbel and with his kinsman, Christoph Hoffmann.1
From 1677 onward Ambrosius also formed part of the newly established
small band of Prince Johann Georg and got a yearly honorarium of
I,

19 h\, 9 pf., plus a generous New Year's gift, which in 1679, for example,
amounted to half the salary paid by the Prince. 2
Taking all this into account, Ambrosius earned not more, perhaps
even less, than his cousin. But not only was he a clever manager a gift —
—
he was to pass on to his youngest son he was more frugal in his ambi-
tions. For instance, he did not burden himself with a costly schooling for

his children, but thought rather of their musical training. The two sons,
who reached maturity while their father was alive, were both apprenticed
to musicians after they had finished with the third class of the Latin school.
It willbe remembered that Ambrosius' cousin, Johann Christoph,
thought differently in this matter. The divergences in their outlook and
in their financial status may have prevented the two families from be-
coming of the two Bachs
really friendly. It is significant that neither
3
appeared as godfather to the other's sons. Ambrosius certainly had a
high regard for his cousin's creative work, whereas Johann Christoph
may have looked down on the town musician as merely a performer. For
it seems that Ambrosius' composing, if he undertook any at all, was of

no great importance. None of his descendants ever mentioned him as a

creative artist, and not a line of music by him has been preserved. As he
started a collection of compositions by other Bachs —
an enterprise
eagerly continued by Sebastian —
it seems unlikely that he would have

omitted his own works had there been any.

Altogether Ambrosius spent twenty-four years in Eisenach. When he
had served there for a dozen years, he seriously considered a change. In
Erfurt Johann Christian (7) and Johann Nikolaus Bach (9) died in 1682

1
It that the three musicians gathered to celebrate the wedding of Ambrosius'
may be
Johann Christoph, to Dorothea von Hof, which took place in Ohrdruf in
eldest son,
October 1694. Pachelbel may have attended the wedding, as he was the bridegroom's
teacher.
2
Cf. Weimarer Archiv, Eisenacher Dienersachen No. 49, and Wartburg-Archiv
(Rechnungen des fursdichen Hauses).
3
Johann Christoph once acted as a substitute at the christening of a daughter of
Ambrosius, since the godfather, Johann Pachelbel, was detained in Erfurt.
LIFE OF JOHANN AMBROSIUS 75

from the plague, and while their brother, Johann Egidius (8) took over
as director of the band, the positions of the two other Bachs had to be
filled. The remembered Ambrosius and invited him to return
authorities
to Erfurt. 1Ambrosius felt very much like accepting; he was ready for a
change, and his wife may have urged him too, as she had many relatives
living in Erfurt. First, however, his resignation had to be accepted by his
Eisenach superiors. In April 1684 he addressed a lengthy petition to
them in which he brought forth all the matters giving cause for complaint,
mainly his bad financial status due to numerous periods of public
mourning, the unwillingness of many citizens to pay the prescribed rates
for wedding music, and the ever-recurring difficulties with the 'beer
fiddlers' (cf. p. 16) which made him 'quite impatient and vexed.' An-

other reason for dissatisfaction, which Ambrosius did not see fit to men-
tion in his petition, was a cut in the salary he received for his services at
court. When after nineteen days no answer came, he urged a decision in a
second petition, emphasizing his troubles with the 'beer fiddlers' who, ac-
cording to regulation, were supposed to perform at weddings only with
the special permission of, and on payment to, the town musician: 'I always
have arguments with them, as they never care to accept my arrangements
if it so happens that several weddings occur at the same time; one runs
hither, the other thither, to get the preference, and I have nothing but
trouble.' But poor Ambrosius had no luck. The Eisenach city fathers
were too satisfied with their Hausmann to grant him the requested per-
mission. Instead they wrote to the Erfurt authorities informing them of
their determination to keep Ambrosius in their service and asking them
to desist from further offers. Ambrosius had to stay on in Eisenach. It
does not seem likely, however, that he took his defeat too hardly, once
his first anger had cooled off. Somehow his complaints in the two petitions
do not ring as true as the repeated desperate appeals of his organist cousin.
Of course he would have liked to better his position, but
after all he was

not so badly off in Eisenach; for one thing, had the great advantage of
it

having been left untouched by the plague that had ravaged Erfurt in past
years. Moreover his work at court became more interesting when in 1685
the versatile Daniel Eberlin again appeared in Eisenach and became
The size of the orchestra was increased
conductor of the princely band.
and performances took place more frequently. Thus the town musician
found a greater amount of employment at court, and Prince Johann
Georg II, who took over the government in 1686, decided to cancel
1
It is quite possible that the directorship was offered to Ambrosius, and only given
to Egidius when Ambrosius was unable to accept, but this point cannot be decided as yet.
j6 THE BACH FAMILY
the cut in salary which his predecessor had seen fit to impose on
Ambrosius.
There followed a pleasant time in the life of the town piper. His
eldest son,Johann Christoph, who had studied in Erfurt with the great
Johann Pachelbel and subsequently assisted his aged kinsman, Heinrich
Bach, in Arnstadt, was appointed organist in the city of Ohrdruf,1 a posi-
tion he was to hold throughout his life. Besides experiencing the satis-
faction of seeing the youth well established, the father had the joy of
discovering the unusual talent of his youngest child. Ambrosius taught
little Sebastian the violin and could not fail to be gladdened by the boy's

response to his teaching.

Unfortunately this happy family life did not last long. In August 1693
Ambrosius suffered a grave loss, when his beloved twin brother, his
second self, died in Arnstadt. Only a few months later yet another tragic
event occurred with the sudden death of his dear wife, Elisabeth. While
still reeling from the impact of these two shocks, the harassed widower

had to keep the household going for his young sons, his apprentices and
assistants. As his only daughter was just leaving home to marry an Erfurt

citizen, and since for people of his social standing the engagement of a

paid housekeeper was out of the question, there was only one solution
open to Ambrosius: he had to marry again as speedily as possible. He
chose an Arnstadt woman well known to the Bach family, Barbara
Margarethe Keul, twice widowed, who had been married to his cousin,
Johann Gimther (cf. p. 22). The wedding took place in November 1694,
half a year after Elisabeth's death. But though Ambrosius valiantly strove
to continue his normal way of life, the two losses he had suffered under-
mined his health. Two months after the wedding he fell ill; on January 31,
1695, he received Holy Communion at home, and on February 24 he was
buried. The happenings of the last months had necessitated much expendi-
ture and there was little money left over for the widow and orphaned
children. Barbara Margarethe endeavoured to make the best of a difficult
situation. She wrote a spirited petition to the Council in which she cited
the case of Ambrosius' twin brother in Arnstadt, whose position had
been handled by the widow with the help of the assistants and apprentices
for eighteen months, and asked for the same privilege. In this lengthy
1 The appointment may have been secured through the recommendation of his

Arnstadt uncle, Johann Christoph (12), whose wife came from Ohrdruf. Incidentally the
young organist was not the first of the name to reside in Ohrdruf. The name of Bach is
found among the Ohrdruf citizens as early as 1472. In 1564 and 1565 two girls by the name
of Bach from Wechmar were married in Ohrdruf; they may well have been sisters or aunts
of Veit Bach.
LIFE OF JOHANN AMBROSIUS 77

document she claimed that theCount of Schwarzburg-Arnstadt was most

anxious to employ a Bach again, but 'as the good Lord had apparently-

dried up the whole clan of Bach musicians within a few years,1 the best
he could do was to engage the widow of a Bach.' Naturally Sebastian's
stepmother could not foresee that what seemed to her the end was in fact
the beginning of the most glorious phase in the history of the Bach family.
Her pleadings to the Council were of no avail, however. The Eisenach
city fathers, quickly forgetting their appreciation of Ambrosius' services,
paid the widow only what was strictly and legally due to her, viz. the
salary for one-and-a-half quarters. They engaged Johann Heinrich Halle
from Gottingen as town musician, and Ambrosius' family had to leave.
The widow returned to Arnstadt; the elder son, Johann Jakob, was to be
apprenticed with the new Hausmann, and the younger one, Johann
Sebastian, remained in the care of his eldest brother, Johann Christoph,
organist at Ohrdruf.

1
Actually the Count of Schwarzburg-Arnstadt had lost in 1692 the organist,
Heinrich Bach; in 1693 the town musician, Johann Christoph Bach (12); in 1694 the
organist of Gehren, Johann Michael Bach (14).
EPILOGUE

looking back on the lives of the Bach musicians in the first hundred
years of their professional service, we find a definite pattern established.
Certain Bach centres were formed where the sons followed the father in
and simultaneously various kinsmen were attracted as reinforce-
office,

ments. The largest group was assembled in Erfurt, where all three sons
of Johannes Bach found work at certain times, and where many of their
children were born. Arnstadt was hardly less important; it witnessed the
activities of Heinrich and Christoph Bach, and of several sons. In
Schweinfurt and Ohrdruf too, Bach musicians settled down, establishing
a tradition to be upheld through several generations. Most significant of
all, however, was Eisenach. Here lived the greatest Bach composer of the
17th century side by side with the man whose son was to bestow im-
mortality on the clan.
After the Bachs had grown roots in certain towns and become an
integral part of each town's musical took place. Instead of
life, a social rise

living as 'house-pigeons' in the city tower, they became house-owners.

They took their wives from higher social ranks. While the wife of
Johannes Bach was an innkeeper's daughter, and her sons, Johann and
Heinrich, stayed strictly within their own sphere by marrying two
daughters of Johann's master, the town piper of Suhl, Heinrich's sons
were more ambitious. Two of them married daughters of an Arnstadt
syndic, the third the daughter of the town's former mayor. Their cousin,
Ambrosius, did just as well by choosing the daughter of an Erfurt Council
member. It is also significant that many of the younger Bachs attended all
the classes of the Latin school, and some aspired to the position of a
learned Cantor.
To achieve all this during one of the hardest periods in German
history required outstanding vitality and driving power. These the Bachs
certainly possessed, and in addition they were endowed with a deep
loyalty to the family which made them give each other unstinted help in
critical situations. But even if there was no practical purpose involved,
they loved getting together. At that time the family gatherings were
instituted which Forkel, on information supplied by Emanuel Bach,
described as follows:

78
.

EPILOGUE 79

'As it was impossible for them all to live in one place, they resolved at

least to see each other once a year and fixed a certain day upon which they

had all to appear at an appointed place. Even after the family had become
much more numerous and first one and then another of the members had
been obliged to settle outside Thuringia . . . they continued their annual
meetings, which generally took place at Erfurt, Eisenach, or Arnstadt.
Their amusements during the time of their meeting were entirely musical.
As the company consisted wholly of cantors, organists, and town
musicians who had all to do with the Church, the first thing they did . .

was to sing a chorale. From this pious commencement they proceeded to

drolleries which often made a very great contrast with it. For now they
sang popular songs, the contents of which were partly comic and partly
naughty, all together and extempore, but in such a manner that the several
parts thus extemporized made a kind of harmony together, the words,
however, in every part being different. They called this ... a quodlibet,
and not only laughed heartily at it themselves, but excited an equally
hearty and irresistible laughter in everyone that heard them.'

As Bachs worked almost exclusively for the Protestant

artists the first

Church. The substantial number of motets they produced shows their

faithful adherence to the great traditions of the past. Judging from the

works preserved, the realm of secular music was hardly discovered by

these early masters. Their most daring advances into this unexplored
territory consisted of occasional semi-sacred cantatas or a set of clavier
variations on a dance theme. Real versatility was still lacking in the
family.
The Bachs produced in this period a number of great talents. Johann,
Heinrich, Georg Christoph, and particularly Johann Michael were all
composers fully conversant with the style and technical innovations of
the church music in their time. On a much higher level stood the work of
Johann Christoph (13), who might be considered the first genius of the
family. His artistic independence, his emotional fervour, and his genuine
sense of humour secure him a unique position among the composers of
his period. It is by no means accidental that works by Johann Christoph
and by his father, Heinrich Bach, were to be found in a collection of
choral music established in Liineburg some 200 miles north of Thuringia.
Johann Sebastian, a true Bach in every respect, faithfully and proudly
collected the works of his forebears. He studied and performed them and,
as a matter of course, he followed in his own compositions the path the
older Bachs had shown him.
vni. Johann Ambrosius Bach, father of Sebastian
ix. The house, n, Rittergasse (centre of picture), in which J. Ambrosius Bach
lived during the first three years of his stay in Eisenach
PART II

EXPANSION
AND
CULMINATION
(1700- 1750)
—

INTRODUCTION:
PARTICULARISM AND UNIVERSALISM IN GERMANY

a s a result of the Thirty Years War in Germany, the government

central

had practically ceased to exist. The ruling family of the Hapsburgs was
farmore concerned with increasing its private possessions than with the
common good of the Reich; Swedish and French influences were strong
within Germany; and no attempt was made to pursue a unified national
policy.
Instead of a central government, more than three hundred independent
princes reigned in Germany. Although the domain of some of them
measured no more than a few square miles, they considered themselves
little short of Caesars. They were absolute rulers within the borders of

their states, aping the characteristic maxim of their great model, Louis
XIV, Vitat, cest moi.Each of them wished own
Versailles
to build his
and to organize festivities that would emulate in magnificence and splen-
dour those of the roi soleil. This attitude of absolutism finds perfect
expression in the monument to the Great Elector of Brandenburg erected
in the first decade of the 18th century by Andreas Schluter and his pupils.
In lonely grandeur, like a Roman Emperor, with majestically extended
arm, the Prince sits on his passive horse, while at his feet four slaves are
shown writhing For the Baroque observer, the figures of
in their chains.
these slaves were essential as symbols of the sovereign's unlimited power.
The funds for the traditional displays of lavishness were raised mainly
by excessive taxation of the peasants, who formed more than two-thirds
of the population and who were kept in a condition little short of slavery.
Sometimes even worse methods were employed to fill the empty
treasuries. The landgrave of Hesse and other German princes made
millions of thalers by selling their subjects to the British and Dutch who
needed soldiers for their foreign wars. In America, too, German merce-
naries were employed in an attempt to suppress the United Colonies'
movement towards independence. The princes considered themselves
particularly fortunate if thesemen were killed in action, since an extra
premium was paid for those who failed to return.
Not only the sovereign but the common man, too, was desirous of
being seen in oversized dimensions. The successful merchant and burgher
tried to compete in lavishness with the Prince. In Munich, two artists

83
84 THE BACH FAMILY
the brothers Cosmas and Egid Asam — built a church next to their resi-
dence almost entirely at their own expense; it was small in dimensions, but
as resplendent as a cathedral in its display of magnificent pictures and
gilded statues. The rich decorated the walls of their houses with paintings
simulating vistas of wide colonnades and formal gardens; while clouds
painted on the ceilings of ballrooms and even vestibules seemed to lead
the glance right into heaven. The formal, full-bottomed wig with curls
which men were pleased to wear, and the pompous crinoline of the
women were intended to add dignity to the wearers.
Particularism flourished in the Christian Church too. Besides being
subjected to merciless attacks from the ranks of freethinkers, the Church
was also divided within itself. Catholicism, tenaciously struggling to
regain the territory it lost during the Reformation, was confronted by a
divided force of Lutherans and Calvinists, whose members attacked each
other with the same bitterness as they displayed in their fight against the
Pope. A deep cleavage of opinion separated even the members of the
Lutheran faith. While the Orthodox group adhered with stubborn and

narrow-minded bigotry to the letter of the Word, and refused to admit the
slightest deviation from petrified traditions, the 'Pietists' claimed the
rights of the heart and the necessity for an individual approach to the
faith. As in other doctrinal feuds, the strife between the two factions was
conducted with the utmost violence and no mercy from either side was
asked or granted.
It cannot surprise us that the detrimental effects and dangers of such
excessive particularism were keenly felt, and that everywhere the best
thinkers were striving to counteract it. In the field of religion, attempts
were made to reconcile the Calvinistic and Lutheran Churches, and to
unite them in a new 'Evangelical-Apostolic' creed. Some wise men even
tried to regard Catholics and Protestants not as enemies engaged in a
deadly struggle, but rather as brothers able to reconcile their disagree-
ments. Karl Ludwig, the Calvinist Elector of the Palatinate, built in Mann-
heim the famous 'Peace Church,' to be used by all three creeds, Catholics,
Lutherans, and Calvinists alike. Although none of these endeavours met
with any tangible success, they were nevertheless of vital significance,

paved the way

since they for the idea of religious tolerance which was to
become of fundamental importance in the second half of the century.
Whereas in the 16th century each religious party had attempted to force
its ideas on the others, towards the end of the 17th it was gradually
realized that each faction would have to make concessions in order to
reach a reconciliation of the different points of view. When agreement
PARTICULARISM AND UNIVERSALISM IN GERMANY 85

seemed to be impossible, even on this basis, the best minds of the 18th
century came to the conclusion that it was the duty of the different de-

nominations to preserve their idiosyncrasies, while respecting and

tolerating those of other religious sects.
The existence of similar urges towards unification may be detected in
the fields of political and philosophical thought. Leibniz, the greatest
German thinker at the close of the 17th century, dreamed of a sign lan-
guage, on an algebraic basis, which would enable all nations to under-
stand each other. This Utopian idea took a practical turn in the founding
of academies in Berlin, and later also in St. Petersburg, with the object of
promoting the study and knowledge of science, and with it a mutual
understanding between nations. The new academies were based on the
conviction that human society can be better served by co-operation and
mutual help than by individual efforts.

Leibniz's philosophy, which was of the greatest importance to the

spiritual life of the 18th century, was a monumental attempt to view the

universe as a harmonious structure, governed in all its aspects by identical

laws. According to his ideas, 'monads' are the constituent elements of all
things. They are not dead objects, but living forces, imbued with a
tendency to act. Every 'monad' is a microcosm, reflecting in 'pre-
established harmony' the ideas of the universe, although with immensely
The lowest monads, such as those contained
varying degrees of perfection.
in metals and stones, have only dim and vague notions, while the most
exalted monad, God, is endowed with completely distinct and lucid
perceptions. Man stands somewhere in the middle of this ladder; his im-
perfect senses place him among the lower monads, but his reasoning mind
advances him towards the highest one. Thus Leibniz succeeded in creating
a cosmology into which every element, even the least significant, fits

harmoniously.
In the fine arts a certain co-ordination of styles was also achieved,
although not by conscious effort. It was rather the consequence of condi-
tions altogether hostile to the arts. As a result of the Thirty Years War
there existed a kind of artistic vacuum in Germany, until the need for new
forms and ideas was satisfied by the neighbouring countries. The Catholic
South of Germany, and in particular Austria, was stimulated by Italian

architecture and painting; and in the North the strict Dutch style in-
fluenced sculpture and architecture. Finally, during the 18th century,
French forms, penetrating the whole of Central Europe from the West,
invaded every type of art. Thus Germany became a meeting-ground for
the artistic products of different nations.
86 THE BACH FAMILY
In the fieldof music a movement towards unification was as much in
evidence as it was in any other branch of spiritual life. In distinction to the
fine arts, the bond connecting the 16th and 17th centuries had never been
completely severed. The German Renaissance tradition of a sturdy poly-
phonic texture was carried over into the Baroque period, and the develop-
ment of an interesting harmonic basis added substance and solidity to the
contrapuntal structure. To European character-
these specifically Central
there were added numerous other features, which had been imported
istics

both from the South and West. Italy contributed the sensual charm and
dramatic power of its melodies, the great art oibel canto and of singing on
stringed instruments, and the stile concertato with its competitive employ-
ment of choruses of diverse character. It also gave German music the
concerto, with one or more solo instruments, and the 'trio sonata' for
two melody instruments and figured bass. France furnished the technique
of training and equipping an orchestra, as well as the form of the 'over-
ture,' consistingof a slow introduction, a substantial fast fugue, and a
deliberate epilogue. She also provided impressive achievements in the
field of harpsichord composition, the form of the dance suite, and the
idea of programme music. There were composers in Germany, such as
Christoph Graupner, who followed Italian models; others, like J. K.
Ferdinand Fischer, came under the influence of French forms; a third
group headed by the great organist, Johann Pachelbel, tried to achieve
artistic unity within Germany itself by introducing the South-German
virtuosity into the Northern part of the Reich. Of even greater significance
was the contribution of those men who felt the need for a fusion of
Western, Southern, and Central European music. The Austrian Georg
Muffat, for instance, studied first in Paris with Lully and later in Rome
with Corelli. The results of this diversified instruction can easily be
detected in MufFat's orchestra suites, his concern grossi and trio sonatas.
Other composers too, Johann Friedrich Fasch and the versatile Georg
like

Philipp Telemann, were equally at home in the national styles of the

West and the South. However, it must be strongly emphasized that these
men never imitated their models mechanically. By a slow process of assi-
milation, and always conscious of their own polyphonic and harmonic
heritage, German composers gradually evolved the strongly unified style
that is characteristic of the 'late Baroque' era (1700-1750) in their country.
The Bach whose home lay in the very heart of Germany,
family,
played an important part in this movement. Its central offspring, Johann
Sebastian, became the greatest force in this struggle to achieve musical
unification.
THE JENA AND THE MUHLHAUSEN BACH
(JOHANN NICOLAUS AND JOHANN FRIEDRICH BACH)

Johannes (2)
?-i626

Christoph (5) Heinrich (6)

1613-61 1615-92
I

J. Ambrosius (11)
1645-95
J. Christoph (i3)«=El. Wedemann J. Michael (i4) = Cath. Wedemann
1 642- 1 703 1 646- 1 703 1648-94 1650-1704
J. Sebastian (24)
1685-1750
f
J. Nicolaus (27) J. Christoph (28) J. Friedrich (29) Maria Barbara
1669-1753 1676-? 1682-1730 1684-1720

it will be remembered that the sons of the great Johann Christoph (13)
were given a good education, and that the eldest, Johann Nicolaus (27),1
christened October 17, 1669, even had the opportunity of attending the
University of Jena after leaving the Eisenach Latin school in 1689. This
was a luxury which Johann Christoph, constantly harassed by financial
worries, could ill afford, but somehow he managed it. Possibly some help
was given by the Jena organist, Johann Magnus Kniipfer, 2 who had been
Johann Christoph's pupil and may have been glad to have young Nicolaus
to help him in the discharge of his duties. Although poverty must have
excluded the youth from most of the students' favourite pastimes, it was
still a wise move for him to go to Jena. The talented and versatile musician

quickly made friends, and he was so well thought of that in 1695 he was
given the position of town organist and music teacher at the University.
By the time Nicolaus, at the age of 26, received his permanent appoint-
1
He acquired the name of Nicolaus, rather infrequently chosen among the Bachs,
from his godfather, the court organist, Nicolaus Kerner, of Gotha. Another godfather was
his kinsman, Johann Christoph Hoffmann from Suhl (cf. p. 64).
2
Kniipfer was the son of Sebastian Kniipfer, Thomas Cantor at Leipzig from 1657 to
1676. The fact that theThomas Cantor sent his son to Eisenach for his musical training
proves the high esteem enjoyed by Johann Christoph Bach. Cf. H. A. Winkler, 'Neues
uber den Jenaer Bach,' in 'Jenaische Zeitung,' 1933.

87
88 THE BACH FAMILY
ment, he had seen much more of the world than his father had. An oppor-
tunity rare indeed among the Bachs had come his way when a young
friend, Georg v. Bertuch (incidentally, a student of Daniel Eberlin, the
former Eisenach conductor), had invited him to travel to Italy. Bertuch
had been forced to give up his plan just when they arrived at the Italian
border, but Nicolaus had continued. Many benefits were derived from
this experience, one of them a mastery of the Italian language, which is

apparent in an album-leaf 1 Nicolaus wrote at the age of 75 in remarkably

clear handwriting. Yet, in spite of all the beauties he had seen in Italy, he
found Jena a good place to live in.
The town's was considered an extremely salubrious one, and an
site

had gone so far as to compare its 'fresh air, good water,

enthusiastic visitor
high mountains, shady forests, gay fields, and merry vineyards' to Para-
dise. And even if Jena's natural attractions may with equal justice be

attributed to lovely Eisenach, the mental atmosphere in the University

town was certainly much more stimulating. In the later decades of the
17th century science began to assume an important role in the University,
and gradually to change its entire outlook. When Nicolaus Bach came to
Jena, the most conspicuous personality there was the mathematician and
astronomer, Erhard Weigel, whose reputation was so great that it made
young Leibniz move from Leipzig to Jena for his studies. The house that
Weigel builtwas a source of incredulous astonishment to every visitor to
Jena. Nicolaus Bach, who was himself tremendously interested in technical
inventions, must have loved being carried upstairs by block-and-tackle,
seeing water pumped up by a hydraulic engine to all the storeys of the
unusually high building (something like a 17th-century skyscraper), and
most of all, watching the Professor's ingenious 'Cellar-maid' at work. By
this device, when water was poured into a funnel in the living-room and
a nearby faucet was opened, real wine came tumbling out, brought right
up from the cool cellar. Not only in science, but also in various other
domains of knowledge there was much activity to be observed in Jena;
and it is significant that the tiny town boasted no less than nine printing
firms and eight book-stores. The exceeding roughness of the students'
manners was probably accepted as a matter of course by the organist.
Being a Bach, for whom belligerency was something like a clan-attribute,
he may even have enjoyed the ever-recurring fights and duels between
students. Rowdiness also prevailed in the 'Collegium Musicum,' a
students' organization for the performance of music which flourished in
Jena from the time of the 16th century. On one occasion tempers rose so
1
Preserved in the Manfred Gorke Collection, now in Leipzig.
JOHANN NICOLAUS 89

high that a horn and a viol were broken on the body of the director. 1 If
this incident occurred during the conductorship of Nicolaus Bach, he
probably gave back as much as he received. It is also unlikely that he
minded the general heavy drinking, a custom sanctioned even by the
medicos, who pronounced that 'the city's dry air made imperative a
constant humectation of the throat.'
A few years after receiving his appointment, Nicolaus had the chance
of a change in his work. Both his father and his mother died in 1703 and
Nicolaus, as the eldest son, was anxious to help his younger brothers,
especially Johann Christoph (28). His father had wanted the latter to suc-

ceed him as Eisenach's city organist, but as Johann Christoph was then
in Liibeck, probably to hear Buxtehude, just as his cousin Sebastian was
to do two years later, Nicolaus made the application on his brother's
behalf. He informed the authorities that Johann Christoph was hastening
back to Eisenach to give a trial performance, and stressed the importance
of having the work on the organ of St. George's Church, in which his
father had been so deeply concerned (cf. p. 36), concluded under the
supervision of a member of the family. If the city fathers found young
Johann Christoph too inexperienced, he, Nicolaus, would be glad to work
for the time being until the authorities considered the young man ready
to assume the duties of the appointment. 2 In a second petition Nicolaus
mentioned that Prince Johann Wilhelm of Eisenach was favourable to
this suggestion. But it was all to no avail. The City Council was definitely

not interested in the former organist's young namesake, and offered the
position to Nicolaus himself, who had proved his ability at Jena and,
incidentally, given an excellent trial performance in Eisenach. Nicolaus
declined, however, feeling averse to leaving the University town,
especially as he was just trying to induce the city authorities to build a
new organ. In this he followed closely in his father's footsteps. Not only
did he recommend the organ builder, Georg Christoph Stertzing, who
had been employed for Eisenach's Georgenkirche, but he also urged the
Council, in spite of low funds in the treasury, to plan a first-rate instru-
ment. He felt sure the citizens would welcome the ambitious project as a
means of expressing their gratitude for the privilege of living in Jena. 'It

is hardly conceivable,' he wrote, 'that infectious diseases may spread in

1
Cf. Fritz Stein in 'Die Musik,' 1912.
2
The application issomewhat vague at this point, probably on purpose. Rollberg in
'Jenaische Zeitung,' 1933, assumes from it that Nicolaus was willing to resign in Jena. It
seems more likely, however, that he planned to engage a substitute in Jena who would
do his work until he could entrust the work in Eisenach to his brother.
90 THE BACH FAMILY
this city; one knows of no real war trouble here; good food, easily obtain-
able, is not lacking; and who could enumerate all the benefits which God
hath granted this town above others.' Nicolaus was as persuasive as his
fatherhad been for a similar purpose. An outstanding organ of 44 voices
with 3 manuals and pedal was erected which was to serve Jena up to the
20th century, and Nicolaus could proudly claim in 1708 that 'many
organists came to Jena merely for the organ's sake, and left the town quite
contented and with amazement.'
The city organist's consummate skill in everything pertaining to the
organ made the University authorities invite him subsequently to take
charge of their own Kollegienkirche too. The instruction of the University,
dated December 12, 171 9, is preserved, and we see that Nicolaus was to
play the organ on Sundays and holidays in the mornings and afternoons,
he was expected to produce 'fine
as well as at actibus academicis; that
music' on high feast-days and other occasions of thanksgiving, and to
tune his instrument and attend to minor repairs.
Nicolaus carried out all these duties in both churches up to the age of
80, when, an illness, he was forced to look for a substitute. Un-
after
fortunately he was not destined to see one of his sons take over his work.
In decided contrast to his own robust health, his offspring showed a sad
lack of vitality and resiliency. Of the six children from his first marriage,
contracted in 1697, only a single daughter survived early infancy, and she
too died unmarried a few years before her father. The four children which
a second wife bore him were healthier; but there was only one son among
them and he died at the age of 21 as a student of philosophy. Nor was
Nicolaus granted the joy of seeing one of his grandchildren grow into a
musician likely to continue the family tradition. None of his daughters
married young, and the only wedding in the family that he witnessed took
place three weeks before his death. So Nicolaus chose as his substitute a
certain Johann Heinrich Moller,a student of theology, who helped him for
five years and, on the organist's death in 1754, became Bach's successor;
whereupon he conformed to tradition by marrying in 1757 his prede-
cessor's youngest daughter. But this couple, too, was not destined to
carry on the Bach heritage. Their first son died as an infant; the mother
passed on while giving birth to a second son; and the latter was run over
and fatally injured by a carriage at the age of six. Another of Nicolaus'
daughters became a widow after five weeks of married life, and the third
had only one daughter, who died unwedded at the age of 32. Thus there
was no progeny to inherit the vigour and versatility of the 'Jena Bach.'
If Nicolaus' private life was full of sorrow and disappointment, he
JOHANN NICOLAUS AND JOHANN FRIEDRICH 91

found an antidote in ceaseless industry in the most variegated fields.

Apart from his work in the two Jena churches and his participation in the
'Collegium Musicum,' Nicolaus devoted much time to teaching, for
which, like his cousin Sebastian, he seems to have had a definite bent.
Many young musicians came to Jena to study with him, among them the
writer and organist, Jakob Adlung, and the lutanist, Ernst Gottlieb Baron.
Bach was also most successful as a craftsman. Like his uncle, Johann
Michael (14), by whom he had probably been trained, he was greatly
interested and very proficient in the construction of musical instruments,
delighting in planning various improvements. The harpsichords which
he constructed were equipped with a special device invented by him.
This enabled the player to select and combine the various registers by
simply sliding the keyboard forwards or backwards, instead of using the
traditional stop-buttons. Adlung seemed to think very highly of this
invention, since he described it in great detail in his 'Musica Mechanica
Organoedi.' 1 Nicolaus Bach was also famous for his Lautenwerk, which was
meant to revive the diminishing interest in the lute by providing the
instrument with a keyboard. The result was a kind of harpsichord using
gut-strings of a length equal to those found on a lute. Nicolaus also added
a lower register, so that his Lautenwerk included the compasses of the
larger theorbo. When the inventor played this instrument, he 'deceived,'
according to Adlung, 'the best lutanist; and as long as this man did not
see the Lautenwerk, he would have taken was an ordinary
his oath that it
2
lute.' The scholar further states that Nicolaus' Lautenwerk and his harpsi-

chords were both easy to play and accordingly, quite substantial

. . .

amounts of money were paid for them. 'Herr Bach was given 60 Reichs-
thalers for one with three manuals (a terrific amount considering the
prices which are paid to-day!).' When in 1706 the new organ was built
in the Stadtkirche, Nicolaus supervised the construction 'down to the
3
minutest detail.' He also invented little gadgets such as a counterweight
filled with sand to facilitate the action of the organ bellows. In order to
improve the tone of organs he developed a stopped pipe ending in a long
more or less deeply into the pipe, thus
cylinder that could be inserted
changing its pitch. By marking on this cylinder the intervals of the
tempered scale, Nicolaus hoped to have designed a reliable tool for the
tuning of organs. However, he did not carry his theoretical speculations
too far. When Johann Georg Neidhardt, the champion of the Vell-
1
Berlin, 1768, II, pp. 108-9.
2
'Musica Mechanica Organoedi,' II, p. 137.
3
Adlung, ibid., I, pp. 244-5.
92 THE BACH FAMILY
tempered' system, offered to tune a register of stopped organ pipes with
the help of a monochord (an acoustical instrument with a single string),
Nicolaus challenged this method by tuning on the same organ a set of
stopped pipes solely by ear. He was very pleased indeed when the result
of his work sounded much better than that of the learned scholar. 1
Nicolaus' brother, Johann Friedrich (29), was 21 when his parents
died. He thereupon left the Latin school; he had been attending the first

class, apparently with fine success, as the school authorities praised his
ingenium bonum (good intellect). It seems likely that Nicolaus took
care of him, having him attend the University of Jena and giving him
musical instruction, and in return Friedrich helped the elder brother in
his various duties. Anyway it was as a studiosus that Friedrich was
described to the City Council of Miihlhausen, when Johann Sebastian
Bach suggested that his cousin should succeed him in the position of
organist at St. Blasius, which he was giving up in order to move to
Weimar. Sebastian's recommendation had great influence with the city
fathers. Moreover, Friedrich Bach was on his mother's side related with
Councillor Bellstedt, 2 who had also been instrumental in securing Sebas-
tian Bach's services. Thus studiosus Bach received the appointment,
although at a lower salary than his cousin, and for twenty-two years, up to
his death in 1730, he remained at his post in St. Blasius. Very little is
known about his activities there; we only have a report that he, like his
brother and his father, took a great interest in the reconstruction of an
organ which was carried outunder his direction. We may assume that hegot
on well with his superiors, for we find in the contemporary files no mention
of any differences, such as those the Eisenach archives preserve in
great numbers with regard to Friedrich's father. The lack of any evidence
in the matter seems to disprove the report perpetuated in Gerber's
Dictionary that Johann Friedrich Bach wasted his great talent through his
predilection for drinking, which eventually made him unable to discharge
his duties in a sober state. Johann Nikolaus Gerber claims to have heard
this tale from his father, who as a youth had attended the Latin school at
Miihlhausen and met Friedrich Bach there, learning much about the organ
from him. Probably the older Gerber's memory was not quite reliable on
this point; for we cannot imagine that the Miihlhausen Council, which

1
Adlung, 'Anleitung zur Musikalischen Gelehrsamkeit,' Erfurt, 1758, p. 311.
2
A brother of Councillor Bellstedt was city clerk in Arnstadt and married to a
Wedemann girl. Friedrich's mother was also born a Wedemann, and so was Maria
Barbara Bach's mother. Thus Friedrich Bach was both on his father's and his mother's
side a cousin of Maria Barbara Bach.
THE MUSIC OF JOHANN NICOLAUS 93

always showed itself to be most exacting, should have tolerated a drunken

church employee for twenty-two years, and that not a single reprimand of
the organist should be recorded in the city archives. 1
Friedrich married late in life, at the age of 40. When his wife died four
years later, he concluded a second union; but neither marriage produced
any offspring. Thus, not through this son either was the heritage from the
great Johann Christoph destined to be handed on to the later generations.
That he was a composer worthy of the name of Bach seems to be
revealed by an organ fugue in g, which Max Seiffert found in a manu-
script of organ fugues by various masters handed down by the Leipzig
organist, Johann Andreas Drobs. 2 Seiffert characterizes Friedrich's fugue
as one of the best pieces written by any Bach before Sebastian. The
author has failed to trace this composition, or any other work by the
Miihlhausen organist, and was thus unable to pierce the darkness
surrounding the creative work of Johann Friedrich Bach.

THE MUSIC OF JOHANN NICOLAUS BACH

Friedrich's brother, Nicolaus, was no less versatile as a composer than
he was as a craftsman. Although only a few of his works have been pre-
served, they reveal an artistic personality worthy of his great father. There
is but little that can be said about his activities as an instrumental com-
poser. Adlung mentions that he wrote 'several suites,' but none of them
has so far come to light. A brief bicinium (two-part composition) for the
organ on Nun freut euch, lieben Christen G'mein (Now rejoice, dear
Christian community) is influenced by similar works by Johann Pachelbel.
Greater importance, however, attaches to a Kyrie and Gloria, short Mass a.

3
as it may be called, which was probably written in 1716, for two violins,

1
Cf. Georg Thiele, 'Die Familie Bach in Miihlhausen,' Miihlhausen, 1921.
2
Cf. BJ, 1907.
3
A manuscript of the work (which was in 1939 in the possession of Breitkopf &
Hartel, Leipzig) is dated 'Meiningen, September 16, 1716.' Neither Spitta's theory
{I.e., I, p. 130) that it may have been written by Johann Ludwig Bach, nor the assumption of
the catalogue of the archives of Breitkopf & Hartel (Leipzig, 1925, p. 2, No. 8) that it is a
manuscript by Sebastian Bach, can be upheld. The handwriting shows strong similarities
to that of Nicolaus' Italian album-leaf (cf. p. 88)and it seems likely, therefore, that it
represents an autograph by the Jena Winkler, I.e.). Perhaps Nicolaus had
composer (cf.

come to Meiningen to deliver an instrument of his construction and gave the score of the
Mass to his kinsman, Johann Ludwig Bach, on this occasion. A second manuscript of the
Mass has the date 1734; apparently the copy was written in this year.
94 THE BACH FAMILY
two violas, mixed chorus, basses, and continuo. This composition
clearly reveals the influence that the trip to Italy had exercised on Nicolaus.
The treatment of the voices and instruments, the melodic lines, particu-

larly in the Christe eleison, the brief fugue of the second Kyrie leading
after a short development to a completely homophonic section: these can
easily be traced to North Italian melodies and particularly to sacred music
by Caldara and Lotti. Nevertheless Nicolaus' work, using as its text two
sections from the Ordinary of the Latin Mass, fits perfectly into the
spirit and the liturgy of the German Lutheran Church. The composer

deals with the Gloria as though it were a chorale motet, employing as a

cantus firmus in long notes the melody of the hymn Allein Gott in der
HoK (To God alone on High be praise), which in the Protestant liturgy
replaces the Gloria of the Mass. Thus he combines in a single composition
both the Protestant and Catholic versions of the same text. Such a pro-
cedure was not unusual in the Bach family. Sebastian himself in his short
Mass in F employs the hymn Christe, du Lamm Gottes (Christ, Thou
Lamb of God) as a cantusfirmus; and his pupil Johann Ernst Bach (34) writes
a Kyrie and Gloria, introducing the chorale Es woll uns Gott gnadig sein
(God have mercy on us). Similar instances may be detected even in the
works of Sebastian's Leipzig predecessor, Kuhnau, and in compositions
by Zachau and Telemann.
The brief Kyrie of Nicolaus' Mass, consisting of the traditional three
sections, makes an effective preparation for the more elaborate Gloria,
In the latter, each of its four sections employs one verse of the chorale as a
cantus firmus, sung by a mezzo-soprano, thus providing the fifth vocal
part of the composition. The dramatic contrast between the quiet long
notes of the hymn tune and the fast-moving, agitated setting of the Mass
text is strengthened by the simultaneous use of two languages : German
for the chorale, Latin for the Ordinary. No doubt the introduction of their
native tongue into the Latin original made the Lutheran congregation
fully aware that the Popish text had completely become their property. 1
To avoid the inevitable monotony resulting from four statements of the

1
Spitta's idea (I.e.) that the cantus firmus was originally meant for instruments and
not for voices does not seem justified, since he subconsciously applies Johann Sebastian's
attitude to the work of Nicolaus. For the Jena composer, Italian and German, Catholic and
Protestant, were two excitingly opposed spheres which he tried to combine to the best of
his ability; for the Leipzig master theyformed an organic unit, the elements of which did
not present any disturbing contradictions. The slight difficulty that the range of the soprano
voice in the mixed quartet is usually higher than that in the cantus firmus may be easily
overcome by giving the hymn tune to a larger group of singers, so as to make it always
clearly audible.
JOHANN NICOLAUS SECULAR CANTATA 95

same cantus firmus melody, Nicolaus changes its rhythm from the
common to triple time in the first section, Gloria in excelsis Deo, and the
fourth section, Quoniam tu solus Sanctus. This fourth section also substi-
tutes four violas for the ordinary combination of two violins and two
violas. The return of the violins in the coda provides the impressive free
double fugue of the Cum Sancto Spiritu with an element of additional
brilliance.
There is (through the absence of the cantus firmus) a stylistic relation
between introduction and coda, a rhythmic relation between the first and
fourth sections, and a melodic link between the introduction and the
second section. Only the third section, Domine,fili unigenite, modulating
effectively from the predominant key of G to b at the words miserere
nobis, preserves the independence of a somewhat contrasting middle part.
It is deeply regrettable that this vigorous and exciting piece is the only

product of Nicolaus' church music that has so far come to light.

The Jena composer's second large work is as different from this Mass
as two compositions by the same man can possibly be. It is a burlesque
cantata of the kind known to us from Sebastian's 'Peasant Cantata,' a
work that might equally well be performed on the stage as in the concert
hall. Der Jenaische Wein- und Bierrufer (The Jena wine and beer crier)

dramatizes a little farce taken from student life in Jena. Two timid young
'foxes' (the nickname for inexperienced freshmen), Monsieur Peter and
Monsieur Clemon, come from their little home-town to Jena, where they
put up at the inn of their fellow countryman, Monsieur Caspar. The
publican is advising them in a rather patronizing way how to behave,
when their conversation is interrupted by the appearance of the wine and
beer crier, Johannes, who announces the opening of a fresh cask in a
neighbouring tavern. Urged on by the innkeeper, the two boys begin to
tease the old man, who without the slightest hesitation repays them in
kind. The studentsemploy quite a few foul names, and at last an abusive
term so enrages their victim that he threatens to complain to the President
of the University. This intimidates the youths and they leave, singing a
1
final aria in praise of Jena, in which the publican joins. The work, which
was probably written for the 'Collegium Musicum,' makes ample use of
the student jargon with which Nicolaus was naturally fully conversant;
and reveals the composer as not averse from the occasional use of gross
it

and vulgar jokes, a tendency he possessed in common with other members

1
The new edition of the work by Fritz Stein calls for Johannes, also, to sing in the
final number. This is both dramatically and musically wrong. The crier is far too angry
to fall in with the students' song, and the composer did not provide any part for him.
$)6 THE BACH FAMILY
of his clan. The wine and beer crier, Johannes, is by no means a character
invented by Bach. As early as 1681 the 'wine and beer crier who is also
used as a nightwatchman and lives in the Johannisturm' is mentioned in a
description of Jena. 1 This functionary held yet a third job; on Sundays
and festival days he operated the bellows for the organist. Nicolaus there-
fore had a good chance of studying his eccentricities at close range,
especially since the same individual, whose real name was Hans Michael
Vater, occupied the position from 1724 to 1743. It seems probable that the
organist's humorous satire was aimed at Vater and was written during the
latter's term of office.
The music to this burlesque
is of the simplest kind, very similar to the

plain of the contemporary Hamburg opera. The minute

Singspiele
orchestra of two violins and basso continuo, which enlivens the musical
texture by gay little accompanying figures (Ex. 17), the plain folksong-

Jbfcjrms j)

<jern
j)

um
J>

"Bier
6
J?
r
, j
undWein^u.-malvo
n i j) i j) j
hiii-scheVtiichensein.
l ^
"Basso
Continuo r J J \ J I J 1
I i $W g^
like melodies, the absence of any overture or complicated vocal forms,
the use of singers who for most of the time are heard only in secco recita-
tives or in simple arias: all this spirit of the new
shows that some of the
comic opera had found way
There are only two
its into Bach's work.
ensemble numbers in this score: a gay duet at the beginning, and the
charming trio at the end. The main attraction of the remaining numbers
is furnished by the composer's art of humorous characterization. There are

the students, alternately timid and insolent; the pompous crier, who one
moment praises his wares in a majestic manner and then in the same
breath addresses his opponents with the most vulgar invective; and
finally, the innkeeper who pretends to be very superior but is at the
bottom of the whole mischief. Here we see the dramatic talent revealed in
the compositions of Johann Christoph Bach coming to full blossom in
the work of his son.

1
Cf. Adr. Beier, 'Architectus Jenaensis,' 1681
x. Johann Ludwig Bach. Pastel by Gottlieb Friedrich Bach
:

»7!U-
+ piftfoi . (0**^' * 4^'"
i*
1 •'^' t '^ * i^-*-, ^-^C"

xi. J. Ludwig Bach's Cantata 'Gott ist unser Zuversicht' in the hand of J.

Sebastian Bach. In order to make best use of the expensive paper Sebastian
starts the following aria on the bottom of the page although the first chorus
is not yet finished
THE DESCENDANTS OF JOHANN BACH
(JOHANN CHRISTOPH (17) AND JOHANN BERNHARD BACH)

Johannes (2)
?-i6z6
I

Johann (4)=Hedwig Lammerhirt Christoph (5)

1604-73 -1675 1613-61

J. Christian (7) J. Egidius (8) J. Ambrosius (n)=Elisab. Lammerhirt

1640-82 1645-1716 1645-95 1644-94

J. Jakob (16) J. Christoph (17) J. Bernhard (18) J. Christoph (19) J. Sebastian (24)
1668-92 1673-1727 1676-1749 1685-1740 1685-1750

J. Gtinther (33) J. Ernst (34) J. Gottfried Bernhard (47)

1703-56 1722-77 1715-39

the Genealogy mentions four grandsons of the Erfurt town musician,

Johann Bach. One of them, Johann Jakob, was assistant to Ambrosius
Bach, in whose house he died at Eisenach aged 24. Jakob's younger
brother, Johann Christoph (17), born in 1673, also seems to have stayed
with the hospitable Ambrosius for a short time after his father's death, for
the register of the Eisenach Latin school mentions him as a pupil in 1683-
1684. How he obtained his further education is not known; but he must
have been ambitious and very able, since the orphaned youth, besides
receiving the musical training traditional in the family, to study managed
Theology. Thanks to these double qualifications he found a position as
Cantor in a village near Erfurt, exchanging it in 1698 for a similar one in
Gehren, where an uncle, the late Johann Michael (cf. p. 38), had been
very successful as an organist and town clerk. Unfortunately Johann
Christoph's life in the little community was very different from that of
his kinsman. Poor and very irregular payments together with attacks
from a hostile superior (who accused the Cantor, for instance, of using
dance motives in his church music1 ) made up the tenor of his existence.
1 Bach und seine Verwandten in
Cf. Wiegand, 'Die Arnstadter Bache,' in 'J- S.
Arnstadt,' 1950.

G 97
98 THE BACH FAMILY
Since the stubbornness and belligerence of the Bachs were very strongly-
developed in the Gehren Cantor, he fought back violently, with the result
that his existence was unhappy one. Yet he stayed on at Gehren for
a very
twenty-nine years, until 1727 when he was felled by a sudden illness. His
three sons, however, were anxious to leave the uncongenial town. Two
served as musicians in Sondershausen, where they died at an early age;
the third, Johann Giinther (33), whom Sebastian praised as a good tenor,
became a schoolmaster in Erfurt, working at the same time with the town
musicians.
Much more were the careers of two other grandsons of
satisfactory
Johann, children of Johann Egidius. The younger one, another Johann
Christoph (19), born in the same year as Sebastian, followed his father as
director of the Erfurt town musicians, and held the position up to his
death in 1740. The elder one, Johann Bernhard (18), born 1676, must have
been an eminent organist; for after he had served at Erfurt's Kaufmanns-
kirche his reputation was so high that he was called away from Thuringia
to the city of Magdeburg. However, he returned to his native state when,
on the death of the great Johann Christoph Bach, the position as
Eisenach's organist was offered him. Working at the fine organ, re-
modelled according to his predecessor's instructions, must have proved
satisfactory to Johann Bernhard; for, following the old-established Bach
pattern, he remained at Eisenach until he died in 1749. For the greater part
of this period he seems to have lived in the same house; thus being spared
the problems from which Johann Christoph had suffered so much. Shortly
after his arrival in Eisenach, the general musical activities in the town
were greatly improved by the efforts of two outstanding conductors who
served there in succession, the eminent virtuoso, Pantaleon Hebenstreit,
and the energetic and highly productive Philipp Telemann. A contem-
porary writer, Johann Limberg, described the local musical conditions as
follows: 1 'On this [new] organ every Sunday graceful music is performed
in the honour of the Lord, often with kettledrums and trumpets. The
Council has engaged for this purpose Mr. J. Konrad Geisthirte as Cantor,
Mr. J. Bernhard Bach as organist and Mr. J. Heinrich Halle [the successor
of J. Ambrosius Bach] as musicus instrumentalis. All three are renowned
and well experienced in their art. Recently the church music has been
really perfected, as the newly appointed court musicians, who are all out-
standing, have been commanded to the organ loft so as to be heard for
the honour of God and the edification of the congregation. This whole
body of musicians is under the direction of Mr. Telemann, a man of pro-
1
Cf. 'Das im Jahre 1708 lebende und schwebende Eisenach,' 1709.
JOHANN BERNHARD S MUSIC 99

found knowledge and eminent invention.' Telemann stayed for four years
only, and after his departure the music-loving Duke Johann Wilhelm
may have appreciated all the more the talent of his organist,who also
supplied him with delightful orchestral suites. Bernhard's salary was
eventually almost doubled and remained undiminished even when, in
1741, Eisenach became part of the principality of Weimar and its ducal
band was dismissed.
There was a great friendship between Bernhard and Sebastian, who
were related both on their fathers' and on their mothers' sides. 1 Bernhard
was the godfather of Sebastian's third son, Johann Gottfried Bernhard,
while Sebastian acted in the same capacity for the Eisenach organist's
eldest son, Johann Ernst, whose teacher he subsequently became. But
above all Sebastian thought very highly of Bernhard's creative work.

THE MUSIC OF JOHANN BERNHARD BACH

Not many of Bernhard's compositions have survived. They consist
exclusively of smaller works
keyboard instruments and suites for
for the
string orchestra. Their preservation is mainly due to two great kinsmen of
his: the organ chorales were copied by Bernhard's pupil, the outstanding

organist and lexicographer, Johann Gottfried Walther (whose mother

was a Lammerhirt too), while the orchestral suites were apparently per-
formed by the Thomas Cantor, who personally wrote out parts for them.
It is significant that Luther's powerful and yet so simple chorale Wir

glauben all' an einen Gott (We believe all in but one God) particularly
appealed to Bernhard Bach. He used it in three different organ preludes
which all express the same deep and unquestioning faith. Straightforward-
ness and simplicity mingled with richly flowing imagination are also
apparent in his organ works. 2
There are various types of chorale prelude in his output. The simplest
kind is to be found in two-part arrangements (bicinia), in which one

quickly moving part accompanies the chorale melody presented in long

notes. But even in form Bernhard attempts to portray
this unpretentious

the mood of the text in the counter-melody. Moreover he occasionally

alternates the cantus firmus between the soprano and bass parts, and the

1
Bernhard's grandmother, Hedwig Lammerhirt, was a half-sister of Sebastian's
mother, Elisabeth Lammerhirt.
2
They are equally revealed in his very characteristic handwriting. Cf. H. Kiihn,
'Vier Organisten Eisenachs aus Bachischem Geschlecht,' in 'Aus Luthers lieber Stadt,' 1935.
IOO THE BACH FAMILY
individual sections start with melodic references to the following chorale
line. Among his three-part preludes, Vom Himmel hoch (From heaven
above to earth I come) is particularly interesting. Here the cantus firmus
is given to a middle part, while the highest voice offers delightful free

passages expressing Christmas cheer and portraying the fluttering of

angels' wings. 1
Bernhard also cultivated the Chorale Partita, a form of composition

based on a chorale tune, which is stated at the beginning in simple harmon-

ization, and then followed by a number of variations or 'Partitas' corre-
sponding to the number of verses in the chorale text. Bernhard's four
variations on the hymn Du Friedefiirst, Herr Jesu Christ (Thou Prince of
Peace) surround the melody with expressive ornamentations, thus
achieving a warm sonority and appealing emotional fervour.
The composer's skill in handling the variation form is equally dis-
played in his organ 2 Chaconne in B flat. The 20 variations on a vigorous
8-measure subject present the forceful harmonic sequence in patterns of
quickly changing rhythm and melody. Within the narrow limitations of
this form the composer succeeds in exhibiting a series of highly engaging

vistas.

Among his best works for keyboard instruments are two fugues in D
and F, into which Bernhard, stimulated by the unlimited possibilities of
the well-tempered system, introduced chromatic progressions and
sequences of unusual boldness {Ex. 18). It is moreover interesting to note

that the composer, like his cousin Sebastian, favoured the concertante
principle in the episodes connecting the thematic developments of his

1
Cf. Frotscher, /.c, I, p. 586.
2
The great distance between the three parts in variation VII, which makes a per-
formance without pedals impossible, shows that the composition usually referred to as a
work for the clavier was probably meant for the organ.
JOHANN BERNHARD S MUSIC IOI

fugues. This by no means the only point of contact between the key-
is

board works of the two kinsmen. In particular, Sebastian's early Partitas

show the influence of Bernhard's style. 1
Even more conspicuous is the artistic affinity between the two com-
posers' orchestral suites. Each of them wrote four suites, of which Bern-
hard's in g for solo violin and strings and Sebastian's in b for solo flute
and strings are closely related. The Overtures in both works use the
concerto fugue, and not only their themes, 2 but even the figurations show
a certain resemblance. Each suite has among its dances a vigorous move-
ment entitled Rondeau, a heading not too frequently found in orchestral
suites of this period. But apart from this comparison Bernhard's suite is,
in its own right, a work of fine craftsmanship and vivid inspiration. In
addition to the two movements mentioned, it includes a lofty Air, in
which the orchestra supports a gentle cantilena of the solo violin, a
fascinating Fantaisie in da capo form, and a witty Passepied.
His other three works of this kind, although not quite on the same
level as the Suite in g, contain many delightful movements. These com-
positions are for strings only without any solo instrument. The solidly
constructed Overtures are always most remarkable; but the amusing
Tempete (a naive description of a storm) concluding the Suite in G, the
sparkling Les Plaisirs z in the Suite in e, the pompous Marche and the
charming 3 Caprices with their attractive imitations (Ex. 19) in that in

D, would also justify a revival of the works they adorn. Not many com-
posers of the time wrote orchestral suites of equal significance and
technical mastery.

1
The bass in the first variation of Sei gegriisset Jesu giitig, for instance, is surprisingly-
similar to that in Bernhard's bicinium, Jesus, Jesus, nichts als Jesus.
2
The theme in Bernhard'sOverture must have impressed Sebastian particularly,
since he quoted it almost literally in the Andante of his
first Sonata for flute and harpsichord.
3
The title Les Plaisirs for a Bourree was also used by Telemann in his Suite in a.
Telemann's work contains moreover a Rejouissance, a title employed by Sebastian in his
Suite in D.
THE MEININGEN BACHS
(JOHANN LUDWIG AND NIKOLAUS EPHRAIM BACH)

Veit (1)
?-i6i9

Johannes (2) Lips (3)

?-i626 ?-l620
I I

Christoph (5) Wendel

1613-61 1619-82
I I

Joh. Ambrosius (1 1) Jakob

1645-95 1655-1718
I

I I I

Joh. Sebastian (24) Joh. Ludwig Nikolaus Ephraim Georg Michael

1685-1750 1677-1731 1690-1760 1701-1777
I

Joh. Christian
1743-1814

the 1 8th century witnessed the formation of an important Bach centre

at the court of Meiningen. According to family tradition, the branch was
descended from Lips Bach, a brother of Johannes, the Spielmann (cf. p.
11), but the further development of this branch is shrouded in darkness
and family legends. We reach firm ground only in the later part of the 17th
century with the person of Jakob Bach, born in 165 5,1 in the Thuringian
village of Wolfsbehringen. Our knowledge of this founder of a line of
eminent artists — a line, incidentally, which has continued up to the present
—
day is comparatively large, for by a lucky chance a curriculum vitae
which Jakob had to write for a school Superintendent has been preserved. 2

Jakob's father, Wendel (1619-82), seems to have been a simple farmer 3

with very little money but with much ambition for his son. In 1669, at
the age of 14, Jakob was sent to the Eisenach Latin school, an institution
1
Jakob Bach himself mentions 1654 as the year of his birth; Spitta and Terry give it
as 1655, which seems to be the correct date according to the entry in the register of deaths.
2
It is to be found in the archives of the Landeskirchenrat der Thiiringer evangelischen

Kirche at Eisenach.
3
That is how Rollberg interprets the description 'Innwohner,' which Jakob Bach
uses. Cf. his article in 'Thiiringer Fahnlein,' H. 8, 1933.
jakob's life 103

which was to be attended later by many of his kinsmen. Eisenach, how-

ever, did not prove to be a good choice. At that time the hospitable
Johann Ambrosius Bach had not yet come to the city, and Johann
Christoph, the great organist, was just trying to get established and to
provide for his young wife and first son. Probably Jakob could not get
much support from him and was unable to make ends meet; whatever the
cause, the school register reports that Jakob left school in 1671 after being
found guilty of a theft. He transferred to a similar school in Gotha, where
he apparently received good musical instruction1 and found conditions so
much to his liking that many years later he sent his own son, Johann
Ludwig, to the same institute. Whilst in Gotha, he fell in love with
Anna Martha Schmidt, daughter of a hatmaker. Neither of the young
people was more than 18 years old when they ran away from Gotha and
married. After a short period of bliss, they found they had nothing to live
on. So young Martha returned to her parents, while Jakob attempted to
conclude his studies in the city of Miihlhausen (thus being the first Bach
to stay in this town, which was to harbour three other kinsmen, among
them the greatest of them all). Unfortunately the free lodging on which
he was counting did not materialize, and after a stay of six months Jakob's
financial worries became so acute that he decided to become a musketeer
in the army of the Prince of Eisenach, which was just taking part in the
Emperor's war against France. But army life did not suit Jakob either, and
after a year he managed to buy himself out; he then tried to become a
schoolmaster. At last luck was with him. When a position in the
Thuringian village of Thai became vacant, the youth of 21 applied for it,
and passed the examination by the Consistory, as well as the test in organ
playing and singing before the community, with such good results that
he was appointed. Now his beloved wife could join him at last. The
product of their blissful reunion was Jakob's first son, the handsome and
highly gifted Johann Ludwig. Henceforth Jakob's life was spent as a
teacher and Cantor, and his inherent restlessness manifested itself merely in
a not infrequent change of positions which took him subsequently to the
cities of Steinbach, Wasungen, and Ruhla. That he was everywhere

considered a most respectable member of the community is apparent in

the highly placed godparents whom he was able to provide for his
numerous children. His married life was not lacking in variety. He buried
not only his beloved Martha, but two other wives. At the age of 61 he

1
That the Gotha school provided satisfactory training in music is proved by the case
of Georg Bohm, who attended it a few years later. As organist at Liineburg, Bohm was
to exercise a deep influence on young Sebastian Bach.
104 THE BACH FAMILY
entered matrimony for the fourth time, and still had two offspring before
he died in 171 8. The musical talent he handed on must have been con-
siderable, for each of his first two marriages produced a highly gifted
musician. 1
Jakob's eldest son, Johann Ludwig, was born on February 4, 1677, at
Thai, and received a good education. He attended the Gotha Gymnasium
from 1688 to 1693 and subsequently studied Theology. 2 His first position
was, like that of his father's, a double one; he worked, as he described it
himself, in the 'school and church' of Salzungen. When he was 22 he
was called to Meiningen, the capital of a newly established little Princi-
pality of Saxe-Meiningen, which arose from the division of the estate of
Prince Ernst ('the Pious') of Gotha among his seven sons. The third son,
Bernhard, was allotted Meiningen with a number of neighbouring towns
and villages; he took possession in 1680. Prince Bernhard I was the
typical pocket-size sovereign of the time, both in his good and bad aspects.
He was anxious to promote the material and spiritual welfare of his
subjects. Under his rule agriculture, fruit-growing, and mining were im-
proved, an orphanage was built, attempts were made to provide for the
poor of the district, an excellent Latin school was established, and new
churches were built. A very religious sovereign, he wrote down from
—
memory all the sermons he heard and sermons at that time lasted much
longer than in our days! —
leaving behind 14 folios of transcripts. He had
a Communion service printed, the prayers for which he collected himself.
On the other hand, he believed firmly in witchcraft, and he spent huge
sums on alchemistic experiments in the hope that the gold so produced
would solve his increasing financial embarrassments once and for all.
When the gold failed to materialize, he chose the easier expedient of
trading his subjects to the Doge of Venice to serve in the fight against the
Turks, receiving 36 thalers for each soldier. This, of course, brought only
temporary relief. Indeed, the state finances were at so low a level that the
sovereign's own son and heir, Ernst Ludwig, published anonymously a
pamphlet advising the Prince how to save Meiningen from bankruptcy.
But whatever may have been Bernhard I's faults, he certainly showed
wisdom in securing young Bach for his court. Perhaps he was first
attracted by Johann Ludwig's unusual good looks, but it did not take him
long to see that he had acquired an extremely capable servant. In 1703
1
Georg Michael Bach (1703-71), an offspring of Jakob's third marriage, was also a
musician, andworked as Cantor at St. Ulrich, Halle. His son, Christian (1743-1814), later
known as the 'Clavier-Bach,' was Wilhelm Friedemann Bach's pupil.
2
He mentions this fact in a petition he made in 1725. Cf. Miihlfeld, 'Die herzogliche
Hofkapelle in Meiningen,' Meiningen, 19 10.
JOHANN LUDWIG S LIFE IO5

Johann Ludwig was entrusted with two different spheres of work, being
appointed court Cantor and master of the ducal pages. His duties were
manifold indeed: holding prayer meetings with the pages and certain
court servants every morning and evening; keeping careful check on
attendances at these meetings according to lists given him, and notifying
the court marshal or chaplain of any absentees; teaching the young noble-
men first of all the catechism, then, in addition, other far less important
subjects such as writing, arithmetic, and history; working out the pages'
schedule for lessons and sports; watching his charges day and night;
keeping the church books; and, finally, the occupation which really
mattered to him, supervising the church music. 1 The position certainly
had both advantages and drawbacks. The remuneration was fairly satis-
factory, since it provided free board and lodging at court as well as a
sizable stipend in cash. 2 On the other hand, Ludwig had almost as little

freedom as his young charges; he could not absent himself even for an
evening without permission from the court marshal. Moreover his
various duties did not leave sufficient scope for the development of his
musical gifts. Perhaps these were the reasons why he attempted a change.
On October 26, 1706, 3 his father wrote a petition on his behalf to Eisenach
to secure the position of Cantor which had become vacant through the
death of Ambrosius Bach's friend, Andreas Christian Dedekind. It is

significant that the applicant stressed his son's interest in all musical
duties, adding, however, that the teaching work might better be entrusted
to a substitute to be paid by Johann Ludwig. Jakob's attempt failed, but
fortunately conditions changed in Meiningen itself. Prince Bernhard I
died in April 1706, and his successor, Prince Ernst Ludwig, on recognizing
the Cantor's special gifts, relieved him in 171 1 of all his previous duties,
entrusting him instead with the direction of the enlarged court orchestra,
which in past years had been conducted by Georg Kaspar Schiirmann, a
very prolific opera composer. About that time Johann Ludwig married a
daughter of the architect, Samuel Rust, 4 and as his presence at the castle
for the supervision of the pages was no longer required, he was allowed
to set up a household of his own. In lieu of board and lodging he was
granted a contribution of 16 thalers to the rent, and a certain yearly

1
The instructions published in full by Miihlfeld, I.e., only mention that 'he has to sing

the chorale at the service on Sundays and during the week/ but as the document addressed
Bach as court Cantor, it may be assumed that he had to undertake all the musical duties
of a Cantor.
2
A yearly amount of 99 fl. 12 gr.
3
Cf. Superint. Archiv Eisenach: B 25, B 2, p. 20.
4
Rust built Meiningen's new castle, the Elisabethenburg.
106 THE BACH FAMILY
amount of rye, wheat, barley, carp, game, and candles. Apart from instruc-
tion in painting which he gave to the Princes, 1 his time was now devoted
to music and he produced a great number of compositions, in addition to
being kept busy as a performer. His orchestra paid regular visits to neigh-
bouring courts, thus starting a tradition which was in the 19th century to
come to glorious life again in the famous Meiningen orchestra tours under
von Biilow and Brahms. Even when the musicians were at home, per-
formances took place once, and sometimes twice, a day. Johann Ludwig
used to accompany on the harpsichord the visiting artists who often
appeared on these occasions; or he performed himself on the violin. What
part music played in celebrations at the Meiningen court is apparent in
the instructions issued for the birthday of a Prince, which read as follows:

Monday with trumpets and kettledrums.

at 4 a.m. (!). Intrada
Monday at 7 a.m. The
morning music by the whole band.
usual
Monday at 9.30 a.m. Church service, Te Deum with trumpets and ketdedrums, 3
salutes by cannon.
At dinner-music improper tuning to be avoided, an Overture to be played first; the
textof the Cantata to be handed to Serenissimo; after the Cantata ketdedrums and
trumpets. At the supper-table strong instrumental music with trumpets and ketde-
drums. Large orchestra for the following ball.

Posterity does not view Prince Ernst Ludwig in too pleasant a light.
Apparently it did not occur to the new sovereign that the sound economic
advice he had given his father should be applied to his own way of life.
He was just as extravagant, spending excessively large sums on the
building of new castles and churches. The luxuries enjoyed at his court
would have been appropriate for a much more important sovereign, and
this was especially true when he brought to Meiningen as his second wife

a daughter of the 'Great Elector' of Brandenburg; on that occasion one

large-scale festivity followed another. The Prince was not only a prodigal
spender, he was ruthless in his dealings with other members of the family
who had claims on the estate, and he continually waged war against the
neighbouring small principalities, with the object of increasing his posses-
sions. But all this probably did not seriously concern his music director,
for to Johann Ludwig the fact that his Prince was a passionate lover of the
Muses was the most important thing. The sovereign wrote poetry him-
self, mostly of a religious nature, and occasionally set it to music; as for

instance, when he composed the funeral music for his own brother. His
music director could always count on the Prince's support and under-
standing, and thus Johann Ludwig was able fully to develop his great
creative gifts. When the Prince died in 1724, mainly from the shock he
1
Cf. H. LofBer, 'Bache bei Sebastian Bach,' BJ, 1949-50.
JOHANN LUDWIG AND NIKOLAUS EPHRAIM 107

sufferedon the sudden death of his beloved eldest son, Johann Ludwig
Bach mourned him deeply. He composed a funeral cantata based on verses
the Prince had written long before for a similar occasion. 1 This cantata
once more expressed the close artistic relations that had existed between
the Prince and his music director.
In the following years confusion reigned in Meiningen. As the sur-
viving sons of the deceased potentate were too young, two uncles who
were on the worst possible terms with each other ruled as guardians. So
much energy was expended in the pursuit of their quarrels that the Muses
were neglected. It seems, however, that one of the guardians, Prince
Anton Ulrich, showed some sympathy for the composer. At all events,
Johann Ludwig mustered up enough courage to write a petition to the
Prince entreating him to have the emoluments of which he had been
deprived for many years paid to him again. It may be assumed that the
Prince granted the musician's wish; for in 1728, when Anton Ulrich
returned from a long visit to Vienna, Johann Ludwig celebrated this event
in a special Festival Cantata. Three years later the composer died, and he
2
was buried on May 1, 173 1.

Before discussing Johann Ludwig's contributions to the music of his

time, mention should be made of his younger brother, who also served
the princely family of Saxe-Meiningen throughout his life. Nikolaus
Ephraim Bach was born on November 26, 1690, at Wasungen. At the
time when he was ready for musical training, Johann Ludwig was settled
at the Meiningen court, and it seems likely that Ephraim stayed there with

him as his pupil. The Prince's half-sister, Elisabeth Ernestine Antoinette,

interested herself in the promising youth, who shared her love for music
and painting; and when she was called as Abbess to the important
Protestant convent of Gandersheim, 3 she took Nikolaus Ephraim, then
The young musician certainly had quite an unusual
18 years old, with her.
patroness to work The Princess was famous all over Europe for
under.
her beauty and wit, and two of the greatest monarchs, the German
Emperor Charles VI, and the French King Louis XIV, had asked for her
1
It is typical of the time that Prince Ernst Ludwig quite early in his life selected a
special Psalm and wrote a poem for his own funeral; he also prepared a funeral sermon for
himself, which was found in his desk after his death.
2
This date was recendy ascertained by the Meiningen church authorities from their
registers of deaths. The year 1741 given by Spitta and Terry for Ludwig's death is therefore
wrong.
3
This Nunnery, founded in the 9th century by the Princes of Saxony, had become
Lutheran in 1586 and was used now as a place of retreat and contemplation for high-born
Protestant spinsters. It retained its political independence, being under the jurisdiction of
the Emperor only, had its own vote in assemblies, and possessed considerable property.
108 THE BACH FAMILY
hand, the former for his son, the latter for his grandson. The paramount
condition of both offers was that she should enter the Catholic Church;
this the deeply religious Princess was unwilling to do, so, in order not to
give offence to such important suitors, she vowed never to marry but to
devote her life whereupon the Emperor appointed her Abbess
to Christ;
of Gandersheim, a position she was to hold for fifty-three years. It was by
no means an easy-going mistress that Ephraim had to serve throughout
his life. She quickly found out that young Bach was extremely capable in
many ways, and she gave him ample opportunities for using his various
gifts. Several documents preserved in the Brunswick Archives of Wolfen-

biittel give us some conception of the wide range of his appointments.

Not only was he court musician and organist, providing compositions of

his own when needed, he was also in charge of the Abbess's large art
collection and had moreover to instruct the court employees in painting.
As he was also most efficient in practical matters, he became master of the
princely cellars, as well as auditor of the Abbess's accounts, rising even-
tually to the position of intendant in charge of his mistress's entire house-
hold. 1 How highly Nikolaus Ephraim was esteemed is revealed by the im-
posing array of princes and princesses, including the Abbess, who stood
godfather and godmother to his two children, the offspring of a second
marriage which the robust court intendant, following the example of his
father, contracted at the age of 65. 2 In spite of all the work piled on him,
Nikolaus Ephraim's life seems to have been easier than that of his elder
brother. From his 18th year to his death at the age of 70 he worked
under the same patroness, enjoying her full trust and appreciation. No
composition by Ephraim has come to light so far, and we are therefore
unable to form an idea of his musical abilities. What attracts our interest

apart from his versatility is his apparent leaning towards the fine arts
which was to assume large proportions in Ephraim's nephew and grand-
nephew, the descendants of Johann Ludwig Bach.

THE MUSIC OF JOHANN LUDWIG BACH

If the number of scores that Johann Sebastian copied from the works
of any composer can be considered as an indication of the esteem in which
he held him, Ludwig Bach ranked particularly high in his kinsman's

1
When the wide range of his duties forced him to give up some of his musical work,
another kinsman became Cantor in 1717. This was Tobias Friedrich, son of Sebastian's
eldest brother and teacher, Johann Christoph, of Ohrdruf.
2
No descendants from the first marriage are known.
JOHANN LUDWIG'S CANTATAS 109

favour. The Thomas Cantor made careful copies of 18 German church

cantatas by his Meiningen cousin, producing a full score and set of parts
1
for each of them. These copies offer a good example of the kind of score
the Leipzig music director prepared for his own practical use. The music,
although apparently written in great haste, is clearly legible, whereas the
text is often so much abbreviated that deciphering proves difficult. Sebas-
tianobserved the greatest economy in his handling of the expensive music
paper, and used every available bit of space to the utmost. 2 It was in
Leipzig that he performed these 'concertos' (he gave them the name then
in general use which he employed for his own cantatas); for the parts
contain a figured bass transposed a whole tone down, a sure sign that it
was intended for the organ of St. Thomas' or St. Nicholas' (cf. p. 207).
The composer's appreciation of this music was shared by his son, Philipp
Emanuel, who praised it to an unknown correspondent in these words:
'The elaboration is diligent throughout, the counterpoint especially is

flawless; the choruses are exceptional.'

Ludwig's cantatas well deserved his kinsmen's interest, and it is to be
regretted that none of them has so far been printed. It is vigorous music,
full of strength and inspiration, rich in variety, and imbued with a
sensuous pleasure in tonal beauty. The treatment of the voices, particu-
larly in the solo numbers, reveals a composer who has studied Italian
models (for which the performances at the Meiningen court offered ample
opportunities). The texts are based on the Bible, which is sometimes
literally quoted, but more often, according to prevailing fashion, freely
paraphrased. Prince Ernst Ludwig of Meiningen may have been respon-
sible for at least part of these 'madrigalian sections.' Each of the cantatas
is destined for a special event of the church year, but their texts are of
a general character; which, as Emanuel points out, permits their use
at almost any time.

This information was given by Philipp Emanuel Bach to a prospective buyer in a

1

letterpreserved in the Berlin Library. 17 of these cantatas are listed in BG, 41, Appendix.
The 1 8th was obviously the Trauermusik for Prince Ernst Ludwig of Meiningen. Not all of
these autographs of Sebastian's are available to-day. 12 cantatas exist in full score, others
in parts only. The score we have of the Trauermusik is not in Sebastian's hand, nor does it
seem to be the one Emanuel had in his possession. The MSS. of Johann Ludwig's music
are to-day to be found in the libraries of Berlin, Marburg, and Tubingen, which kindly
supplied the author of this book with photographic reproductions.
2
In the cantata Gott 1st unser Zuversicht Sebastian
about three-quarters of each
fills

of the first three pages of the manuscript with the opening chorus.The remaining quarter of
each page would have been too small to accommodate the 8 lines of this chorus; accordingly
he filled it with the 5 lines of an aria, which is actually the third number of the composition,
being separated from the chorus by a secco recitative (cf. 111. XI).
IIO THE BACH FAMILY
The majority of the cantatas are scored only for the traditional string
and organ accompaniment, also used by the older members of the Bach
family. In some cases oboes are added; in one cantata there are flutes as
well as oboes, in another two corni di silva (a literal translation of the Ger-
man term JValdhorn=French horn) and an oboe; while the whole of the
resources at his disposal are employed only in his Funeral Music (cf. p.

107). With his small instrumental body the composer achieves surprising
effects of colour; in particular he gives his favourite, the violin, ample
opportunities for brilliant display. How successfully he blends vocal and
instrumental timbres is shown by a beautiful duet between violin and
soprano in the cantata Ich aber ging (Though I went). Of equal charm is an
aria in Ich will meinen Geist (I shall relinquish my spirit), where a solo
soprano alternates with the tone of horns, oboe, and strings. It is interest-

ing to note (whether this be the work of the composer or the 'copyist')
that both score and parts contain many indications regarding changes of
tempo and expression as well as the directions 'solo' and 'tutti.'

The longer cantatas (which are occasionally divided into two sections)
begin with a brief full chorus displaying a rich polyphonic texture; others
have as their initial number a duet or a simple arioso by one of the solo
voices. A real introductory number for instruments only is nowhere to
be found, although a few measures by the orchestra usually precede the
entrance of the voices. Ludwig was particularly addicted to the repetition
of these instrumental measures as an introduction or postlude to the last

piece, thus giving firmer cohesion to his works. The first number is

followed by a free succession of secco recitatives, arias (mostly in da capo

form), and duets. Each cantata is concluded by a large chorus, usually
consisting of three sections: a short and powerful harmonic opening, a
polyphonic middle part, and the final chorale which is intoned by the
singers in plain chords, while the briskly moving instruments of the
orchestra provide a vigorous accompaniment.
The emotional content of the text is vividly reflected in the music. In
the cantata Ja, mir hastu Arbeit gemacht (Ye caused Me pain), Christ's
suffering is poignantly represented in the sigh motives which dominate
both the introductory arioso and the final chorus. On the other hand, in
Wie lieblich sind aufden Bergen (How beautiful upon the mountains), the
atmosphere of and remoteness from human strife is charmingly
bliss

expressed in a sort of round dance. The composer never misses an oppor-

tunity for dramatic changes. In Ich aber ging (Though I went) ponderous
chromatic sequences, inspired by the words 'lying in thy blood,' are inter-
rupted by vigorous and joyful coloraturas describing the text 'thou shalt
JOHANN LUDWIG S CANTATAS III

live.' In the magnificent Mache dich auff, werde Licht (Arise and let there

i
Oboe H >
J
Unci 2
•7
^
—— — —U* E
1
t-JT~

Viol I

Viola
1
fJ^f^ + ^*£& ^fii
-^i ^m
r
»
&J5S1 jj„jp m
-•-

be light), an introduction of Handelian vigour (Ex. 20) and brilliant

melismata of the solo voice are suddenly replaced by an adagio at the

Ix SI

Adagio

Basso

He-mx S7'e . Tie denn. sic . he Tin . sitr.nis, Fin . sier.m's

words 'for, lo, darkness covers the earth' (Ex. 21). The effective change
intempo is enhanced by the simultaneous harmonic descent from a to g.
•Zx.sa

The cantata Gott ist wiser Zuversicht (In God is our trust) is built entirely
112 THE BACH FAMILY
on the contrast between the uproar of the elements, symbolizing human
sin, and the Lord's victory over the storm's fury. It reaches its climax in

a sort of operatic scene; the violins express the violent motion of the
waves, until Jesus (bass) exhorts the dispirited people to muster courage
and silences the wind and sea {Ex. 22). Little imagination is needed to
see a connection between this dramatic episode and features of Sebastian's
Passions. 1 (Cf. also 111. XI.)
Occasionally the composer's tendency to create dramatic changes is

detrimental to the proper development of the musical ideas, and creates

an atmosphere of unrest. In Die mit Thranen s'den (Those who sow in
tears shall reap in joy), a text well known from Brahms' 'Requiem,' only
4 measures are allotted to the description of the tears; then the time signa-
ture changes, the composer prescribes allegro, and gay music illustrates

the reaping in joy. After 5 measures this second choral section is succeeded
by a contrasting duet of soprano and tenor on 'they go out and weep.'
The movement concludes with a repetition of the two initial choral pieces,
with the result that this comparatively short number consists of no less
than 5 distinct sections. However, such most cases
deficiencies are rare; in

the changes in style and mood

numerous, and have the effect
are not so
of enhancing the work's dramatic vigour and vitality.
The most attractive features of Ludwig's cantatas are a beautiful
melodic invention of an Italian nature and his engaging colouristic
effects. His style is predominantly homophonic; he is more concerned

with variety than with monumental grandeur, and this gives his cantatas
a patchwork character far exceeding that in Sebastian's earlier works (cf.
p. 209). The individual numbers are usually short, and there is often no
clear demarcation between arioso and aria. The difference between Sebas-
tian and Meiningen cousin is particularly obvious in the recitatives,
his
which are calm and gentle in Ludwig's cantatas, lacking the vehemence
and poignancy of those of his kinsman. Everything Ludwig writes, how-
ever, sounds well and makes the most efficient use of the human voice.
To achieve full clarity, the solo voices in arias and duets usually take turns
with individual instruments, while the full orchestra accompanies only the
chorus.
A link between Ludwig's cantatas and motets is established by his

1
It might be mentioned in this connection that in Ja, mir hastu Arbeit gemacht, the

bass arioso No. 4 depicts the flagellation of Christ with the dotted rhythm used for the
description of the same situation in the contralto arioso 'O gracious God' of the St.
Matthew Passion. Likewise in the cantata Und ich will iknen einen einigen Hirten erwecken
(Lo, I will raise up a shepherd) the tenor arioso No. 4 uses this rhythm to illustrate the
killing of the sheep by the wolf.
JOHANN LUDWIG S CANTATAS 113

Funeral Music composed in 1724 on the death of Duke Ernst Ludwig.

The text is based on Psalm 116, verses 16-19, partly literally quoted, partly
freely paraphrased. As the composer mentions on the title-page, the
second part contains verses by the Duke himself. This is the only cantata
by Ludwig two choruses. Each of the four-
written, like his motets, for
part mixed choruses accompanied by an individual orchestra. That of
is

chorus I consists of strings and harpsichord only; while chorus II uses, in

the section, woodwinds, strings, and harpsichord, and in the second,
first

woodwinds and harpsichord, to which are added, in the third section,

three muted trumpets, and timpani. In writing this composition, Ludwig
exerted himself to the utmost to offer a fitting memorial for his dear
patron. The composition is not only much longer than any of his other
cantatas; it exhibits greater dignity and even stronger expressive power.
Very moving, for instance, is the alternation of a tenor solo with the full
chorus voicing the longing for the heavenly Jerusalem {Ex. 23). When
*x.M

Chants

the tired soul finally arrives in Paradise, it is greeted by a Hallelujah, the

jubilant spirit of which one would hardly expect in a funeral cantata.
Although this cantata is not preserved in Sebastian's own hand-
writing, it may be presumed to have been among his collection. 1 The
double chorus in 12/8 time, Meine Bande sind ^errissen (My bonds are
broken), concluding the first section of the Funeral Music, may have been
in Sebastian's mind when he wrote the first chorus of his St. Matthew
Passion.

1
Emanuel Bach refers in the aforementioned letter to a cantata using 3 trumpets.
H
114 THE BACH FAMILY
While Ludwig's cantatas consist of many short and vividly contrasting
sections, the motets 1 are designed on a large scale. Most of them are long
and substantial works of a dignified, solemn, and festive character. The
subjective, almost nervous, style of the cantatas is here replaced by epic
grandeur. 2
In all his motets Johann Ludwig displays the feeling for clear and well-
disposed musical forms that might be expected from a student of Italian
art. The da capo form is frequently used for large sections or for complete
motets. Gott sey uns gnadig (God be gracious unto us) is even given such
spacious dimensions that the composer is unable to manage with ternary
form. He doubles it, thus producing a kind of rondo form with three
statements of the main idea.
The Meiningen master's motets are anything but easy to perform.
He expects from his singers tremendous coloraturas, a big range, and the
faculty of hitting difficult intervals. 3 Combined with this is a purity and
nobility of melodic line usually encountered only in Italian vocal music.
Two choruses, each consisting of the same mixed quartet of soprano,
and bass, are Ludwig's favourite means of expression. Even in
alto, tenor,

the three motets which are written for six, nine, and ten voices respec-
tively, 4 the classical combination of four voices always provides the
foundation for the tonal structure.
These motets are predominantly homophonic. Ludwig has an in-
satiable urge for exploring the possibilities of tone-colour. His two
choruses, which were apparently posted at a distance from each other, toss
the musical material over to each other. Sometimes they alternate, then
again they overlap; echo effects are frequently used, and the scores are
filled with dynamic signs. Johann Ludwig likes to have groups of high-
pitched voices interchanging with low-pitched ones, large bodies of
singers with small ones. In Die richtigfiir sick gewandelt haben (Those who

1
Like the cantatas, most of the motets remained in manuscript. They are preserved
mainly in the Berlin Library. Only a single one, Uns ist ein Kind geboren (Unto us a child is
born) is available in a modern score. The editor, Rudolf Moser, by adding a third chorus
to the two choruses of Ludwig Bach, introduced a contrast between solo and tutti voices
which is alien to the original.
2
An exception is provided by Die richtig fur sich gewandelt haben (Those who
walked in righteousness) which prescribes no less than io changes of time signature, thus
creating an atmosphere of resdessness.
3
The motet Gedenke meiner, mein Gott (Remember me, O my God) repeatedly
prescribes a descending seventh interval in the soprano, and in the bass a descending octave
immediately followed by an additional descending fifth.
4
They are Unser Triibsal (Our light affliction), Gott sey uns gnadig, and Die richtig
fur\sich gewandelt haben.
JOHANN LUDWIG S MOTETS H5
walked in righteousness), a third chorus of two voices only is prescribed
merely to achieve a contrast of timbre, since of the ten voices in the score
never more than eight are used at the same time, and frequently as few as
two or four.
Even in the comparatively infrequent polyphonic sections, such as the
eight-part fugue in Uns ist ein Kind geboren (Unto us a child is born),
harmonic beauty is not neglected. There is a luxuriant richness of tone in
this music which reminds us of the Catholic Church compositions of a

Durante or Caldara.
Johann Ludwig did not follow the custom of the time in using the
chorale as a cantus firmus in his motets. The interweaving of Biblical text
and Protestant hymn by which Johann Christoph, Johann Michael, and
most of all Johann Sebastian, obtained such powerful effects is foreign to
his style. His motets are based mainly on the Scriptures and it is only near
the end that he introduces a simply harmonized hymn, often of consider-
able length and with many stanzas. Only in exceptional cases does he
approach the cantus firmus technique. In the magnificent Gott sey uns
moving in majestically extended long notes, utters
gnddig, a bass voice,
the ascending and descending scales of B flat supporting the agitated
dialogue of the two choruses. The strong effect of this scale, which is

reiterated twice in the course of the motet, is enhanced by the unbending

rigidity of a pedal point on the note F, introduced between the two
entrances of the scale. The text of the motet includes these words: 'The
Lord make His face shine upon us.' It seems likely that the rows of
ascending and descending notes symbolize the permanent interrelation
between heaven and earth as expressed in the story of Jacob's ladder:

And he dreamed, and behold a ladder set up on the earth, and the top of it reached to
God ascending and descending on it (Genesis xxviii, 12).
heaven: and behold the angels of

In the motet Uns Kind geboren, based on Isaiah ix, 6, at the

ist ein

words 'And the government shall be upon His shoulder' the basses and
tenors of both choruses introduce in long extended notes a melody {Ex.
24) which is strongly reminiscent of the Gregorian chant of the Magnificat

(tertii toni). Later, at the words 'And His name shall be called wonderful,
counsellor,' a similar tune is sustained by the soprano as if angels' voices
were intoning it.
n6 THE BACH FAMILY
As in his cantatas, so in his motets Ludwig Bach reveals himself as a
master of expressive power, imbued with dramatic tension. Gedenke
meiner, mein Gott (Remember me, O my
God), begins quietly in g with
full chords. Gradually the motion increases and with it the excitement,

until an outcry is heard at the words: 'My God!' {Ex. 25). The third

ge . den .... Tee . 7I#T, 7rc«m GoU

inversion of the dominant seventh chord which the composer uses here
was not common at that time. Of equal audacity is the motet Sei nun
wieder iiifrieden (Return unto thy rest). At the words: Tor Thou hast
delivered my soul from death, my eyes from tears,' the prevalent key of
G changes suddenly to g to illustrate the word 'death.' Chromatic pro-
gressions represent the tears, and eventually the section comes to a tired,
almost exhausted ending on the chord of F sharp.
The motets deal with happiness more frequently than with
and bliss

pain and suffering; and to describe the former emotions Ludwig Bach
uses the same type of joyful coloraturas that most composers of his time,
including Johann Sebastian, employ. He likes to emphasize their effect by
giving the quickly moving melismata to one group of voices while others
accompany with massive chords {Ex. 26). Particularly impressive is a

Treu de,
. mt1 . nt, 77iej. ne

(„2fas isi Tneine Treudd', Motet )

passage in Ich will auf den Herren schauen (I will look unto the Lord)
where, after fast-moving coloratura passages, the soprano and alto
JOHANN LUDWIG S INSTRUMENTAL COMPOSITION II7

suddenly stop and with a shout declaim the word 'hear' for six measures,
while the remainder of the voices with grim energy repeat 'me, me, me'
(Ex. 27); the realistic vigour of this effect is hard to surpass.

(Jiear - -- - -
-)

There is no inferior work among the motets of the Meiningen Bach,

and many, like Gott sey wis gnddig, Ich aufden Herren sckauen, Uns ist
-will

ein Kind geboren, Wir wissen (We know), belong to the best that the
period produced in this field. The author of this book hopes to present in
modern from Johann Ludwig's church compositions, 1
editions a selection
a venture that has long been overdue.
Only a single instrumental composition of Johann Ludwig Bach has
come to light: an overture, with a following suite of dances, dated 171 5.
It is written for stringed instruments and continuo, to which a solo oboe
is occasionally added. The impressive slow section of the overture is

followed by a gay and energetic fugue based on the theme (Ex. 28). Like

jfx28

other compositions by Ludwig Bach it shows in its vigorous, melodious

and straightforward nature an almost Handelian character. Among the
dance movements following the overture two 'Airs' are most interesting.
The first exhibits a kind of trill motive running through the parts from
the solo oboe to the basses. The second, a gay dance in 6/4 time (for
which Johann Ludwig had a predilection), is based on the contrast between
the questioning of a single instrument and the answer of the full chorus.

1
A Passion from the year 171 3 572) and
(cf. Spitta, I.e., I, p. numerous other works
by the master have probably been lost. On the other hand, there is little reason to assume

that the three Masses which were tentatively attributed to Ludwig Bach are really his
work. The Mass in c (BWV, Anh. 26) is of inferior quality, not in keeping with that of
Ludwig's other works. The Mass for double chorus in G (BWV, Anh. 167) published in
1805 as the work of J. Sebastian, seems to be by an Italian composer, perhaps Antonio
Lotti, as Spitta suggests (I.e., II, p. 509). The Mass in e (BWV, Anh. 166) is by Nicolaus
Bach (cf. p. 93, footnote 3).
Il8 THE BACH FAMILY
A merry game develops in which not only the oboe and the violins, but
and the basses are entrusted with the sprightly solo. A grace-
also the viola
ful minuet, a stately Gavotte, and a brisk Bourree form the rest of the
movements; they make us deeply regret that we know no other instru-
mental compositions by this master, who was apparently as competent in
the treatment of stringed instruments as he was outstanding in his vocal
works.
JOHANN SEBASTIAN BACH

APPRENTICESHIP
(1685-1703)

Johannes (2)

Heinrich (6) Christoph (5)

1615-92 1613-61
I

J. Christoph (13) J. Christoph (12) J. Ambrosius (11)

1 642- 1 703 1645-93 i<545-95

J. Friedrich (29) J. Michael (30) J.Ernst (25)

1682-1730 1685-? 1683-1739

J. Christoph (22) J. Jakob (23) J. Nikolaus* J. Sebastian (24)

1671-1721 1682-1722 (?) 1683-? 1685-1750

* Nikolaus has no number in the Genealogy, as he died at an early age.

J.

in the northern side-aisle of the Georgenkirche in Eisenach there stands a

baptismal font erected in the year 1503. This venerable relic, which is still

intact to-day,1 has witnessed many significant events through the cen-
turies,but none more so than the ceremony on March 23, 1685, to which
the pastor still refers to-day whenever a baby is christened there. On that
day the town musician Johann Ambrosius Bach had a son baptized under
the name of Johann Sebastian. Of the two godfathers, one, the town
musician Sebastian Nagel, came all the way from the city of Gotha; the

1
It remained intact in spite of the fact that the church itself suffered various injuries
both outside and inside from air-pressure during bombing raids. According to information
kindly supplied by Eisenach residents, all the repairs needed to make the beautiful building
fit for use again were completed by 195 1.
119
120 THE BACH FAMILY
other,Johann Georg Koch, was a ducal forester in Eisenach. 1 It seems
deeply symbolical that Sebastian Bach was made a member of the Chris-
tian community in a church steeped in German tradition and legend. At
St. George's the saintly Elisabeth was wedded to the Landgrave Louis IV
of Thuringia, originator of the Tournament of Song in the Wartburg.
From St. George's pulpit Luther, on May 3, 1521, thundered his sermon
of defiance after returning from the fateful Reichstag at Worms. But even
apart from such historical considerations, the church meant much to the
Eisenach Bachs as the centre of their musical activities. Now, in the

building in which the greatest of the older Bach generation had been
serving for the past twenty years, the member of the family who was to
excel him was being baptized.
No definite facts are known about Sebastian's early youth, but it

seems safe to assume that he was taught to play stringed instruments by

Johann Christoph, started him on the organ.
his father, while his uncle,
When he was 8 years old, he entered the Eisenach Latin school, 2
attending it at the same time as two of his brothers, Johann Jakob and
Johann Nikolaus, and two of his cousins, Johann Friedrich (29) (later his
successor at Miihlhausen) and Johann Michael (30). The pupils usually
started at the age of 7, and remained in each successive class for two or
three years, until they were ready for promotion. Sebastian advanced very
quickly, always holding a place slightly higher than his brother Jakob,
who was three years the elder. He achieved this excellent progress in spite
of frequent absences, amounting to 59 school hours in 1694 and 103 hours
in 1695. It was probably not so much illness as musical activities in the
school choirs that were responsible for his poor attendance. Educational
and musical periods often conflicted in the schools at that time, and Sebas-
tian, rin^spite of his keen interest in scholastic subjects, was naturally

among those pupils for whom the school choirs were of paramount im-
portance; he advanced rapidly from the 'Kurrende choir, which sang one-
part hymns, to the Chorus Symphoniacus performing motets and cantatas.
Fortunate was the congregation of St. George's to be able to enjoy the
Sunday music provided by the Bachs, with Johann Christoph releasing
magnificent sounds on the organ, Ambrosius performing in a masterly

1
Freyse in 'Eisenacher Dokumente um J. S. it probable that Ambrosius
Bach' thinks
Bach, who was a member of the Schiitiengilde
also lodged for several years with a forester,
(shooting-association), founded in the 13th century, which had St. Sebastian as their
patron saint. If the assumption is correct, it would prove Ambrosius Bach's high social
standing in the community.
2
From 1544 the school was housed in a former Dominican monastery built in 1232.
In 1707 the institute was raised to the rank of a Gymnasium.
!

J.
SEBASTIAN: APPRENTICESHIP (1685-I703) 121

manner on a stringed instrument, and little Sebastian singing in a lovely,

pure soprano voice, 1 joined by other relatives, who were all intensely
musical. And fortunate were the Bach children, who grew up in this
atmosphere of deep-rooted and natural musicianship
It was only for a brief space of time that Sebastian was granted the
happiness of so sheltered an existence. He mother when he was
lost his

9 years old, and his father less than a year later. Now the family had to
help.Both Sebastian and his brother Jakob were admitted to the home of
their eldest brother, Johann Christoph (22), organist at the little town of
Ohrdruf situated half-way between Arnstadt and Eisenach. In accepting
them Johann Christoph followed the Bach tradition of mutual assistance.
We can imagine, however, that the offer of such hospitality was not easy
for him. The ties of blood had never been strengthened by a home life
enjoyed in common, for shortly after the birth of Sebastian, Johann
Christoph had left his parents in order to study with Pachelbel; so his
young brothers were really strangers to him. Besides, he had married only
a few months previously, a child was on the way, and the stipend paid by
the Ohrdruf Council was an extremely meagre one. 2 It is therefore under-
standable that the elder of Johann Christoph's two charges, Jakob, after
attending Ohrdruf 's Latin school for a year, left his brother in order to be
apprenticed to the Eisenach town musician who had succeeded Ambrosius
Bach. Sebastian, however, stayed on in Ohrdruf for five years. During
this time he contributed to the household expenses by earning a not in-

considerable amount as a singer; 3 but once again such work did not
prevent the precocious youth from a brilliant career at Ohrdruf 's highly
renowned Latin school. His promotions followed one another very
rapidly, and Sebastian was usually the youngest in his class as well as one of
the highest-placed pupils. He became a senior at 14, the average age of his
classmates being 17.7 years. In this school, which he attended at the same
time as his cousin, Johann Ernst (25),* he received a thorough training in
Latin and, what was important for his subsequent religious attitude, in
Lutheran orthodoxy. His keen mind permitted him to enjoy the intellec-
1
Sebastian's 'fine, penetrating voice of great range and high singing culture' is
mentioned by Forkel, who derived his information from Emanuel Bach.
2
He received 45 fl. wood. In 1696 he was granted
a year plus allowances in rye and
an increase of 10 fl. he had refused an offer from Gotha.
after
3
The prefect of the chorus was Johann Avenarius, whose cousin, J. Georg Schubler,
became Sebastian's pupil and publisher. Cf. Giinther Kraft in 'Johann Sebastian Bach in
Thiiringen,' 1950.
4
This was the eldest son of Johann Christoph (12) of Arnstadt, twin brother of
Ambrosius. After the death of Johann Christoph in 1693 the widow sent young Johann
Ernst to Ohrdruf, where she had relatives.
122 THE BACH FAMILY
tual gymnastics of theological dialectics. This predilection was to develop
later into a hobby probably unique among composers, that of collecting
theological books and pamphlets and reading them by way of relaxation
from creative work.
Nevertheless, school work could touch no more than the outer fringes
of his wide-awake mind. What really mattered to Sebastian was the
thrilling voyage of exploration into the immense domain of music. He
had the opportunity for storing away a great deal of practical knowledge
by observing the construction of a new organ at his brother's church. In
this as in all musical matters Johann Christoph was his mentor, a guide of

high quality, trained by his father, Ambrosius Bach, and by the great
organist and composer, Johann Pachelbel. It may be assumed that he was
artistically on the same high level as so many other Bachs, a conjecture

borne out by two entries made by his superior, Superintendent Kromeyer.

When Johann Christoph married, Kromeyer noted in the church register:
'young, but and when the organist died he described him in the
artistic,'
1
first rank.' According to Forkel, Johann
death-register as 'an artist of the
Christoph taught Sebastian the clavier; but we can safely assume that he
also instructed him in other instruments, as well as in the elements of com-
position. Young Sebastian absorbed all instruction as readily as a sponge
does water. His thirst for new information was unquenchable, and con-
tinued so throughout his life. There is the touching story, first reported in
Mizler's Necrology of how volume of music by leading
Sebastian stole a
clavier composers that his brother had denied him as being too advanced;
how, lacking candles, he copied it painstakingly by the light of the moon,
thus seriously injuring his sight; and how he suffered the worst possible
blow when, after months of toil, he was found out and deprived of the
copy he had made. If the story in this form is true, it would make Sebas-
tian's eldest brother appear a singularly unpleasant person. But it may be

that he normally treated his brother quite decently, and that it was only
exasperation with the young genius's unceasing battery of questions and a
sudden jealous awareness of Sebastian's superior gifts that provoked this
spiteful outburst. That Sebastian was, on the whole, not treated too
harshly in Ohrdruf is apparent from his subsequent attitude towards his
relatives there. He dedicated one of his early clavier works to Johann
Christoph (cf. p. 261), and repaid his elder brother by giving two of the

1
Cf. Ferdinand Reinhold, 'Die Musik-Bache in Ohrdruf,' 'Ohrdruf Festschrift,' 1950.
2
The
article, which appeared in Mizler's 'Musikalische Bibliothek,' was written by

PhilippEmanuel Bach and Sebastian's pupil, Johann Friedrich Agricola, and is one of
our main sources for the details of Sebastian's life.
J.
SEBASTIAN: APPRENTICESHIP (1685-I703) 123

latter's sons musical training in his own house. Yet it seemed out of the
question for him to remain much longer at Ohrdruf. Johann Christoph's
home was becoming more and more crowded owing to additions to his
family; while the school on the other hand, unlike other institutions of its
kind, did not place impecunious students in the houses of rich citizens.
Nor could Sebastian have recourse to the expedient of joining any other
member of the family for further training, as had been the practice in
previous generations. The number of Bach musicians had been sadly
reduced during the preceding decades; a decline that had provoked Sebas-
tian's stepmother to declare that the family was dying out. Not only did
Ambrosius die in the prime of life; the same fate befell his two brothers
and his cousin, Johann Michael. So Sebastian, by necessity, had to break
away from family ties. He probably did not mind this overmuch. A zest
for travelling had suddenly broken out among the young Bachs, whose
fathers had so steadfastly worked within the narrow confines of Thur-
ingia. Around the turn of the century J. Nicolaus (27) went to Italy,

J. Christoph (28), and J. Ernst (25) to Northern Germany, and

Sebastian's own brother, J. Jakob (23), was, before long, to travel as
far as Turkey. It is not surprising, therefore, that young Sebastian himself
began to search eagerly for an opportunity to study in a distant part of
Germany. 1
Luck, or fate, would have it that a new Cantor by the name of
Elias Herda had recently joined the Ohrdruf school Faculty. Although
a Thuringian himself, Herda had as a student held a scholarship at
St. Michael's in the city of Liineburg in Northern Germany. He knew
that good singers were in great demand for the church's exquisite
Mettenchor, which consisted of 12-15 musicians who took over the
solos or led the choir of the Ritterakactemie, a school for young noble-
men attached to St. Michael's whose schedule did not include musical
training. The choir members, according to the statutes, had to be the
'offspring of poor people, with nothing to live on, but possessing good
voices'; in addition to free board and tuition they were entitled to a
small income.
As Herda taught music at the Ohrdruf school, Sebastian could not fail

to hear of his teacher's experiences in Liineburg. The boy, once he learned

of such a fine opportunity, was most eager to grasp it. The great diffi-
culties involved in travelling 200 miles without adequate funds did not
scare him in the least. He felt quite ready to exert his feet to the utmost,
1
The files of the Ohrdruf school mention concerning Sebastian 'Luneburgum ob
defectum hospitiorum se contulit die 15 Martii 1700/
124 THE BACH FAMILY
and to limit his appetite to the scantiest rations, if this could bring him to
an institution which for long had been a revered centre of choral singing.
Fortunately, a schoolmate of his, Georg Erdmann, was interested in the
same project; being a friend, maybe even a relative, of Herda's, from
whose native village he came, he succeeded in obtaining the Cantor's full
assistance for himself and Sebastian. Herda wrote to Liineburg, and his
report on Sebastian must have been enthusiastic indeed; for the answer
was positive, despite the fact that as a rule St. Michael's only accepted
younger boys able to serve for a longer period, or youths of 17 or 18,
whose voices were full-grown. Thus, early in March 1700, two eager
youths, Bach, not quite 15, and Erdmann, aged 18, set out on the arduous
trek to Liineburg. They left Ohrdruf just in time, for we see from the
church registers that soon afterwards a terrible epidemic struck the little
1
town.
In April the list of the Liineburg Mettenchor mentions Bach among
the sopranos as a recipient of a monthly payment of 12 groschen. This
seems very little, but fortunately it did not constitute his whole income;
for he was entitled to a share in all the monies earned for singing in the
streets, performances at weddings, funerals, etc. As, moreover, his domi-
cile and board as well as a supply of firewood and candles were provided,
his financial position was had been in Ohrdruf.
certainly not worse than it

As to the educational opportunities, they were ideal for a youth with so

ravenous a musical appetite. Performing at Liineburg differed in many
ways from what Sebastian had been used to in Ohrdruf. The church of
St. Michael itself was of breathtaking loftiness, and the famous High
altar with its centrepiece of pure gold interspersed with lovely enamels,
near which the choir had must have impressed young Sebas-
its position,
tian as deeply as it did many of his The music offered was
contemporaries.
worthy of so exquisite a setting, and in its great variety most helpful in
providing a young musician with a thorough knowledge of contemporary
and older choral literature. Ever since the first Protestant Cantor had estab-
lished an imposing music library at St. Michael's in 1555, the tradition had
been faithfully continued by his successors. The Thuringian Cantor,
Friedrich Emanuel Praetorius (1623-95), in particular, had done a great
deal in this respect, with the result that the collection included, besides a
huge amount of printed music, some 1100 manuscript compositions by
175 composers, among them even two members of Sebastian's family,
Heinrich Bach and the great Johann Christoph. Thus the church had huge
resources on which to draw, and the programmes accordingly included a
1
Cf. Gunther Kraft, I.e.
J.
SEBASTIAN: APPRENTICESHIP (1685-1703) 125

wealth of fine music unknown to Sebastian, but with which he became

1
familiar through performing it. Not long after his arrival he lost his
fine soprano voice. This did not mean dismissal, however, as young
Joseph Haydn was to experience in a similar position at St. Stephen's
in Vienna. In Liineburg it was the custom to let the scholarship boys
continue as best they could as tenors and basses. In Sebastian's case,
moreover, his various excellent qualifications made him extremely valu-
able in other respects. It is significant that just in the year 1700 the
church employed only 3 instrumentalists (against 6 in 1660, and 10
in 1710),and 15-year-old Sebastian was probably from the outset ad-
mitted because of his usefulness as a violinist in the orchestra and as
an organist.
Added to a very heavy schedule of musical duties was the curriculum
imposed by the Michaelisschule, a Latin school for non-aristocratic
youths, where Sebastian studied religion, rhetoric, logic, Latin, and Greek,
mainly under Rector Johann Biische. Since the teacher was an orthodox
Lutheran, the religious foundations initiated in Ohrdruf were greatly
strengthened and were to remain of vital importance to Sebastian through-
out his life.

While the scholarship boys had to attend the Michaelisschule, they

roomed and boarded in the old convent, where the Ritterakademie was
housed. In some ways this was not too pleasant an arrangement; for the
young noblemen were apt to treat the poor singers scornfully, and to
require many a menial service from them. Sebastian, however, who had
not been exactly spoiled in his brother's house, cannot have minded this
overmuch; and he was, on the other hand, fully aware of the tremendous
advantages he derived from living close to these aristocrats. The Academy
was a centre of French culture. French conversation, indispensable at that
time to any high-born German, was obligatory between the students;
and Sebastian with his quick mind became familiar with this language
which he had no chance to study in his own schools. He attended French
plays, and, what was more important, he learned a great deal about
French music. At the academy a pupil of Lully, Thomas de la Selle,
taught dancing to French tunes, thus introducing the fascinated Sebastian
into a new world of music. When de la Selle noticed the youth's enthusi-
1
Gustav Fock in his valuable study'Der junge Bach in Liineburg,' Hamburg, 1950,
considers Spitta's and Terry's assumption that Sebastian copied many of the works in this
collection to be erroneous. He contends that the music was pardy the private property of
the Cantor, who had bought it from the estate of Praetorius, and that it was probably
housed in its entirety in the Cantor's rooms, to which a pupil of the school would hardly
have had admission.
126 THE BACH FAMILY
astic response he decided to take Bach to the city of Celle, to which he
was attached as court musician. 1
Celle, residence of theDukes of Brunswick-Liineburg, was at that
time ruled by Duke Georg Wilhelm, who, like so many German
sovereigns with small domains and large ambitions, did everything con-
ceivable to create a miniature Versailles at his court. His French wife fully
shared his enthusiasm and between them they achieved a veritable centre
of Gallic culture in Celle. French Huguenots who had
from their fled
country were sure of hospitality there and enjoyed the French musicians
and singers, who produced an unending series of performances. The
Duke could certainly expect a high artistic standard, as he spent huge
sums (for instance, some 14,000 thalers in 1690) on his music and theatre.
It is significant that one of the greatest oboists of the time, Johann Ernst

Galliard, 2 was trained at the Celle court; the Duke paid his teacher,
Marechal, 100 thalers a year for instructing the promising youth.
We can well imagine what the must have meant to an
visits to Celle
artist with a mind so wide open to all new experiences. There Sebastian

became familiar with the idiom and style of Couperin and other key-
board masters; he heard French instrumental music and listened to French
organ compositions in the castle's exquisite Renaissance chapel with its

jewel of a small organ. Various copies made by him3 testify to the eager-

ness with which he applied himself to these studies.

was a stroke of luck that Sebastian happened to go to Celle at that
It

particular time; a few years later, the artistic Duke Georg Wilhelm died,
the orchestra was dismissed, and the little court ceased to be a centre of
French music.
In Ltineburg, besides de la Selle there were other interesting persons
living in the convent which housed the Academy. In 1701 the excellent
organ builder, Johann Balthasar Held, stayed there in order to undertake
repairs to St. Michael's organ. With what interest must Sebastian have
watched him, and listened to the reports about the outstanding instru-
1 employed both
Fock, I.e., has succeeded in establishing in the person of de la Selle,

in the Ritterakademie and person most likely to have been responsible for
at Celle, the
Sebastian's admission to the court of Celle, about which the Necrolog reports. None of
the previous theories sounded very convincing. Pirro assumed that Bach was introduced
by the court physician, Scott, son-in-law of Liineburg's mayor, Reinbeck; Spitta saw the
link in the Celle town organist, Brinckhorst, with whom Bach had contact after 1703,
while Wolffheim pointed to the trumpeter, Jan Pack, in the Duke's service, who might
have been a kinsman.
2
Galliard was subsequently court conductor in London, and Handel's predecessor.
3
E.g. the suites by Nicolas de Grigny and Charles Dieupart, and the former's
'Livre d'orgue.'
J.
SEBASTIAN: APPRENTICESHIP (1685-1703) I27

ments in Liibeck and Hamburg, on which Held had worked ! Young Bach
was thus able to add further knowledge regarding the con-
to his store of
struction of organs — a field in which he was later to become the greatest
authority.
Perhaps even more important than all these contacts was the one estab-
lished with Georg Bohm, 1 organist of Liineburg's Johanneskirche. It
seems indeed a very friendly gesture of Providence that this distinguished

Thuringian should have settled down in Liineburg in 1698, thus being

available to young Sebastian when he arrived in the northern town two
years later. Bohm, born in 1661 in a village near Ohrdruf, naturally had
various links with the Bachs. He probably attended the very school at

Ohrdruf that Sebastian had just left; later he went to the Gotha Latin
school with a kinsman of Sebastian, and he attended the University of
Jena together with three men, who subsequently became Sebastian's
teachers at Ohrdruf. Thus it was not difficult for the youth to gain access
to the great organistand composer. The connection proved most fruitful,
and Sebastian's early organ works especially clearly show him under the
spell of his compatriot and teacher. 2 Before he came to Liineburg, Bohm
had stayed for years in Hamburg, and Sebastian, hearing his reports about
the great organist, J. A. Reinken, felt irresistibly drawn to this city, in
order to hear the outstanding then 77 years old. The 30 miles'
artist,

distance and lack of funds were negligible matters once Sebastian's artistic
curiosity was aroused. He walked over to Hamburg during the summer
vacation of 170 1, and so great was the wealth of impressions he received
from the aged organ virtuoso, and from another master of the Northern
style, Vincenz Lubeck, so fascinating was Hamburg's teeming musical

life, with the great Reinhard Keiser at the opera house, that he repeated
more than once. How he managed in Hamburg without starving,
the trip
we do not know. Perhaps he received shelter and a little help from cousin
Johann Ernst (25), his former classmate at Ohrdruf, who had also gone
to Hamburg to improve his musical knowledge.
Thus a variety of circumstances combined to give the young genius
an abundance of different musical experiences. With passionate eagerness
—
he absorbed them all Reinken's and Lubeck's virtuosity; the Hamburg

1
The connection with another Liineburg organist, Johann Jakob Low(e),
conjectured by Spitta and Terry, seems of minor importance only. Low was not really a
Thuringian, but a Viennese, who called himself 'von Eisenach' because this was his father's
native town. When Sebastian came to Liineburg, Low was 72 and probably not interested
in a young singer.
a
Fock,
I.e., contends that almost all the organ and clavier works by Bohm which
have been preserved may be traced back to copies made by Sebastian.
128 THE BACH FAMILY
opera; the French elegant manieres, Bohm's individual language; the old
choral music — became an integral part of his own person-
until they all
ality. Liineburg, with its peculiar location near two important, and so

very different, musical centres, was indeed an ideal place for Sebastian's
musical training. At the same time nobody could have displayed a fiercer
determination to get hold of, and to exhaust to the uttermost limit, all the
golden opportunities that were within his grasp.

II

YEARS OF GROWTH
(1703- i 708)

Johannes (2)

Heinrich (6) Christoph (5)

1615-92 1613-61

J. Michael (14) = Cath. Wedemann J. Ambrosius (11) Georg Christoph (10)

1648-94 1650-1704 1645-95 1642-97

Maria Barbara=J. Sebastian (24) J. Christoph (22) J. Valentin (21)

1 684- 1 720 1685-1750 1671-1721 1 669- 1 720

J. Bernhard (41) J. Lorenz (38) J. Elias (39)

1700-43 1695-1773 I705-55

Cath. Dorothea W. Friedemann (45) * C. Ph. Emanuel (46) J. Gottf. Bernhard (47)
1708-74 1710-84 1714-88 1715-39

* The twins who died in the year of their birth are not specifically mentioned here.

By Easter 17021 Sebastian had finished his studies at the Michaelu-

schule and was ready for a University. Attending any such institution with-
1
The assumption of former biographers that Sebastian stayed at the Latin school in
Liineburg for three years seems unfounded, I.e. Sebastian had already started work
cf. Fock,
on the of the Latin school in Ohrdruf, and in view of his former scholastic progress
last class

it cannot be assumed that it took him more than three years altogether to master the curri-

culum of the senior year. What he did until he found a position in 1703, and where he
lived, is not known.
xii. Corridor in the Eisenach 'Bach House.' Oil-painting by Paul Bach
'

xin. First page of J. Sebastian Bach's Cantata 'Es erhub sich ein Streit
J.
SEBASTIAN IN ARNSTADT (1703-1707) 129

out funds would have presented a big but not insoluble problem to so
energetic and resourceful a youth. But Sebastian did not seriously con-
sider studying at a University; he was most eager to start musical work in
earnest and felt ready for any position that might come his way. In later

years he may have regretted this decision, as in 18th-century Germany

attendance at a University made a tremendous difference to a musician's
standing both socially and economically. For this reason, when it came to
his own sons, he was anxious to give them a University education, al-

though there was no doubt in his mind that they would eventually choose
musical professions. But as a youth of 17 Sebastian was not far-sighted
enough to adopt such a policy, and there was nobody close enough to him
to advise him. Where to look for suitable employment was the question
that now arose. Significantly enough, he did not consider staying in
Northern Germany, where he had established numerous contacts, any one
of which might have led to an appointment. For purposes of study and
artistic improvement this part of Germany had been excellently suited.

But when it came to settling down, he decided to travel all the 200 miles
back to Thuringia, where his forebears had tended the musical soil for
almost two centuries. This he did out of a deeply rooted allegiance to the
family tradition, and out of longing for contacts with his kinsfolk, a
longing particularly strong in one who, since the age of 10, had missed
normal family ties. Apart from this consideration, there were also practical
reasons in favour of Thuringia. There the very name of Bach was
honoured and would be enough to secure the beginner a position. The
family was also sure to lend all the help it could, just as Sebastian was to
do again and again for other musicians of the clan, and its members were
often in possession of the necessary inside information regarding a vacancy
which sometimes spelt the difference between success and failure.

In 1703, three different organist's posts were due to be filled in

Thuringia. One was at the Jakobikirche at Sangerhausen, the organist of
which had died in July 1702. That Sebastian applied is revealed in a letter
he himself wrote some thirty years later to a Sangerhausen Council
member. From it we learn that after all the votes had been cast in his
favour, and the post promised to him, the Lord of the town, a Duke of
Saxe-Weissenfels, had interceded, as he wanted the position to be filled
by a more mature musician, Joh. Augustin Kobelius. Naturally the Duke's
protege was appointed, and Sebastian had to content himself with a
promise of subsequent favours (a promise he was to redeem successfully
for one of his sons).
At Eisenach, also, the town organist's position became vacant through
I30 THE BACH FAMILY
the death of Johann Christoph Bach on March 31, 1703. Sebastian must
have been greatly attracted by this opening in the city of his birth.
Whether he applied for the position or not, we do not know. At all events
the post was given to an older and more renowned member of the family,
Johann Bernhard Bach. A more promising opportunity, however, seemed
to be materializing in another Bach centre, Arnstadt. There the old church
of St. Boniface, which in 1581 had been devastated by fire, had been re-
built some hundred years later and was now once more in use under the
name of the Neue Kirche. 1 At first it had no organ at all, but eventually
enough money was collected to start building an instrument, for which
an organist would be needed before long. Early in 1703 the work was
nearly completed, and Sebastian's relatives began to exert themselves on
his behalf. Naturally such endeavours could not be rushed, and in the
meantime Sebastian had to earn his daily bread. He therefore took the
first position that presented itself, entering as a 'lackey and violinist' the

small chamber orchestra 2 of Johann Ernst, a younger and very artistic

brother of the reigning Duke of Weimar. It looked as though Sebastian
were following the tradition established by his father and grandfather (the
latter had also begun his career at Weimar in the double capacity of servant

and instrumentalist), but he was really only marking time until an organ-
ist's post, on which he had set his heart, was offered to him. Meanwhile

he tried to play the organ as much as possible, acting as deputy for

3
the aged court organist, Johann Effler. This was not only a valuable
experience for young Sebastian, it was also helpful for the negotiations in
Arnstadt. Martin Feldhaus, mayor of the town and kinsman to the Bachs
as son-in-law of the town clerk Wedemann (cf. p. 35), did not fail to
make good use of this fact. Indeed, when he succeeded in having the 18-
year-old Sebastian Bach invited to test the new organ, the receipt he drew

up on payment of Sebastian's expenses gives the youth the exaggerated

title of 'Princely Saxonian Court Organist at Weimar,' which was by no
means in accordance with the facts.
Testing and playing the new organ, young Sebastian had a chance of
revealing his stupendous mastery to the Arnstadt citizens, and there is no
doubt that he swept them off their feet. The usual procedure of inviting
several candidates for trial performances was dispensed with, and hardly
1
In 1935 its name was changed to Bach Kirche.
2
Sebastian probably received the position through the intervention of a member of
this orchestra, his distant kinsman, David Hoffmann, who was a grandson of the Suhl
town musician, Christoph Hoffmann (cf. p. 74).
3 Gehren
Effler had preceded Michael Bach at (cf. p. 38) and succeeded Johann Bach
at Erfurt.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN ARNSTADT (1703-1707) 131

a month after his appearance, Sebastian received a contract granting him a

yearly salary of 50 fl., plus 34 fl. for board and lodging. 1 This income was,
as organists' remunerations went in those days, an excellent one. Heinrich
Bach, in his 50 years of service, had never received so much, nor was
Sebastian's eldest brother in Ohrdruf ever to earn what his pupil was
granted from the outset. It is significant that Sebastian, although anxious
to work in the same capacity and in the same place as his kinsmen, was,
even as a youth of 1 8, determined to build up his life on more favourable
material conditions. Like his great relative, Johann Christoph of Eisenach,
he felt that the service he rendered entitled him to a fair subsistence and,
in contrast to Johann Christoph, he had enough self-assurance and driving
power to convince his superiors of the Tightness of his claims.
On August
14, 1703, the new organist entered upon his duties. These
were not extensive; he was to play every Sunday from 8-10 a.m., every
Monday at an intercessory service, and every Thursday from 7-9 a.m.
Since his church had not engaged a Cantor, he was supposed, although his
contract did not specifically mention it, to train a small choir formed of

pupils from the Latin school for performances during the Sunday service.
It seemed to be an ideal position for a young musician who needed plenty

of time for his own improvement and creative work. Arnstadt, a city of
3800 inhabitants, was also a pleasant place to live in. Its many linden trees
had earned it the name of the 'Linden-town'; the gardens surrounding its
castle, with their flower-beds arranged in patterns of beautiful tapestries,
their grottoesand fountains, were considered outstanding in Germany,
while theRomanesque Liebfrauenkirche and the Renaissance Town Hall
belonged to the gems of Thuringian architecture. In the reign of Anton
2
Giinther II, various prominent men were assembled at the small court;
among them, in charge of the numismatic collection, was the learned
Andreas Morelli, who had formerly been attached to the Paris court. 3
The court orchestra was directed by Paul Gleitsmann, and as it did not
consist of court employees only, the conductor would certainly have
secured the services of so eminent and versatile a musician as Sebastian.
In addition to the advantages of a good position, there was the
pleasure of renewing contact with members of his own family. Of the

1
Sebastian was paid 25 fl. out of the beer taxes, 25 fl. out of the church treasury,
while the additional 34 fl. were granted by the Hospital 'on command of the Princely
Consistory.'
2
He was elevated to the rank of Prince in 1697, but only used the tide as late as 1707.
3
From 1689 to 1697 the poet, Salomo Franck, was active there as 'government-
secretary.' Sebastian was to meet him subsequendy in Weimar and set various cantatas
of Franck's to music.
I32 THE BACH FAMILY
older generation there was only Heinrich Bach's son-in-law and successor,
Christoph Herthum, and the widow of Ambrosius' twin brother, Johann
Christoph. But of Sebastian's own age group there were the widow's
three children, among them Johann Ernst, with whom he shared un-
forgettable artistic experiences in Hamburg; and there was Maria Barbara,
youngest daughter of the late organist of Gehren, Johann Michael Bach.
Both the girl's parents were dead by 1704, and she lived with her uncle,
Martin Feldhaus, and an aunt, Regina Wedemann, in the house of 'The
Golden Crown,' where, according documents preserved, Sebastian also
to
boarded for several years. Sebastian and Barbara were of approximately
the same age; both had been reared in homes where music was considered
of paramount importance; and both were orphans drifting along without
strong personal ties. Each could lighten the other's solitude and provide
in each other's lives the anchorage they both needed. No wonder the two
young people were drawn irresistibly towards each other, and 'The Golden
Crown' witnessed the growth of an idyllic love affair. The blood relation-
ship was considered too remote to present an obstacle, since they were
second cousins, their grandfathers having been brothers. Sebastian and
Barbara planned to get married as soon as his position was secure enough
to enable them to set up a home of their own. Several years were to pass,
however, before this plan could materialize, years which were not too
easy for either of them.
There were certain difficulties involved in Sebastian's work, which in
course of time assumed larger and larger proportions. The choir he was
supposed to was small and of very poor quality. As the 'New
train

Church' was it was inevitably allotted the

the least important in Arnstadt,
worst material, while the good singers were employed in the other two
churches of the town. Not only were Sebastian's charges mediocre
musicians, they were also an unruly lot, behaving (as the City Council
complained to the Consistory) in 'a scandalous manner.' To achieve good
results with such an unco-operative group, a mature man of high authority
was needed; a musician like Sebastian, who was younger than some of the
singers, had a difficult position indeed. These complications were further
aggravated by the young genius' lack of patience with incompetent
musicians, and by his temper, which, when provoked, could assume
violent proportions. Thus with the recalcitrant group was
his intercourse

by no means characterized by the dignified behaviour to be expected of a

servant of the church. After two years of unpleasantness, things came to a
head in a street brawl which occurred between the organist and a particu-
larity offensive rowdy by the name of Geyersbach. The latter, by three
J.
SEBASTIAN IN ARNSTADT (1703-I7O7) 133

years Sebastian's senior, happened to meet Bach on a dark night and

attacked him with a stick, calling him a 'dirty dog' because the organist
had made fun of him as a 'nanny-goat bassoonist.' Sebastian drew his
sword, a fight began, and blood would have been shed had not the spec-
tators intervened after sundry holes had been pierced in Geyersbach's
camisole. The incident made Sebastian even more disgusted with the
choir, and gradually he stopped working with it. Various unpleasant
cross-examinations by the Consistory followed (of which the files have
been preserved). Again and again his superiors urged him to accept the
'imperfect conditions,' which they readily admitted, and work with the
choir, but he stubbornly persisted in his point of view that the contract
did not provide for this work, and that it should be entrusted to a choir
master. 1
Maria Barbara must have worried a good deal over this conflict be-
tween her beloved and the authorities, but she could not learn too early
the hard lesson that there was no pliability in Sebastian's nature. When he
considered his claim justified, he would fight for it to the bitter end, even
at the risk of endangering his own position. Indeed, the choir was not the
only point of difference between the youthful organist and his superiors.
Soon after the Geyersbach affair, Sebastian, anxious to forget his personal
problems in a great musical experience, asked for four weeks' leave to visit
2
the famous organist, Dietrich Buxtehude, in Liibeck, and suggested that
his cousin, Johann Ernst, should 'New Church.'
act as his substitute at the
The Consistory well understood their gifted young organist's desire to
improve his art and gave him their permission to make the trip. So Sebas-
tian turned again towards the North, this time travelling a distance of 230
miles. 3 His plan was to attend the famous 'Evening musics' which Buxte-
hude conducted at St. Mary's on five Sundays around Advent. 4 He
arrived in Liibeck just in time for these events and found that the reality
actually exceeded his highest expectations. Performanceson such a scale
(with 40 instruments taking part in addition to the choir) and of such
perfection Sebastian had never previously witnessed. He even had a
chance of attending the stirring 'Evening music' held in memory of the

1
It seems that when Sebastian refused to co-operate, the training of the choir was done
by Herthum's son-in-law, Andreas Borner.
2
He had probably heard much about Buxtehude from Bohm, whose work was
gready influenced by the Liibeck organist.
3
The Necrolog states that he made the trip on foot, but this seems unlikely because
of the short time available.
4 They took on the two Sundays and the second, and
place last after Trinity third,
fourth Sunday in Advent.
134 THE BACH FAMILY
deceased Emperor Leopold I, as well as the celebration of the new
Emperor's accession. Sebastian was held spellbound in Lubeck, and the
idea of returning to his post at the end of the four weeks' leave did not
enter his mind. He did not even trouble to write his superiors an apology
for his greatly delayed return. The only thing that mattered was to absorb
all the intricacies of Buxtehude's art. These were indeed glorious days for

Bach, who was forever making new and exciting discoveries which were
to be most fruitful in his own creative work. For Barbara, however, far
away at Arnstadt, worrying over the reaction of Sebastian's superiors,
they may have been hard to bear. It seems not unlikely that her beloved
was so engrossed by his tremendous artistic experiences that he did not
even write to her. But he did remain faithful; for when it was hinted to
him that he might become Buxtehude's successor, providing he married,
according to custom, the master's daughter, Anna Margreta, then 30
years old, he declined, although the position at St. Mary's must have
seemed most attractive to the organist of the smallest church in Arnstadt. 1
It was after an absence of four months instead of four weeks that

Sebastian reappeared in Arnstadt. Soon the congregation noticed a change

in their organist's playing. Encouraged by what he had heard in Lubeck
and overflowing with new ideas, Sebastian became rather unconventional
in his accompaniments of the hymns, and his improvisations between the
verses seemed never to come to an end. The congregation was amazed,
bewildered, outraged and at times unable to stumble through the chorales.
Finally the organist was again called before the Superintendent, Olearius,
who, after reproaching him for his unauthorized long absence, took him
to account for the 'many curious variations' he was inserting into the
accompaniment. were given him 'if he used a tonus pere-
Strict orders

grinus (a strange key) 'to hold it out and not quickly to pass on to some-
thing else or even, as he liked to do, to use a tonus contrarius (a key con-
flicting with the former one).
Though furious at these instructions, Sebastian had no alternative but
to obey them, and all the joy went out of his work. If the good burghers
wanted a dull organist, no doubt he could satisfy them, he thought. Hence,
where he had previously done too much, he now did too little; and this
time he was criticized because his preludes were too short. So it went on
through the year 1706: complaints from the choral prefect, cross-examina-
tions by his superiors, and ultimata issued to the organist, who promised
Buxtehude had also tried unsuccessfully to win first Mattheson, and later Handel,
1

as successorand son-in-law, but he eventually achieved his aim with J. Christian Schieffer-
decker, who was of Bach's age and accordingly ten years younger than the bride.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN ARNSTADT (1703-I707) I35

to answer in writing and never did. This Arnstadt position certainly did
not offer a suitable basis for matrimony, poor Barbara felt; and finally she

herself was the cause of another disagreement with the Consistory. Sebas-
tian asked her to come to the organ gallery when the church was empty,
and sing to his accompaniment. This she did, and their music-making must
have delighted them both and further strengthened the bond between
them. But the aftermath was not so pleasant. In Arnstadt nothing remained
a secret for long. Someone had heard Barbara singing, tongues were set
wagging, and Sebastian was again summoned by the Consistory to explain
the presence of a 'strange maiden' in the organ gallery.
By that time the organist was aware that he would have to look for
another position. Fortunately a good opportunity presented itself before
renowned com-
long. In the Free Imperial City of Miihlhausen, the highly
poser and organist of St. Blasius', Johann Georg Ahle, had died in
December 1706. Once more the family got busy to secure the position for
Sebastian. Maria Barbara was related on her mother's side to the Miihl-
hausen Councillor, Johann Hermann Bellstedt, 1 and it was he who
carried on the negotiations with young Bach. His recommendation was
probably supported by the Miihlhausen organ builder, J. F. Wender, who
had built Arnstadt's new instrument, which Sebastian had tested and
approved in 1703. Thus it came about that young Bach was invited to
give his trial performance at Easter 1707. Again he overwhelmed the
congregation with his superb playing, and the pattern established at
Arnstadt repeated itself.

The authorities were truly anxious to secure his services and were
even prepared for financial sacrifices. Asked to state his terms, Sebastian
requested the salary he got at Arnstadt; and although Ahle, in spite of the
esteem he had enjoyed, had received only 66 fl. 14 gr. yearly, the new
organist was granted a yearly income of 85 fl. plus the amounts of
grain, wood, and fish allowed to Ahle. The Council also undertook to
send a waggon to Arnstadt for the transport of the organist's belongings.
In June Bach again appeared before the Arnstadt Consistory, but with
very different emotions! No recriminations were uttered this time, no
evasive answers were necessary on his part; he merely notified the authori-
ties of his appointment at Miihlhausen and asked for permission to hand
back the keys of the organ. Everything went off smoothly; none of the
two parties expressed their relief at this fortunate solution of an awkward
problem, and young Sebastian in voicing his thanks displayed for once all

1
Susanna Barbara Wedemann, aunt and godmother of Maria Barbara Bach, had
married in 1680 Johann Gottfried Bellstedt, a kinsman of the Miihlhausen Councillor.
136 THE BACH FAMILY
the courtesy that custom demanded. This was most necessary, for the
Consistory had, in effect, the power to annul his appointment by not
accepting his resignation; and he knew
was for such reasons that
that it

both his father, Ambrosius, and his uncle, Johann Christoph Bach, had
been compelled to refuse outside offers and stay on in Eisenach. However,
nothing of this kind happened, and the Consistory felt friendly enough
disposed towards the Bach clan to appoint as Sebastian's successor his
cousin, Johann Ernst, though with one significant stipulation:
Johann Ernst's salary was to be only 40 fl., less than half Sebastian's
stipend. 1
Sebastianwas now 22 years old and anxious to end his bachelor
existence. Having exchanged a good position for another equally good,
he felt able to take care of a wife and children. If he still had any fears
about the extra expenses he would incur over the wedding and the
furnishing of a modest home (responsibilities which he might have to
shoulder alone, as his fiancee was an orphan without means), such fears
were dispelled by a small legacy that came his way just at that time
through the death of his uncle, Tobias Lammerhirt. 2 At first Sebastian
went to Miihlhausen alone, to start his work and to find suitable accom-
modation; but it was not long before he returned to Arnstadt for his bride.
On October 17, 1707, the little church of Dornheim, a village near Arn-
stadt, witnessed the simple wedding ceremony of Sebastian and Barbara

Bach. The choice of this church was due to the family's friendship with
its pastor, Lorenz Stauber, who himself was to marry Barbara's aunt,

Regina Wedemann, a few months later. 3

So Sebastian Bach assumed the responsibilities of a married man at a

1
Johann Ernst (25) retained this position up to 1728, when, after the death of his kins-
man, Andreas Borner, he became organist of Arnstadt's other two churches and received
a salary of 77 fl. He died, almost blind, in 1739, and as his only son was but 2 years old
at the time the organist's position which had been held by the Bach clan ever since 1641
(by first Heinrich Bach, then his son-in-law Herthum, the latter's son-in-law Borner,
and finally Johann Ernst Bach) was lost to the family. A daughter of Johann Ernst lived
on at Arnstadt up to her death in 1792, the last member of the family to be traced in this
town.
2
By a curious coincidence another legacy reached him fourteen years later, when he
was about to conclude a second marriage. This time itcame from the widow of Tobias
Lammerhirt.
3
Stauber's first wife was a Hoffmann, probably a kinswoman of the Bachs. The
wedding of Stauber and Regina Wedemann occurred on June 5, 1708, and was attended
by the young Bach couple. It is probable that Sebastian's wedding cantata, Der Herr
denket an uns, was written for this occasion. The friendship between the Staubers and Bach
was maintained even after the latter's removal to Leipzig. When Regina died in 1731, her
last will provided a legacy for the Thomas Cantor and his second wife.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN MUHLHAUSEN (1707-1708) 137

very young age. This was entirely in keeping with the family tradition,
although it seems early to us who are used to consider freedom from
personal ties and responsibilities as one of the requirements for the develop-
ment of a young genius. But such freedom was not what Sebastian needed.
To him, who at the age of 10 had been deprived of his parents, nothing
seemed so desirable as a peaceful home where he really belonged. If ever
a genius was suited to the state of matrimony, it was Sebastian Bach. He
chose his partner with deep wisdom (such as neither Haydn nor Mozart
possessed), and made of each of his two marriages a tremendous success.
Home meant for him not only material comforts, but the sharing of his
most profound interests. His spouse had to be more than a good house-
keeper; she had to be a musician, able fully to appreciate her husband's
work. Sebastian's second wife was a professional singer. Although no
evidence has come down to us about Maria Barbara's musicianship (apart
from her singing in the Arnstadt church) we can reasonably assume that
someone who was descended from a line of outstanding artists, and who
became the mother of two of Sebastian's most talented sons, was also a
real helpmate to her husband in musical matters.

The newly-wed pair spent a few days with their kinsfolk in Erfurt,
and then travelled to Muhlhausen, where Sebastian threw himself vigor-
ously into his new duties.
The position at St. Blasius' conferred greater distinction than that at
Arnstadt's least important church. The city of Muhlhausen had harboured
a number of eminent musicians, and during the past fifty years St. Blasius'
had possessed quite outstanding organists in Johann Rudolph
in particular
Ahle and Johann Georg. Sebastian could not fail to be stimulated
his son,
by the standard set by such renowned predecessors. All his aspirations for
the improvement of church music, which had lain dormant in the un-
congenial Arnstadt atmosphere, now manifested themselves with ele-
mental force. The way he new responsibilities would have
shouldered his
amazed his former employers. Once more the contract merely stipulated
that he should play the organ at all the services held at St. Blasius'. This
time, however, such work was by no means sufficient for Sebastian. He
felt responsible for the entire music offered in his church, and, further-
more, he even took a lively interest in the musical progress of the neigh-
bouring villages. At he found the repertory somewhat old-
St. Blasius'

fashioned, as the Ahles had mainly favoured the simple chorale-like sacred
aria with instrumental ritornelli, neglecting the type of cantata de-
veloped by Buxtehude and other North German masters. This had of
course to be changed, and so Sebastian, together with his pupil, Johann
138 THE BACH FAMILY
Martin Schubart, diligently set about copying suitable works for the
church library. He sometimes found performances more to his taste in the
villages, and in his undiplomatic manner did not whichhesitate to say so,
was not exactly pleasing to the Miihlhausen citizens. He rejoiced in helping
the village musicians and even provided some of his own compositions
for their services, as he also did for the requirements of Miihlhausen. For
the solemn inauguration in February 1708 of the new burgomasters and
members of the Council, he wrote the 'congratulatory motet' Gott ist mein
Konig, making splendid use of what he had learned from Buxtehude. The
congregation could not help being thrilled by this solemn music, and his
employers were so pleased that they had the work printed. 1 The Coun-
cillors' appreciation of their new organist was further heightened when he

handed them soon afterwards a careful survey of the deficiencies of his

organ with advice on how to repair the instrument. So convincing was the
craftsmanship and intrinsic knowledge revealed in each of his suggestions
that they were accepted without demur, and an organ builder was en-
trusted with their execution. Sebastian's specifications have been preserved,
and from them we may reconstruct the young organist's idea of a good
instrument. He liked the Baroque arrangement of the organ stops in
groups, the members of which are closely interrelated in construction and
tone-quality, while each group is sharply contrasted from the remainder in
sonority and timbre. As he wished to increase the possibilities of such
contrasts in dynamic power and tone-colour, he wanted the addition of a
third manual to the two manuals and pedal of the Miihlhausen organ, as
well as an increase in the number of bellows. 2 Moreover, 'as a novel in-
clusion' he urged the building of a set of chimes operated from the pedal,
which he had devised himself. It is interesting to note that the organ he
suggested for Miihlhausen had much in common with the remodelled
instrument of the Eisenach Georgenkirche, which Johann Christoph Bach
had planned with so much care (cf. p. 36). Although the reconstruction

1
Although such 'congratulatory motets' were often published, this was by no means
the rule. In the years 1710 to 1713, for instance, in Miihlhausen, the text but not the music
was printed.
2
Though this is generally done, it does not seem justified to deduce from a document
which Bach drafted age of 23 the mature master's conception of the ideal organ.
at the

It appears that the Leipzig Bach tried to avoid strong contrasts in the timbre of the stops

and aimed rather at mixing and combining them. He worked towards their arrangement
in two groups: the clear and bold open diapasons and the softer, less distinct accompanying
stops suited for the execution of the continuo. In this way the solo and tutti arrangement
of the concerto (a form which was of paramount importance for Bach's later organ
works) also found expression in his conception of the ideal organ. Cf. W. Gurlitt, 'J. S.
Bach,' 3rd ed., 1949.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN MUHLHAUSEN (1707-I708) 139

work at Eisenach was not begun until a year after Sebastian left, he
doubtless had heard all the details of it from his relatives, and had perhaps
even examined the instrument on its completion in 1707. That he
itself

let Johann Christoph's plan influence him so strongly in rebuilding his

own organ shows again how firm were the artistic ties that bound him to
his great forebears.
Although his advice regarding the organ was fully heeded in Miihl-
hausen, troubles for the young organist arose in other respects. Sebastian's
pastor, Superintendent Frohne, had decided leanings towards Pietism, that
new trend towards a more had been born out of a
subjective faith that
healthy reaction against the increasing petrifaction and narrow-mindedness
of the Lutheran doctrine as preached in the orthodox churches. The con-
flict was somewhat akin to that which had once existed between early

Protestantism and the Catholic Church. Pietism stressed the importance

of the Christian life against that of the mechanical adoption of dogma. In
their striving for a religious revival, the Pietists shunned much that played
an important role in the Protestant service. Some declared the Bible word
preached in church to be 'dead,' unless meaning found a deep response
its

in the listener's soul; music, too, could become dangerous if it had too
strong an effect on the senses. Thus many Pietistic theologians fought
energetically against the inclusion of concerted music in the service, 1
decrying it as 'sirensongs disturbing meditation, mixing the world's
vanity with the sacred, and corrupting the gold of divine truth.' 2 was an
It

anti-artistic attitude very much like that of the Puritans. Pastor Frohne
may have been responsible for the musical austerity prevalent at St.
Blasius' before Sebastian arrived, and when he found his organist eagerly
bent on remedying such shortcomings, he must have hesitated to support
him. Nor can we assume that the congregation followed the
newcomer's
lead too readily. Reforms are nowhere accepted by the majority without
demurring, and Miihlhausen certainly was no exception to the rule. What
they had been accustomed to hear in the 33 years' service of Johann Georg
Ahle (who, after all, was a native of Miihlhausen, and not just an outsider
like this young Bach) was good enough for them, they felt. So quite a few
rejected the organist's innovations as 'too worldly' and 'carnal.' Neverthe-
1
This was not true of all the Pietists. Some sects, as for example the Herrenhuter,
were in favour of elaborate church music; on the other hand, there were also orthodox
pastors who condemned the concertizing organ style. Cf. Besch, 'J. S. Bach. Frommigkeit
und Glaube,' Kassel, 1950.
2
These remarks are quoted by Bach's predecessor, J. G. Ahle, in a new edition of
his father's 'Kurze und deutliche Anleitung zu der lieblich und loblichen Singekunst*
of 1704.
140 THE BACH FAMILY
less, such difficulties might eventually have been smoothed out and a com-
promise agreed upon with pastor Frohne, who was not a fanatic and was
likely to have appreciated his organist's true faith. Unfortunately, Sebas-
tian could not help taking sides in a feud between Frohne and the pastor
of St. Mary's, Georg Christian Eilmar, on matters of dogma. The latter, a
passionate upholder of Orthodoxy, had started violent attacks against
Frohne's Pietism as early as 1699. At that time the Council intervened and
interdicted any further dispute of the kind. Now, however, the old con-
flict was again brought into the open and the fight conducted in anything
but a Christian spirit. Eilmar was the more aggressive, and his rigid insis-

tence on the letter of the dogma does not make him appear in too pleasant
a light. But he had one point in his favour: he allowed music an important
part in the service. He wrote libretti for some of Sebastian's cantatas,1
and apparently thought much of the organist's talent. To receive en-
couragement both in his general aims and in his creative efforts from so
important a man must have meant a good deal to the young composer,
and it naturally drew him towards Eilmar. He closed his eyes to Eilmar's
narrow-mindedness and reactionary formalism and became sufficiently
friendly with the pastor to suggest his being godfather to the first child
which his young wife was expecting. Eilmar accepted, and when the girl
was born in December 1708 he went to Weimar, whither the Bachs had
moved, to attend the christening ceremony. The friendly connection
continued, and for Sebastian's first son, Friedemann, Eilmar's daughter,
Anna Dorothea Hagedorn, stood godmother.
Looking at Sebastian's attitude from the viewpoint of his artistic
personality, we are faced with a paradox. How could one who expressed
with such eloquence the yearning for a mystic union with Christ, whose
music was imbued with a longing to be relieved from the fetters of the
mortal flesh, how could such an artist fight these very same emotions in
the Pietistic doctrine? The clue to this riddle may perhaps be found in
Sebastian's background and in his youth. He had been brought up in
Lutheran Orthodoxy, and a man so deeply conscious of his family ties
naturally felt bound to adhere to the type of religion his forebears had
believed in. At the age of 23, overflowing with creative impulses, and eager
to try out all kinds of artistic experiments, Sebastian had little time for
introspection. He did not probe into the depths of his own faith, but

1
This is certain for Gott ist meln Konig and probable for Aus der Tiefe rufe ich
which bears at the end the note 'at Georg Chr. Eilmar set to music by
the request of Mr.

J. S.
Bach, organist of Miihlhausen.' He may also have provided libretti for other cantatas
of this period.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN MUHLHAUSEN (17O7-I708) I41

simply followed the way which both his artistic interests and the tradition
of the Bach clan (though not that of his mother's family !) clearly indi-
cated. The Pietists, with their rejection of elaborate church music, were
his enemies; the Orthodox, who saw in beautiful music a means of glori-
fying the Lord, his friends. Beyond that he did not venture. This does not
mean, however, that he maintained so intransigent an attitude throughout
his life. There is no definite proof that he remained intolerant in his
adherence to Orthodoxy; 1 certainly the texts he used for some of his can-
tatas show him to have been anything but inimical to the spirit of Pietism.
But whatever his subsequent attitude may have been, in Miihlhausen
Sebastian could not see eye to eye with his Pietistic pastor, and con-
sequently, less than a year after taking over the position, he was anxious
to give it up. Luck was with him. In Weimar was needed
a court organist
to replace the aged and infirm Johann Effler, and Sebastian presented him-
self in June 1708, gave his trial performance, and was naturally accepted.

Thereupon he wrote the following letter to the Miihlhausen Council:

'Magnificent High and very Noble, High and

respected Gentlemen,
Most Gracious Patrons and Gentlemen,
'This is to express to your Magnificent and to my highly esteemed
Patrons who of your grace bestowed on me, your humble servant, the
office, vacant a year ago, of Organist to the church of St. Blasius, and
granted me the enjoyment of a better subsistence, that at all times I desire

to recognize your favours with obedient gratitude. I have always kept one
end in view, namely, with all good will to conduct a well regulated church
music to the honour of God, in agreement with your desires, and besides
to assist, so far as possible to my humble ability, the church music that
has grown up in almost all the neighbouring parishes, which is often
better than the harmony produced here. To that end I have obtained from
far and wide, and not without expense, a good collection of the choicest
pieces of church music.
'Furthermore I have laid before you the report of the defects in the

1
The tendency of many Bach biographers to conclude from Sebastian's attitude in
Miihlhausen that his strict adherence to Orthodoxy and his animosity towards Pietism
lasted throughout his does not seem justified. This would mean a lack of spiritual
life

growth not with the nature of genius. As a further proof of Bach's Orthodoxy
in keeping
his library is usually referred to, which contained some 80 theological works, most of which
were by leaders of Lutheran Orthodoxy. This certainly reveals the composer's strong
interest in these problems, but we cannot deduce from it that he completely shared the
several authors' views.
I42 THE BACH FAMILY
organ needing repair, and at all times and places have with pleasure ful-
filled the duties of my office. Yet this has not been done without opposi-
tion, at present there is not the slightest appearance that things will be
and
altered, though in time, no doubt, our congregation will be brought to
approve. Moreover I have humbly to represent that, modest as is my way
of life, with the payment of house-rent and the purchase of indispensable
articles of consumption, I can only with difficulty carry on a fitting

establishment.
'Now God has so ordered it that a change has unexpectedly been
presented to me, in which I foresee the attainment of a more sufficient

subsistence and the more effective pursuit of my aims in the due ordering
of church music without interference from others, since His Royal and
Serene Highness of Saxe- Weimar has graciously offered me the entree to
His Court Capelle and Chamber Music.
'In consequence of this privilege I hereby, with obedience and respect,
represent it tomy Most Gracious Patrons, and at the same time would ask
them to take my small services to the church up to this time into favour-
able consideration, and to grant me the benefit of providing me with a
gracious dismissal. If I can in any way further contribute to the service of
your church I will prove myself better in deed than in word, as long as life

shall endure.
'I am, Most Honourable Gentlemen, Most Gracious Patrons,
Your Most Humble Servant,
Joh. Seb. Bach.
Miihlhausen, June 25, anno 1708.'

The concluding remark evidently refers to the organ repairs started at

his instigation. The authorities, while regretfully consenting to the
organist's departure, asked him to continue to supervise the work; he
promised gladly. Indeed, so friendly remained his relations with the Miihl-
hausen Councillors that he was again commissioned, in 1709, to write the
'congratulatory motet' for the inauguration of the new Council. 1
Before leaving, Sebastian was able once more to suggest a cousin as
his successor. The Council agreed, but insisted (again in the pattern of
Arnstadt) that the new organist should receive a much lower salary. Thus
Sebastian was replaced by Johann Friedrich, son of the great Johann
Christoph of Eisenach, who, in the good old family tradition, retained

1
Although this cantata was printed too, no copy has been traced so far, and we do
not even know its tide. Yet the Miihlhausen files prove irrefutably that Bach wrote such
a work. Cf. 'Miihlhauser Geschichtsblatter,' 1932.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN WEIMAR (1708-I717) 143

the position up But such stability was as yet impos-

to his death in 1730.
sible for Sebastian, and so we see him in July 1708 joyfully starting a new
life at Weimar.

Ill

THE GREAT ORGANIST

(1708-1717)

The geographical distance between Miihlhausen and Weimar is not

more than 40 miles. and economically, however, Sebastian
Socially
travelled a long way when he exchanged his position in the Free Imperial
City for one at the ducal court. From the outset his new salary was almost
twice what he received in Miihlhausen, and it was destined to grow
steadily throughout his stay at Weimar. And although succeeding the
Ahles, father and son, at had been a privilege indeed, yet, in
St. Blasius'

the eyes of the world, a good position at a ducal court bestowed still more
prestige. Added to the material advantages there were other considera-
tions which meant much to the organist. His new patron was a fervent
and deeply religious Lutheran, who valued music as an important means
of glorifying the Lord. Here Sebastian found encouragement for carrying
out his schemes for 'a well regulated church music,' and no opposition
was to be anticipated from other religious sects, as the Duke, who ruled
his landwith an iron hand, would not tolerate anything but orthodox
Lutheranism.
Later in the century, the small court of Weimar was to become the
Athens of Germany, witnessing the golden age of literature dominated by
the gigantic figures of Goethe and Schiller. Then, like a magnet, Weimar
was to attract men eminent in all the realms of culture, men who were to
find in the small residence of the enlightened Duke Carl August a most
congenial atmosphere. In Bach's time there was as yet hardly a breath of
that invigorating cultural climate, but even then Weimar was clearly
different from the average small German court. Here religion was the axis
around which everything revolved. The serious-minded Duke Wilhelm
Ernst, in the 45 years of his rule, struck this note, and the court followed
his lead. All ducal servants had to attend daily devotions and take turns
in reading the Bible aloud. To let the attention wander during a sermon
was highly dangerous, for the Duke had the unpleasant habit of question-
ing his servants personally on every detail of the chaplain's discourse. It
was also the Serenissimus himself who worked out the order in which his
144 THE fi ACH FAMILY
employees were to appear at the altar for Communion. Not only was the
Duke engrossed in matters of religious dogma; he also attempted to lead
a truly Christian life. Hence there arose at Weimar an atmosphere of
austerity which was in strong contrast to the frivolityand extravagance
prevalent at other German courts. Not
glimmer of light was visible
a
about the castle after 8 p.m. in the winter and 9 p.m. in the summer.
Festivitieswere rare, and even the troupe of actors 1 which the Duke
had employed for some years was dismissed before Sebastian's arrival.
Wilhelm Ernst's tastes were frugal but he insisted on a supply of fresh
flowers every day; to meet his needs he had the castle's bearpit, where his
predecessors had kept wild beasts, transformed into a beautiful garden.
Whilst allowing only a small budget for entertainment, the Duke spent
considerable sums on welfare and cultural institutions; showing himself
in all such enterprises an important precursor of that type of enlightened
rulerwhich Germany and Austria were to produce some 50 years later.
Yet, on the other hand, he was convinced of his absolute power, and
accepted as a matter of course the idea, characteristic of the epoch, that an
unbridgeable gulf existed between his august self and his subjects. He was, in
short, a despot, though a well-meaning one. In the field of music, however,
the new organist's ideas seemed to move along the same lines as those of
the patron, and there was every prospect of a harmonious relationship
between Duke Wilhelm Ernst and Sebastian Bach. The Prince came to
value his organist's gifts very highly, and to trust his judgment in musical
matters implicitly. Although the organ of the Schlosskirche had been
reconstructed as recently as 1708, Bach succeeded in inducing his patron
to spend further substantial sums on it. First he had a set of chimes in-
stalled similar to those he had prescribed for the Miihlhausen church, and

before long he suggested a complete reconstruction, which the organ

builder, Heinrich Trebs, executed between 1712 and 1714. 2 The Duke's
co-operative attitude was all the young musician needed to unfold his
genius. It was at Weimar that Bach the organist climbed to the loftiest
heights. As his patron allowed him frequent absences, during which his
competent pupil, J. M. Schubart, deputized, Sebastian often played at
other courts and and his fame as an organ virtuoso spread all
cities too,

over Germany. Legends began to circulate; how all unknown he had

visited a village church and coaxed such magnificent sounds out of a
wretched instrument that the village organist whispered: 'This can only

1
In 1696 the theatre was inaugurated with a work bearing the characteristic title

'Of virtuous Love as opposed to sinful Desire.'

J
Cf. Jauernig in 'Johann Sebastian Bach in Thuringen,' 1950.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN WEIMAR (1708-1717) 145

be the devil or Bach himself!' But the awe and admiration of his contem-
poraries for Sebastian's stupendous virtuosity are also laid down in
authentic reports. Constantin Bellermann, a rector of Minden, describes
Bach's performance on the pedals at the court of Cassel thus: 'His feet flew
over the pedal-board as though they had wings, and powerful sounds
roared like thunder through the church. This filled Frederick, the Crown
Prince, with such astonishment and admiration that he drew from his
finger a ring set with precious stones and gave it to Bach as soon as the
sound had died away. If the skill of his feet alone earned him such a gift,
what might the Prince have given him had he used his hands as well.' To
which we may add: and what would have been the just reward to the
composer of the works that the performer interpreted so miraculously?
For simultaneously with the organ virtuoso the organ composer Bach
also climbed to the peak of his creative mastery, and the majority of his
important organ works were written or at least started in Weimar. Kindled
by the prevailing religious atmosphere they achieved a 'disembodied
spirituality' (Forkel)which has perhaps been best characterized by the
Weimar genius who
heard them a century later. Goethe, listening to
Bach's organ works, wrote: 'It is as though eternal harmony were con-
versing with itself, as it may have happened in God's bosom shortly
before He created the world.'
Such insight was not given to Sebastian's contemporaries. Though
learned musicians could not fail to be impressed by Bach's profound
knowledge and superb craftsmanship, to most listeners his dazzling
exploits as a performer necessarily obscured his creative achievements.
Sebastian's own be known. His was not
attitude in this matter will never
an age of self-expression and introspection. What he is reported to have
said about his own work is therefore quite unrevealing. Complimented
on his great organ playing, he answered deprecatingly: 'There is nothing
to it. You only have to hit the right notes at the right time and the instru-
ment plays itself.' And Forkel reports: 'When he was asked how he had
contrived to master the art to such a high degree, he generally answered:
"I was obliged to work hard; whoever is equally industrious, will succeed
just as well." It seems doubtful whether Bach was as modest as these
'

utterances suggest. They were dictated rather by innate reserve and a

natural contempt for people who asked questions that defied a real
answer.
There is yet a third aspect of Sebastian's activities in connection with
the organ. He gradually attained the position of a highly skilled expert on
the construction of the instrument, and in this capacity he constantly
I46 THE BACH FAMILY
received invitations to test newly completed or repaired organs. 'He was,'
as Forkel reports, on the basis of information from Philipp Emanuel
Bach, 'very severe, but always just, in his trials of organs. As he was
perfectly acquainted with the construction of the instrument, he could not
be in any case deceived. The first thing he did in trying out an organ was
to draw out all the stops and play with the full organ. He used to say in
jest that he must know whether the instrument had good lungs. After the

examination was over, he generally amused himself and those present by

showing his skill as a performer. He would choose some subject and
. . .

execute it in all the various forms of organ composition, never changing

his theme, even though he might play, without intermission, for two hours
or more. First he used it for a prelude' and a fugue, with the full organ.
Then he showed his art of using the stops for a trio, a quartet, etc. After-
wards there followed a chorale, the melody of which was playfully sur-
rounded in the most diversified manner by the original subject, in three
or four parts. Finally, the conclusion was made by a fugue, with full
organ, in which either another treatment of the first subject predominated,
or one or two other subjects were mixed with it.'

Success won outside Weimar naturally had some bearing on his

standing there; this was particularly true in the case of Halle. Five years
after his arrival in Weimar, Sebastian visited this town and was greatly
impressed by the plans for a rebuilding of the huge Liebfrauenkirche organ.
To work on such an outstanding instrument (with 65 stops!) was
tempting indeed; and as the organist's position, held up to 171 2 by
Handel's teacher, Friedrich Wilhelm Zachau, was still vacant, Sebastian
applied for it. The Halle authorities showed themselves very interested,
and at their urgent request Sebastian not only gave the customary per-
formance on the organ but also produced a cantata of his own com-
position. The electors were naturally much struck by his mastery, and
hardly had Sebastian returned to Weimar when he received a contract
1
from Halle for signature. The conditions, however, were not too attrac-
tive. The yearly salary paid in Halle was 196 fl. (to which some accidentien
for weddings, etc. could be added) whereas in Weimar he received 225 fl.

He therefore wrote back noncommittally and tried to obtain better condi-

tions. Halle remained firm, however, and while Sebastian was weighing
1
Paragraph 4 of this contract stipulated that the organist should accompany the
hymns 'quietly on 4 or 5 stops with the Principal, so as not to distract the congregation . . .

eschewing the use of Quintatons, reeds, syncopations, and suspensions, allowing the organ
to support and harmonize with the congregation's singing.' This shows that Arnstadt's
earlier complaints against young Sebastian's too elaborate accompaniment were quite in
keeping with the prevailing opinion.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN WEIMAR (1708-I717) I47

its artistic attractions against the financial loss involved, his Duke con-
siderably improved the Weimar contract, with the result that Sebastian
now definitely declined the Halle position. The electors were mortified and
hinted that the organist had used them simply as a means of securing
better conditions at Weimar. Such insinuations he contested in an ener-
getic letter, and his arguments must have been persuasive enough to calm
the Halle authorities; for, two years later, when the great organ was
completed, it was Sebastian who, together with the organ experts, Johann
Kuhnau and Christian Friedrich Rolle, was invited to test it. Bach,
delighted with the Halle electors' change of mind, accepted with alacrity
and had a very good time indeed. Not only was it fascinating to try out
the new organ, but he also enjoyed co-operating with the Thomas Cantor,
Kuhnau, little foreseeing that he would succeed the
great musician 7
years later. Halle, on the other hand, outdid itself in courtesies to the three
organists. Servants, coaches, and refreshments were more than plentiful.

The menu of the concluding banquet is certainly impressive and deserves

to be quoted in full:

Boeuf a la mode.
Pike with Anchovy Butter Sauce.
Smoked Ham.
Sausages and Spinach.
Roast Mutton.
Roast Veal.
Peas. Potatoes. Boiled Pumpkin. Asparagus. Lettuce. Radishes.
Fritters.
Candied Lemon Peel. Preserved Cherries.
Fresh Butter.

The wine is not mentioned especially, but there is every reason to believe
that the guests of honour sampled no small amount of it. 1
From now on work in Weimar was even more absorbing. At the
beginning of his employment, Sebastian had been engaged as court
organist and chamber musician, the latter title meaning that he also played
the violin in the ducal band. A contemporary chronicler reports: 'The
Duke's ears frequently enjoyed the playing of 16 well-disciplined musi-
cians clad in Hungarian haiduk uniforms,' and on these occasions Sebas-
tian probably had to appear in this fanciful attire. Nominally the conduc-
tor of the band was Johann Samuel Drese, but infirmity and old age made
him unable to officiate. For a considerable time his place had been filled
1
In Sebastian's expense bills the item for wine was quite a considerable one. For
instance, when he went to Gera in 1724 to examine a new organ, he received 30 fl. as a
fee, 10 fl. for transportation, 17 fl. 8 gr. 8 pf. for food, and 7 fl. 8 gr. for wine.
I48 THE BACH FAMILY
by deputies, the last being Drese's own son, Johann Wilhelm, who had
been trained at the Duke's expense in Italy and now held the rank of vice-
conductor. The Duke, although supporting the Dreses out of loyalty to
an old servant, could not help realizing that it would be a wise move to
entrust part of the conductor's duties to his admirable organist. So, when
Sebastian received the invitation from Halle, he created for his organist
the new post of Concertmaster with a salary of 240 fl., and the obligation
of composing and performing a new cantata every month; leaving to the
younger Drese the duty of supplying the court with new secular music. 1
The result was that Sebastian now had an opportunity of working
with both singers and instrumentalists, and was able to lay the foundations
of his mastery as a conductor. The rehearsals, like the performances, took
place in the court chapel, a Baroque monstrosity in the worst taste, 2 which,
however, bore a name most appropriate to the music resounding in it,

being called the 'Castle of Heaven.' 3 This time the conductor, who led
the group with his violin, had no trouble with the singers. There were 12
well-trained vocalists at his disposal, among them the excellent altist,

Christian Gerhard Bernhardi, himself a composer, for whom

Bach wrote
some very intricate parts. 4 The widening of his musical duties brought
much joy to the new Concertmaster, and several great cantatas using texts
by the eminent Salomo Franck, Secretary of the Consistory, first saw the
light in Weimar.
In other respects, too, life was satisfactory at the small Court. Sebas-
tian's home was a happy one. Children arrived regularly, among them
three sons —Wilhelm Friedemann, Carl Philipp Emanuel, and Johann
Gottfried Bernhard — destined to display outstanding musical talent.
Godparents for the Bachs' offspring were not chosen locally, and it is

interesting to note that among 15 persons who acted in this capacity, 13

came from other places. It would seem that Bach, deeply absorbed in
creative work, had not too much time for establishing new contacts in
Weimar. Yet there was one fellow musician with whom he struck up an
important friendship: the town organist, Johann Gottfried Walther, also
born in 1685, a pupil of Sebastian's cousin, Johann Bernhard Bach, and,
moreover, a kinsman on the Lammerhirt side (cf. p. 17) who had spent his
childhood in the house 'The Three Roses,' where Sebastian's mother was
1
Cf. Jauernig, I.e.
2
The chapel was destroyed by fire in 1774 together with the castle, and new
buildings were erected according to Goethe's plans.
8
It was originally called 'Path to the Castle of Heaven' on account of a small pyramid

which rose from the altar to the ceiling carrying litde cherubs towards Heaven.
* Cf. Cantatas 132, 161, 185.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN WEIMAR (1708-I717) 149

born. 1 The two Weimar organists were both newly married, and when
Walther's son was born, Bach stood godfather. In Walther, an emi-
first

nent organist and a composer of outstanding chorale preludes, Sebastian

found a congenial spirit; in his zeal for self-improvement he discovered
that much could be learned from his colleague. In particular, their common
interest in Italian music formed a strong bond, and there was a friendly
competition between them in the arrangement of Italian concertos for key-
board instruments. According to Walther, Bach presented him with no
less than 200 compositions, partly his own and partly B ohm's and Buxte-
hude's. Friendly relations were also established with Johann Mathias
Gesner, 2 vice-principal of the Weimar Gymnasium, who became one of
Sebastian's staunch admirers. Of course there was also frequent inter-
course with kinsmen and with musicians in nearby places. In Eisenach
there was Johann Bernhard Bach, and from 1708 to 1712 the celebrated and
prolificGeorg Philipp Telemann, who, after moving to Frankfurt, stood
godfather to Sebastian's second son. The city of Jena, which formed part
of the Duke of Weimar's territory, was within reach, and visits to Johann
Nicolaus Bach could easily be arranged.
Gifted pupils provided a further enrichment of his life. Among them
were the excellent organists, Schubart and Vogler, and also Johann Tobias
Krebs, a Cantor himself, who walked regularly for seven years from the
village of Buttelstadtto Weimar, in order to receive instruction from
Walther and Bach. Continuing the old family tradition, Sebastian under-
took the training of two young kinsmen, Johann Lorenz (38), grandson
of Georg Christoph (10) from Schweinfurt, and Johann Bernhard (41),
son of Sebastian's own teacher and eldest brother, Johann Christoph
3
(22) of Ohrdruf. With four children, various pupils, and one of his
wife's sisters who lived with them, Sebastian's home was just as full of
life as his hospitable father's had been.
He also had sundry pupils of a more exalted rank. The princely patron
whom he had served when working in Weimar for a few months in
first

1703 (cf. p. 130) died in 1707, but he left two sons in whom Sebastian was

greatly interested. The younger, Johann Ernst, had a really outstanding

1
The house belonged to Valentin Lammerhirt, from whose widow it was bought
by Hedwig Bach, the wife of Johann. It remained in the family until 1688, when J.
Egidius Bach sold it to J. Stefan Walther, the father of the organist.
2
Gesner had studied at the University of Jena and probably made friends with
J. Nicolaus Bach.
3
J. Lorenz stayed at Weimar from 1713 to 1717, whereupon he was appointed Cantor
in Lahm, Franconia. J. Bernhard moved with Sebastian to Cothen, staying until 1719.
In 1 72 1 he succeeded his late father in office.
15° THE BACH FAMILY
musical talent, and three of his violin concertos were transcribed by Bach
for keyboard instruments; these works written were in the Italian style
even granted the honour of being mistaken for compositions by Vivaldi.
Johann Ernst's real teacher was Walther; but there was undoubtedly much
artistic intercourse between the court organist and the young Prince, and
Sebastian must have grieved indeed when a tragic fate carried off the
talented youth in 171 5 at the age of 19.
But there was an elder brother, Prince Ernst August, who was also
and he studied the clavier with Bach. Ernst August
interested in music,
was not what one would call a lovable character; contemporary reports
make him appear a highly eccentric man, whose actions sometimes
bordered on insanity. His ideas about government were decidedly old-
fashioned; for when he succeeded Wilhelm Ernst, as a ruler of
his uncle,
Weimar, he issued an edict threatening any subject proved to have
'reasoned,' i.e. criticized conditions in his land, with six months' imprison-
ment. At the time of Sebastian's work at Weimar, the Prince's views had
not yet assumed so excessive a character. Bach spent a good deal of time
1
in Ernst August's castle, taking part in its very active musical life, and
the Prince, according to a statement from Emanuel Bach to Forkel, 'parti-
cularly loved him and rewarded him appropriately.' 2 This was destined
to be fatal to Sebastian's position in Weimar. The relationsbetween
Wilhelm nephew and heir, Ernst
Ernst, the reigning sovereign, and his
August, were very strained indeed. According to the charter of the Duchy
of Saxe-Weimar, all executive power was centred in the eldest Duke, his
younger relatives having a purely consultative role in the government.
So vague a provision naturally opened the door to family quarrels of all
kinds; during Sebastian's stay at Weimar these assumed inordinate pro-
portions. Duke Wilhelm Ernst definitely had a mind of his own and did
not relish any advice from his nephew. Ernst August, on the other hand,
insisted on voicing his opinions and there was constant friction and
antagonism. These were difficult times for the court employees, who
needed a good deal of tact not to become involved in the feud between the
two Princes. The court musicians in particular found themselves in a sad
predicament when Duke Wilhelm Ernst, on pain of a 10 thalers fine,
forbade them to play in his nephew's castle. This was most unfair, as the

1
Jauernig, I.e., points to items in the Particulier Cammerrechnungen der Fiirstl.

Sachs. Jiingeren Linie revealing considerable expenses for copying music, and buying
instruments. One of these was a Lautenwerk acquired for the price of 41 fl.
3 gr. from the
Jena Bach.
2
Cf. letter to Forkel of January 13, 1775.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN WEIMAR (1708-1717) 151

musicians counted among the 'joint servants' and were remunerated from
made
the joint treasury. Bach's sense of justice and his independent spirit
him pay no heed on Duke Ernst
to so unreasonable an order. Indeed,
August's birthday he performed a cantata with musicians from the nearby
court of Weissenfels, 1 and handed the Duke a birthday poem bound in
green taffeta, for which he was handsomely rewarded. Naturally the elder
Duke's ire was roused and he soon found a way to punish his concert-
master.
In December 171 6 old Drese, the Kapellmeister, died, and by all

rights the position should have been conferred on Sebastian Bach, who in
the past two years had assumed most of its duties. This was what Sebas-
tian himself expected as a matter of course. The Duke, however, first tried
to secure Telemann, and when this proved impossible he conferred the
position on the former vice-conductor, Johann Wilhelm Drese. Sebas-
tian's disappointment and humiliation at having been passed over for the
sake of a nonentity like young Drese were intense, and the work at
Weimar lost its attraction for him. It is significant that after old Drese's
death no trace of any cantatas written by the Concertmaster is to be
found. Even at the Bicentenary of the Reformation, celebrated in grand
style, the fervent admirer of Luther remained silent. It is possible that the
Duke, when conferring the conductorship on young Drese, expected him
henceforth to supply all the new cantatas required. Bearing in mind
Sebastian's behaviour in Arnstadt, however, it seems just as likely that the
headstrong Concertmaster simply stopped composing for his patron in
order to express his grievance.
The sequence of events bears an interesting resemblance to that in
Miihlhausen. Again Sebastian was drawn into a conflict that did not really
concern him; just as he had supported Eilmar against his own superior in
Miihlhausen, so in Weimar he revealed his attachment to the younger
Duke, and infuriated his actual patron. In each case a less straightforward
nature could have avoided entanglement in such feuds. Sebastian, how-
ever, was anything but a tactician. Indeed, there was a definitely pug-
nacious streak in his disposition; far from trying to avoid difficulties, he
acted rather to provoke them, and then used all his energy and resource-
fulness to overcome the resulting trouble.
Accordingly, after nine years of service at Weimar, Sebastian began
to consider moving again. Those friendly relations with the younger
1
Jauernig claims that this was Bach's Jagdkantate (cf. p. 226). Spitta's assumption
that the performance of this work in Weimar took place after 1728 (the year in which Duke
Wilhelm Ernst died) seems less probable.
152 THE BACH FAMILY
Duke that had spoiled his promotion now helped him to reach his goal.
Duke Ernst August had married in 1716 a sister of Prince Leopold of
Anhalt-Cothen, the young ruler of a tiny principality that had come into
existence through the partition of the little Duchy of Anhalt. Bach was on
excellent terms with the Duchess, and it did not take long for her brother
to discover what a prize he could acquire for his own court. He therefore
decided to reorganize his music staff; his conductor was to retire in August
I7i7,and the Prince offered the position to Sebastian on highly favourable
terms. The character of the work was the diametrical opposite of that in
Weimar. No
organ playing and no composition of church music was
expected from the conductor; for the Cothen court had adopted as early
as 1596 the Reformed (Calvinistic) Church, which meant that except for
certain feast days only the simplest kind of unadorned psalmody was per-
mitted in the service. On the other hand, was deeply interested
the Prince
in instrumental music, and in this field the conductor was expected to be
constantly at work. Acceptance of the Cothen position therefore meant
breaking with almost everything that Sebastian had hitherto aimed at and
accomplished. As a musician, and with his consuming zest for experi-
menting, he could not fail to be fascinated by the very novelty of his
prospective artistic duties. So, although Sebastian did not uphold the
religious doctrine of the Cothen court, he accepted the offer; and from

August 1, 1717, he was on the princely pay-roll, despite the fact that he
had not yet received his leave from Weimar. At the same time the
generous Prince Leopold paid him an additional amount of 50 thalers
to defray the expenses of his removal, and it appears that Sebastian settled
his large family in Cothen before matters were straightened out in
Weimar. From Cothen he travelled to Dresden, where at that moment a
French organist and clavier player, Louis Marchand, was making a
tremendous impression. Sebastian, who had known and admired Mar-
chand's compositions for some time, naturally could not miss so good an
opportunity to hear the great man perform and possibly to meet him.
he suspect that instead of his honouring the French master, the
Little did
honours would be bestowed on him. For as soon as his presence became
known in Dresden, an influential courtier (possibly Count Flemming)
suggested holding a competition on the clavier between the French and
the German master. The challenge was accepted on both sides, but when
Sebastian presented himself before the exalted audience which was to wit-
ness the contest, his opponent was not there. After a prolonged wait, a
messenger sent to Marchand brought word that the Frenchman had
secretly left Dresden that very morning, thus admitting the superiority of
J.
SEBASTIAN IN WEIMAR (1708-1717) 153

his German rival. Any disappointment the guests may have felt at missing
so thrilling a spectacle was quickly dispersed by the inimitable art of Bach,
who now entertained them on the clavier.

With the enthusiastic acclaim of the Dresden nobility still ringing in

his ears, Sebastian returned to Weimar to settle the little formality of
getting official release from his duties. In his former appointments this had
never presented any difficulty, and apparently Sebastian did not anticipate
any trouble Weimar. His pupil, Johann Martin Schubart, who had
in
deputized for him on the organ, would be well qualified to succeed him.
The post of Kapellmeister, with all pertaining duties, was held by the
younger Drese, and a Concertmaster was no longer needed. With Duke
Wilhelm Ernst, however, such reasonable arguments counted as little as the
fact that Bach was offered a substantially higher stipend at Cothen.
Changes in his personnel were always annoying to him; he even retained
old servants who were of no use. Moreover, although he was angry with
Bach, his renowned organist was an asset to the court which he did not
like to surrender. Finally, it would be most vexing to let Bach go to the

Prince of Cothen, who, as the brother-in-law of Prince Ernst August,

naturally belonged to the enemy's camp. He therefore decided to refuse
Bach's release, and thought that the organist, though upset at first, would
eventually calm down. In this assumption he was mistaken, however, for
Bach did not submit to the decision of his patron. Indeed, so outspoken
was his insistence that (according to the court secretary's report) 'he was
put under arrest for too obstinately requesting his dismissal.' From
November 6 to December 2 Sebastian remained in jail, making the best
use of his enforced leisure by working on his Orgelbiichlein; but as he
showed no inclination whatever to give in, and as the Duke on the other
hand did not care for an open wrangle with the Cothen court, the recalci-
trant organist was at last released 'with notice of his unfavourable dis-
charge.' As was to be expected, Schubart was appointed his successor and
retained this position until his early death in 1721, when he was replaced
by another Bach pupil, Johann Caspar Vogler; thus the Bach tradition of
organ playing was kept alive in Weimar until Vogler's passing in 1765.
This does not mean, however, that Sebastian Bach was kindly remembered
in Weimar's official circles. Two facts clearly illuminate this unrelenting
attitude. Walther treated Bach in his Musiklexikon in a strangely super-
ficial manner; he did not even list those works which he himself had

received from Sebastian. This was not due to an estrangement, for we

know from other sources 1 that Walther continued to feel the greatest
1
Cf. Schiinemann in BJ, 1933.
154 THE BACH FAMILY
esteem for this 'cousin and godfather/ but as an employee of the city of
Weimar he apparently had to pay heed to the dictates of the local censor.
The same official exercised his veto when, five years later, Wette published
a history of Weimar; in it, among the names of the Weimar court organ-
ists, the one who had conferred lasting glory on the town was simply left

out.1
Sebastian Bach's determined defiance of his patron's wishes constitutes
an important, though as yet isolated, landmark in the artists' fight for
social freedom. At this point of his career he certainly broke with the
family tradition. Ambrosius Bach and Johann Christoph had both been
forced to stay on in Eisenach against their will; Sebastian refused to be
cowed by similar restrictions. How gleefully would his forebears have
applauded had they been privileged to hear his 'stiff-necked protestations,'
which finally opened the jail doors for him!

IV
COURT CONDUCTOR AND PRINCELY FRIEND
(1717-1723)

When Barbara's seventh child was born, an august group of god-

parents assembled at Cothen for the christening; three members of the
princely family joined forces with a Court Councillor and the wife of a
Court Minister, both members of the aristocracy. 2 This fact clearly reveals

Sebastian's position at Cothen. At Weimar such exalted godparents had

not been available for any of the six Bach children born there. The Cothen
Court Conductor, however, was a person of high standing. His salary of
400 thalers equalled that of the Court Marshal, the second highest official,
and his princely patron treated him as a revered and cherished friend.
Prince Leopold, 23 years old, and thus nine years his conductor's junior,
was a true lover of the Muses. From a trip to Italy he brought home valu-
able objects of art, and he greatly enlarged the court library. As regards
music, he was much more than a mere enthusiast. He played with profes-
sional skill the violin, viola da moreover he was a
gamba, and clavier;
competent singer who had a pleasant baritone voice. Sebastian bestowed
on him the highest praise in claiming that the Prince 'not only loved but
1
Significant is the remark on the title-page of Wette's book: 'Unter hoher Censur
und Bewilligung des Hochfiirsd. Ober-Consistorii ans Licht gestellet.'
2
The child received with such pomp died after ten months.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN COTHEN (1717-I723) 155

knew music.' The profundity of Leopold's understanding is indeed re-

vealed by the works which the new conductor wrote for his master. Com-
positions such as the sonatas for violin solo and the suites for violoncello
solo can be truly appreciated only by someone with the deepest musical
insight.
Under the rule of Prince Leopold's widowed mother the small court
of Cothen had been run on strictly economical lines; music had hardly any
place in it, and only three musicians had been employed in the princely
service. As soon as Leopold came of age, decisive changes were made. An
orchestra of 17 players was established, and the Prince was fortunate in
securing some eminent players in Berlin, where the anti-musical King
Friedrich Wilhelm I had dissolved his own band in 171 3. When Bach took
over he found a well-trained instrumental body. 1 Gradually fine instru-
ments were purchased too, such as a harpsichord, for the acquisition of
which Bach was sent to Berlin, and two Stainer violins. Inspired by the
new possibilities thus opening to him, and by his patron's passionate
interest and delighted approval, Bach now created a profusion of works.
The accounts of the bookbinders who bound the parts copied from Bach's
scores attest the new conductor's frenzy of productivity; 2 on the other
hand, the sums spent on the acquisition of music from outside were negli-
gible. A great part of Bach's output in these years is lost;but what has
been preserved —works like the suites for orchestra and the Brandenburg
Concertos — reflect the exuberance of an artist discovering new means of
expression, and the peace of mind of the composer who had found real
understanding and appreciation in his new patron. 3 Peaceful indeed were
these first years at Cothen, and this, significantly enough, in spite of the fact
that the little residence itself was by no means free from the religious dissen-
sions prevalent in Bach's time.The Prince's parents had belonged to different

1
There were 8 soloists, designated as 'chamber musicians,' mentioned in the
accounts; they received higher salaries than the ripienists. The soloists took care of the
following instruments: 2 violins, 1 'cello, 1 viola da gamba, 1 oboe, 1 bassoon, 2 flutes.

The lack of achamber musician for the viola is explained by Bach's predilection for the
instrument, a predilection which Emanuel reported to Forkel. Among the players, Christian
Ferdinand Abel should be mentioned; he was the father of Carl Friedrich Abel, whom we
shall later meet in London as the partner of Johann Christian Bach. Sebastian's violoncello
suites were probably written for the elder Abel.
2
Smend, who carefully went through the accounts in the Landesarchiv Sachsen-
Anhalt at Oranienbaum, estimates that in 1719-20 at least 50 works of ensemble music
must have been bound. Cf. his 'Bach in Kothen,' Berlin, 195 1.
3
Smend has proved that Bach also composed a number of cantatas in Cothen, some
for the Prince's birthday, some for New Year's Day and similar occasions. In some cases
this music was later used for church cantatas of the Leipzig period (cf. Nos. 32, 66, 120,

134, 173, 184), while the music of others is lost.

156 THE BACH FAMILY
—
•
"*

denominations. His father had fallen in love and married Gisela Agnes v.
Rath, although this was socially and religiously a mesalliance; for his bride
came from the ranks of the lesser nobility and was a Lutheran, while he him-
self, like the majority of the Duchy's population, belonged to the Reformed

Calvinistic Church. Neither of the two partners changed his or her reli-
gious adherence, and Gisela Agnes did her best to obtain privileges for her
fellow Lutherans. Yielding to her persuasion, the happy husband allowed
a Lutheran church and school to be built in Cothen, thus provoking the
wrath of his own Consistory. Heated feuds raged over the allotment of
church taxes, the use of the Calvinistic church bells, etc., and finally
appeals to revoke the Prince's decisions were made even to the Emperor.
When the young Prince Leopold assumed the government, he confirmed
his father's policy, claiming that the 'greatest happiness of his subjects
depended on freedom of conscience being safeguarded.'
their very en- A
lightened point of view, to be sure, but unfortunately one that was not
shared by the majority of the citizens. when Bach came
Thus at the time
to Cothen religious quarrels and disputes had by no means abated. The
Sebastian of Miihlhausen would have felt in duty bound to take up the
cudgels and fight for his own denomination. Not so the Cothen court
conductor. For the time being he was much more interested in musical
than in religious problems. From the outset he had been aware that he
would find a religiously uncongenial atmosphere at the Cothen court, and
he had decided to take this in his stride. Naturally he never conceived
the idea of adopting his patron's religion. On the other hand, he did
not intercede in favour of his fellow Lutherans. He contented himself
with attending the Lutheran church and sending his children to the
Lutheran school. Beyond that he let was very happy
things alone, and
indeed in his artistic work and in the economic and social prestige he
had achieved.
A new source of satisfaction was opening to him in his children. By
now it had become clear that the eldest son, Wilhelm Friedemann,
possessed great talent, and the father decided to train him in earnest. On
January 22, 1720, when Friedemann was nine and a half, Sebastian started
a 'clavier book' for him, which was subsequently to be used for all the Bach
children, and for other pupils as well. It is a most interesting document on
Sebastian Bach the teacher, revealing his methodical mind and revolu-
tionary fingering (cf. p. 265). This Clavier bilchlein belonged to the series
of books of instructive keyboard music already started in Weimar, a
series which comprised such masterworks as the Orgelbiichlein, the Inven-
tions, and the Well-Tempered Clavier. The master apparently enjoyed
J.
SEBASTIAN IN COTHEN (1717-1723) 157

creative work which served educational purposes, occupying in this re-

spect a unique position among the great composers. The planning of a
systematic course of instruction satisfied his keen and logical mind. His
was always kindled by self-imposed restrictions, and the
creative fire
challenge afforded him by the solution of certain problems of teaching
inspired him to real works of art. Forkel, relying on the testimony of
Philip Emanuel Bach, described Sebastian's method as clavier instructor
as follows:

'The first thing he did was to teach his pupils his peculiar mode of
touching the keyboard. For this purpose he made them practise for
months nothing but isolated exercises for all the fingers of both hands,
with constant regard to the production of a clean, clear tone. Over a
period of some months no pupil was excused from these exercises, and,
according to his firm opinion, they should be continued for six to twelve
months at least. But if he found that anyone, after some months of prac-
began to lose patience, he was so considerate as to write little connect-
tice,

ing pieces, in which these exercises were linked together. To this type
belong the six little Preludes for beginners, and still more the fifteen two-
part Inventions. He wrote down both during the hours of teaching, and,
in so doing, attended to the immediate requirement of the pupil; after-
wards he transformed these pieces into beautiful and expressive little
works of art. With the finger training was combined the practice of all
the ornaments in both hands. After this he set his pupils to the task of
studying his own greater compositions, which, as he well knew, would
give them the best means of exercising their powers. In order to lessen the
difficulties, he made use of an excellent method; this was to play to them
the whole piece which they were to study first, saying: "This is how it
*
must sound."

That some pupils lost patience during these first hard months seems
understandable. That the teacher did not strikes one as amazing. Did Bach
not feel that he could use his time better than by watching beginners
struggling with their first exercises? Apparently he did not. To a great
extent he regarded music as a craft, and in instructing his 'apprentices' he
acted as generations of Bach musicians had done before him. However,
he exhibited such patience only with gifted pupils. Lack of talent and a
lukewarm attitude towards his craft made his temper boil over. He was
the perfect teacher for talented youths, but he was unable to put up with
mediocrity.
There was, to be sure, no musical mediocrity in Sebastian's children;
158 THE BACH FAMILY
they were, as he proudly wrote, 'all born musicians,' and their instruction
was a delight to their father. To the student of hereditary problems Sebas-
tian's sons are a strange and puzzling phenomenon indeed. They seem to
disprove the theory of Wilhelm Ostwald that a genius uses up all the
latent creative and spiritual forces inherited from ancestors, and is thus
unable to produce a genius himself. Perhaps this exception to the general
rule is explained by
enormous musical inheritance piled up in the Bach
the
family, an inheritance which even Sebastian could not entirely exhaust;
and, moreover, by the fact that the musical inheritance of his two wives
was only latent, and they were thus able to hand it on in full strength to
their own great sons.
In July 1720, when Friedemann had reached his tenth year, an event
occurred that tragically broke up the Bach idyllic existence in Cothen.
While Sebastian was at the Bohemian spa of Carlsbad, accompanying his
patron, who did not want to forgo the enjoyment of chamber music while
taking the waters, Barbara Bach was suddenly prostrated by illness. There
was not even enough time to summon her husband; when he returned in
high spirits, a scene of desolation greeted him, and he had to be told that
his beloved wife had died and been buried. The children, aged 12, 10, 6,
and 5, had lost their mother, and Sebastian was without the devoted
companion who had shared courageously the vicissitudes of his early
struggles. This was indeed a cruel fall from security and gaiety to loneli-
ness and grief, and to bear it he needed all the spiritual resources which
his faith provided. To Sebastian Bach death had always seemed as a
release fervently to be longed for, which in destroying the body would
simultaneously relieve the soul of its sins. Death was for him not the end,
but the culmination of spiritual life. Possibly during the first joyful years
spent at Cothen he had to some extent put aside such thoughts. Now,
however, he turned to them again, and religious experiences assumed
their old significance for him. He began to realize that for all the pleasure
he derived from the association with his beloved patron, there was some-
thing lacking in his existence at Cothen, and he was again filled with a
longing to express his innermost faith through church music. Just at that

time the organist of Hamburg's Jakobikirche died, and 8 musicians,

among them Sebastian Bach, were invited to compete for the position.
To Sebastian Hamburg was still hallowed by the youthful impressions he
received there, and eagerly he travelled to the Northern city to find out
more about the vacancy. He learned that the trial performances were to
take place on November 28, and that three Hamburg organists, among
them venerable Reinken, had been named adjudicators. The date did not
J.
SEBASTIAN IN COTHEN (1717-I723) 159

suit Bach, who had to return earlier to Cothen for the celebration of his
patron's birthday, but he arranged to play before that day on Reinken's
organ in the Catharinenkirche. Out of courtesy to the veteran master he
chose as subject for his improvisations the very same chorale An IVasser-
flilssen Babylons which in Reinken's dazzling treatment had held young
Sebastian spellbound some twenty years previously. For a long time he
played, piling one gigantic structure on the other and revealing his
stupendous mastery. Finally Reinken, who as a rule did not indulge
in praise of other musicians, exclaimed: 'I thought this art was dead, but I

see it still lives in you.' Whether the Necrolog (cf. p. 122) is right in
reporting that Bach played 'before the Magistrate and many other distin-
guished persons of the town, to their general astonishment,' or whether
the master performed only to the three musical experts, is not known.
Anyway there is no doubt that the Hamburg Council favoured his appoint-
ment. But there was one serious drawback. Sebastian was informed during
his visit that it was customary at Hamburg to sell certain offices to the
highest bidder; even in the churches a newly appointed employee was
expected to make a handsome payment. A passage in the minutes of the
meeting determining the policy regarding the election of the new organist
for the Jakobikirche reads thus: 'The capacity of the candidate should be
considered more than the payment, but if the chosen candidate of his own
free will desires to make a contribution as a token of his gratitude, it will
be accepted for the benefit of the church.' In spite of such cautious
languageit was clear to everybody concerned that such 'voluntary' pay-

ment could not be dispensed with. This must have displeased Sebastian
greatly. He probably did not have the money available, but even if he had,
itwould have been a matter of pride for him not to pay for a position in
which he would make an outstanding contribution to the religious life of
Hamburg. He left the town promising to write to the Council; and the
decisive board meeting was postponed for a whole week until the arrival
of Bach's letter. The contents cannot have been encouraging, for after
reading the letter the committee decided to appoint a certain Johann
Joachim Heitmann, who acknowledged his gratitude by paying the tidy
little sum of 4000 Marks. The pastor of the church, Erdmann
Neumeister (famous for his outstanding cantata texts, several of which
Bach had set to music) was disgusted indeed with the affair. As this
happened shortly before Christmas, he found a chance of airing his
grievance in the festival sermon. Speaking eloquently of the angelic music
at the birth of Christ, he remarked acidly that if one of those angels came
down from Heaven wishing to become an organist at his church and
l6o THE BACH FAMILY
played divinely, but had no cash, he might just as well fly away again,
for they would not accept him in Hamburg.
On his return from Hamburg, Bach set to work on a meticulous copy
of six orchestral concertos which he sent in March 1721, with a courteous
French dedication, to Christian Ludwig, Margrave of Brandenburg, whom
he had probably met on one of his visits to Carlsbad. The works had been
written for, and performed by, the excellent Cothen orchestra, as is proved
by many details of orchestration (cf. p. 286). Margrave Christian Ludwig,
however, had no musical resources of the kind available, and it is not
surprising that Bach's score was never used at his court. 1
At this time the composer was also deeply engrossed in his work on
the first set of the Well-Tempered Clavier. Such creative activities helped
to heal the wound inflicted by Barbara's death and made Bach ready to
face the necessity for establishing a new home. Remarrying after a very
short lapse of time was the general custom in his family (and indeed in his
time), and it proves Bach's deep attachment to Barbara that he waited
from June 1720 to December 1721 before entering holy matrimony again.
His bride, Anna Magdalena Wilcken, the daughter of a court trumpeter,
then 20 years old, was descended from musicians on both paternal and
maternal sides; and in her own right she was an excellent soprano singer,
who since the autumn of 1720 had been employed by the Cothen court,
where she had appeared as a guest as early as 171 6. The young singer
retained her position after she married the court conductor, and earned
o half as much as her husband. The disparity in age between the girl of 20
and the man of 36 was balanced on the other hand by their common
profession. Magdalena may well have been more interested in operatic
music than her husband (it was her youngest son who was the only one of
Sebastian's children to become a successful opera composer), but she was
certainly able to appreciate Sebastian's greatness, and young enough to
adopt his own artistic creed. When she started her married life, Magdalena
must have been afraid of her new responsibilities, which included looking
after four stepchildren, the eldest of whom was a girl only seven years her
junior. We don't know how her young charges acted towards her. In the
case of the eldest boy, Friedemann, then 11 years old, the possibility
cannot be excluded that he resented seeing his mother supplanted by a
stranger, and that this experience contributed to the shaping of his very
problematical personality. But while we are in the dark as to her step-
children's attitude, we do know that for her husband Magdalena succeeded
1
When the Margrave died in 1734, the autograph of the six Brandenburg Concertos
was valued at 24 gr., a little less than a dollar.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN COTHEN (1717-1723) l6l

in creating a cheerful, comfortable home. Visiting musicians and an end-

less stream of kinsfolk were received cordially, and felt happy with the

Sebastian Bachs. Magdalena knew the secret of enjoying the simplest

pleasures with all her heart. Once when she received a present of six
carnation plants, she 'treasured them more highly than children do their
Christmas presents and tended them with the care usually bestowed on
babies.' 1 This disposition helped her a great deal in a life that was filled
to the brim with the duties of running a large household most thriftily, a
life in which she had to go through the ordeal of child-bearing thirteen

times, and seven times saw a child of hers carried to the grave. How
Sebastian on such occasions tried to instil courage into her suffering heart
is revealed in Magdalena's music book, which he presented to her in 1725.

Three times he wrote into it a different version of his aria based on Paul
Gerhardt's hymn 'Fret not, my soul, on God rely,' meant to lift her out
of the day's turmoil with simple and deeply felt music. The little book
also contains a song which Sebastian clearly intended for his wife:

If thou be n'ear, I go rejoicing

To peace and rest beyond the skies,
Nor will I fear what may befall me,
For I will hear thy sweet voice call me,
Thy gende hand will close my eyes.

The sincerity and warmth of the composer's feelings are evident to any-
one listening to the heartfelt tune. Most likely the poem too was by Sebas-
tian, who found it quite natural to link an expression of love to the idea
of death.
Whether Magdalena was able to follow him in such thoughts we do
not know. Maybe she was too young and too firmly rooted in the material
world to understand her husband's intense preoccupation with death. Yet
she could not help delighting in the deep love expressed in such personal
messages. This love, together with her genuine admiration of Sebastian's
creative work, helped her through the many professional crises that Sebas-

tian's stubbornness and pugnaciousness created for them through their

29 years of married life.

We know nothing of Magdalena's appearance. Her husband had her

painted by Cristofori — at that time quite an unusual distinction for a
woman —but
the portrait, which was listed in
of her social standing
Emanuel's collection, has been So we must content ourselves with the
lost.

mental picture of a hard-working, warm-hearted, and highly musical

1
Cf. the letters of Johann Elias Bach reproduced by Pottgiesser in 'Die Musik,'
1912-13.

h
l62 THE BACH FAMILY
woman; a true helpmeet to her husband, glorying in his artistic achieve-
ments, painstakingly copying his music in a handwriting which gradually
assumed the features of Sebastian's own hand, and sharing with fortitude
the burdens which life imposed on them.
Shortly after they were married, the outward conditions of Bach's
existence underwent a decisive change. Up to that time, as he stated in a
letter to his old friend, Erdmann (cf. p. he had intended to spend the
180),
rest of his life in the service of Prince Leopold. Now, however, the Prince
gave up his bachelor existence and married a Princess of Anhalt-Bernburg.
Even before happy bridegroom had been so occupied
the ceremony, the
with redecorating his quarters, creating a new 'princely guard,' whose
exercises and parades he attended, and preparing for the festivities which
were to last through five weeks, that he was unable to give much thought
to music. And when things finally calmed down at Cothen, life assumed a
different aspect. The young Princess was, according to Bach's verdict, an
'amusa,' a person without love for music or art. Not only was she in her
disposition quite unsuited to share her husband's greatest predilections,
she was even unwilling to try. She was probably somewhat jealous of the
court conductor's influence on the Prince, and anxious to break up this
close relationship. Gradually music was removed from the centre of the
Prince's activities and Bach felt neglected and somewhat superfluous. As
months went by and Leopold maintained his 'somewhat lukewarm' atti-
tude, his conductor began to ask himself whether under such conditions
it was worth while to stay at the little court. Would not a position with

wider responsibilities, in particular one where he could again serve the

Lord in a church, and through the power of his music lead a large congre-
gation towards Christ, give him deeper satisfaction? He had also to con-
sider his boys; he was determined that they should enjoy the benefits of
the University education of which he himself had been deprived. Thus he
gradually began to familiarize himself with the idea that the secluded and
secure existence in Cothen had only been a happy interlude ultimately
to be exchanged for the weightier duties and inevitable struggles of
a position in a more important musical centre.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-1750) 163

V
THOMAS CANTOR AND DIRECTOR MUSICES AT LEIPZIG
(1723-1750)

Johannes (2)
?-i626

Johann (4) Christoph (5)

1604-73 1613-61
I

J. Egidius (8)
1645-1716 J. Ambrosius (11)
I 1645-95
J. Bernhard (18)
1 676- 1 749
j J. Sebastian (24)= Anna Magdalena Wilcken
J. Ernst (34) 1685-1750 1701-60
1722-77

Gottfr. Heinr. (48) J. Christ. Friedr. (49) J. Caroline

1724-63 1732-95 1737-81
Elisabeth J. F. J. Christian (50) Regine Susanna
1726-81 1735-82 1742-1809
m. J. C. Altnikol

The manner in which Sebastian Bach received his appointment in Leip-

zig supplies a leitmotiv for the 27 years he was destined to spend there.
He offered his services reluctantly, and was accepted reluctantly, with
Councillor Platz's comment, memorable for its very incongruity: 'Since we
cannot get the best man, we shall have to be satisfied with a mediocre one.'
When the great Johann Kuhnau died on June 5, 1722, the question of
his successor in the post of the Leipzig Thomas Cantor occupied the minds
of musicians all over the country. In Protestant Germany the position,
combined was with the musical directorship of Leipzig's churches,
as it

enjoyed a very high prestige; for Leipzigat that time was a bastion of

Protestantism, a city where religion was a living, driving force. 1 Ever

1
The abundance of services offered in Leipzig was characteristic of the time. On
Sunday, worship Thomas' and St. Nicholas' occupied the greater part of the day. It
at St.
started with early Matins, followed by the main service lasting from 7 to 11 a.m. Half an
hour later the noon service took place, and at 1.30 p.m. vespers followed, which took up
about 2 hours. On every weekday there was a service at 6.45 a.m. in one of the main
churches and an hour of prayer in the afternoon. On Saturday at 2 p.m. a very important
service was held in preparation for the communicants of the following Sunday. To dis-
charge these extensive duties, no less than five ministers were officiating at St. Thomas'
as well as at St. Nicholas'. The other churches, too, engaged a comparatively large
amount of clergy to satisfy the spiritual needs of this city of 30,000 people.
164 THE BACH FAMILY
since its foundation in 1212 the Alumnate (choir-school) of St. Thomas'
had supplied singers for the church services, and the venerable insti-
tution could look back with pride on a line of great Cantors (among
them the illustrious Johann Hermann Schein), whose creative work
had greatly contributed to the growth of German music. The opening
in Leipzig seemed to offer all that Bach had been missing in Cothen.
Nevertheless it took Sebastian six months to make up his mind about
the desirability of the position, and he was first mentioned as an appli-
cant in December 1722. The reasons for his long pondering were
manifold.
From a previous visit to Leipzig in 1 717, and from his intercourse with
Kuhnau, Bach was fully aware that the Thomas Cantor's position was
altogether different from his present one. While the Cothen Kapell-
meister had to comply with the wishes of a single patron, the Thomas
Cantor had something like two dozen superiors. In his educational work
he had to conform to the ruling of the rector of the school. But the
running of the institute was in the hands of the City Council, consisting
of three burgomasters, two deputy burgomasters, and ten assessors; and
it was this body of fifteen which engaged the Thomas Cantor and kept a

check on all his activities. Finally, there was the ecclesiastical authority of
the Consistorium, which was responsible for the services in the churches,
and became therefore the chief arbiter in all matters concerning the music
to be offered by the Thomas Cantor in his capacity as church music
director. To be dependent on these different governing bodies, which, as
might be imagined, would not always live in perfect harmony, did not
seem too pleasant a prospect for any man, least of all for one who had so
little of the diplomat in his character. There was also the matter of social

rank, to which Sebastian was by no means insensitive. According to the

general view, a court conductor was on a higher social level than a Cantor,
and Sebastian found it somewhat strange (as he admitted to his old friend,
Erdmann) to climb down the ladder. As to financial considerations, he
did hope to earn more in Leipzig than in Cothen, but the former pleasant
feeling of security would be lacking. The basic salary in Leipzig was low,
not more than 100 fl. a year, less than one-fourth of what Prince Leopold
paid his conductor. To it were added the Accidentien, a certain percentage
of the statutory fee for funerals, weddings, etc., and one-fourth of the
weekly tuition fee of six pennies which the boarders had to pay, and which,
when lacking funds, they collected every week from charitable families.
The Cantor's income might grow out of pennies and farthings to the sum
of 700 thalers, but there was no certainty about it; and when 'a healthy
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-1750) 165

wind was blowing' 1 and the death-rate went down, the receipts showed a

sad decline.
Anna Magdalena Bach may have felt even more reluctant than her
husband to go to Leipzig. At Cothen she held a good position as court
singer, which brought her a yearly salary of 200 thalers. In Leipzig she
would be deprived of an artistic career and an income of her own. The
wife of the Thomas Cantor would have to lead a very secluded and un-
obtrusive existence. She might enjoy singing Sebastian's music in the
privacy of their own home, but it would be utterly out of the question for

her to undertake a solo in a church, in which women were not allowed to

perform. Thus to the young singer the removal to Leipzig would mean
the renunciation of any professional activity of her own.
And yet, in spite of such various misgivings, Sebastian was drawn
towards the new position. At St. Thomas', and subsequently at the re-
nowned University of Leipzig, his gifted sons would be given the right
kind of education, which provincial Cothen was unable to offer. He him-
self would be in entire charge of the church music of an important city,
and would thus be able to make his ideas for its improvement become
reality. Tremendous forces within him urgently sought release in the

composition of sacred music, forces which burst forth triumphantly in the

'Passion according to St. John' which he was writing for Leipzig. After
months of wavering, the voices of caution were silenced, and Bach,
driven by his daemon, decided on the Leipzig position in order to fulfil

his artistic destiny.

In the six months since Kuhnau's passing, the Leipzig Council had
been singularly unsuccessful in their attempts to secure a suitable Thomas
Cantor. At first matters had seemed to shape just perfectly. Among the
six applicants was Georg Philipp Telemann, newly appointed Music
Director and Cantor of Hamburg; from his former activities as organist of
Leipzig's New Church, as a composer of, and singer in, popular operas,
and as an extremely successful conductor of a Collegium Musicum, he
was very dear to the Leipzig citizens. The Council was delighted to
acquire so spectacular a musician and, the day after he had conducted a
cantata of his own composition in Leipzig, 2 voted unanimously for
his appointment. Telemann, noticing Leipzig's eagerness, managed
to obtain important concessions. He caused the city fathers to waive

1
Cf. Bach's letter to Erdmann of 1730, in which he complained about this, for him,
unfavourable wind.
2
The Council even printed the libretto of this cantata for the use of the
congregation.
l66 THE BACH FAMILY
one part of the Thomas Cantor's statutory duties, viz. the teaching
classes, and he secured the musical directorship of the
of Latin in certain
University Church. Armed thus with all the requirements necessary for a
satisfactory position in Leipzig, he returned to Hamburg to press for a
higher salary. His policy proved successful, and the badly disappointed
Leipzig Council had to continue their search. Yet when Sebastian Bach
made his application in December 1722 he was not considered the most
desirable of the candidates. There was Christoph Graupner, who, as a
former pupil of St. Thomas' and the highly renowned conductor of the
Prince of Hesse's orchestra in Darmstadt, seemed much better qualified.
Graupner was invited to direct the Christmas music (including a Magni-
ficat of his own), and some weeks later to conduct a cantata, all of which
he did with so much success that the position was offered him. But
Leipzig had bad luck again, for this desirable candidate was also unable to
accept. The Prince of Hesse firmly refused to let his conductor go, and
as he added very strong arguments in the form of a rise of salary and a
munificent gift, Graupner was not too reluctant to stay in Darmstadt. He
explained the situation to the Leipzig Council and warmly recommended
Bach as a musician as competent on the organ as he was in directing church
and orchestra music. By the time the letter arrived, it was outdated by the
recent events. Bach was no longer a stranger to the Leipzig community.
He had performed the required 'trial cantata' of his own, probably singing
the bass solo himself, 1 and he had, moreover, presented his St. John
Passion on Good Friday. The Council was now determined to engage
Bach in the event of Graupner's refusal.
Their initial lack of enthusiasm for the Cothen candidate is not hard
to understand. Bach's tremendous fame as an organist did not count for
much, as the Thomas Cantor was not supposed to play this instrument. Of
Bach's creative work the Council could know nothing, for no composition
of his except the two Miihlhausen cantatas had ever been printed. In the eyes
of the Leipzig authorities, a candidate's present position was of paramount
importance, and it cannot be denied that the conductor of the tiny court
of Cothen enjoyed less prestige than the Hamburg or Darmstadt music
directors. Finally, Bach seemed inferior to the majority of former
Thomas Cantors by his lack of a University education. Kuhnau, for
had been a successful lawyer before being appointed to St.
instance,
Thomas', and had published masterly translations from the Greek and

1
It was the Cantata No. 22, Jesus nahm \u sich die Zwolfe, in which the bass solos
are unusually high, in accordance with the composer's own voice. Cf. Schering, 'J.
S. Bach

und das Musikleben Leipzigs im 18. Jahrhundert,' Leipzig, 1941.

J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-1750) 167

Hebrew. Compared with him, Sebastian Bach could hardly be called

erudite. On the other hand, the Council was thoroughly tired of the un-
settled conditions that had prevailed since Kuhnau's death, in which the
church music had suffered, and so it was willing to engage Bach. This
time, however, they wanted to take precautions against another failure,
and Bach was requested to supply a letter of dismissal from his patron
before the final election took place. Prince Leopold, though grieved at his
conductor's decision, was certainly not going to put any obstacles in his
way, and wrote a very gracious testimonial for the 'respectable and
learned J. S. Bach.' Another point of contention between the various
candidates and the Council was removed by Sebastian's pledge either to
instruct the pupils in Latin or to remunerate another teacher undertaking
the work in his stead. When all difficulties were thus overcome, the
formal election took place on April 22, 1723. The minutes of the meeting
are significant. Burgomaster Dr. Lange, who had conducted the negotia-
tions, did his best to make the appointment palatable, mentioning Bach's
excellence on the clavier, and even venturing to declare that 'If Bach
were chosen, Telemann, in view of his conduct, might be forgotten.'
The other Councillors followed his lead, but they stressed, as the main
point in the candidate's favour, his willingness to teach Latin and to study
the Latin catechism with the pupils. Itwas characteristic that although the
city fathershad naturally all attended Bach's trial performances, only one
referred to him as a composer, and this with the sole object of empha-
sizing that his church music (the dramatic expressiveness of which the
St. John Passion had clearly demonstrated) should not be 'too theatrical,'
a stipulation which was promptly included in the contract.
Bach, determined now to get the position, signed whatever was
requested of him; he also promised meekly not to leave town without the
permission of the Burgomaster (with the mental reservation that he would
break such a pledge whenever necessary). He then passed the requisite
theological examination, and was declared fit for the office of Thomas
Cantor.
Before these irrevocable steps were taken, fate seemed to give Bach a
last chance of staying on in idyllic Cothen. The Princess, whose lack of
love for music Bach had so deplored, died on April
3, and the conductor
could have expected to see the old state of affairs revived. But his was a
nature not easily turned off a path once chosen. It had been a long and
arduous struggle to make up his mind; now, however, he was ready for a
new adventure, and ten days after the Princess's death, on April 13, 1723,
the bereaved husband signed the letter of dismissal for his conductor.
l68 THE BACH FAMILY
Nevertheless, their close friendship persisted, and in spite of his many-
new duties, Bach found time to visit Cothen regularly for some fine music-
making, especially that in celebration of Leopold's birthday on December
10. He had the joy of seeing his Prince united two years later to a music-
loving wife; for her birthday he wrote the cantata Steigt freudig in die
Luft, which he performed with his Leipzig singers, while Prince Leopold
took over the important bass solo in the tradition of their former delightful
days. When was born in 1726, Bach dedicated to the
the Prince's son
infant his first clavier partita, and even coaxed his Muse into writing a
dedicatory poem for the baby. These pleasant ties were tragically severed
by Leopold's sudden death in November 1728. Bach came to Cothen for
the last time to perform an imposing funeral music on the night of March
23, 1729, when the body was interred, and another cantata on the following
day, when the funeral sermon was preached. 1 Under Leopold's successor
the orchestra declined steadily, until even its last five members were dis-
missed. Clearly Bach had done the right thing when he decided not to tie
his fate to the little principality.
On June 1, 1723, the new Cantor was formally installed at St. Thomas'.
Various addresses were given, music was sung by the pupils, and the new
official responded in a dignified speech promising to serve a 'Noble and
Most Wise Council' to the best of his abilities. There was, however, a
slightly discordant note in the ceremonies, typical of the state of affairs in
Leipzig. The Consistorium had requested the pastor of St. Thomas' to

welcome the new Cantor in the name of the church authorities. This act
of courtesy did not please the town officials, who considered the installa-
tion of the Cantor their prerogative and claimed that never before had a
church official been designated for such a ceremony. A discussion ensued
that was subsequently continued in a lengthy correspondence. The new
Cantor may have been somewhat perplexed by this incident; however,
he could not learn too quickly that henceforth he would have to deal
with a host of officials, all of whom, minor as well as major, insisted on the
full recognition of their vested rights. To find a path through the maze of

prerogatives and conventions determining the work of the various city

and church employees, and to learn how to observe the countless un-
written rules, seemed almost a full-time occupation, and there was so
much else for the new Cantor to do He found the school in a shocking
!

1
Cf. Smend, 'Bach in Kothen,' Berlin, 195 1. The connection with the Cothen
court was not severed even after Sebastian's death. When Friedemann's daughter,
Friederica Sophia,was christened on February 15, 1757, two members of the princely
house of Anhalt-Cothen were among the godparents.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-1750) 169

state of disorganization. Rector Johann Heinrich Ernesti, a weak and tired

man of 71, had for years been unable to control either pupils or teachers,
and the standard of the institute had steadily declined. The students
consisted of a number of paying day scholars and some fifty-two founda-
tion scholars, mostly sons of poor parents who on account of their musical
talent were admitted as boarders for a nominal payment. Many of these
boys had not received a good upbringing at home, and a firm hand was
needed to keep them in decent discipline. This unfortunately the rector
did not possess. Furthermore, it was almost impossible to obtain good
order in a building that had hardly been altered since its erection in 1554,
and was now
completely outdated and overcrowded. There was not even
a separate bed available for each boarder, and one classroom had to
accommodate three classes at the same time, besides serving as a dining-
room. The pupils' schedule was bound to fill Bach with even greater
concern. The few capable musicians were sadly overworked and unable
to keep their voices in good condition. The pupils had to accompany
every funeral (except those of the very poor) singing hymns — rain, storm,
or snow making no difference; and who could suggest a change in these
conditions, when the fee for funerals meant so much to pupils and
teachers? From New Year's Day to the middle of January all the Thomas-
ians sang daily in the streets, naturally often in bad weather, in order to
attract charitable contributions ; and again nobody dared raise his voice

against this lucrative old custom. Fatigued, poorly fed, and badly housed,
these pupils easily succumbed to illness, and contagious diseases spread
rapidly in the unsanitary, overcrowded school building.
Between the teachers relations were not too harmonious. Indeed it was
a turbulent and rather frightening world for which Sebastian Bach had
surrendered the idyllic seclusion of the Cothen court.
He had to live in the very midst of it. His quarters, occupying the left
wing of the school building, 1 had a separate entrance; yet his sanctum, the
Componierstube, traditionally reserved for the Cantor's creative work, was
separated from the classroom of the sixth form by only a plaster wall.
How much concentration must it have required not to hear the loud
voices of his young neighbours Yet even such little privacy as this was
!

not granted him continuously. Every fourth week, for the 7 full days, the
Cantor had to serve as inspector, maintaining discipline from 4 or 5 a.m.,
according to the season, when the boarders rose, through prayers,

1
It was inevitable that Sebastian should bring disease germs from the school into
hisown quarters, and this was probably the main cause of the death of so many of
Anna Magdalena's babies.
170 THE BACH FAMILY
meals, and lessons, up to 8 p.m., when
it was his duty to check all the lights

after the boys had These thirteen weeks a year (sometimes even
retired.

more if one of the other high-ranking teachers was not available) meant
work of the most uncongenial kind. They unsettled Sebastian's creative
activity and called for a special expenditure of nervous energy, inasmuch
as the maintenance of discipline did not come easily to a man of his
quick temper. Fortunately the other extramusical work was negligible.
As Bach's Latin classes were taken over by a colleague, for a sum of 50
thalers paid by the Cantor, he had only to teach Luther's Latin catechism
once a week, which could not have been a burden to one so fully con-
versant with and interested in the Protestant dogma.
The bulk of his duties were of an artistic nature and were covered by
the title 'Director musices,' which Bach always used with his signature,
thus stressing that was the one he held to be important. He was respon-
it

sible for the musical programme in all the municipal churches, two of

which, St. Thomas' and St. Nicholas', had very elaborate music on Sun-
days, especially during the main service, which lasted for four hours. 1 The
main musical work was the cantata, performed alternately at St. Thomas'
and St. Nicholas' by the best singers of the school (the so-called 'first
Cantorei) and conducted by the Cantor himself, while the performance of
the preceding motet and the direction of music in the other three churches
was entrusted to senior students appointed as assistant conductors. Of the
two churches, Bach preferred St. Thomas'. The organ had recently been
repaired, and the building itself remodelled, and the church was con-
sidered, according to a chronicler of the time, 'one of the most elaborate
and beautiful places of worship in existence adorned with an exquisite
. . .

and costly altar.' The music director was particularly pleased with the
very convenient wooden galleries placed on the left and right of the organ.
While the choir stood in front of the instrument, the galleries accommo-
dated the instrumentalists and were admirably suited for double choirs,
inspiring Bach to use them, for instance, in the St. Matthew Passion. In

1 Bach noted the order of Divine Service on the tide-page of his Cantata No. 61. His

aide-memoire reads as follows:

*i. [Organ] prelude; 2. Motet; 3. Prelude on the Kyrie, which is [afterwards] performed

throughout in concerted music; 4. Intoning before the altar; 5. Reading of the Episde;
6. Singing of the Litany; 7. Prelude on the chorale [and singing of it]; 8. Reading of the

Gospel; 9. Prelude on [and performance of] the main music work; 10. Singing of the
Credo; 11. The Sermon; 12. Singing of several verses of a hymn; 13. Words of Institution
[of the Sacrament]; 14. Prelude on [and performance of] the composition [2nd part of the
cantata]. Afterwards alternate preluding and singing of chorales to the end of the
Communion, and so on.'
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-1750) 171

addition to the large organ, there was a small instrument placed high up
on the altar wall, which seemed to Bach to symbolize heavenly tunes. He
liked to use it for special effects, such as the insertion of German Christmas
chorales into the Latin Magnificat performed at Christmas, or the playing
of the cantus firmus in the chorus of the St. Matthew Passion. The
first

church of St. Nicholas' had no such advantages and the choir-loft was
smaller. Bach therefore avoided it for more elaborate works. When his
St. John Passion had to be produced there in 1724, he insisted energeti-

cally on some repairs being carried out so as to have more space available
for his performers. On the other hand, the organ at St. Nicholas' was more
powerful, and Bach preferred to use it for works in which the organ is
treated as a solo. Either at St. Thomas' or at St. Nicholas' a new cantata
adapted to the special liturgical requirements of the day had to be offered
on every Sunday and all the feast-days of the ecclesiastical year. The only
exceptions were the last three Sundays of Advent and the five Sundays of
Lent; but these provided no real rest-period for conductor and per-
formers, since particularly ambitious and extensive programmes had to be
prepared for Christmas and Easter (two performances each on December
24, 25, 26, as well as on Good Friday, Easter Sunday and Monday). As
to the works performed, the majority were composed by the music
director himself. Bach threw himself into this part of his duties with
breath-taking vigour. Of cantatas alone he supplied, according to
Forkel's statement, five complete sets for the entire ecclesiastical year,
295 different works in all. Even if we grant that a few of these were older
compositions or rearrangements of secular music, we may still accept as a
fact thatBach composed an average of one cantata per month up to 1744.
And besides cantatas he had to provide Passions for Good Friday, motets
for important funerals, 1 and festive compositions for the yearly inaugura-
tion of the new City Council, as well as for other special events, such as
visits from royalty, etc. The first Christmas at Leipzig gives a good idea
of the creative fury that possessed Bach. On each of the three feast-days he
offered a new cantata, 2 while in the vesper service his new Magnificat was
performed; in spite of this he had another composition ready for New
Year's Day.
The other civic churches, using the inferior singers of the school,

1
For instance, shortly after his arrival in Leipzig, he was called on to compose music
for the commemoration service held for the wife of a high official. It is likely that the
motet Jesu, meine Freude was written for this occasion.
2
Schering, I.e., conjectures that the third cantata (No. 64) may have been the arrange-
ment of another composer's work, although the final chorus is certainly by Bach.
I72 THE BACH FAMILY
called for little work by the music director, except in the allotment of the
performers to the different groups, which were continually fluctuating in
numbers or competence owing to illnesses or other causes. 1
In addition to the directorship in the four civic churches, it was im-
portant for Bach to have charge of the music at St. Paul's as well. This was
the University church, which in former times had offered services only
on the high feast-days and the quarterly solemn orations, on which occa-
sions the Thomas Cantor had been responsible for the music. But from
5
1710 onwards the University, in addition to this 'Old Service, in-
augurated a 'New Service' for every Sunday, and Kuhnau had had some
difficulties in securing the musical directorship of this, as the University
wanted to be as independent as possible of town officials. It was only by
undertaking to do the additional work without further payment that
Kuhnau eventually achieved his aim. After his death, J. G. Gorner, a
former organist of St. Paul's, filled the position temporarily, and he had
been far-sighted enough to refrain from asking for a remuneration. This
impressed the University officials so favourably that they graciously
acceded to his subsequent application and, a few weeks before Bach's
appointment, they conferred on him the Directorship of the 'New
Service,' while reserving the 'Old Service' for the Thomas Cantor. Bach
was anything but pleased about this turn of events. The University
appointment was not only important because of financial considerations;
it was also useful for establishing contacts with University students per-

forming at St. Paul's, who might be willing to help the music director on
other occasions. Bach, convinced that the position ought to be his by
precedent, valiantly strove to regain it. On his settlement in Leipzig he
immediately started work at St. Paul's by providing beautiful music for
Whitsunday, May 10, which happened to occur even before he was
formally installed in his new office. He continued in this way through the
following three years, offering his services for as many as eleven festive
occasions. The University was not displeased with this state of affairs, but
when it came Bach was unable to obtain the statutory stipend.
to paying,
After many was given half of what constituted the former
discussions he
salary due to the Cantor from the University, while the rest went to
Gorner. Some 14 thalers were withheld, but this seemed important
enough to Bach to justify direct appeals to the highest authority, Augustus

1
the church of St. Peter and the 'New Church.' In the latter more
They were
elaborate music was performed on holy days and during the Leipzig Fair. For this the
church organist was responsible (on Bach's arrival, G. B. Schott, and after 1729, J. G.
Gerlach) and he had the help of University students and professional musicians.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-I750) I73

'the Strong,' Elector of Saxony. If it appears rather surprising to us that

the master should have bothered his monarch with such petty details, we
must not forget that the Cantor's income was made up of small items,
careful attention to which provided the difference between an adequate
and an insufficient sustenance. Moreover, it was not in Bach's nature to
put up with what he felt to be unjust. So he dispatched three petitions to
the Elector in the last months of 1725; the third, a masterwork of logical
presentation and clarity of diction, amounted to some 3000 words. He
asked for the restitution of the legal emoluments and for the directorship
of both the Old and the New Service. The monarch acceded to the first
request, but gave the University freedom to settle the 'New Service' in
whatever way they wanted. Bach got the outstanding money, but as it had
become apparent that the University would not let him have the director-
ship of both services, he lost interest in St. Paul's and henceforth had the
music for the 'Old Service' conducted by his prefects. On the other hand,
his energetic action had not exactly endeared him to the academic authori-
ties; from the outset they had looked down on the new Cantor's lack of

academic training (a shocking state of matters that had not occurred in

Leipzig during the past century!), and they now did their best to bypass
Bach whenever a special composition was required for a festive occasion,
thus depriving him of not insignificant fees.
Their hostile attitude is best illustrated by an incident that happened
two years later. In September 1727 there occurred the death of Christiane
Eberhardine, wife of the Elector of Saxony, who was dearly beloved in
Lutheran Leipzig because she had remained faithful to the Protestant
religion when her husband adopted Catholicism in order to gain the
Polish throne. To express the prevailing emotion, an aristocratic Univer-
sity student, Hans Carl von Kirchbach, volunteered to hold a commemo-
rative service in the University church at his own expense, in which he
was to deliver the funeral oration. When he was given permission for this

act of loyalty, he commissioned the poet, Johann Christoph Gottsched, to

write a funeral Ode, and Bach to compose it. He could certainly not have
made a wiser choice —although was by no means the opinion of the
this

learned professors. Their colleague, Gottsched, a great reformer of the

German language, was eminently suitable, but his Ode, they contended,
should be set to music by Gorner. When Kirchbach refused this sugges-
tion, claiming thatBach had already done the work, he was informed that
the composer would not be allowed to perform the music, as this was
Gorner' s duty. In high irritation, the young nobleman threatened to give
up the whole project, whereupon a compromise was reached. Gorner was
174 THE BACH FAMILY
to receive a present of 12 thalers from the student, and Bach was to sign a
pledge that he would never again make an agreement concerning music
at St. Paul's without previously obtaining the consent of the University.
The first part of this arrangement worked out satisfactorily: Gorner
received his money and was content. But as to the pledge, the University
official dispatched to Bach's lodgings to obtain the signature of the docu-
ment had no success; the Cantor refused in no uncertain words to sign it.
There was one brighter aspect to this unpleasant episode: young
Kirchbach's insistence on Bach's composition. While to the erudite
professors the work of a third-rate musician like Gorner (who, as Bach
once shouted in a fit of fury, 'would have done better as a cobbler' 1 )
seemed in no way inferior to that of Bach, the young people fell under the
spell of the great man at St. Thomas'. They were anxious to secure his co-
operation, when they prepared musical entertainment for some special
occasion, and several of Bach's secular cantatas owe their existence to such
commissions. 2 What was even more important, gifted University students
were attracted by his genius and took part in the church music directed by
him. We know, for instance, from a testimonial Bach wrote for C. G.
Wecker, subsequently Cantor at Schweidnitz, that this student of law
gave him 'creditable assistance' both as a singer and instrumentalist.
Young J. G. Gerlach, who had graduated from the Thomas School in
1723, was also a valuable helper, whom Bach rewarded by recommending
him successfully for the position of organist and music director at Leipzig's
'New Church.' 3
Thanks to such talented and enthusiastic aides, not forgetting Bach's
own three sons, who were gradually developing into first-class musicians
in their own right, the master was able to carry out one of the most
ambitious projects of his whole career. On Good Friday, 1729, his St.
Matthew Passion had its first performance at St. Thomas'. The body of
executants must have seemed quite enormous compared to those usually
employed in Leipzig's churches. The parts used in a subsequent per-
formance under Bach's direction have been preserved, and they show that
17 players were employed for each orchestra, 12 singers for either of the
two choruses, and a third group of 12 vocalists for the chorale in the first

1
Cf. C. L. Hilgenfeldt, 'J. S. Bach's Leben, Wirken und Werke,' 1850. Bach had
plenty of opportunity of seeing Gorner at work, as the latter was his subordinate as
organist of St. Nicholas', a position which Gorner gave up in 1729 for a similar one at

St. Thomas.'
2
Cf. Friedrich Smend in AfMf, 1942.
* Bach took Gerlach as soloist to Weissenfels in 1729, to take part in the celebration
of Duke Christian's birthday, which certainly brought the young singer a handsome fee.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-1750) I75

number. In 1729 the number of singers was smaller, as the cantus firmus
was not sung, but played on the little organ over the altar; nevertheless
the groups of executants must have seemed unusually large to the
Leipzig congregation. In spite of its considerable length (well over three
hours), the Passion was performed within the framework of the tradi-
tional Good Friday services, for which the following schedule was laid
down: (1) 1.15 p.m. ringing of all bells; (2) the Hymn Da Jesu an dem
Kreu^e stund sung by the choir; (3) Passion Music, first part; (4) Versicle,
Herr Jesu Christy dich ^u wis wend; (5) Sermon; (6) Passion Music, second
part; (7) Motet, Ecce quomodo moritur (Jacobus Gallus); Intonation of
Passion Versicle, Collection; Hymn, Nun danket alle Gott.

It is hard for us to-day to estimate Leipzig's response to the sublime

work. Bearing in mind the pledge Bach had signed not to write operatic
church music, it is to be feared that a good many listeners may have
been confused, if not actually shocked, by the poignancy of this music. 1
But whatever the response of the congregation may have been, it must
be reported that neither the workitself, nor the tremendous achievement

in presenting it in spite of countless obstacles, helped to impress Bach's

superiors favourably. Their attitude is clearly reflected in an incident that
happened in the very Every spring new pupils were admitted
same year.
to the Thomas school to replace those graduating. In May 1729, a few
weeks after the performance of the St. Matthew Passion, Bach handed
the Council a detailed list of the candidates he had examined, naming
those he found suitable and unsuitable respectively, and the Rector
seconded his recommendations. The wise city fathers, however, had their
own opinions they admitted four candidates the Cantor had warned
:

against, one he had not even tested, and only five he had recommended.
Apparently they were more interested in defying the Cantor than in
obtaining good musicians for their church music. Nor was this an isolated
episode. At a Council meeting a year later, the shortcomings of a certain
Magister Petzoldt, Bach's deputy for the Latin classes, were under dis-
cussion, and this led to complaints about the Cantor himself. 'He has not
conducted himself as he should,' criticized one of the members; 'he is

doing nothing,' complained another; while a third described him as 'in-

corrigible.' Not a single voice was raised in Bach's defence; nobody even
1
Bitter, Terry, and David-Mendel assume that the St. Matthew Passion is referred
to in Gerber's story about the elderly lady who on hearing the Passion threw up her hands
in horror, exclaiming:'God help us. 'Tis surely an Opera-comedy.' Smend in 'Bach in
Kothen' gives the entire quotation from Christian (not Heinrich Nikolaus) Gerber's
'Geschichte der Kirchen-Ceremonien in Sachsen,' 1732. The present author agrees with
Smend that the passage read in its entirety seems to point to Dresden rather than Leipzig
I76 THE BACH FAMILY
mentioned the St. Matthew Passion or the brilliant festival Bach had
arranged in June of that year for the bicentenary of the Augsburg Con-
fession. Finally, it was decided to punish the Cantor for his many
deficiencies by reducing his income. A change in the contractual salary or
the statutory allotment of Accidentien was impossible, but the Council
could, and did, restrict the offender's share in unexpected revenues. 1
The city fathers' feeling of animosity towards Bach was heartily reci-
procated by the Cantor. In August 1730, Sebastian, probably still un-
aware of the punitive action planned against him, submitted a memo-
randum which he pointed out that the admittance of unsuitable pupils
in
and the lack of adequate funds were jeopardizing his efforts to maintain
the church music at a high level. The very title of the document, and the
condescending manner with which all the details of an organization well
known to the officials were explained in it, must have been irritating to
the recipients:

C
A short, but indispensable sketch of what constitutes a well-
appointed church music, with a few impartial reflections on
its present state of decline

'For a well-appointed church music, vocalists and instrumentalists are

necessary. In this town the vocalists are provided by the foundation
pupils of St. Thomas', and these are of four classes: trebles, altos, tenors,
and basses.
the choirs are to perform church music properly
'If the vocalists . . .

must again be divided into two classes: concertists [for the solos] and
ripienists [for the chorus]. There are usually four concertists, but some-
times up to eight if it is desired to perform music for two choirs. There

must be at least eight ripienists, two to each part. . . .

'The number of the resident pupils of St. Thomas' is fifty-five; these

are divided into four choirs, for the four churches in which they partly
perform concerted music, partly sing motets, and partly chorales. In three
of the churches, i.e. St. Thomas', St. Nicholas', and the New Church, all
the pupils must be musically trained . . . those who can only sing a chorale
at need go to St. Peter's.

1
The following instance reveals their policy. After the death of the old Rector in
October 1729, and until a new official was
Bach had to conduct the school
installed,

inspection every third, instead of every fourth, week. Later,when it came to allotting the
Rector's very considerable share of Accidentien, the two other teachers who had taken
over extra duties received sizable shares of this money, while Bach was left out and got
nothing at all.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-1750) 177

'To each choir there must belong, at least, three trebles, three alti,
three tenors, and as many basses, so that if one person is unable to sing
(which often happens, and particularly at this time of year, as can be
proved by the prescriptions of the medicus sent to the dispensary), a motet
can still be sung with at least two voices to each part. {N.B. How much
better would it be, if it were so arranged as to have four singers available
for each part, each choir thus consisting of sixteen persons!). Con-
sequently, the number of those who must understand music is thirty-six
persons.
'The instrumental music consists of the following performers:
two or even three violino I
two or three violino II
two each viola I, II, violoncello
one double bass
two or three, according to need oboes
one or two bassoons
three trumpets
one drum

In all, eighteen persons at least, for the instruments.

'N.B. Since church music composed with flutes ... at least
is often
two persons are needed for them; altogether, then, twenty instrumentalists.
The number of players engaged [by the city] for church music is eight,
viz. four town pipers, three professional violinists, and one apprentice.

Discretion forbids my
all truthfully of their competence and
speaking at
musical knowledge; however, ought to be considered that they are
it

partly emeriti and partly not in such good practice as they should be.
This is the list of them [viz. 2 trumpets, 2 violins, 2 oboes, and 1
. . .

bassoon]. Thus the following important instrumentalists ... are lacking:

two players each of first and second violin, viola, violoncello, and flute:

one player of double bass.

'The deficiency here shown has hitherto had to be made good partly
by the University students, but chiefly by the Thomas pupils. The [Uni-
versity] students used to be very willing to do this, in the hope that in
time they might . . . But as
receive ... an honorarium. the small payments
which fell to them have been altogether withdrawn, the readiness of the
students has likewise disappeared, for who will give his service for
nothing? In the absence of more efficient performers, the second violin
has been at most times, and the viola, violoncello, and double bass have
been at all times played by the [Thomas] pupils, and it is easy to judge
what has thus been lost to the vocal choir. So far only the Sunday music
has been mentioned [which takes place alternately in St. Thomas' and St.
I78 THE BACH FAMILY
Nicholas'].But if I come to speak of the holy days, when music must be
provided for both the principal churches at the same time, the lack of the
necessary players is even more serious, since then I have to give up . . .

such pupils as can play one instrument or another, and thus am obliged
to do without their assistance [as singers] altogether.
'Furthermore, I cannot omit mentioning that through the admissions
hitherto granted to so many boys unskilled and ignorant of music, the
performances have necessarily fallen into decline. A boy who knows
. . .

nothing about music, who cannot even sing a second can never be of . . .

any use in music. And even those who bring with them some elementary
knowledge, do not become useful as quickly as is desirable. . . . However,
no time is allowed for their training . . . but as soon as they are admitted,
they are placed in the choirs. ... It is well known that my predecessors,
Schelle and Kuhnau, were obliged to have recourse to the assistance of the
[University] students when they desired to perform complete and well-
sounding music, which they were so far warranted in doing that several
vocalists, a bass, a tenor, and an alto, as well as instrumentalists were . . .

favoured with salaries by a Most Noble and Wise Council, and thereby
were induced to strengthen the church music. Now, however, when the
present state of music has greatly changedthe art being much advanced —
and the taste definitely altered, so that the old-fashioned kind of music
no longer sounds well in our ears —when, therefore, performers ought to
be selected who are able to satisfy the present musical taste and undertake
the new kinds of music, and at the same time are qualified to give satis-

faction to the composer by their rendering of his work, now the few
perquisites have been altogether withheld from the choir, though they
ought to be increased rather than diminished. It is, anyhow, astonishing
that German musicians should be expected to perform ex tempore any
kind of music, whether Italian or French, English, or Polish, like some of
those virtuosi who have studied it long beforehand, even know it almost
by heart, and who besides have such high salaries that their pains and dili-
gence are well rewarded. This is not duly taken into consideration, and
our German musicians are left to take care of themselves, so that under
the necessity of working for their bread many can never think of attaining
proficiency, much less of distinguishing themselves. To give one instance
of this statement, we need only go to Dresden and see how the musicians
there are paid by his Majesty; since all care as to maintenance is taken from
them, they are relieved of anxiety, and as, moreover, each has to play but
one instrument, it is evident that something admirable and delightful can
be heard. The conclusion is easy to arrive at: that in ceasing to receive
). SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-I750) 179

the perquisites I am deprived of the power of getting the music into

a better shape.
'Finally, I will list the present foundation pupils, stating in each case
the extent of his musical skill, and leave it to further consideration

whether concerted music can be properly performed under such condi-

tions or whether a further decline is to be feared [There follows a list
. . .

of names under the headings 'those who are efficient,' 'those needing
further training before they can take part in concerted music,' and 'those
who are not musical at all']. Summa: 17 serviceable, 20 not yet serviceable,
17 useless. Joh. Seb. Bach,
Director Musices.'
Leipzig, August 23, 1730.

This is, indeed, a highly significant document. Not only does it offer
valuable glimpses into the performing practice of the time; it reveals, too,
the inflexible nature of its author and his lack of the graces of diplomacy
which would have made life so much easier for him. Bach was angry with
his superiors, and when he penned his report he did not try to hide his
feelings under the flowery phrases of respect and submission which the
exalted city officials deemed their rightful due. That he did master all the
intricacies of polite letter- writing, and could use them if he so wished, is
shown by other petitions to the Council. 1 This time, however, he went
straight to the point with a bluntness that could only turn against him. It
was also a tactical error to praise conditions at Dresden at the expense of
Leipzig. Such a comparison was not quite fair, since Dresden, as the resi-
dence of the Elector, naturally enjoyed privileges denied to other towns.
It merely had the result of increasing the animosity of his superiors.
Anyway, the Burgomaster, to whom he handed the report, was not at
all impressed by it. He did not even mention it at the following meeting,
and merely remarked that the Cantor 'showed little inclination to work.'
No vote was taken regarding the payment to University students, for
which Bach had pleaded so strongly. This must have angered him all the
more as he was well aware that the Council was not as tight-fisted in
dealing with another music director. Young Gerlach, who, at Bach's
recommendation, had been appointed to the New Church, was granted
in this same year a 100 per cent increase in his salary, and allowed 30
thalers for the purchase of new instruments. It really looked as though the

1
Cf. his letter dated September 20, 1728, in which he, for once, requested the City's
help against a member of the Consistory, who had infringed Bach's right to choose the
church hymns.
l80 THE BACH FAMILY
Council were anxious to develop the musical service in this insignificant
church at the expense of venerable St. Thomas' and St. Nicholas',
which were under Bach's direction.
All this caused Sebastian to investigate the possibilities of finding
another position, and on October 28, 1730, he wrote to his old school-
mate, Georg Erdmann, now settled as Imperial Russian 'resident'
(ambassador) in Danzig, asking him whether he knew of any good
opening there. He gave the following reasons for his wish to leave Leipzig:
'Since I find (1) that this appointment is by no means as advantageous as
it was described to me, (2) that many fees incidental to it are now stopped,
(3) that the town is a very expensive place to live in, (4) that the authori-
ties are very strange people, with small love of music, so that I live under
almost constant vexation, jealousy and persecution, I feel compelled to
seek, withGod's assistance, my fortune elsewhere.' 1
Reading this outburst, and bearing in mind the sublime masterpieces
which Bach, alleged to 'have done nothing,' was pouring out over Leip-
zig, one cannot help feeling outraged by the Council's attitude. However,
it must not be overlooked that one of the main sources of Sebastian's feud
with the authorities lay in the double aspect of his position. He was
engaged as teacher (Cantor) and music director. To Bach only the music
directorship mattered, while to the Council the duties of the Cantor
seemed of paramount importance. The city fathers heard of lack of disci-
pline at the school, of outbursts of fury on the part of the irascible Cantor,
and of lengthy visits to various courts, for which he did not ask permission,
and they knew that his prefects often took over the singing classes which
he was supposed to hold. Other Cantors before him had taken similar
liberties, but these had known how to ingratiate themselves by submissive

and deferential behaviour, whereas this 'incorrigible' Bach acted with

maddening presumptuousness. Altogether, it was one of those human
relationships which defy a satisfactory solution; for the engagement of a
composer at the peak of his creative productivity as school official and
disciplinarian in a badly organized institute is a contradiction in itself.

Bach would certainly have been better off at the court of an important
sovereign, who would have expected nothing from him but musical com-
positions. As no such opening presented itself, he was forced to remain in
Leipzig.
Fortunately the following years saw a slackening of the tension

1
We do not know whether Erdmann, in answer to this appeal, did anything to find
a congenial position for his old school-mate. Any plans he may have entertained for
bringing Sebastian to Danzig were cut short by Erdmann's death in 1736.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-1750) l8l

between him and Johann Mathias Gesner, a good

his official superiors.
friend from Sebastian's Weimar days, for whom the Thomas Cantor had
only recently written a cantata, 1 became Rector of the school, and with
tact and discretion he calmed the waves of mutual indignation. Gesner is

recognized to-day as one of the pioneers in the field of classical philology.

Before him German scholars had been pedantically investigating trifles of
antiquarian or grammatical interest; Gesner grasped the very spirit of
antique culture and in his lectures and commentaries opened up new vistas
to the German mind. This outstanding philologist was at the same time a
born teacher, genuinely interested in young people, whose devotion he
won by the power of his own humanity and enthusiasm. Thus he was
perfectly suited for carrying out the long-needed reforms at the Thomas
school. As soon as he started on his duties, he prevailed on the Council
to make definite plans for a building programme. Before long two new
storeys were added to the school, and though this entailed a good deal
of inconvenience — all the teachers, including Bach, having to find tem-
porary quarters outside the school — the result was well worth the trouble.
The Rector also issued new regulations for the school, in which music
was allotted an important place. He explained to the pupils that their
praising the Lord through music linked them with the heavenly choirs
and that he expected them to be proud of this privilege and even to sacri-
fice leisure hours for the sake of good performances. More effectively than

by such general advice and the listing of fines to be imposed on those

neglecting their musical work, the Rector succeeded in improving the
pupils' attitude by changing the general atmosphere in the school. It was
a much happier group that now worked together at St. Thomas', and
naturally in all fields better results were obtained. As for the Cantor,

Gesner endeavoured to smooth out his differences with the Council. At

the Rector's suggestion Bach was freed from any teaching assignments
outside music and in their place was put in charge of the daily visits to the
morning service, at which 8 choristers alternately provided the music at

either St. Thomas' or St. Nicholas'. Gesner also induced the authorities to
let the Cantor henceforth have his full share of all accruing moneys. Bach,
on the other hand, could not but enjoy working with this outstanding
Rector who really valued his musical work. This attitude of Gesner's is
proved by a delightful description he offered of Bach's art both as
virtuoso and conductor, sufficient in itself to endear the scholar to every
music historian. Some years after leaving Leipzig he wrote a Latin com-
1
It is the Italian Cantata No. 209 composed in celebration of Gesner's return to his
native city. Cf. Luigi Ansbacher in 'Bach Gedenkschrift,' 1950.
l82 THE BACH FAMILY
mentary to an edition of Quintilian's Institutio Oratorio, and used the
mention of a cithara-player's versatility to plunge into this panegyric:

my Fabius, you would deem

'All these [outstanding achievements],
very trivial could you but
from the dead and see our Bach
rise how . . .

he with both hands and using all his fingers, plays on a clavier which seems
to consist of many citharas in one, or runs over the keys of the instrument
of instruments, whose innumerable pipes are made to sound by means of
bellows; and how he, going one way with his hands, and another way, at

the utmost speed, with his feet, conjures by his unaided skill . . . hosts of
harmonious sounds; I say, could you but see him, how he achieves what
a number of your cithara players and 600 performers on reed instru-
ments 1 could never achieve, not merely singing and playing at the
. . .

same time his own parts, but presiding over thirty or forty musicians all

at once, controlling this one with a nod, another by a stamp of the foot,
a third with a warning keeping time and tune, giving a high note
finger,
to one, a low to another, and notes in between to some. This one man,
standing alone in the midst of the loud sounds, having the hardest task of
all, can discern at every moment if anyone goes astray, and can keep all

the musicians in order, restore any waverer to certainty and prevent him
from going wrong. Rhythm is in his every limb, he takes in all the har-
monies by his subtle ear and utters all the different parts through the
medium of his own mouth. Great admirer as I am of antiquity in other
respects, I yet deem this Bach of mine to comprise in himself many
Orpheuses and twenty Arions.'

Such genuine admiration from a man of Gesner's intellectual stature

must have warmed Bach's heart. Their intercourse may also have stimu-
lated the master in other ways. In 173 1 appeared Gesner's outstanding
Chrestomathia Graeca, and we can well imagine Bach discussing certain
pieces with his learned friend and receiving much food for thought from
the Rector's vision of antique glory. Gesner, incidentally, was not the only
one in Leipzig who was responsible for new trends in the conception of
the past. There was, for instance, Johann Friedrich Christ, Professor at
the University, who opened the students' eyes to the all but forgotten
beauties of antique sculpture and paintings. Bach may have heard about
these lectures from his young University friends, and on his frequent visits
to Dresden he had a chance to test the truth of Professor Christ's asser-

1
The Latin expression Gesner uses is tibia, a Roman instrument somewhat in the
character of an oboe.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-I750) 183

tions by visiting the exquisite collections of antiques, which since 1728

were being assembled there.
By a fortunate coincidence the years of pleasant co-operation with
Gesner also brought other improvements in Bach's position. He now had
some excellent vocalists in his chorus, among them his favourite pupil,
Johann Ludwig Krebs, 1 Christoph Nichelmann, the
his first sopranist,
gifted Christian Friedrich Schemelli, and several others. Moreover he was
able to consolidate his connection with the University students by taking
over, on the departure of G. B. Schott in 1729, a Collegium Musicum,
founded in 1702 by Telemann for regular weekly performances of music
in Zimmermann's Coffee-house. Leipzig had two associations of this kind,
each numbering fifteen to twenty members, and as they were independent
of the University authorities, there was nobody to prevent Bach from
assuming the directorship. These Collegia Musica served a dual purpose:
they kept musicians among the students in good training, and they helped
them to obtain recognition and eventually a position. Visitors from out-
side, especially during the Leipzig fair, thronged the two Coffee-houses
to hear the young musicians display their virtuosity, and valuable contacts
were established in this way. The direct financial returns for the players
must have been insignificant, if we are to believe the remarks of the poetess
Marianne von Ziegler: 2 'Most of the listeners seem to think that these
sons of the Muses just extemporize the music; the reward they get is very
poor indeed, and often they have to be content with a bare bone to pick
for all the hours of preparation they have put in.' This may have been true
for the students, but certainly not for Bach, who would not have directed
the group for over ten years without receiving adequate financial com-
pensation. Zimmermann, owner of the establishment, would have paid
the
him a considerable honorarium, which the astute business-man amply
recovered by the afflux of guests, who consumed great quantities of his
enjoying such artistic treats. In the summer the
coffee, cake, or beer, while
Collegium performed in Zimmermann's open-air restaurant outside the
city, where works for a larger group, such as Bach's cantata 'Phoebus

and Pan,' could be played. The work with the Collegium Musicum in-
spired Bach to compose a number of delightful secular cantatas, but he
did notby any means limit himself to the performance of vocal music.
The Brandenburg Concertos, many other chamber music works, and new
compositions for keyboard instruments resounded at Zimmermann's

1
He was a son of Johann Tobias Krebs, Bach's student in Weimar. The older Krebs
admired Bach so greatly that altogether he sent three of his offspring to St. Thomas.'
2
This outstanding woman supplied 9 texts for Bach's Cantatas.
184 THE BACH FAMILY
together with compositions by other masters. And if Bach was in a good
humour, he could be induced to improvise on the clavier, to the delight
of the assembled guests.
Many performances of the Collegium Musicum took place as an act of
homage to the ruling monarch. In particular, the year 1733, when the
Elector Augustus III succeeded his father, was distinguished by a series
of such festive Bach exerted himself by producing no less than four
acts.

different cantatas during the period from August to December of that

year in order to celebrate the name-day and birthday respectively of the
new ruler as well as the birthdays of the Crown Prince and the Electress;
and he continued with hardly diminished efforts in 1734. Yet all these
contributions sink into insignificance when compared to the one monu-
mental work he wrote for Augustus III. The new ruler's first visit to
Leipzig, to accept the oath of allegiance, was celebrated with great pomp,
and the City Council commissioned their Director Musices to write a
Kyrie and Gloria to be performed on April 21, 1733, at St. Nicholas' before
and after the festive sermon. 1 Bach, knowing that on this special occasion
much of the usual liturgy in the service would be omitted and that, on the
other hand, he would have more singers than usual at his disposal,
<i

supplied a Kyrie and Gloria surpassing the customary sacred music in

every respect. The Kyrie was meant as mourning music for the deceased
Elector, Augustus 'the Strong,' while the triumphant strains of the Gloria
following the sermon celebrated the ascension to the throne of his heir.
The Elector, as a Catholic, was, significantly enough, deprived of the joy
of hearing this glorious music performed in his honour. However, Bach
seems to have been encouraged by friends in Dresden to hope that a whole
Mass of his composition might be played for the Coronation ceremony of
Augustus King of Poland. 2 Thus he set about completing the
III as

gigantic composition, for which task he had ample leisure, as the mourn-
ing period for the deceased Elector made the performance of 'figural'
music in the Leipzig churches impossible. The Mass in b was handed to
the Elector, but the composer's hope was not fulfilled. This meant a dis-
appointment for Bach, but it may, on the other hand, have saved him a
good deal of unpleasantness. For although at that time individual move-
ments from the Mass, especially the Latin Kyrie and Gloria, still figured in
the Protestant ritual, the composition of the complete Ordinary of the

1
Cf. Schering, I.e., p. 217 and foil. Smend in 'J- S. Bachs Kirchenkantaten,' VI,
assumes that the Credo from the Mass in b was performed as early as June 5, 1732, for the
inauguration of the remodelled Thomas school.
2
Cf. Schering in BJ, 1936.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-I750) 185

Mass was tantamount to an invasion of Catholic territory. Bach himself

apparently felt no scruples in this respect. His employers in Leipzig, how-
ever, might have resented seeing their music director connected in so
conspicuous a manner with the Coronation service in a Catholic church.
Bach had good reasons for making continual efforts to prove his
loyalty to the new ruler. He felt increasingly in need of the Elector's
support as the situation in Leipzig was changing again. Rector Gesner had
always cherished the wish to lecture at a University too, and as this

apparently proved impossible in Leipzig, he accepted a call to the newly

founded University of Gottingen, where he was to serve with the greatest
distinction. He was succeeded in November 1734 by the former vice-
principal of the school, Johann August Ernesti, a man
only 27 years of
age, who deservedly enjoyed a fine reputation as a classical scholar. In
some respects he continued his predecessor's policy by raising the
scholastic standard; but in his ambition to create an outstanding institute

of learning, the young Rector saw in the students' musical duties nothing
but an obstacle to the fulfilment of his plans. His attitude was not wholly
unjustified. The type of school capable of serving both scholastic and
musical purposes had become definitely outdated. The range of subjects
to be studied was greatly widened in the 18th century, and with natural
science playing an increasingly important part, it gradually became im-
possible for the young people to cope with both their scholastic and musi-
cal tasks.The Rector wanted to modernize his institute and hated to see
his charges waste so much time by singing in the streets, attending funerals
or weddings, and rehearsing for performances. His problem was further
aggravated by the kind of music the Cantor expected the choir to sing; it

often necessitated serious studying and additional rehearsals. All this dis-
pleased the Rector exceedingly. He did not, like Gesner, compare the
Thomasians to the angelic choirs. Instead, when he came across a boy
practising his music, he would remark sneeringly: 'So it's a pothouse
fiddler you want to become,' and thus make the performance of music
seem an inferior kind of occupation. To work in harmony with so intoler-
ant and ambitious a superior would have been hard for any musician; it
was utterly impossible for Bach. Thus there was tension, more and more
of it, until it burst out in a controversy which assumed terrific propor-
tions and lasted through more than two years (during which time the two
deadly enemies had to live next door to each other!). The incident pro-
voking it and the details need not concern us to-day. It had
was petty,
to do with the appointment of musical prefects, those senior pupils who
took over much of the Cantor's duties and whose satisfactory work was
186 THE BACH FAMILY
of vital importance to a smoothly running musical organization. Bach's
top prefect provoked the Rector by punishing a recalcitrant young pupil
too severely, whereupon Ernesti, against Bach's wish, forced him to
leave the school. The Rector then promoted another prefect to the first

place, a youth whom the Cantor declared unfit for so responsible a posi-
tion. Clearly the right was on Bach's side, as no one but he was supposed
to judge a pupil's qualifications for the musical prefectship. Unfortunately,
however, the hot-blooded Cantor damaged his own unassailable position
by temper run away with him. Shocking scenes occurred
letting his
during the church services when Bach, seeing the hated prefect at work,
chased him away with 'great shouting and noise,' whereupon Ernesti sent
the youth back, threatening the whole choir with penalties if they sang
under anybody else. Thus utter confusion reigned at St. Thomas', and the
discipline built up with so much difficulty was carried off as in a whirl-
wind. Bach, however, did not care for anything but the restitution of his
rights, 'cost it what it might.' A stream of reports and appeals began to
flow from both adversaries to the authorities. Bach's were a model of
clearness dealing merely with the problem in question. Ernesti, on the
other hand, not only blamed the Cantor for shirking his duties in various
ways, but even contended that Bach was venal and accepted unsuitable
candidates whose were willing to make him a payment. Such a
fathers
remark about Sebastian Bach, whose unshakable fairness and justice in
the examination of organs had become a byword over all the country,
shows best with what type of superior the Cantor had to deal. The Council
and the Consistory, both of whom had received various appeals, found
—
themselves in a most unpleasant situation they did not care to offend
Ernesti, of whom they thought highly, but on the other hand they could
not help admitting the justice of the Cantor's complaints. Therefore they
chose the old expedient of doing nothing, hoping that with the gradua-
tion of the offensive prefect the storm would pass over. Ultimately Bach
appealed to the highest authority, the Elector, who
had conferred in 1736
on him the title of Royal Polish and Electoral Saxon Court composer1
in gratitude for Bach's many musical homages, not forgetting the B minor
Mass. It seems that the monarch, on a visit to Leipzig at which festive

music by Bach was performed with the greatest pomp, personally inter-

1
The which Bach had already solicited in 1733 when handing in the first 2
title,

movements of Mass in b, was only conferred on him on November 19, 1736, after he
the
had lost the minor title of conductor to the court of Weissenfels through the death of
Duke Christian. Apparently Augustus III had waited so long because he did not care to
be associated with a lower ranking ruler in the titles he awarded.
J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-1750) 187

vened in favour of the composer, for thenceforth the feud at St. Thomas'
is not mentioned in any official document. This does not mean, however,
that either of the two parties forgot or forgave. Ernesti persevered in his
anti-musical policy, and Bach grew less and less concerned with the
duties of his office. Not only did he neglect his teaching assignments, but
he did so to such an extent that in 1740 it became necessary to appoint a
master for musical theory to the school. Even the stream of new com-
positions for his choir diminished considerably at that time, and old works
were performed in their stead. Bach was still deeply interested in the
training of gifted musicians, but, significantly enough, such outstanding
pupils as J. F. Agricola, J. F. Doles, J.
P. Kirnberger, and J. C. Altnikol
came to him as University students. Of talented pupils of the Thomas
school practically nothing is known during these years: either there were
none in the Alumnate, or Bach, knowing Ernesti's attitude, was not
disposed to spend much of his time and energy on them.
However, neglecting St. Thomas' did not mean a life of leisure for
him; he continued to be an indefatigable worker, but one whose energies
were directed towards different goals. As a composer he became less
concerned with sacred music, perhaps because the spiritual climate of
Leipzig was changing under the growing impact of 'Enlightenment.
5
Now
he concentrated on instrumental composition; and he also paid more
attention to the problems of publishing his music. His zest for travelling
and meeting fellow musicians found satisfaction through frequent and
well-paid invitations to test organs in various cities. He also spent a good
deal of time at Dresden, appearing at court, giving organ recitals, and
making music with the prominent court musicians, who also came to
Leipzig to play at his home. 1
A unique experience was granted him in a meeting with King
Friedrich 'the Great' of Prussia. Since his second son, Emanuel, had been
appointed in 1740 court accompanist to the enlightened and highly
musical ruler, Bach was greatly interested in the Northern capital. It is
probably his own opinion that is reflected in the remark of his secretary,
J. Elias Bach, 2 that 'at Berlin the golden age of music seemed to be in-
augurated.' Sebastian may even have entertained hopes of finding in
Berlin the kind of position he was longing for. It is noteworthy, anyway,
that as early as 174 1 he visited his son there. The time was not well chosen,
for the King was involved in the first 'Silesian war' against Austria; besides,

1
Cf. letter of Elias Bach to Cantor Koch, dated August 11, 1739, in 'Die Musik,'
1912-13.
2
Cf. letter of Elias to J. Ernst Bach, dated January 9, 1742, I.e.
l88 THE BACH FAMILY
had to be broken off because of a serious illness
Sebastian's sojourn
of Anna Magdalena; as a result, no appearance at court took place. The
following years saw the monarch still mainly engaged in martial exploits,
which even interfered with Bach's own In 1745 the Prussian armies
life.

laid siege to Leipzig, ruthlessly burning and ransacking the lovely

countryside around it; and great was the distress of the Leipzig popula-
tion. To raise their morale, Bach wrote, to the accompaniment of rumbling
cannons, his powerful cantata Du Friedefurst, in which some inaccuracies
in the continuo part and a score difficult to read in some places 1 testify
to the peculiar conditions prevailing at the time of its composition. But

Sebastian, a true son of the period, was not really concerned with the
quarrels of the rulers, and once the danger was over and peace restored,
he again planned an appearance at the Prussian court. This time conditions
were much more propitious, since a distinguished friend of the Bachs had
come to Berlin in 1746 as Russian ambassador. This was the Reichsgraf
Hermann von Keyserlingk, 2 who had been stationed in Dresden from 1733
to 1746, and had received from Sebastian the 'Goldberg Variations' for
which he sent the composer a golden goblet filled with a hundred Louis
d'or. The ambassador's enthusiastic praise of the Leipzig master naturally
and so an invitation was extended
excited the Prussian king's curiosity,
through Emanuel. In the spring of 1747 Sebastian complied and came to
Berlin, where he also had the joy of seeing his first grandson, Johann
August, 3 born on November 30, 1745. 'Old Bach,' as the King spoke of
him, was received most graciously. He had to try out all the fine forte-
pianos built by Silbermann that were in the palace, and on each he dis-
played his incredible mastery of improvisation. Finally he asked the King,
who was a composer himself, to give him a subject of his own for a fugue.
This Friedrich did, and Bach was so intrigued by the possibilities of the
royal theme that on his return to Leipzig he wrote a truly royal set of
polyphonic compositions in the strictest style based on this subject; he

had them engraved under the title Das musikalische Opfer (Musical
Offering) and dedicated them to the King. Having intercourse with, and

1
Cf. preface to BG
24, pp. 26 and foil.
2
Keyserlingk was also mainly responsible for the awarding to Sebastian of the title
of Saxon court composer. In 1748 he was godfather to Emanuel's youngest son, Johann
Sebastian. Friedemann dedicated a Sonata in E fiat major to him in 1763.
3
It is likely that the 'Capellmeister Bach' mentioned as one of the child's god-
fathers was Sebastian, but this does not necessarily imply that he attended the christening
ceremony. Perhaps he was represented by someone else. The same applies to Anna
Magdalena Bach, who is mentioned as godmother of Emanuel's second child, Anna Carolina
Philippina, christened on September 12, 1747. Cf. Miesner in BJ, 1932.
—

J.
SEBASTIAN IN LEIPZIG (1723-1750) 189

being so warmly applauded by, the great monarch gave intense satis-

faction to Sebastian, and in this particular case he may not even have
minded that no financial benefits were derived from the visit or the
subsequent dedication. (Friedrich's account books, at least, make no
mention of any payment to the guest from Leipzig.)
The Berlin visit was the last great artistic success granted to Bach.
Not long afterwards an old affliction of his began to assume threatening
proportions. His eyesight had been poor for many years, and the constant
strain of writing small music notes by candlelight finally exacted its toll

as it did with his kinsmen, Johann Gottfried Walther and Johann Ernst
Bach In 1749 Bach was nearly blind, and rumour had it that his
(25).
health was badly impaired as well. Whether this was correct, whether he
had had a stroke, as some historians conjecture, can no longer be verified;
the Necrolog written by his own son, Emanuel, and his pupil, Agricola,
certainly stressed that, apart from his eye-trouble, Bach had been physi-
cally quite fit. But, whatever was the truth behind the rumours, they
caused the writing of a letter to Leipzig's Burgomaster, in which the
Dresden conductor, Johann Gottlob Harrer, was recommended for the
vacancy expected to occur through Bach's death; and it was suggested
that Harrer should prove his skill by giving a trial performance im-
mediately. As the author of the letter was the all-powerful Saxonian
minister, Count Bruhl, his suggestion amounted to an order. The good
city fathers complied —
whether or not with a feeling of guilt at this
flagrant lack of reverence we don't know —
and so it came about that
in the inn of the 'Three Swans,' where secular concerts used to take place,
Harrer on June 8, 1749, g ave a public performance of a church cantata
he had brought with him, as a test piece for the 'future position of
Thomas Cantor, if the director musices, Sebastian Bach, should pass away.'
Thus a chronicler 1 records nonchalantly. Bach could not help hearing of
the shameful incident. His fighting spirit was roused; he would prove to
them that he was still in the possession of his strength. Tenaciously he
continued the struggle for more than a year, and Harrer, dismayed and
disappointed, had to go back to Dresden. At that time news of a visiting
English oculist, who had performed amazing operations, spread through
Germany. This Chevalier John Taylor happened to pass through Leipzig,
and Bach resolved to entrust himself to the renowned surgeon. Taylor
performed two operations on him, but they were both failures; moreover
the various drugs administered shattered the master's whole system and
he grew steadily weaker. On July 18, sight was suddenly restored to him,
1
Johann Salomon Riemer, 'Chronik Leipzigs,' 1714-71, Ratsarchiv, Leipzig.
I90 THE BACH FAMILY
but a few hours later a stroke occurred followed by a raging fever, to
which he succumbed on July 28, 1750. Musicians and music lovers in
Leipzig deeply mourned the loss. The City Council, however, in its next
meeting, did not waste much time in eulogies on the departed composer.
Some remarks were uttered such as 'the school needs a Cantor, not a
conductor,' or 'Bach was certainly a great musician, but no school
teacher/ and Harrer's appointment was formally decided on. Further-
more, when Bach's widow applied for the customary payment of the
Cantor's honorarium through the following half-year, the city accountant
was smart enough to remember that Bach, when entering office 27 years
previously, had received full payment for the first quarter, although he
started work only in February; so the Council had the satisfaction of
deducting 21 th. 21 gr. from the relief-sum due to the widow. The
intractable Cantor was replaced by a man whose 'very quiet and accommo-
dating nature' Count Briihl had emphasized, and the Council looked
forward to a peaceful era at St. Thomas'.

VI
SEBASTIAN AND HIS FAMILY

Our conception of Sebastian's appearance during his service at Leipzig

was, until recently, based mainly on the portrait painted towards the end
of his life by Haussmann. 1 It shows a man of tremendous
Elias Gottlieb
power and stubborn energy, whose face reveals the suffering, the dis-
appointments, and the bitter fights which formed so decisive a part of his
life as Thomas Cantor. This is the Bach with whom the Leipzig authorities

had to deal; clearly a formidable man who made the good burghers feel
uncomfortable and only too often definitely hostile. There is, however,
another portrait of the master of the Leipzig years (Frontispiece). For more
than 200 years it had been hidden in private collections and was only made
1
was painted for the Societdt der musikalischen Wissenschaften, an association of
It

learned musicians founded by Lorenz Christoph Mizler, of which Bach became a member
in 1747. Haussmann seems to have made several copies of it. That of 1747 is reproduced
in C. S. Terry's 'Bach,' London, 1928. There is also a Haussmann portrait of 1748, in a
much better state of preservation, which is owned by an English collector and was
published in 1950 (cf. Hans Raupach, 'Das wahre Bildnis J. S. Bachs'). The authenticity
of a Bach portrait claimed to have been painted by Haussmann in 1723 and preserved in
an American collection (cf. Herz in MQ, 1943) is doubtful, and so are the paintings by
Ihle, as well as the so-called Volbach portrait. The Bach painting by Liszewski was only
done after the composer's death. The Haussmann portrait of 1748 was acquired in 1953
by William H. Scheide, Princeton, N.J., U.S.A.
J.
SEBASTIAN AND HIS FAMILY 191

available to the present writer in 1950. 1 It was executed in pastel in the

1730's during a visit to Leipzig byyoung member of the family,
a
Gottlieb Friedrich, eldest son of Johann Ludwig Bach, the Meiningen
conductor, with whom Sebastian had been in close artistic contact (cf.

p. 108). In this beautiful pastel, Sebastian's characteristic features — the

lofty brow, fleshy face, prominent nose, stubborn mouth — are of course
the same, but the expression is a very different one. It is easy to find
physical reasons for Sebastian's more relaxed attitude in this pastel.
Gottlieb Friedrich's sitter was a man ten or twelve years younger, whose
eyes did not yet reveal the strain that a subsequent disease was to produce.
But the difference between Haussmann's and young Gottlieb's portraits
reaches far deeper. The kinsman painted the master as he saw him when
visiting Sebastian's home, which, as Emanuel later wrote to Forkel, 'was
like a beehive, and just as teeming with life.' Here, as the centre of his
own private world, Sebastian was by no means the man whom the
Leipzig Council resented and feared. He was generous, courteous, and
helpful; he rejoiced in his children and kinsmen, training them in his art
and assisting them in every conceivable way. The man whom young Bach
portrayed was not harassed by 'jealousy and persecution' (cf. p. 180).
There is strength and determination combined with joy and pride in his
face, pride in his position as the father and mentor of the many gifted

musicians who sat at his feet and drew inspiration from his supreme
mastery and powerful personality.
The picture we have drawn of Sebastian at Leipzig would therefore
be incomplete were we not to follow him into the privacy of his home and
watch the destinies of the younger generation take shape under his
guidance.
When
Bach moved to Leipzig, in 1723, four children accompanied
him and his young wife. 2 The eldest, Catharina Dorothea, was 15 and
thus capable of being a valuable help in the household. The three boys,
Wilhelm Friedemann, Philipp Emanuel, and Gottfried Bernhard, aged 13,
9, and 8 respectively, were enrolled in the Thomas school and did well
there. Some of Friedemann's exercise books have been discovered and

1
The pastel belongs to Mr. Paul Bach, a great-grandson of the painter. Cf. for the
following statements Karl Geiringer, 'The Lost Bach Portrait,' Oxford University Press,
New York, 1950.
2
It is characteristic of Sebastian's loyalty to the family that shordy after his appoint-
ment he had a nephew from Ohrdruf join the school. This was Johann Heinrich (born 1707),
fourth son of Sebastian's eldest brother and teacher, Johann Christoph, who had died not
long before. This youth stayed at the Thomas school for 4 years receiving ample musical
instruction from his uncle; he subsequendy became Cantor in Oehringen.
I92 THE BACH FAMILY
they reveal him as a very bright boy, well versed in Latin and Greek, and
one who, on the other hand, knew how to enliven boring lessons by
drawing caricatures and scribbling jokes into his books. Sebastian, who
was determined that his sons should enjoy the academic training denied
to himself, was pleased to note their scholastic aptitude. As a symbolic
gesture, in the very year of their arrival in Leipzig, he had Friedemann's
name entered at the University for ultimate matriculation, and at Christ-
mas he presented boy with the certificate of registration. Hand in
the
hand with school work went a most thorough musical education, which
must have kept the three Bach boys very busy indeed. They were naturally
important members of Sebastian's choir; they studied organ and clavier
with him, and they were gradually introduced into musical theory and the
science of composition. But Sebastian was still not satisfied as far as his
beloved 'Friede' (the family name of the eldest boy) was concerned.
Studying with an eminent violinist seemed to him an essential part of
musical training, and therefore, in 1726, he sent Friede to Merseburg, to
work for almost a year with the excellent Johann Gottlieb Graun, a pupil
of Tartini, and subsequently a colleague of Emanuel Bach in Berlin. The
result of the Merseburg studies was probably quite satisfactory; neverthe-
less Friede's interest remained centred in the keyboard instruments which
his father had taught him. As regards the younger sons, musical instruc-
tion outside the home did not seem so important to Sebastian. In any
case, since Emanuel was left-handed he was not well qualified for playing
stringed instruments. The father therefore trained him to become an out-
standing clavier player, and he had the satisfaction of seeing Emanuel, at the
age of engrave a clavier minuet of his own, which was published almost
17,
simultaneously with Sebastian's opus I, the Clavier Ubung. Yet it was
always Friede in whom was most interested. He loved doing
Sebastian
things in company with boy, and their trips to Dresden, to
his eldest
attend opera performances and visit the local musicians, were great treats

for both of them. The father's sympathy and care, so unstintingly given
at all times, at first made life easier for Friedemann, but proved ultimately
a fatal gift. Sebastian's genius could not but overwhelm one who was so
close to him.Friedemann naturally adopted his father's artistic tastes and
opinions, and was unable fully to follow the trends of his own generation.
He was also keenly conscious of the great expectations the father cherished
for him and felt alternately inspired and heavily burdened by them.
Emanuel, on the other hand, never achieved Friede's intimacy with his
father; he admired Sebastian tremendously, but did not try to imitate him

and thus his own individual style was able to develop more freely.
Eisenach
geb. 21. 3.1685 Leipzig
bis 1695 1723-1750

Dornheim
17. Okt. 1707
3. Places significant in Johann Sebastian Bach's life
J.
SEBASTIAN AND HIS FAMILY 193

On his return from Merseburg, Friedemann continued at the Thomas

school and in 1729 he graduated, offering a public valediction. He then
began his studies at Leipzig University, where he remained for four years,
taking courses in law, philosophy, and mathematics. Emanuel closely
followed his brother's example; he entered the University two years
later, at the age of 17, and remained as a student at this institute until 1735.

Both brothers would, of course, have been perfectly able to find positions
as musicians after graduating from the Thomas school, but their father
was by no means anxious for them to do so. He did not mind supporting
them for a few more years so as to give them the benefits of a scholarly
education. The musical performances that he arranged with their help in
his home were among his greatest joys. Proudly he wrote to Erdmann in

1730: 'All my children are born musicians and from my own family, I
assure you, I can arrange a concert vocaliter and instrumentaliter.' Besides,
the sons were real helpers, copying music for him, taking over the instruc-
tion of some of his pupils, 1 and rehearsing for performances; they thus
cleared the path for Sebastian's creative work. It is no mere accident that
the St. Matthew Passion was composed and first performed in the years
when Friedemann and Emanuel lived with their father, assuming many of
Sebastian's responsibilities. In 1733, however, the post of organist at
Dresden's Sophienkirche fell vacant, and this seemed a highly suitable
opportunity for Friedemann to start on his musical career. Sebastian Bach
was of course well known and highly appreciated in Dresden since his
notable success in the projected contest with Marchand (cf. p. 152), and
he enjoyed most cordial relations with the eminent court musicians there.
On the exquisite little organ built by Silbermann, the control of which
Friedemann was now seeking, his father had given a recital two years
earlier that had enraptured the Dresden courtiers and music lovers.

Friedemann could thus count on a friendly consideration of his applica-

tion, and all the more so since the decisive voice regarding the appointment

belonged to the famous Pantaleon Hebenstreit, who as a former con-

ductor at Eisenach (cf. p. 31) was well acquainted with the Bach family.
But help of such kind was hardly necessary, for young Friedemann was
an inspired virtuoso who profoundly affected his listeners. On the day
after the trial performance the official document of appointment was
executed, and Sebastian's eldest son settled down in Dresden. The father
was pleased indeed. The position was not a lucrative one, but as it did not
involve much work, the young musician would have plenty of time for
1
Friedemann instructed Christoph Nichelmann, who later became, as second
accompanist at the Prussian court, Emanuel's colleague.
194 THE BACH FAMILY
further study and creative activity. Besides, Dresden was not far from
Leipzig, and it would be easy for father and son to visit each other, thus
enabling Sebastian to watch his Friede's artistic growth. 1
Emanuel was only 21, two years younger than Friedemann, when he
home. He went to Frankfurt-on-the-Oder to continue his
left his father's

law studies at the University, supporting himself mainly with what he

earned as a clavier teacher, for at that time he was already a masterly
pianist. Three years later he found a position he was to hold for 27 years,

being appointed accompanist to Friedrich 'the Great' of Prussia.

By two most important helpers in his
1735 Sebastian had thus lost the
family. Although the gap left by these two was further widened by the
departure of some of his best pupils, such as J. Ludwig Krebs and Chr. F.
Schemelli the younger, Sebastian yet saw fit to find a position for his
third son, Johann Gottfried Bernhard (47). There was a vacancy at the
organ of St. Mary's in Muhlhausen, and as Sebastian had, in the 27 years
since his own service in this city, maintained friendly relations with some
influential citizens, he now applied on behalf of his son. There was some
opposition from members of the Council favouring a local organist, but
the weight of Sebastian Bach's name, coupled with Bernhard's excellent
trialperformance, was too strong, and young Bach was appointed. Sebas-
tian had apparently forgotten how difficult he himself had found condi-
tions in Muhlhausen. His life at this moment was dominated by the vicious
dispute raging between him and Rector Ernesti, and any other place may
have seemed to him preferable to the thunderous atmosphere in Leipzig.
Besides, he could not yet be sure of the outcome of his feud, and it there-
fore seemed advisable to make young Bernhard financially independent.
This was to prove a fatal decision. Bernhard, 20 years old, was not more
mature, perhaps even less so, than his brothers had been at that age.
Sebastian's wise policy of allowing his children to develop slowly would
have been particularly beneficial for this unstable son. But instead of
receiving a full University education he was sent away to Muhlhausen,
where difficulties started right away. The minutes of the Council meetings
have been preserved 2 and they clearly reveal the animosity of some
members towards the new organist. Their remarks sound like echoes of
the complaints raised against 20-year-old Sebastian in Arnstadt (cf. p.

1
We hear of one such visit in 1739 in a letter of Elias Bach. Friedemann spent a
month's vacation with his father and brought the famous Dresden lutanists, Sylvanus
Weiss and Johann Kropfgans, with him for glorious music-making.
2
Cf. Georg Thiele, 'Die Familie Bach in Muhlhausen,' 'Muhlhauser Geschichts-
blatter,' 1921.
J.
SEBASTIAN AND HIS FAMILY 195

134). One Councillor argued: 'Bach has preluded far too much and too
long, and thus unduly shortened the time meant for the service and
devotion. Besides, he often only confuses the congregation with his
playing.' Another, taking offence at the young artist's powerful playing,
exclaimed: 'If Bach continues to play in this way, the organ will be ruined
in two years, or most of the congregation will be deaf.' (Young Bernhard
had apparently adopted Sebastian's unconventional method of drawing
all the stops at the same time, which, according to Emanuel, at first struck

terror in the hearts of the organ builders or organists present.) The Mayor,
who from the outset had been on Bach's side, tried to stem the tide of
complaints. His remarks confirm Bernhard's fine musicianship: 'We
should thank God that we have acquired an artistic and learned organist,
and should neither order him to shorten his preludes nor forbid him to
play his instrument in so masterly a manner. Had we wanted to appoint a
bungler, we needn't have invited an from out of town.' Various
artist

Councillors were not dissuaded, however, and persevered in describing

Bach's preludes as 'unnecessary and troublesome.' The young organist
could not help noticing their inimical attitude. While his father in the same
situation had felt angry, but never shaken in his self-confidence, Bernhard
was by no means so resilient and consequently suffered more. It grieved
him also that he was not asked to co-operate in consultations regarding the
new organ which was being erected in his church. All this made work at
Miihlhausen hateful to him and he besought his father to find him another
position. Sebastian thereupon succeeded in having his son appointed to
the Jakobikirche of Sangerhausen, a position for which he himself had
applied in 1703 (cf. p. 129). Bernhard gave notice, and the local organist
who had from the outset been favoured by some of the Councillors got
the position. When in March 1737, eighteen months after his arrival,
Bernhard left Miihlhausen, he might have rejoiced at leaving this un-
congenial place had he not at the very end been treated with wounding
suspicion. Those Council members who had objected to his vigorous
playing insisted that before his departure another organist should check
whether Bernhard had left the organ in good condition. It was a humiliating
and, as it proved, quite unnecessary action to take against a son of the
organ expert, who infused into his pupils a profound knowledge of, and
veneration for, the king of instruments. We can imagine Sebastian's anger
Nor were Bernhard's personal affairs less unpleasant. For
at this affront.

the young man, shaken by his artistic failure, had not adhered to the strict
standards of economy and honesty instilled into him at home, and had
incurred debts. What happened subsequently in Sangerhausen can only
196 THE BACH FAMILY
be guessed. Apparently Bernhard could not settle down there or rid him-
self of the habit of spending more than he earned. (A certain carelessness

with money may have been inherited from the great Johann Christoph of
Eisenach, to whom he was related on both sides.) After less than a year
he suddenly disappeared from Sangerhausen, leaving various debts
behind him. The father, informed thereof, wrote as follows to a certain
Mr. Klemm, who had been responsible for Bernhard's appointment: 1

'So loving and tender a father as yourself will understand the grief and
sorrow with which I write this letter. I have not seen my, alas, undutiful
boy since last year, when I enjoyed so many kindnesses at your hands.
Your Honour will remember that I then paid what he owed for his board
at Miihlhausen, discharged the bonds . . . and left a sum of money to meet
his other debts, hoping that for the future he would reform his genus vitae.
You will therefore understand how pained and surprised I am to learn
that he has again been borrowing money on all sides . . . and has absconded
without giving me, so far, the slightest indication of his whereabouts.
What can I do or say more, my warnings having failed, and my loving
care and help having proved unavailing? I can only bear my cross in
patience and commend my undutiful boy to God's mercy, never doubting
that He will hear my sorrow-stricken prayer and in His good time bring
my son to understand that the path of conversion leads to Him.
have opened my heart to your Honour, and beg you not to associate
'I

me with my son's misconduct, but to accept my assurance that I have done

all whose children lie very close to his heart, is bound to
that a true father,
do to advance their welfare. I recommended him to Sangerhausen when
the vacancy occurred, trusting that its more cultured society and distin-
guished patrons would incite him to better behaviour. As the author of
his promotion, I must once again thank your Honour, confident that you
will not allow the vacance to be filled until we have discovered his where-
abouts (God, who sees all things, is my witness that since last year I have
not set eyes upon him) and learn his future intentions, whether he resolves
to change his course, or intends to seek his fortune elsewhere. . .
.'

In the meantime Bernhard had gone to the University of Jena to study

law, probably receiving shelter from his kinsman, Johann Nicolaus Bach
(cf. p. 87). It seems likely that the youth was disappointed at having been
deprived of the scholastic training which his two elder brothers had
received, and now wanted to make up for it. The choice of Jena was a
1
Translation by Ch. S. Terry, I.e., reproduced by kind permission of Oxford
University Press, London.
J.
SEBASTIAN AND HIS FAMILY 197

wise one. Nicolaus Bach's only son had died a few months earlier, and the
aged organist must have gladly welcomed his gifted kinsman, who could
relieve him of part of his duties and eventually become his successor. But
whatever Bernhard's plans were, they came to nothing; for only four
months after his matriculation, this third son of Sebastian died suddenly
of 'fever' at the age of 24.
While the sons from Sebastian's first marriage were pursuing their
own careers, a new generation was growing up in the Thomas Cantor's
house. The cradle never stood empty. In the first decade of their Leipzig
stay ten children were born to the couple; threemore followed at wider
up to the year 1742. But for Anna Magdalena the joy of mother-
intervals
hood was inextricably mixed with tragedy, for death was far too frequent
a guest in this house. Of the six children surviving out of thirteen, the
eldest, Gottfried Heinrich, caused the parents much grief and heartache.
In the Genealogy the note referring to this son reads: 'Gottfried Heinrich,
likewise inclined towards music, especially clavier playing. His was a great
talent, which, however, remained undeveloped.' These words veil the
tragic fact that this son was feeble-minded. 1 Among the remaining off-
spring there were three and two sons, Johann Christoph Friedrich,
girls,

born in 1732, and Johann Christian, three years younger, both highly
gifted. How to educate them was rather a problem, for Sebastian did not

care to have them attend the Thomas whose rector he had

school, with
was offered by
quarrelled so violently. Fortunately a satisfactory solution
the visit of a cousin from Schweinfurt, Johann Elias Bach (39), a grand-
son of Ambrosius' brother, Georg Christoph (10), who in 1738, at the
age of 33, came to Leipzig to study Theology on a scholarship granted by
the council of his native town and by a rich benefactor. 2 Sebastian, who
had also trained Elias' brother (cf. p. 149), suggested that Elias should
stay at his home, and in return for board and lodging teach the three sons
and do some secretarial work. A contract was concluded, and before long
most cordial relations developed between the Schweinfurt cousin and the
Thomas Cantor's family. Various drafts of Elias' letters have been pre-
served, and they reveal the writer as a lovable person who participated
with faithful devotion in all that Bach household. He
happened in the
took his teaching duties very seriously, especially when he was preparing
his charges for Communion. In 1741 another position was offered him,

1
A case of this kind had occurred in an earlier Bach generation, a sister of Ambrosius
Bach having been half-witted.
2
Elias had started his University studies many years earlier at Jena, but had been
forced through lack of funds to return home before finishing the courses.
I98 THE BACH FAMILY
but he refused it stating that the relatives under his care, especially the

eldest, were 'in the greatest need of a solid and faithful instruction.' Elias
wrote about his eminent cousin's new works to other musicians; he tried
to brighten Magdalena's hard life by obtaining plants and singing birds
for her; and he urged his sister to send Sebastian a supply of her excellent
home-made Once, when the master was in Berlin, Elias, knowing
cider.

his cousin's tendency unduly to extend absences from Leipzig, reminded

Sebastian of the imminent Council election, for which a new composition
by the Director Musices was expected. So Elias was a great help in many
respects and always eager to serve his relatives. On the other hand, he
would not have exerted himself so much had he not, as he wrote, 'received
so much kindness' from Sebastian and the family. We learn, for instance,
that the Thomas Cantor lent Elias his huge furlined boots and raincoat,
both particularly dear to him as the indispensable paraphernalia of those
trips out-of-town which he enjoyed so much. Sebastian also took his
secretary with him on journeys to Dresden and introduced Elias to as
high-ranking a music lover as Count Keyserlingk (cf. p. 188). Besides, the
concerts at the Thomas Cantor's home, frequently attended by outstanding
visiting musicians, must have been experiences never to be forgotten by
the kinsman from Schweinfurt. Indeed, so greatly indebted to his Leip-
zig cousin did Elias feel that years after his departure he sent to Leipzig
a cask of his home-made wine. Sebastian's answer 1 shall follow here, as a
good example of the composer's outspokenness and careful consideration
of even a minor financial matter:
'Worthy and respected cousin:
Your letter, received yesterday, brings me the good news that you
and your dear wife are well. For the delectable cask of wine that came
with it accept my best thanks. Unfortunately the cask suffered a jar, or
some other on the journey, for on examination here it was found
accident,
to be one-third empty and contains, the Visitator declares, only six quarts.
It is regrettable that the smallest drop of so noble a gift of God should be
wasted, but I am none the less heartily obliged by my worthy cousin's
kind present. Pro nunc I am not reellement in a position to reciprocate;
still quod differtur non auffertur [what is postponed, is not relinquished],
and I hope to find an opportunity to discharge my obligation.
'It is unfortunate that we live so far apart, for otherwise I should give
myself the pleasure of inviting my cousin to my daughter Liesgen's
wedding, which takes place in January 1749, to the new Naumburg
1
Translation by Ch. S. Terry, I.e., reproduced by kind permission of Oxford
University Press, London.
J.
SEBASTIAN AND HIS FAMILY I99

organist, Herr Altnikol. However, though for that reason, and because of
the inconvenient season, he cannot be present, I will ask him to assist

them with his good wishes, and with the same I commend myself to my
good cousin's remembrance. With warmest greetings to you from all here,
I remain,
Your Honour's devoted cousin and faithful

servant to command
Joh. Seb. Bach.
P.S. Though my good cousin offers to send me more of the same liqueur,

I must decline on account of the heavy charges at this end. The carriage
was 16 gr., delivery 2 gr., Visitator 2 gr., provincial excise 5 gr. 3 pfg.,
general excise 3 gr. So my cousin may calculate that the wine cost me
nearly 5
gr. a measure, too expensive a present!'

By the time this letter was written, Elias was well settled in his home-
town Cantor and inspector of the Alumneum. When, in 1743, he had
as
secured 'a permanent place and an assured small sustenance for his life-
time,' he had seen to it that 'an honest engagement which he had entered
into after careful consideration with a young lady in Leipzig, should now
receive the minister's blessing.' 1However, the happiness of the newly-
wed did not last long; Elias' wife died two years later, and in 1746 we see
him entering holy matrimony again. 2 When his second wife wanted to
acquire citizenship of Schweinfurt, Elias applied to the Council to grant
her this privilege free of charge, and offered in return a set of cantatas of
his composition for the whole church year. He frequently wrote works of
3
this kind, but he had been too close to the genius of the family to think
highly of his own achievements. 4
1
Letter dated May 27, 1743 to Herr v. Pflug, 'Die Musik,' l.c.
2
Oneof the children, Johann Michael, born in 1754, or 1753, seems to have been
the first, and probably only, Bach musician to travel to the United States. After returning
to Europe, he eventually gave up music in favour of the practice of law, and setded down
as lawyer at Giistrow, Mecklenburg, far from his native Franconia. He is probably the
author of the 'Kurze und systematische Anleitung zum Generalbass und der Tonkunst'
published at Cassel in 1780. The whimsical introduction is dated 'Gottingen, 3 July 1780.'
This short manual of 47 pages consists of 8 chapters dealing with consonances, dissonances,
changing notes, passing modulations, pedal points and figured bass. The last chapter offers
numerous examples. The same Michael Bach may be the composer of an extensive
Friedenskantate for solos, 4-part chorus, flute, bassoons, trumpets, timpani, horns and
strings,which was formerly the property of the Berlin Library (p. 399). According to its
style, thework belongs approximately to the same period as the 'Anleitung.'
3
In 1743 he received 20 thalers from the Council for two sets of church cantatas.
4
While in Leipzig he wrote to his benefactor, Herr v. Segnitz, that he was anxious
to obtain a position as teacher, 'music being by no means my main occupation, as one
might think.'
200 THE BACH FAMILY
While Elias was in Leipzig, he became much attached to a young kins-
man, who was working with Sebastian. This was the master's godson,
Johann Ernst Bach (34), b. 1722, a son of the Eisenach organist, Johann
Bernhard (18), who, on the other hand, had been godfather to Sebastian's
unlucky third son. At the Thomas school young Ernst was not very
successful. Apparently he too possessed the Bach predilection for exceed-
ing a leave of absence that so often caused trouble with the authorities.
In Ernst's case it resulted in his dismissal from the alumnate. However he
stayed on in Leipzig, probably boarding with his godfather, and even-
tually he matriculated at the University as a law student. But he was not
permitted to finish his studies, for by the end of 1741 his father requested
him to return to Eisenach. This was a hard blow for the ambitious youth.
There was a great difference between the stimulating atmosphere in
Sebastian's home, with its stream of visiting artists and enthusiastic
disciples, and life in provincial Eisenach; a difference all the more notice-

able since the court orchestra, on which Ernst had apparently counted,
was disbanded in 1741 owing to the fusion of the little principality of
Eisenach with that of Weimar. Ernst wrote about 'annoying conditions'
and his kinsman, Elias, probably prompted by Sebastian, had to admonish
him as follows: 1 Tt seems to me necessary and advisable for you to bear
for some time with the solitude there, in order to assist your honest old
Papa, for, as the Herr Kapellmeister [Sebastian] assured me, the post of
organist in Eisenach carries an income that can support an honest man.'
Ernst followed the advice, assisting his father competently, and when
Bernhard died in 1749, tne position was, as a matter of course, conferred
on the son. Thus Sebastian had the pleasure of seeing yet another highly
gifted student of his well settled.
was granted him through the achievements of his
Similar satisfaction
own saw Friede moving from
children in his last years. In 1746 he
Dresden into an important position at Halle, which he himself had once
considered (cf. p. 146). Emanuel was gaining fame with his compositions
and was happily married. Liesgen, the eldest daughter from his second
marriage, was as we have heard, wedded to Sebastian's excellent pupil,
Johann Christoph Altnikol, after he had, with the Thomas Cantor's help,
secured a position in Naumburg. It was the only wedding ever celebrated
in Sebastian'shome, and therefore an occasion of much rejoicing. Even
his 18-year-old son,Johann Christoph Friedrich, was appointed, early in
1750, Kammermusikus to Count Wilhelm of Schaumburg-Lippe in
Biickeburg. A very small family-group was with Sebastian while darkness
1
Letter dated January 9, 1742.
J.
SEBASTIAN AND HIS FAMILY 201

closed around him. There was his eldest daughter, a spinster of 42; half-
witted Gottfried Heinrich; two young aged 13 and 8; and Johann
girls,

Christian, aged 15. Of these the last-mentioned meant most to Sebastian,

who took great delight in the brilliant musical talent of his youngest son
and expressed it by presenting Christian, shortly before his death, with
three of his claviers. Finally there was Anna Magdalena, ready as ever
faithfully to share with her husband whatever life was bringing them, and
by her very presence lightening his burden. The wish he had long ago
expressed in his poem to his beloved wife (cf. p. 161), was now fulfilled;

she was near him in the hour of final struggle.

202 THE BACH FAMILY

THE MUSIC OF JOHANN SEBASTIAN BACH

If an attempt were made to characterize the art of the greatest member
of the Bach family in a single word, it would have to be the word 'unifica-

tion.' The most heterogeneous elements were welded together by him

into a new entity, completely coherent in character.
Sebastian Bach is the greatest force in the unification of various
regional and national styles. The sources of his art can be found in Central,
Northern, and Southern Germany alike. Of equal importance in the
development of were the impulses his music received from the
his style
works of Italian and French composers. And Bach was almost as much
indebted to Catholic composers as he was to the masters of his own faith.
Out of a soil nurtured by the most diversified elements grew the gigantic
structure of Sebastian's personal style.
Bach acted as a typically Baroque composer in recognizing no funda-
mental difference between sacred and secular music, nor even between
vocal and instrumental composition. Nothing gave him greater joy than
experimenting in the various media. He applied devices of the keyboard
style to music for strings alone, and the technique of the violin to clavier
compositions. Elements of the Italian concerto may be found in almost
every form of his music, including the cantata. Bach constantly arranged
and improved compositions by others or by himself, transforming
orchestral works into clavier compositions, instrumental into vocal music,
secular into sacred, and German into Latin church works (cf. p. 240). He
retained something of the medieval conception in which music was un-
divided, and a tune could be sung or played, used for a dance round the
village tree or for the praise of the Lord in church.
Bach's inexhaustible imagination created an immense variety of archi-
tectural forms. No two of his inventions, fugues or cantatas show exactly
the same construction. Nevertheless, there is a basic feature that recurs
again and again in both his vocal and instrumental compositions. Bach
was deeply concerned with the 'chiastic' form, built round a centre with
corresponding sections on each side. In its simplest version it is the da
capo form aba, so often used by Bach; but also more complicated
arrangements abcba or abcdcba are not unusual. The deeply
religious composer may have found satisfaction in the thought that works
in chiastic form have their visual equivalents in the structure of a cross,
with two corresponding sidearms emerging from a middle beam, or in
MUSIC OF JOHANN SEBASTIAN 203

that of a church with side transepts flanking a central nave. Such correla-
tions seemed quite natural to Baroque artists and Bach was in this respect

a true son of his time.

This accounts also for the tremendous importance which pictorialism
assumed in Bach's vocabulary, as it did in that of his contemporaries.
High and low, long and short, bright and dark, were given in his
music expressions typical of this era. From pictorialism Bach proceeded
to symbolism, in which intellectual conceptions take the place of sensory
impressions. In the Cantata No. 12 JVeinen, Klagen, for instance, the bass
sings 'I follow Jesus Christ.' The imitatio Christi is expressed through
strict imitation of the vocal melody in the string parts. Moreover, this
tune is derived from the chorale melody 'What God does, is with reason
done.' Thus Bach uses symbolism here in ways within two different
the narrow space of two measures. The symbolic employment of
chorale melodies so frequent in Bach's vocal works will be discussed
later.

Of particular importance is the figure symbolism, such as the use of

an unlucky number in the 13 variations of the Crucifixus in the Mass in b.
Moreover, substituting figures for the letters of the alphabet was a
common practice of the time, and one from which Bach derived great
satisfaction. Fourteen, for instance, is the figure symbolizing Bach, since
b is the second letter of the alphabet, a the first, c the third, h the eighth,
the sum of which is 14. Inverted, 14 turns into 41, which stands for J. S.
Bach, as J is the ninth, S the eighteenth letter and 9 plus 18 plus 14 makes
41. In Bach's very last composition, 'Before Thy throne, my God, I stand,'
the first line contains 14 notes, the whole melody 41 notes, as though the
dying composer wanted to announce that he, Bach, J. S. Bach, was
entering the eternal choir. 1
The composer's profound
intellectualism made him adopt polyphony
as his favouritemeans of expression, and in this respect his work marks
the summit of a magnificent development through several centuries. But
while Bach, in his contrapuntal style, was firmly linked to the past, the
harmonic idiom he employed was of a most progressive nature, opening
up new realms of musical expression, to which even 19th-century harmony
did not find much to add. No other composer succeeded in bringing poly-
phony and harmony to so complete a fusion. Bach's most intricate contra-
puntal creations are always conceived on a strictly harmonic basis, while

1
The amazing forms which figure symbolism assumed in the canon Bach wrote for
his admission to Mizler's Societat are analyzed in Friedrich Smend's 'J. S. Bach bei seinem
Namen gerufen,' Cassel, 1950.
204 THE BACH FAMILY
even in his plain harmonizations of the chorale, the linear progression of
the individual voices is superb. Vertical and horizontal elaboration are
completely balanced and equally breathtaking.
The development of J. S. Bach's art resembles that of other great men.
It shows features which we find again in the spiritual growth of such
widely differing composers as Schiitz, Haydn, Beethoven, Brahms, Verdi,
and Stravinsky. As happens so often, changes in the composer's style
coincide with alterations in his surroundings and occupation.
Bach's first creative phase, the period of youth, lasted up to the year

1708. It was the time of his apprenticeship, terminated by engagements in

Arnstadt and Miihlhausen. Bach eagerly absorbed the music of his con-
temporaries and predecessors by playing it, listening to it and, above all,
copying it. The number of works he acquired by writing them down
faithfully is substantial indeed. It comprises compositions by members of
his own clan, works by North Germans and South Germans, Protestants
and Catholics, and Italian and French masters. Like the young Mozart he
found himself by imitating others. In this first period the contents of a
work seemed of greater interest and importance to the composer than the
form in which it was cast. The works are rich in ideas, imbued with ardent
fervour, and tender subjectivity; they are colourful, and their emotional
expression is often of elemental strength. At the same time their technical
immaturity is obvious. They are overlong, vague in their formal construc-
tion, uncertain in their harmonic and polyphonic texture. It was a period
of experimentation, in which young Sebastian tried his hand on various
types of composition such as sonatas, toccatas, capriccios, preludes and
fugues, chorale preludes and cantatas.
Bach's second creative period, the transition from youth to maturity,
was spent in Weimar (1708-1717). It was still a phase of extensive studies,
but Sebastian did not merely make copies of works that interested him;
he rearranged them, imbuing them with his own personality. He adapted
concertos by Italian and German musicians for clavier and organ, and
occasionally used Italian themes as subjects for his own fugues. The study
of the Southern masters developed Bach's feeling for poignant melodies,
solid harmonies, and well-rounded forms. 'Through a singing polyphony
he achieved a heretofore unknown warmth, vividness and intensity.'
(Besseler.) In Weimar Bach wisely concentrated on a single type of music,
church composition, systematically exploring all its possibilities. The
Bach of the second period was the great virtuoso on the 'king of instru-
ments.' Youthful exuberance and fantastic imagination are still apparent
in some of the organ works of this period, while others reveal the newly
MUSIC OF JOHANN SEBASTIAN 205

acquired mastery of contrapuntal form and well-balanced architecture.

Similar in character is Bach's vocal music. The Weimar cantatas, com-
bining elements of the chorale motet, the sacred concerto, and the Italian
opera, present formal aspects later to be found in Bach's mature cantatas.
However, their lyric ardour and subjective expression point to their affinity
with earlier works.
In 1717, at the age of 32, Bach became conductor in charge of all
chamber music at the court of Cothen. This appointment marked the
beginning of his period of maturity, lasting until 1740, in which he created
the greatest number of supreme masterpieces. During these years Bach's
career reached its culminating point. After working as Kapellmeister to a
princely court, he was entrusted in 1723 with an even more important
position, that of Thomas Cantor and director musices in Leipzig, thus
assuming a central post within the Lutheran faith. In this period Bach no
longer concentrated on a single type of music, as he had more or less done
in the transitional phase. He was active in practically every field of music
cultivated in his time, with the sole exception of opera proper, although he
made ample use of its style and forms both in his secular and sacred vocal
music. The unification of leading national styles culminated during this
Bach approached the conception
period, and in the field of religion, too,
of a more universal Christianity. Though he had been brought up as an
orthodox Lutheran, the mystical fervour of many of his Weimar and Leip-
zig church cantatas reveals a leaning towards the same pietistic ideas that
he had so fiercely denounced in his youth, as an organist in Miihlhausen.
Without any compunction the mature Bach worked for many years at the
reformed court of Cothen, and wrote Masses for the Catholic Elector of
Saxony and for Count Sporck, who was famous for his attempts 'to unify
all Christian denominations into a single great community of a tolerant
1
and active Christianity.'
It is significant that Bach, the great organ virtuoso, first reached the
climax of his creative output in the field of instrumental music, and only
afterwards in vocal music. Cothen saw the creation of such works as the
two- and three-part Inventions, the French and English Suites, the first
part of the Well-Tempered Clavier, the orchestral Overtures, and the
Brandenburg Concertos. Among the compositions created in Leipzig,
however, were the majority of the church cantatas, the Magnificat,
Christmas Oratario and St. Matthew Passion as well as the B minor
Mass.
Bach's creative ability in this period was so powerful that he felt a
1
Cf. H. Benedikt's biography of Sporck, 1923, p. 160.
206 THE BACH FAMILY
strong urge to teach others the great art of music. The majority of his
clavierworks are meant for educational purposes. Bach was possibly
the only great composer who, far from resenting the necessity of
teaching others, wrote instructive works on the highest level of per-
fection.
Bach's fourth period comprises the ultimate decade of his life (1740-
1750). Like other masters nearing the conclusion of their existence, Bach
felt closer to the distant past than to the near present. At the same time

future trends are significantly foreshadowed in his compositions. Though

the amount of music written during this last period gradually decreased,
it included works imbued with the deepest meaning, such as the Canonic

Variations on Vom Himmel hoch da komm ich her, the Musical Offering,
y

and the Art of the Fugue. Each of them is monumental in its scope, and
archaic in its form and character. The Canonic Variations lead us back to
the organ chorales of Scheidt, almost a hundred years before Bach; while
in the fuguesand canons of the Art of the Fugue the composer presents an
abstract course in the most exalted contrapuntal forms of earlier centuries.
These works might be considered as the artistic testament of the greatest
genius in the field of contrapuntal writing. In this same period, however,
we occasionally find, in form, harmony, and melody, traits which it seems
that only a composer young and progressive in spirit could have pro-
duced. A strict chorale cantata contains so simple and naive a number as
the duet 'We hasten' (cf. p. 222), and the potpourri of folksongs in the
Peasant Cantata precedes the Canonic Variations only by a few years.
It is of symbolic significance that the Musical Offering contains a Ricercar,
one of the earliest forms of fugal writing, conceived for the pianoforte,
the keyboard instrument of the future.
Whether archaic or progressive elements predominate, the supreme
strength, the variety and vitality of Bach's music made it an inexhaustible
source of inspiration to later generations. Indeed, his influence on the
19th and 20th centuries has probably not been exceeded by that of any
other composer.

WORKS FOR VOICES AND INSTRUMENTS

Bach's vocal works form an inseparable unit. The interrelations are
even stronger here than among the instrumental compositions. It is the
church cantata that forms the core of his vocal output; motet, oratorio,

and passion, as well as the secular cantatas, are all closely connected with
J.
SEBASTIAN S VOCAL COMPOSITIONS 207

it, and it therefore seems advisable, in discussing the various aspects of

Bach's music for voices, to begin with the Church Cantatas. 1
Only very few of these cantatas bear a date in the composer's hand.
Scholars have nevertheless succeeded in most cases in ascertaining at least
the approximate time of composition. Changes in Bach's handwriting,
certain watermarks in the paper, and the date of publication of the libretto,

have offered valuable clues. Of particular significance was Bach's peculiar

way of transposing the parts of wind instruments and organ respectively.
In Weimar the organ he used seems to have been tuned in the so-called
hoher Chorton (high choir pitch), a minor third above the Kammerton
(chamber pitch) of the other instruments. The inexperienced composer
used the following rather complicated device to cope with this difficulty.

He wrote for organ and strings in the same key, expecting the string
players to tune their instruments a third higher, according to the pitch
of the organ. Since most wind instruments could not change their pitch,
these parts were written in the key in which they were to sound, viz. a

third higher than the strings. 2 Any manuscripts written in this way clearly
belong to Bach's Weimar period. 3 In Leipzig the organs of Thomas'
St.

and St. Nicholas' were tuned in the ordinary Chorton, one whole tone
above the other instruments. Here Bach used a much simpler notation; he
merely transposed the figured bass part meant for the organ one whole
tone down, while all the other instruments were written in the key in
which they sounded. The transposed organ part is therefore characteristic
of the music written in Leipzig.
The widespread conception that Bach himself played the organ in the
Leipzig performances of his vocal works cannot be upheld. It would have

1
The great number of sacred and secular Songs for Solo Voice and Instrumental Bass
formerly attributed to Bach has shrunk considerably in view of recent research. To-day
only a few of the songs in Anna Magdalena's Notebook, such as the heartfelt Bist du bei
mir (BWV 508) and the three different settings of Gib dich mfrieden {BWV 510-12, cf.
p. 161), are considered as Bach's own works. For Schemelli's Gesangbuch (BWV 439-
507) of 1736 Bach provided the figuring of the basses, but again only three of the songs,
viz. Dir, dir Jehova will ich singen (BWV 452), Komm siisser Tod (B WV
478) and Vergiss
mein nicht {BWV 505) may be claimed to be authentic Bach compositions.
2
Smend, 'Bachs Kirchenkantaten,' VI, rightly maintains that cantatas without wind
instruments known to have been composed in Weimar, such as Nos. 152, 161, 162, ought
to be performed in a key one third higher, since it is obvious that during Bach's time they
were heard at this higher pitch.
3
was recendy pointed out that the Weimar organ with the 'high choir pitch'
It

described by G. A. Wette in 1737 was an instrument fundamentally reconstructed in 1719-

1720, i.e. after Bach's departure from Weimar. Cf. Jauernig, l.c. Yet the peculiar notation of
cantatas that we know were performed in Weimar, offers ample evidence that the composer's
instrument was tuned in the same way as that described by Wette.
208 THE BACH FAMILY
been beneath the dignity of the director musices to accompany on this
instrument. He conducted with the help of music rolls in both hands,
standing next to the organ, theway the conductor acts in a picture to be
found in J. G. Walther's 'Music Lexicon.' Another misconception, that a
harpsichord was used for the accompaniment of solos, and the organ for
that of the chorus, was conclusively proved to be wrong by Arnold
Schering. In both solo numbers and choral sections, Bach had the figured
bass executed only by the organ, and not by the harpsichord. 1 This latter

instrument was employed exclusively to accompany Bach's motets, since

the composer, as a true son of his time, never considered using voices
without instruments.
Bach's cantatas were performed by very small groups. On ordinary
Sundays the composer had approximately 25 musicians at his disposal: 12
singers and 13 instrumentalists (cf. his report to the Council, p. 177). For
certain occasions the number might be increased to 40, and for the St.
Matthew Passion, with its special demands, he even managed to get 60
musicians together. The soloists were also utilized in the chorus, and all
vocalists were either boys or men. It seems that the breaking of a boy's
voice at that time occurred later in life than it does to-day, so that Bach was
not forced to rely only on very young boys for his soprano and alto parts.
Besides, University students who had mastered the falsetto technique
helped out occasionally. In all these performances the number of instru-
mentalists slightly exceeded that of the vocalists, a fact present-day
conductors might well bear in mind.
According to Forkel, Bach wrote five sets of church cantatas for all

the Sundays and holy days of the ecclesiastical year. If this statement is

correct, he must have produced almost 300 cantatas, of which, however,

less than 200 have been preserved. These compositions were written over
a period of 41 years, the first in 1704, the last in 1745.
Bach's early works in this up to about 171 2, are strongly depen-
field,

dent on models provided North and Central German cantata of

by the
his time. They are basically similar to those by older members of the Bach
family, or those of Pachelbel, Bohm, and Buxtehude. Their texts are based
on the Bible and on church hymns; the music often consists of compara-
tively short sections contrasting in tempo and time signature and in the
number of voices employed. The concertato principle rules the choruses,
in which vocal groups of varying sizes compete with instrumental bodies.
As a basis for the arias, ostinatos are frequently employed, repeating a

1
Nevertheless, some modern conductors feel that in a concert performance of Bach's
oratorios the harpsichord should alternate with the organ for the sake of variety.
j. Sebastian's cantatas (1704-1712) 209

bass-phrase (often with modulations to other keys), while the melodic line
changes. Of great
importance in these early cantatas is the 'arioso,' a kind
of accompanied by instruments which interrupt the vocal part
recitative,

with independent ritornelli. The freely declamatory recitative, accom-

panied by a figured bass only, is not yet to be found in the early forms of
Bach's church cantata. Instrumental introductions, if used at all, are
usually short.
Bach's first cantata, Denn du wirst meine Seele ('Suffer not Thou my
soul' No. 15 in BG and BJVV 2 ), written at the age of 19, conforms on
;
x

the whole to this pattern, although the work was obviously revised by the
composer at a later date. The foundation of its text is provided by 7 verses
from a church hymn. There is ample evidence that this is the work of a
very young composer, for the declamation is frequently awkward, the
expression exaggerated and the texture predominantly homophonic.
Nevertheless, even at this very early stage, genius manifested itself in
Bach's masterly combination of two melodies inspired by completely
opposite moods (Ex. 29) ; and although the cantata consists of about a
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dozen sections, its rambling construction by is held together the simple

and powerful scheme of the main modulations: C-a-C-G-C.
The number of cantatas written in Miihlhausen is not certain. Among
them are: No. 131, Aus der Tiefe ('From the deep, Lord') composed, as

the autograph indicates, for Bach's friend, the Reverend Eilmar (cf. p.

140); No. 71, Gott ist mein Konig ('God is my Sov'reign'), performed on
February 4, 1708, in honour of the newly elected city council; and perhaps
No. 106, Gottes Zeit ('God's own time'), which may have been written
for the commemorative service held for Bach's uncle, Tobias Lammerhirt,
or for a funeral in 171 1. 3
These cantatas are similar in construction. Each introduces three
1
The English tides and quotations are as a rule given in the translation by
Henry S. Drinker. Cf. 'Text of the Choral Works of J. S. Bach,' vols. 1-3.
2
The numbering of the church cantatas used in BG which is generally adopted in
quoting these works was also accepted by BWV. Hence each cantata number is also the
number of the BWV.
3
it was written for the funeral of Bach's predecessor in
Jauernig, Lc, assumes that
Weimar, Johann Effler, who was buried on April 7, 171 1. Bach had worked with Effler
when he first came to Weimar in 1703 (cf. p. 130).
o
2IO THE BACH FAMILY
choruses, of which the second forms the centre of the composition. The
text of Aus der Tiefe is based on Psalm 130 and two stanzas from a
chorale. Remarkable in this early composition is the instrumental character
of Bach's vocal style. Coloraturas to be sung on a single syllable are
frequently interspersed with rests, a mannerism by no means unusual in
vocal works of the time, but as a rule avoided by Bach in his later works.
The final vocal fugue is so strongly instrumental in its design that it even
slipped in with the master's organ works in an arrangement by one of
Bach's pupils (BWV 131a).
Gott ist mein Konig is the only cantata by Bach to be printed during
his lifetime that has been preserved; 1 its was due not so much
printing
to the qualities of the composition as to the significance which the popu-
lation of Miihlhausen attributed to the political event it celebrated. In this
Motetto, as Bach himself calls it, the technique of the concertato reaches
a climax. One two woodwind groups, and one string choir
brass choir,
compete with one larger and one smaller vocal group in a manner recalling
the splendour of Venetian art as reflected in the cantatas of Buxtehude.
The duet No. 2, 'Full fourscore years I am,' entrusts an ornamented chorale
tune to the contralto, while the tenor voice and an organ obbligato intro-
duce counter melodies. The result is a vocal form surprisingly similar to
an organ prelude. Yet the final chorus of this cantata shows that the com-
poser had begun to free himself from an excessively instrumental concep-
tion. The concluding fugue employs voices and orchestra as equal
partners and does not require them to double each other in the usual way;
they rather take turns and enhance one another's lines.

The finest and most important among Bach's early cantatas is Gottes
Zeit, known as the Actus tragicus. Its text, taken from the Bible and from
church hymns, was probably assembled by Bach himself, possibly with
the assistance of the Reverend Eilmar. The basic idea of this 'German
Requiem' 2 is and punishment implied in the Old
that Death's curse
Testament was transformed through the intervention of Christ into
promise and bliss; the threat of the old covenant was changed into hope.
The cantata begins with an instrumental introduction for flutes, viole da
gamba, and continuo, whose content Schweitzer justly describes with the
words of the Revelation: 'And God shall wipe away all tears from their

1
Regarding Bach's cantata printed in 1709 cf. p. 142.
2
Thesimilarity both in content and architecture to Brahms' 'German Requiem' is
quite striking (cf. Geiringer, 'Brahms,' New York, 1947, p. 311). Brahms certainly knew
Bach's cantata, which was first published in 1830 and was a favourite of his friend, Julius
Stockhausen.
j. Sebastian's cantatas (1712-1717) 211

eyes; and there shall be no more death, neither sorrow, nor crying,
neither shall there be any more pain.' The first chorus starts with a
surprisingly folksong-like melody such as Bach used only in his early
works. Magnificent short arias by tenor and bass lead to the heart of the
drama, the great middle chorus. In a ponderous fugue, symbolizing the
strictness of the law, the 3 lower voices present the words of Ecclesiastes
'For the covenant from the beginning is, Thou shalt die.' In dramatic
contrast the light voices of boy sopranos interrupt with the words 'O
come, Lord Jesus, come.' This invocation gains in intensity, and at the
end the dark menace is completely vanquished, while the sopranos sing
the last notes without any instrumental accompaniment. To emphasize
the preponderance of the Christian spirit, Bach had the flutes intone at the
same time the tune of the chorale 'My cause is God's, and I am still, let
Him do with me as He will.' The words of the hymn were not needed to
convey this message to a congregation familiar with Protestant church
songs. The musical architecture of this cantata is as simple and powerful
as its meaning. Its modulatory basis displays a chiastic arrangement (cf.

p. 202) EJ?-c-f-b>-Al?(f)-c-E!?
With their vigorous language, their highly subjective idiom, and their
richly flowing imagination, these early cantatas present a picture of lofty
achievement rarely equalled by so young a composer.

During the years Bach spent in Weimar he wrote about 20 church

cantatas, most of them basically different from his earlier works in this
field. In the years 171 2-14 he had turned towards a new type of cantata

the texts of which were introduced by Pastor Erdmann Neumeister (cf.

p. 159). The main feature of this reformed cantata was, as the librettist
himself expressed it, that 'it looked hardly different from a section of an
opera.' It used paraphrases of the Bible text or of Protestant hymns (known
as 'madrigalian' texts) for secco recitatives and da capo arias which formed
the core of the cantatas. The former arioso was but rarely used, and the
choruses and hymns, whose place was now mainly at the beginning and
the end of the work, were greatly reduced in number. Even cantatas with-
out any chorus were not infrequent. Neumeister's texts were similar in
content to his sermons which they preceded in the service. If the cantata
was in two parts, the first was performed before and the second after the
sermon.
Bach wrote five of his Weimar cantatas (Nos. 18, 59, 61, 142, 160) to
212 THE BACH FAMILY
texts by Neumeister, but he by Salomo Franck,
preferred librettos
secretary of the Protestant Consistory in Weimar. There was much in
these texts that recommended them to the young composer. Franck was
more conservative than Neumeister, a tendency which suited Bach, who
was, in this phase of transition, by no means willing to make a clean break
with the past, and rather liked to intermingle old and new elements in his
music. What attracted him particularly, however, was the deep mystic
feeling prevailing in Franck's texts which satisfied a craving in Bach's
own soul.
The Cantata No. Bekummernis ('My heart and soul
21, Ich hatte viel
were sore distressed'), composed in 1714 1 to
words by Salomo Franck,
belongs to the comparatively few compositions by Bach in which his art
meets with that of his greatest contemporary in the realm of music. It has
been observed that certain melodic details prove that the Weimar Concert-
meister knew Handel's opera 'Almira.' Moreover, the final chorus 'The
Lamb that was sacrificed,' with its brilliant trumpets, exhibits the simple
al-fresco technique of Handel. On the other hand, it should be noted that
the beginning of 'Worthy is the Lamb' in the 'Messiah' reveals a certain
kinship with this chorus. On the whole the cantata shows the typical
aspects of the Weimar works. The Sinfonia to its first part, with its

holds on dissonant chords and the oboe's outcry in the penultimate

measure, is among the most passionate instrumental numbers Bach ever
conceived, and it creates the right atmosphere for the feeling of desolation
which predominates at the start of the opening chorus. The three ejacula-
tions 'I, I, I' at the beginning of this number have often been commented
on. 2 The repetition of the first word at the start of a composition is

typical of 17th-century music, and in this particular case Bach may have
reverted to it to stress the work's subjective character. Even more old-
fashioned is the next chorus with its quick emotional contrasts and the
sudden changes between solo and tutti, fast and slow, forte and piano. On
the other hand the solo numbers show how much the composer had
learned from contemporary opera. The dialogue between
the soul and
Jesus, for instance, is which might well
a love duet of sensuous beauty
have shocked some members of the congregation. Pieces like these were
responsible for the clause in Bach's Leipzig contract that his compositions
'should not make an operatic impression.'
The composer's tendency in the Weimar years towards investigating

1
Jauernig's assumption, I.e., that thework was written and performed in this year
to celebrate the completion of the new organ in Weimar is convincing.
2
Mattheson, 'Critica Musica,' II, p. 368, derides it in a rather unfair manner.
j. Sebastian's cantatas (1712-1717) 213

new artistic possibilities without sacrificing the familiar manifests itself in

a curious experiment he made in his Cantata No. 61, Nun komm der
Heiden Heiland ('Come Thou, of man the Saviour'), composed in 1714 to
words by Neumeister. The first chorus is a chorale fantasy in the form of a
French overture. The movement begins with the traditional slow tempo
and dotted rhythms of Lully's introductions, to which the voices intone
the first two lines of the chorale 'Come Thou, of man the Saviour, Thou
child of a Virgin born.' The time signature then changes and Bach pre-
scribes Gai as tempo. A fast and merry fugue on the third chorale line
'Mortals over all the earth' now forms the middle section, which leads to
the slow conclusion using the last line 'Marvel at Thy holy birth.' A
magnificent tour de force which the mature artist never attempted to
duplicate.
The years at Weimar witnessed the creation of some of Bach's most
subjective works in the field of church music. The Arnstadt and Muhl-
hausen cantatas had already revealed a strongly individualistic touch.
Now the Jesusminne (love of Jesus), the all-consuming yearning for
release from earthly fetters, the welcoming of death as the gate to heavenly
bliss, assumed proportions unparalleled in the music of the time. While
the new form of the cantata had been devised by orthodox ministers
vigorously opposed to the ideas of Pietism, a mystic undercurrent in many
of the texts chosen by the composer, tremendously strengthened by Bach's
intense music, brought these works perilously close to the hated doctrine.
Yet Bach probably never admitted that to himself, for he was wont to
fight Pietism for its inimical attitude towards concerted music, and to
brush aside the fact that his own leaning towards mysticism was not so
very different from that of the Pietists.

A characteristic example is supplied by the Easter cantata Der Himmel

lacht, die Erde jubilieret1 (No. 31, 'The heavens laugh, the earth exults in
gladness') based on words by Franck. The cantata begins in a mood of
rejoicing and jubilation, which soon turns to thoughts of death and
suffering. For Franck and Bach the idea of resurrection was inextricably
bound up with that of decay and annihilation, and they saw in death not
a menace, but a goal eagerly to be sought by the Christian. Therefore it is
not the pompous introductory Sonata in concerto form, nor the first
jubilant chorus that constitutes the climax of the work; it is the last aria
'Hour of parting, come to me.' Here a soprano, assisted by oboe and bass,
performs a trio in dance rhythm of irresistible sweetness, to which violins
and violas add, in the manner of the Actus tragicus, the immortal chorale
1
The work was composed in 171 5 but revised by Bach in 1731.
5

214 THE BACH FAMILY

tune 'When finally my hour comes. 5
This chorale is then taken up by the
full chorus and orchestra, with the trumpets reaching the highest clarino
registers, thus proclaiming the glory and bliss of death leading to the
soul's reunion with Christ.
Even more transcendental is the character of No. 161, Komm du susse
Todesstunde ('Come sweet death, thou blessed healer') composed in 171
to words by Franck. Here the death-chorale 'My heart is ever yearning
for blessed death's release' (which was to play so important a part as
Passion chorale in the St. Matthew Passion) constitutes the framework for
the whole composition. In the first aria, for contralto, in which the dis-
embodied tune of the flutes (recorders) seems to extend a promise of
eternal life, the organ intones this chorale, and it is taken up again at the
end by the full chorus in a vision of trance-like bliss. Among the other
numbers is a recitative accompanied by full orchestra which provides a
deeply stirring illustration of sleep and awakening. In the singer's part the
yearning for deliverance from earthly fetters reaches its ecstatic climax,
while the flutes, with quickly repeated high notes, the strings with sombre
pillicati, and the basses with majestic octave leaps, sound a weird chorus
of tolling death bells (Ex. 30).

Ix3o
imimim jot. JTf^ jot. jot

mtie

The last composition in this period of transition is in all likelihood

the powerful cantata No. 4, Christ lag in Todesbanden ('Christ lay by
death enshrouded'). was probably written in Weimar, although Bach
It

revised it for a Leipzig performance in 1724. Rarely did he compose a

work looking so decidedly into the past and at the same time showing
features of so progressive a nature. Like the cantatas of the first period, it

has no 18th-century elements in the text, but simply uses Luther's power-
ful hymn as a libretto. Nevertheless distinctly separated choruses, arias,
and duets are used in a manner revealing the influence of the reforms
initiated by Neumeister and Franck. The music is based on a 12th-century
melody, and a cantata by Kuhnau on the same tune might be considered
j. Sebastian's cantatas (1723-1745) 215

as its godfather. The harsh modal harmonies and the doubled middle parts
of the violas contribute to the very archaic character of the composition,
which appears like a series of vocal interpretations of organ chorales in the
manner of Bohm and Pachelbel. But the dominating position which the
hymn assumes throughout the work also points to the chorale cantatas
written by Bach in the later Leipzig years. Christ lag in Todesbanden con-
sists of seven vocal movements, each presenting a variation on the same

hymn tune and using one stanza of Luther's chorale as a text. The form

123456
is compact

chorus duet aria chorus aria duet chorus;

7

even the introductory instrumental Sinfonid in the style of Buxtehude

makes use of the basic tune. The combination of contrapuntal art with
expressive power and Baroque symbolism is overwhelming. Only one
detail can be mentioned here, a detail that is usually lost to English
audiences owing to a free translation. Luther's stark 16th-century lan-
guage proclaims that after the fight between life and death 'one death
devoured the other.' Bach symbolizes it by a kind of canon in which the
parts seem to be entangled in a mortal struggle until one after the other
disappears.

Both in quantity and in artistic significance the church cantatas

written in Leipzig form an entity unique in the history of music. Bach
aims at a fusion and complete unification of the most diversified aspects of
his art. The wide range of
the texts staggers the imagination; it encom-
passes all from the strictest Lutheran orthodoxy to the most
transitions
tender and emotional pietism, from the plastic diction of the Reformation
period to the effeminate mannerisms of the 18th century. In the music,
too, old and new trends are brought into a perfect integration. The inten-
sity of the polyphonic thinking is now completely balanced by the abun-
dance of harmonic inspiration. The cumulative effect of Bach's technical
brilliance, graphic pictorialism, profound symbolism, and emotional
intensity is overwhelming.
In most cases we do not know who were the authors of Bach's texts.
It seems by no means impossible that he himself wrote some of them. If
itwas a question of changing the words of a previously written com-
position or quickly making up a libretto for some special occasion, Bach
2l6 THE BACH FAMILY
relied on the services of his friend, Friedrich Henrici (1700-64), better
known under his pen-name, Picander. It was this writer who was
probably responsible for the paraphrasing of many of the hymn texts
used in Bach's chorale cantatas of the later years. In addition, such
widely contrasting texts as the librettos to the Coffee Cantata and the
St. Matthew Passion were produced by this able and musically gifted
writer.
To the cantatas whose librettists are unknown belongs the magnificent
No. 46, Schauet dock und sehet ('Look ye then and see'), written in the
first Leipzig years for the tenth Sunday after Trinity. The work deals with
a favourite religious idea of the Baroque era; it first threatens the sinner,
and subsequently comforts him with promises of the Lord's forgiveness.
The powerful initial chorus uses flutes, oboi da caccia (English horns),
trumpet, and strings. The emotional content of its slow first section can
best be deduced from the fact that Bach used it later for the Qui tollis of
his B minor Mass. Perfect declamation and poignant feeling are combined
with a polyphonic texture of supreme artistry. The intensity of grief is

expressed both with the help of harsh dissonances and with mighty
strettos. The recitative which follows recalls Neumeister's plea that a
cantata ought to resemble a sermon, for here a fanatic preacher seems to
threaten the cowed congregation. The sinister mood reaches a climax in
the ensuing aria. Its violent trembling of the strings and the weird
trumpet-fanfares draw a strikingly realistic picture of the annihilating
thunderstorm in which the last judgment takes place and the sinner must
face 'God's wrath unceasing.' And then, with typically Baroque sudden-
ness, the picture changes; the threat of damnation is replaced by the
promise of salvation. A contralto solo combined with two flutes and
two oboi da caccia playing in unison creates an atmosphere of celestial
sweetness. To avoid all earthly heaviness Bach even does away with the
traditional basso continuo. The concluding chorale, with an instrumenta-
tion similar to that of the first chorus, seems to condense the significance
of the whole work: 'Through Jesus' intercession, forgive Thou our trans-
gression.'
The delightful cantata, No. 65, Sie werden aus Saba alle kommen
('From Sheba shall many men be coming') was written for the Epiphany
of 1724 or 1725 to words which Bach himself may have compiled. The
famous first chorus is a lofty piece of concerted music in which four
groups of instruments —horns, flutes, oboi da caccia, and strings —com-
pete with human voices to create a richly glowing picture of the stately
procession leading camels and dromedaries laden with gold and incense
j. Sebastian's cantatas (1723-1745) 217

as offerings to the Lord. Inexhaustible inspiration, unerring judgment in

the combination of musical colours, and a highly emphatic declamation
join forces to give the most powerful utterance to the prophecy of
Isaiah.
The tremendous range of Bach's descriptive power can be shown by
a third cantata from this period, No. 19, Es erhub sick ein Streit ('See how
fiercely they fight'), written for St. Michael's Day, 1726. Again the com-
poser himself may have written the words, using as his model an earlier
libretto by Picander. The text based on Revelation describes the war in
Heaven, with Michael and his angels battling 'the great dragon called
Satan'; a subject that had been set to music in a masterly composition by
Johann Christoph Bach (cf. p. 57), which was well known to Sebastian.
Without any introduction the basses intone the powerful melody of the
battle {Ex. 31) which works its way upward through the voices. Presently

Ix.3J

See how fiercely ihej /JjM

trumpets and timpani set in, leading the hearer right into the heart of the
furious fight. The combat reaches its climax at the beginning of the
passionate middle part, when the powers of darkness make a supreme
effort to conquer Heaven. But Michael foils the foe; victory is won, and
the unison of 3 trumpets confirms the doom of the horrible dragon. A com-
poser who had mind would have ended his
a dramatic effect primarily in
movement here, andwhat Johann Christoph Bach did. To Sebas-
this is

tian, however, it seems essential to round off the chorus, and give it a

perfect musical form. He therefore retraces his steps and starts once more:
'See how fiercely they fight.' Then he relinquishes the description from
Revelation (to which his kinsman had adhered throughout his work, in
the manner of the older cantatas) and proceeds to describe in a partly
lyric, partly epic manner the results of the victory. There is a tender da

capo aria for the soprano with two oboi d'amore (oboes tuned a minor
third lower and equipped with pear-shaped bells) and a recitativo accom-
pagnato referring to the loving kindness of the Saviour, to which the full
string body in a manner later used in the St. Matthew Passion contri-
butes a kind of halo. In a moving tenor aria the soul prays 'Bide ye angels,
bide with me,' and to enhance the power of the supplication, the trumpet
intones 'Lord, let Thy blessed angels come' from the hymn Her^lich lieb
2l8 THE BACH FAMILY
(1 love Thee, Lord, with all my heart'). In the last chorale the angels are
implored to assist mankind in the hour of final need. The orchestration
here is the same as in the first movement, thus implying that Michael's
victory prepared the way for the soul's eternal triumph.
It should be mentioned that the first page of the autograph bears the
following title in Bach's hand: /. /. Festo Michaelis Concerto a 14. The
firsttwo letters stand for Jesu Juva (Jesus help), an abbreviation often
employed by the composer at the beginning of his works. The 14 voices
are 3 trumpets, 3 oboes, 3 stringed parts, the vocal quartet, and continuo
(as usual, the composer does not count the timpani). The author's name is
not on the manuscript, although there would have been room enough to
insert it, and as a rule Bach does write it on his scores. In explaining this
Friedrich Smend 1 alleges that for those initiated in figure symbolism the
number 14 stood for Bach (cf. p. 203), and that the composer considered
it unnecessary to write his name a second time in letters (cf. 111. XIII).
In the years following 1730 Bach gradually widens the scope of his
''cantatas, taking a strong interest in both the solo and the chorale cantata.
One of the most beautiful of his compositions for a single voice, in which
the vocal virtuosity is markedly increased, is No. 56, Ich will den Kreu^stab
gerne tragen ('I will my cross-staff gladly carry'), a work of intimate
chamber character, originally written for Anna Magdalena's soprano,
later, however, transcribed for contralto, and eventually for bass. In its

final form (completed probably in 173 1 or 1732) the heartfelt work has
delighted not only church congregations, but innumerable concert
audiences. The cantata has no introduction and starts with a broadly con-
ceived da capo aria. In its middle part the solo voice suddenly sings in
triplets, while the instruments keep up the former movement in eighth
notes. The resulting combination of different rhythms expresses the
passionate yearning in the words 'There will I entomb all my sorrows and
sighs, my Saviour will wipe all the tears from my eyes.' In the following
beautiful arioso, inspired by the words 'My journey through the world is
like a ship at sea,' Bach depicts the movement of the waves through a
rocking motive given out by the 'cello. This accompaniment is suddenly
discontinued when the weary traveller reaches heaven and leaves the ship.
Of equal beauty is a recitative near the end of the cantata expressing the
soul's readiness to receive its eternal reward from the hands of the Lord.
Here the composer makes use of the sustained notes of the strings which
he also uses in the recitatives of the St. Matthew Passion to symbolize
the appearance of Christ. In its second half the recitative very poetically
1
'Bachs Kirchenkantaten,' III/41.
j. Sebastian's cantatas (1723-1745) 219

turns into a quotation of the middle section of the first aria, thus creat-
ing a firm link between the initial and concluding solo numbers of the
cantata. Even in a work so little suited to the inclusion of a hymn, Bach
is loath to omit it, and he finishes his cantata with a four-part chorale,
probably sung by the congregation.
For his Bach showed an increasing interest
larger church compositions
in the chorale cantata in which a hymn constitutes the basis of both text
and music. In its pure form the chorale cantata could be found in Christ
lag in Todesbanden. Bach now prefers the freer form in which only the
first and last stanzas of the hymn text are preserved in their original version,

while the stanzas in between are transformed and paraphrased according

to 18th-century taste into texts suitable for recitatives, arias and duets.
Even complete movements that are only indirectly connected with the
basic poem are occasionally inserted. For the first chorus a polyphonic
treatment of the hymn tune is generally used, for the last a simple four-
part harmonization. The variety of form in these chorale cantatas, which
Bach seems to have conceived in connection with Picander, is truly
staggering. Hymn tunes are woven into the fabric of instrumental intro-
ductions, and are used in big chorale fantasias, chorale passacaglias, and
in movements of a motet-like Bach employs them in recitatives,
character.
arias and duets, and he presents them in permanently renewed harmonic

splendour at the end of the cantatas. More and more the chorale becomes
the life-blood of the composer's sacred music. 1
The cantata No. 80, Eiri feste Burg ('A mighty fortress'), was prob-
ably first performed in 1730 at the Reformation Festival. It consists of six
movements written as early as 1716 on a libretto by Franck, based on
Luther's famous hymn but later completely revised, and two movements
composed for the ultimate version. A second revision seems to have been
made by Friedemann Bach, who inserted trumpets and kettle-drums into
the choruses Nos. 1 and 5; an addition which so greatly enhances the effect
that it has been generally adopted. The first chorus is a magnificent
chorale fugue framed by a canon presenting the hymn tune in long notes
in the highest and lowest instrumental parts. The ultimate degree of
contrapuntal artistry is used here to symbolize the rule of the divine law

1
Bach seems to have written many chorale harmonizations not contained in his
cantatas. Between 1784-7 Philipp Emanuel Bach and J. Ph. Kirnberger published 4 volumes
of 'Joh. Seb. Bachs vierstimmige Choralgesange' comprising 371 numbers, of which 162 can
be traced back to cantatas, oratorios, Passions, etc. Of the remaining pieces (BJVV 253-
438) some may have been taken from choral works lost to-day. Even at a time when the
work of Sebastian Bach was very little known, these exquisite arrangements were gready
admired.
220 THE BACH FAMILY
throughout the Universe. Completely different is the second chorus in
which all 4 voices for once present the hymn tune in powerful unison.

Around them roars the wildly turbulent orchestra, the 'fiends ready to
devour' of the hymn. Whoever hears this grandiose piece will realize that
for the composer just as for Luther, the author of the hymn text, the devil
was somebody quite real.
Very different is the mood in No. 140, the chorale cantata Wachet auf
('Sleepers, wake') probably written in 173 1. 1 Nicolai's beautiful hymn on
which it is based deals with the parable of the wise and foolish virgins,
and turns later to a description of heavenly Zion. In the first movement
the chorale melody is presented in long notes by the soprano, under
which the lower voices weave a vivid contrapuntal texture inspired by the
words rather than by the melody of the church song. The orchestra adds
a completely independent accompaniment picturing the approach of the
heavenly bridegroom (a) and the eager anticipation of the maidens (b)
(Ex. 32). Out of these various strata grows a sound picture of over-

Ix. 32
A *> V
»— »-
~~^
s. _7T~" 1

whelming sensuous beauty. In the second chorale fantasia the hymn tune
intoned by the tenors is joined by a completely different violin melody of
a caressing sweetness rarely to be found in Bach's cantatas; this depicts the
graceful procession of the maidens going out to meet the heavenly bride-
groom (cf. p. 258). In the two duets following this number the objective
chorale is silent, and the pledges which Christ and the soul exchange
sound not very from those of earthly lovers. The second duet in
different
particular, with its similarity of motives in both voices, points far into the
future, to the duets between husband and wife in Haydn's 'Creation' and
Beethoven's 'Fidelio.'
During his final period of cantata production — the last work that can
be dated with certainty is No. 116, Du Friedefurst ('Thou, Prince of
Peace'), performed November 22, 1745 —Bach cultivated the chorale
cantata in its strict form, based in on a specific well-known
all its parts
Protestant hymn text and omitting any numbers not dependent on this
church song. Good examples of the style of these last 25 odd cantatas are
furnished by Nos. 92 and 78, both composed around 1740.

1
The date 1742, suggested by Rust for this cantata, seems less likely.
j. Sebastian's cantatas (1723-1745) 221

Cantata No. 92, Ich hab in Gottes Heri und Sinn ('To God I give my
heart and soul'), consists of 9 numbers, 3 of which use the words of Paul
Gerhardt's poem unchanged, while in the remaining sections the hymn
text is either interspersed with words by an unknown 18th-century poet
or altogether paraphrased. Bach uses the old French tune to which Ger-
hardt's poem is usually sung in more than half the numbers of the cantata,
whenever he employs the original text. 1 The introductory chorus is a
powerful chorale fantasia with the melody in the soprano, while the lower
voices and the orchestra contribute to the interpretation. In No. 2,
Recitativo e Corale, we find most striking contrasts between the chorale
lines, accompanied by a kind of ostinato bass, and the very dramatic

recitatives inserted in between. The rapid succession of short and basically

different sections, declamation alternating with singing, results in a
strangely disturbing piece, typically Baroque in its expression. The
following aria for tenor, which describes the breaking down and the de-
struction of everything not sustained by God, brings the wild excitement
to a climax. Both the singer (whose part presents almost insurmountable
difficulties) and the orchestra create a mood of fierce exultation. No. 4, in
which chorale text and melody are presented by the contralto, is again
more objective in character. It resembles in its construction the tenor aria
of the cantata Wachet auf. Here Bach inserts the individual lines of the
hymn tune into a trio for two oboi d'amore and continuo, a beautiful
musical composition complete in itself. The last aria in 3/8 for soprano,
with its oboe d'amore solo and strings pizzicati sounding almost like a

serenade, presents a picture of the paradisian joy experienced by a soul rest-

ing in Jesus. In the narrow confines of a cantata forming but one section
of the service, Bach has been able to conjure up the whole wide world of
Baroque Protestantism. His congregation had to pass through the horrors
of the powers of darkness before the glory of salvation rose dazzlingly
before them.
In cantata No. 78, Jesu, der du meine Seek ('Jesus, by Thy Cross and
Passion'), the first movement is one of the loftiest exhibitions of contra-
puntal art, outstanding even among Bach's works. It is a passacaglia on

1
The poem by Paul Gerhardt is shown in the
relation of Bach's composition to the
following table, in which surrounding a figure indicate that the respective stanza is
[ ]

presented with 18th-century additions, while ( ) indicate that it is used as the basis of a
paraphrase:

B: Chorale Chor. & Aria Chor. & Recit. Aria Chor. & Aria Chorale
Fantasia Recit. Aria Recit. harmon.

G: I [II] (III-IV) V (VI-VIII) (IX) [X] (XI) XII

222 THE BACH FAMILY
a chromatically descending bass {Ex. 33) such as Baroque masters liked
to use in their 'Lamentos,' and such as Sebastian himself employed in the
2x33

Crucifixus of his great Mass. In the course of the 27 variations, this woeful
figure is raised to the upper voices, and it appears in transposition and in
contrary motion. Into this highly artificial shell Bach builds without any
apparent effort a complete chorale fantasia. The result is an awe-inspiring
description of the Lord's suffering. After this overwhelming chorus,
scored for a large orchestra, there follows a delicate duet for soprano and
contralto ('We hasten with feeble yet diligent footsteps') accompanied
only by 'cello, organ, and a stringed bass 'staccato e pizzicato.' In its

ingratiating melody, strong dance rhythm with accent on first and third
beats, uncomplicated harmonies and frequent progressions in parallel
thirds and sixths {Ex. 34) we discover a Bach with leanings towards folk-

We
XMJLBiJ
hast • en yfiih

ed . . gtr yei /aJ - . taring /oof . .steps, o Je . su, o Ms., sier, for help un .io Thee

«4 . . ger yel fal . . iering faoi..steps o t

Je . su t
o Ma - sterl for help un -to Thee

song-like simplicity. 1 While the ageing master was mainly concerned

with revealing the glory of a vanishing age to a younger generation, he
could, if he chose to do so, always beat them with their own weapons. A
joyful tenor aria and a dramatic bass aria are each preceded by recitatives
which introduce not only literal quotations from the text of the hymn,
but also allusions to its melodic material. Particularly moving is the second
one accompanied by strings. After sudden and repeated changes, a fervent
arioso ensues for which Bach even prescribes 'con ardore.' The final
chorale expresses the confidence of the faithful that they will be united
with Jesus all through 'sweet eternity.' Bach gives the whole cantata a
kind of rondo-like character by using the hymn tune not only in the first

1
It is curious to note that the piece bears a certain resemblance to the delightful
duet 'Hark, hark' in Purcell's Masque to 'Timon of Athens.' The possibility that Bach
knew the score cannot be completely discarded.
j. Sebastian's motets 223

and seventh movements, but Nos. 3 and 5. A

also, to a lesser extent, in
relationship to the Vivaldi concerto form, which was of so basic an im-
portance for Bach, is not difficult to detect.

Bach composed no Latin Motets, since he was not obliged to by his

duties and he considered the genre old-fashioned. He did, however, write
six German motets for special occasions. One of them, Lobet den Herrn
('Praise ye the Lord'; BWV 230), was probably completed before he
came to Leipzig. Four motets for funeral services, Jesu, meine Freude
BWV 227, comp. 1723); Fiirchte dich nicht ('Be
('Jesus, dearest Master';
not dismayed'; BWV 228, comp. probably 1726); Der Geist unsrer hilft
Schwachheit auf ('The Spirit also helpeth BWV 226; comp. 1729);
us';

and Komm, Jesu, komm ('Come, Jesus, come'; BWV 229), originated in
the first half of his service as Thomas Cantor, while the sixth, Singet dem
Herrn ('Sing to the Lord'; BWV
225), was composed for New Year
1746, to celebrate the end of the second Silesian war.
In these motets Bach uses the same kind of texts as in his early
cantatas. The sources of his words are chorales and the Bible. His
familiarity unusual even in that time of most
with the material,
thorough Bible-knowledge, helped him to compile deeply stirring and
poetical texts.
The retrospective character of the motet form makes it understandable
why Bach established in these works a certain connection with the produc-
tions of older members of the Johann Christoph Bach, too, wrote
family.
a motet Fiirchte dich nicht, in which Bible words are combined with a
chorale text, and Dietrich Buxtehude composed a cantata Jesu, meine
Freude, which is in E minor like Sebastian's work of the same title. Never-
theless, Sebastian's main sources for these compositions were not the
older German motets, but his own cantatas. Both the melodic and the
harmonic treatment of the voices, the rich polyphonic texture, and, most
of all, the basic importance of the chorale melodies, are the same as in the
cantatas. It is true that there are no arias, duets or similar forms in the
motets and they do not contain any independent instrumental parts.
Nevertheless they were not performed by voices only. For the motet Der
Geist hilft unsrer Schwachheit auf, a full autograph set of orchestral parts
doubling the voices, as well as a figured bass, has been preserved. For
Lobet den Herrn, too, Bach's continuo part exists. Real a capella music
was at that time not heard in Germany, and it seems certain that an organ
224 THE BACH FAMILY
or harpsichord (preferably the latter) was used for every performance of
these motets.
Four of them {BWV 225-26, 228-29) are written for 8-part double
chorus. Unlike former composers, Bach does not use a higher and a lower
chorus, but prescribes two evenly balanced mixed vocal groups. At the
performances he usually had only one singer for each voice.
In Filrchte dick nicht Bach sets to music 2 verses from Isaiah. The brisk
alternation of the two choirs ends at the words 'I am He who has redeemed
thee,' and a fugue by the 3 lower voices ensues, in which the composer
symbolizes Jesus' sacrifice with the help of a chromatically descending
theme (Ex. 35) while the sopranos intone the chorale 'Lord, my Shepherd,
Ex 35

(ihee)

Fount of Gladness.' The result is a work that despite its more traditional
form surpassed in emotional intensity anything yet written in this field.
The 5 -part motet Jesu, meine Freude resembles in its construction the
earlier forms of Bach's chorale cantatas. In its 1 1 numbers, 6 stanzas from
Johann Franck's hymn alternate with 5 verses from the 8th chapter of the
Epistle to the Romans. The first and sixth stanzas are presented in almost
identical four-part harmonizations, while each of the stanzas in between
is treated in a different manner: as a five-part harmonization, as a kind of
fantasia, or, in stanza 3, as a strange mixture of homophonic and poly-
phonic elements only loosely connected with the main tune. Interpreta-
tion and exegesis are offered after each verse by the appropriate quotation
from the Bible. To achieve formal symmetry, Bach uses practically the
same music for the first and fifth insertion, while both the second and the
fourth are the only pieces in the motet written for 3 parts. Once more
the two gigantic pillars of Protestantism, gospel and church song, are
joined, through the power of Bach's spirit, in an edifice of rock-like
strength.
This work, like all the other motets, can only be mastered by per-
formers of the highest musicianship endowed with a tremendous voice
range and a capacity for interpreting the countless shades of Bach's emo-
tional palette. Such difficulties have not discouraged performers; in fact,

the motets were almost the only vocal compositions by Bach never wholly
forgotten. Mozart heard Singe t dem Herrn in 1789 in Leipzig, and 'his

whole soul seemed to be in his ears' (Rochlitz). As early as 1803 five of

J.
SEBASTIAN S SECULAR CANTATAS 225

these works were made available in a printed edition. 1 This was not due
only to the superb musical qualities of the motets; the deep abiding faith
radiating from them brought to later generations a spiritual sustenance
badly needed in periods of religious decline.

Among Bach's vocal compositions the Secular Cantatas play an im-

portant part. The composer wrote them for special occasions, such as
weddings, birthdays, and name-days of members of the ruling house, or
for events at the Leipzig University. Many of them were first played by
his Collegium Musicum and show clearly in their instrumentation whether
they were meant for winter performances at the coffee house, or for an
open-air concert in summer. The dramatic power of Bach's art, an earthy
sense of humour, and love of nature are strongly in evidence in the
secular cantatas.
The exact number of these compositions is not known. The thrifty
composer did not cherish the idea of having some of his finest music
performed once only. He used it over and over again, sometimes for other
secular compositions, but frequently also for sacred works. The Christ-
mas Oratorio, for instance, to mention only a single example, contains
music from several secular cantatas. In most cases the new text was, in its
emotional content, akin to the original words. The 'affections' remained
the same, even though Divinity might replace a human being in the
libretto. Bach's time had no qualms in this respect. For a Baroque com-
poser, as for an artist of the Renaissance, there was no fundamental
difference between profane and sacred works. Anything that stood artis-
tically on a high level was suitable as a part of worship. Bach had clearly
shown by introducing operatic and concerto elements into his
this attitude

church cantatas. A good 'contrafactum,' in which a secular work was

raised to a higher spiritual level, without changing the prevailing mood,
has at times been effective in producing some of Bach's finest composi-
tions. And in the process of adapting earlier compositions to new texts,
Bach often made considerable changes, modifying the instrumentation,
adjusting the melodic line, or inventing new counterpoints and modula-
tions in order to achieve a better co-ordination of word and sound. Never-
theless it is true that occasionally a new composition had to be written so
quickly that neither composer nor librettist could give proper care to the
1
The only one missing was Lobet den Herrn. Printed in its place was Johann
Christoph Bach's Ich lasse dick nicht, then considered to be a work by Sebastian.
226 THE BACH FAMILY
adaptation, in which case a regrettable discrepancy between the libretto
and its musical setting was the result. Such instances, are however, not
numerous.
To the Weimar period belongs cantata No, 208, Was mir behagt, ist

nur die muntre Jagd ('The merry chase, the hunt is my delight'), written
in 171 6 for the birthday of the Duke of Weissenfels, to words by Salomo
Franck. Its charming da capo and soprano solo 'Sheep
aria for 2 recorders

may safely graze' belongs to the most intimate and delightful pastorales
Bach ever wrote. The composer used the fresh and attractive music of the
cantata with more or less changed words at least three times for similar
purposes. Besides, two of its arias 1 were later enlarged and rewritten for
the Whitsuntide Cantata No. 68, and the final chorus became the first
number in Cantata No. 149.
A product of the Cothen years is the lovely cantata No. 202, Weichet
nur, betriibte Schatten ('Vanish now, ye winter shadows') for soprano solo,
oboe, strings, and continuo, which was performed during the wedding
feast of an unknown couple. Bach offers here a singularly beautiful
picture of youth and spring. The arpeggios at the beginning, describing
the gently lifting wintry fog, would hardly seem amiss in the score of
Haydn's 'Seasons' {Ex. 36). The aria next to the last number resembles a

xxis

passepied, and the place of the traditional final chorale of the church
cantata is taken here by a gay gavotte, in which all the instruments join
the soprano to wish the best of luck to the newly married couple.
The number of secular cantatas written in Cothen seems to be larger

than is usually assumed. Smend recently listed 2 ten compositions either

known form or through movements later incorporated
in their original
into church cantatas. The words to three more cantatas have been pre-
served, though their music has not yet been found.
Various secular cantatas were written in Leipzig. On August 3, 1725,
No. 205, the 'Dramma per musica' Der ^ufriedengestellte Aeolus ('The
pacified Aeolus'), was performed to celebrate the name-day of Dr.

1
The 'cello theme of one of these arias (BWV 68/ 2) was also used in an instrumental
movement for violin, flute, and continuo (BWV 1040).
a
Cf. 'Bach in Kothen,' p. 68.
J.
SEBASTIAN S SECULAR CANTATAS 227

Augustus Miiller, member of the faculty of Leipzig University. The

libretto, based partly on Virgil, tells how Aeolus, the God of the winds,
is planning to release the autumn gales. Zephyrus, the mild west wind,
and Pomona, the fruit goddess, implore him in vain to wait; but when
Pallas Athene approaches him and tells him that she is preparing a festivity
in honour of Dr. Miiller, this impresses the God so strongly that he recalls
his subjects. Bach's very striking music is unusually richly scored, with
trumpets, horns, flutes, various oboes and strings, as the work was meant
for an outdoor performance. The first chorus and the ensuing recitative
present some of the wildest descriptions of turbulent elements that the
composer has ever written. Similar in expression is the last aria of Aeolus
(bass) accompanied by trumpets, timpani and horns, without any wood-
wind or strings. A most effective contrast is achieved by the aria of
Zephyrus, whose gentle nature Bach portrays with the help of the silvery
viola da gamba and the tender viola d'amore. Nine years later the com-
poser used the same music in honour of another man by the name of
Augustus, when he celebrated the coronation of the Saxonian Elector,
Augustus III, as King of Poland. The new text, possibly written by Bach
himself, substitutes Valour for Aeolus and Justice for Zephyrus. It cannot
be denied that this substitution is not altogether successful. The text of
the aria of Justice, for instance, with its shallow praise of the ruler, is not
in accordance with the peculiarly delicate instrumentation taken over
from the original.
Der Phoebus und Pan (No. 201, 'The contest between
Streit ^wischen
Phoebus and Pan'), probably performed in 173 1 by the Collegium Musi-
cum, is a satiric burlesque by Picander, based on Ovid's 'Metamorphoses,'
in which Bach ridicules the new trends in music. Phoebus, representing
tradition, has a singing competition with Pan, the representative of new-
fangled notions. Among the judges, Tmolus is in favour of Phoebus,
while Midas prefers Pan's foolish song, and in punishment for his faulty
judgment is given long donkey's ears. In this Bach had a chance to vent
his contempt for the aesthetic views held by a younger generation, views
that were to find before long an eloquent advocate in Johann Adolf
Scheibe. The Midas in praising Pan's song, 1 which he could
ill-advised
grasp and remember after a single hearing, and in criticizing Phoebus'
art as toocomplex, only echoed what Bach had to hear time and again
from younger musicians. The music to this satire is quite delightful.
Phoebus' prize-song, prescribing muted strings, oboe d'amore, and flute
1
This song (No. 7) was also used by Bach with changed words in his 'Peasant
Cantata,' No. 212.
228 THE BACH FAMILY
for the accompaniment, exhibits great artistry in its intricate rhythmic

differentiation and dynamic shading. Pan's aria is simple and rather crude
and is written in the form of a rustic dance; while in the ensuing aria of
Tmolus there are remarkable dynamic signs. In its first measure the com-
poser clearly asks for a crescendo, which according to general belief was
never used by Bach {Ex. 37). When Midas defends his opinion, Bach
Ex3?

Oboe

indicates in the this was the judgment of a donkey, deserving

music that
to be punished by
growth of asinine ears. These the singer describes,
the
while the violins imitate the braying in a manner similar to Mendelssohn's
'Midsummer Night's Dream' Overture {Ex. 38).

**• m jj

£ot dc
*r
.
1
cor
1 r ^H
ding io
1

my ears.
gf^¥
he sings su - per J7y

Of more general interest and appeal is another humorous work, the

Coffee Cantata (No. 211), performed in 1732 by the Collegium Musi-
first

cum. To judge by its small orchestra (strings and one flute only), it was
meant for an indoor performance in winter. Again two generations con-
front each other, but this time the younger one is victorious. Father
Schlendrian (whose name Henry S. Drinker aptly translates as 'Old Stick-
in-the-Mud') is worried because his daughter Liesgen has fallen victim to
the new craze for coffee drinking. All his attempts to lure her away from
so detestable a habit by promise or threats are of no avail, until he offers
her a husband as a bribe. This she enthusiastically accepts, and the father
rushes off to secure one. Picander's little poem ends at this point. Bach,
however, had learned only too well from hisown family-life that it is not
so easy to influence the young. He therefore adds a recitative, in which
Liesgen's plans are revealed; any man who wishes to wed her must consent
to a clause in the marriage contract entitling her to drink coffee whenever
she pleases. Finally, there is a short cow of the 3 singers accepting the
coffee-craze as something inevitable. This amusing libretto is treated by
Bach in the manner of an oratorio. A 'Historicus' imitating the style of the
Evangelist in the Passions, explains the plot at the beginning and again
J.
SEBASTIAN S SECULAR CANTATAS 229

near the end. In between there are arias and recitatives, and with the help
of masterly little touches a kind of comic opera is created that makes a
charming effect both in the concert The composer
hall and on the stage.
succeeds in building up two characters who are very human indeed: a
grumbling boorish father and an obstinate, wily daughter. The caricature
of the father is drawn with particular gusto. When the 'Historicus' first

mentions him, heavy dotted rhythms appear in the bass, with the prescrip-
tion con pompa, while in the first aria the violins growl to indicate his
vicious temper. When he later threatens to deprive Liesgen of the fashion-
able crinoline, Bach indicates its terrific width by the skip of a ninth (Ex.
39). Liesgen's aria in praise of coffee is a little conventional in its musical

~3ou will not get ctj . no . line o£ mod . ish width Witt -wale . bones

diction, as though the composer wanted to hint had adopted that the girl
coffee drinking merely to follow the fashion. In the second aria, however,
her enthusiasm for a prospective husband is not simulated. The joy she
expresses in this folksong-like tune in dance rhythm is quite infectious and
carries the listener away. The composer's earthy nature is manifest in the
middle section of the immodest allusion by Liesgen 1
aria. During a rather
(meas. 81-89) &
e higher instruments are omitted from the accompani-
ment to ensure that the audience hears every word of it. This aria must
have sounded particularly funny to the coffee-house audience, when,
owing to the exclusion of women from such places, a male student, singing
falsetto, proclaimed his ardent desire for a 'husky hero.'
There is less artistry and a more popular trend in the Peasant Cantata
(No. 212) which Bach wrote in 1742 for a rustic celebration held in honour
of Karl Heinrich v. Dieskau, new lord of the manor of two villages near
Leipzig. The text of Bach called it, is by
this Cantate en burlesque, as

Picander; it is in and Bach has given each of the numbers

Saxon dialect
the character of a then fashionable dance, such as bourree, mazurka and
Ix*I
Tine

Oh, may you. get ten.thovs.a.nd due. - a.ts for er.er.y day in the year..

polonaise, while the overture is a medley of fragments from various folk-

dances. Three actual folksongs such as Ex. 40 are even inserted in the

1
This detail is omitted in any English translation of the work known to the author.
23O THE BACH FAMILY
arias, 1 and Bach aims at similar results with his own tunes. The orchestra,
in true peasant manner, consists in most of the numbers of only one
violin,one viola and a double bass (continuo). Equally economical is the
vocal apparatus: one soprano and one bass. The humorous plot, the very
limited number of performers, and the unassuming, catchy musical idiom
clearly indicate that Bach was adopting the language of the new genera-
tion. Once more he showed that although his main interest belonged to

older forms he was quite willing at times to forsake his aloofness, and to
write music so simple and appealing that even his youngest critic could
not find fault with it.

Three of Bach's church compositions, written in the middle of the

thirties, were designated by the composer himself as Oratorios. They are
the Christmas Oratorio {BWV 248), which, according to the printed
2
libretto, was performed in 1734; the oratorio for Ascension Day,
generally known as cantata No. 11,from approximately the same period;
and the Easter Oratorio {BWV 249) of 1736. It has been known for a
long time that parts of the Christmas Oratorio are 'contrafacta' of secular
cantatas. 3 Friedrich
Smend proved the same to be true of the two other
works of this group. 4
The Easter Oratorio occupies an isolated position
among Bach's vocal compositions, since it is his only work for the
church whose entire text consists of a dialogue in rhymes. The Ascen-
sion Day Oratorio, on the other hand, is not very different from Bach's
cantatas.
The most important and, at the same time, the most extensive of these
three works is the Christmas Oratorio. Although it is a series of six can-
tatas, which were performed on the three Christmas days, New Year's
day, the following Sunday, and Epiphany, it yet shows unity in its con-
struction. As in the Passions, sections from the New Testament are
narrated by an evangelist, while the utterances of individual persons are
entrusted to soloists, and those of a group to the chorus. Bach interrupts
the Biblical story again and again with lyrical episodes such as chorales

1
Bach also did not hesitate to include a melody by Anton Seemann, conductor of
Count Sporck, in Aria No. 16.
2
Schering's contention in 'Musikgeschichte Leipzigs,' III, p. 223, that the work
was performed one year later, has not been sufficiently proved.
3
Nos. 4, 19, 29, 30, 39, 41 are taken from Cantata No. 213; Nos. 1, 8, 15, 24 from
Cantata No. 214; No. 47 from Cantata No. 215; No. 45 from the St. Mark Passion.
4
Cf. AfMf, VII (1942), and 'Bach Gedenkschrift,' 1952.
J.
SEBASTIAN S ORATORIOS 23 I

and arias. Thus he creates pure music for the church, serving the purpose
of edifying and uplifting the congregation. The sequence of keys and the
orchestration give a kind of rondo-like character to the work. Cantatas
No. I, III, VI are in themain key of D, and are scored for a big orchestra
(with trumpets, timpani, woodwind, strings). Nos. II, IV, V, which are

in the related keys of G, F, and A, do not use trumpets.

The Christmas Oratorio offers us a chance to study the technique
employed by Bach in his 'contrafacta.' As model for one of its numbers
he uses an aria which, in the secular cantata Hercules aufdem Scheidewege
(No. 213, 'Hercules at the crossroads'), Sensuality sings to young Her-
cules. It begins with the words 'Sleep, my beloved, enjoy thou thy rest,'
and accordingly the composer set it as a lullaby. Without compunction he
could use it for another lullaby in the Christmas Oratorio, starting with
the words 'Sleep, my beloved, and rest thee a while.' But in the case of
the aria 'Prepare thyself, Zion' of the Christmas Oratorio it is rather
different, as a comparison with the original text from 'Hercules' will show.

Hercules Christmas Oratorio

not regard thee

I will Prepare thyself, Zion,
but wholly discard thee, with tender emotion
Contemptible pleasure, The Fairest, the Dearest
I value thee not. to welcome to thee.
Like the serpent With what yearning
who attacked me in my cradle must thy heart to-day be burning,
Thee will I strangle Welcome thy dear one
thou serpent, destroy thee. with loving devotion.

To overcome the emotional disparity between the two texts, Bach

changed both the scoring and phrasing. The original was for violins I and
II in unison and continue In the oratorio he omitted violin II and re-
placed it by the tender oboe d'amore. At the same time the bassoon was
added to the bass. The threatening 'unisono e staccato' in the secular

Hercules <a< the Crossroads

Vwj.r

unisono e St4.cce.i0

Christmas Oratorio
tr

cantata was, with the help of slurs and appogiaturas, transformed into a
caressing tune (Ex. 41). The winding line in the bass used in 'Hercules' to
232 THE BACH FAMILY
portray the snake was not conspicuous enough to call for a change. Thus
Bach achieved a successful adaptation with a minimum of effort.
It is hard to single out individual numbers of this masterpiece. Among

the highlights is the Sinfonia at the beginning of the second part; a

Siciliano of singular beauty, akin in character to the Sinfonia Pastorale in
Handel's 'Messiah,' but deviating from it significantly in its more intricate
orchestration and texture. The treatment of the chorales is also out-
standing. At the end of the second cantata the chorus sings the tune of
'From heaven above to earth I come,' while the orchestra again intones
the enraptured Pastorale of the beginning. Although the general mood of
the oratorio is one of exultation, the thought of Christ's sacrifice also

plays an important role. The Passion-hymn 'Oh sacred head now

wounded' appears both as the first and as the ultimate chorale of the whole
oratorio; thus emphasizing that only through the death of Jesus did the
birth of the heavenly child result in the salvation of mankind.

In its form the Magnificat

original (BWV
243) was also meant for a
performance at Christmas. In this version, written in 1723, the Bible text
(Luke i, 46-55) was repeatedly interrupted by chorales, Christmas songs,

etc.Around the year 1730 Bach revised the composition, changing its key
from Eb to D, altering the instrumentation, and eliminating the insertions;
thus making the work suitable for performance on other occasions. In its
definitiveform the Magnificat, except for the concluding Gloria, contains
nothing but Mary's Hymn, from the Vulgate. It is one of the most com-
pact compositions by Bach, imbued with joy and exultation, and radiating
the same happy optimism which had found so irresistible an expression in
the Brandenburg Concertos. The brief movements (lasting an average of
3 minutes) are clearly united in three groups, each starting with an aria
and ending with a full chorus. The individual sections are framed by the
mighty initial Magnificat chorus and the concluding Gloria, which, at the
words Sicut erat inprincipio ('As it was in the beginning'), quotes the music
of the first number. 1 Each individual piece, in spite of its brevity, has its
own clearly defined emotional character. The first Magnificat, scored for
full orchestra (trumpets, timpani, woodwind, strings, organ) and five-
part chorus, carries us away with its brilliance and exuberance. An over-
whelming effect is produced later, in the aria for alto solo, Quia respexit

1
In the motet, Jesu, meine Freude, also written in 1723, we find the same device.
Here too the beginning and end of the composition are musically alike.
J.
SEBASTIAN S ST. JOHN PASSION 233

('For he hath regarded the low estate of his handmaiden'), when at the
words omnes generationes ('all generations shall call me blessed') the full
chorus suddenly cuts the solo voice short. Of transcendent beauty is the
trio for 2 sopranos and alto Suscepit Israel ('He hath holpen his servant
Israel') to which the 2 oboes intone in unison, like a cantus firmus, the
venerable Magnificat tune. Only Sebastian Bach could write a com-
position so strict in form and yet so tender and ethereal. To the following
composer gives an old-
Sicut locutus est ('As he spake to our fathers') the
fashioned motet character by writing a vocal fugue, unaccompanied by
the orchestra, to stress the connection with the past. After this austere
is all the more
piece, the re-entrance of the orchestra in the ensuing Gloria
dazzling.Twice the voices rise in a mighty arc to glorify the Father and
the Son. At the words et Spiritui sancto the melodic line is inverted to
symbolize the descent of the Holy Ghost. Here the entrance of the
trumpets leads to the climax of the work, triumphantly proclaiming in its

music 'My soul doth magnify the Lord.'

According to the Necrology Bach wrote five Passions, but only two
of them have actually been preserved: the Passions according to St. John
and according to St. Matthew. The earlier of these is the St. John Passion
{BWV 245), which the composer wrote while still in Cothen in order
to present it on Good Friday, 1723, at Leipzig. For four subsequent per-
formances under Bach's direction, the composer made various alterations.
Basically the work already shows the construction to be found in the later
Passion and in the Christmas Oratorio (cf. p. 230). The main part of the
text is supplied by the Bible, in this case taken from St. John xviii-xix
(with short insertions from St. Matthew). The narration is done in recita-
tive form by a tenor, the Evangelist; individual characters, including Christ,
are sung by soloists; and utterances of the crowds by the chorus. Arias
inserted in between express the reaction of the individual to the events
described, and chorales that of the whole congregation. The work is in
two sections, to be performed before and after the sermon. It seems that
Bach himself was responsible for the selection of the chorales, and that he
also provided the texts for the arias. In these he often followed the model
of a text by the Hamburg Councillor, Barthold Heinrich Brockes, Derfiir
die Siinde der Welt gemarterte und sterbende Jesus ('Jesus tortured and
dying for the sin of the world'), which had been set to music by Handel, 1
1
Bach owned a copy of Handel's work.
234 THE BACH FAMILY
Telemann, Mattheson, Keiser and others. But even in these pieces Bach
never copied Brockes literally, and, in particular, he did not adopt the

poet's rhymed paraphrases of the Bible text. Moreover, he included some

words from G. Postel's 'St. John Passion,' which Handel had set to
J.
music at the age of 19. Bach apparently knew this score, as there are a few
1
slight analogies between the two works.
An interesting peculiarity of Bach's score is the repeated use of the
same music for various short choruses of the crowds. Some pieces are
employed twice, one (No. 3, 'J esu s of Nazareth') with little variations
as often as five times (also in Nos. 5, 29, 46, and in the accompaniment of
No. 25). It has been suggested that lack of time in preparing the score for
the first performance caused Bach to adopt this method. Had this been
the case, the composer could easily have remedied this deficiency when he
subsequently revised the work. Actually, these repetitions are indispens-
able for the architectural plan of the whole work as Bach had conceived it.
In order to achieve the 'chiastic' arrangement which was one of Bach's
favourite forms throughout his life (cf. p. 202), the composer distributed
related choruses in widely separated sections of his score. To take, for
2
instance, the 'heart-piece'of the second part: the chorus No. 29, the
solos Nos. 31/32, and the chorus No. 34 form a unit that recurs with
3
similar music in Nos. 46, 48, 50. The chorus No. 36 corresponds to
No. 44, and No. 38 is practically identical with No. 42. In the centre
of the section is a chorale (No. 40), just as chorales (Nos. 27 and 52)
frame the whole 'heart-piece.' The overall arrangement is therefore
this:

A B CDEDC 38 40 42 44
B A
52
27 29,31/2,34 36 46,48,50

The perfect matched by inexhaustible harmonic

symmetry of form is

imagination in the chorales and a tremendous power of expression. It is

hard to decide what to admire more in this score: the pithy, exciting
choruses, creating a weird picture of the turgid crowds, or the intensely
dramatic, at times almost violent recitatives. How stirring, for instance, is
the recitative depicting the tears of Peter after his denial of the Lord,
which is followed by the aria in f sharp minor expressing man's confusion
and desolation! This first large work by the new music director must have

1 Handel's Passion is available in a Swiss recording conducted by B. Henking.

2
Cf. Smend
BJ, 1926.
in
8
The numbers in between, not mentioned here, are those of the connecting
recitatives.
J.
SEBASTIAN S ST. MATTHEW PASSION 235

sounded strange indeed to the ears of the Leipzig congregation, accus-

tomed as they were to Kuhnau's gentle tunes.
In later years Bach felt it was necessary to improve this youthful com-
position. The final visionary chorale was added, and the soulful intro-
ductory chorale fantasia 'O man, thy grievous sins bemoan' 1 was replaced
by a powerful da capo chorus. On the other hand, the beautiful aria and
chorale which originally followed No.
were altogether omitted in the
1 5

interests of structural cohesion. The

'Do not writhe, tormented
aria

souls,' with its somewhat exaggerated pictorialism, was supplanted by a

poignant arioso with following aria (Nos. 31/32) to which the accompani-
ment of 2 viole d'amore and lute added mellowness. In making this
change Bach achieved an overwhelming contrast between the crude picture
of tortured Jesus and the unearthly bliss derived from His sacrifice. This
arioso reveals, with an intensity only rarely equalled in Bach's works, the
composer's innermost faith.

Bach performed his St. Matthew Passion (BWV 244) for the first
time on Good Friday, 1729. 2 We do not know how long he was engaged
in the tremendous task of its composition, but while still working on the
Passion news reached him that on November 19, 1728, his beloved friend,
Prince Leopold of Anhalt-Cothen, had suddenly died, and that he was
expected to supply and perform a funeral music at the memorial service
in the following spring. Nothing seemed more appropriate than to use
parts of his sublime new work for this purpose, and so Picander, the
librettist of the St. Matthew Passion, was requested to paraphrase the

text of nine pieces 3 from it. The funeral cantata Klagt, Kinder ('Lament, O
children' \BWV 244a 4) was played on March 24, 1729 at Cothen. Shortly
afterwards the mighty Passion itself resounded at St. Thomas'.
The St. Matthew Passion represents the climax of Bach's music for
1
It was instead inserted into the St. Matthew Passion as the concluding number of
the first part.
2
Matthew Passion did not take
Schering's theory that the performance of the St.
place until 1731 and that the St.Mark Passion was played in 1729 (cf. BJ, 1939) can no
longer be upheld, in spite of the many psychological reasons which seem to corroborate
the later date. Smend pointed out in BJ, 1940-48 that Zelter, in the programme notes to
the first Berlin performance of the St. Matthew Passion in 1829, referred to the 'old
church text,' evidently the church programme of the Passion, in his possession, which was
clearly dated 1729.
3
They are Nos. 10, 47, 58, 66, 29, 26, 75, 19, 78.
4
Smend, I.e., proved from the Cothen account books that not one but two funeral
cantatas were performed on this occasion, one on March 23 at night, the other on March
24. Of the first no trace has been found yet, but it is evidendy the work to which Forkel
alludes in his Bach Biography, praising its 'double choruses of uncommon magnificence.'
The score which Forkel owned has been missing since 1818.
236 THE BACH FAMILY
the Protestant Church. It uses the largest performing apparatus and is in
scope one of the composer's most extensive works. Bach's own concep-
tion of its importance is clearly revealed in the exquisite score he made of
it after 1740, one which is unique even among his many beautiful manu-
scripts. He worked on it with ruler and compass, and he used red ink for
the Bible words to distinguish the divine message from the rest of the
text.The composer wanted this Passion to be of general appeal, and in-
deed there is in this work a simplicity and directness not often to be found
in Bach's larger compositions. The motto which Beethoven placed in
front of his Missa Solemnis
—
'It comes from the heart may it go to —
the heart' —
can well be applied to this work also.
Although the basic elements are once more the same, the 'Passion
according to St. John' and that 'according to St. Matthew' are highly
different in character. In the later composition vehemence and violence
no longer dominate. The work radiates tenderness and love; harsh con-
trasts are toned down, and a heart-stirring blend of bliss and grief such as

only Bach could create, prevails throughout the composition. According

to the Gospel, the Christ of the St. John Passion was endowed with
sublime calm and remoteness. The gospel of St. Matthew, however,
allowed Bach to express his own fervent Jesusminne. Here there is no un-
bridgeable gap between the human and the divine; the Lord approaches
mankind in His suffering, and mankind suffers with Him. While in the
earlier Passion the utterances of Christ are in recitatives accompanied by

the organ only, the St. Matthew Passion, following the example of Schiitz
and Telemann, uses a string quartet to surround the personality of the
Lord with a kind of halo. 1 Only once is this recitative transformed into an
arioso: when at the last supper Jesus explains the mystic significance of
bread and wine. And only once are the accompanying strings silenced:
when Christ in agony cries out 'My God, why hast Thou forsaken me ?'
the halo is extinguished.
In accordance with the great store Bach set by the work, he had re-
course to a wealth of executants far exceeding that in the St. John
Passion, indeed hardly used in any of his other compositions. In its

definitive form the St. Matthew Passion employs 2 mixed choruses, 2

orchestras, and another group of boy-singers for the cantus firmus of the
first chorus. The use of the two choirs is scrupulously indicated in the

score. If there are no independent parts for each of the 8 voices, Bach
prescribes which choir should perform an individual number, or whether

1
This very apt comparison was coined a century ago by Winterfeld in his 'Evangel-
ischer Kirchengesang.'
J.
SEBASTIAN S ST. MATTHEW PASSION 237

they should join forces. The composer's zest for experimenting and for
mingling stylistic elements found ample satisfaction in this work. The
recitatives of the Evangelist, accompanied by basses and organ only,
speak an exciting tonal language, such as had hardly been conceived
before. For certain occasions, as the crying of Peter, the recitative
changes to a melisma of deep intensity. At times the bass accompaniment
matches the highly dramatic narration; for instance, in the famous de-
scription of the rending of the Temple veil and the earthquake after the

death of Christ. Among the gems of the score are the accompanied recita-

tives preceding the These brief ariosos contain some of the most
arias.

exquisite music Bach ever wrote, such as No. 74, 'At even, sweet, cool
hour of rest,' which, quite in the romantic manner, links the stillness of
evening with the peace achieved through Jesus' death. In two cases recita-
tives are combined with choral numbers. In No. 25, 'Ah woe, how
trembles His tormented heart,' an accompanied recitative alternates with
verses from a chorale, a technique Bach was to employ in his late chorale
cantatas. Similarly in No. 77, 'And now the Lord is laid to rest,' each of the
four soloists in a brief arioso says a tender farewell to the Master, and in
between the chorus sings a deeply moving refrain.
The arias are often arranged as duets between a singer and an instru-
ment of approximately the same range. No. 58, for instance, 'For love, oh
my Saviour,' is scored for soprano voice and solo flute, and, to enhance
its poignant character, the accompaniment is provided by 2 oboi da caccia

(English horns) without any strings or organ. In the aria No. 26 for tenor
solo and chorus, Bach's feeling for pictorialism makes a characteristic
excursion into the realm of numbers. The tenor, representing Peter, sings
'Yea, I will watch with Jesus gladly.' The chorus adds the refrain, 'So all
our sins have gone to sleep' ten times, once for each of the remaining
disciples (except the absent Judas) who are gradually succumbing to sleep.
Similarly the duet with chorus (No. 33) after Christ's capture can be inter-
preted as the expression of grief by two distressed disciples, who are being
interrupted by nine (three times three) brief ejaculations of the chorus
'Loose Him —Halt ye—Bind Him not,' one for each of the remaining
followers of the Lord. This leads us finally to the well-known chorus
'Lord, not I?' after Jesus has said that one of His disciples will betray Him.
The same question is asked eleven times, and Bach thus implies that each
of the disciples, except Judas, raises his voice.
In the St. Matthew Passion the composer avoids the repetition of
music in the crowd scenes that played so important a part in the structure
of the St. John Passion. The variety in these choruses is quite over-
.

238 THE BACH FAMILY

whelming. Stupid slander could hardly have been better portrayed than
in the canon (No. 39), in which one false witness slavishly repeats every
word of the other witness's accusation. How stunning are the 3 powerful
chords used at the word 'Barrabas'; the senseless fury of the crowd in
'Let Him be crucified,' ending abruptly in an unexpected key; and the
increasing vigour in the 8-part chorus (No. 67) 'Saviour was He of others,'
inwhich the 2 choruses at first respond to each other, then join forces, and
end in a weird unison, accusing Jesus of blasphemy for having said 'I am
God's own son' (Ex. 42).

TMs man has sa.id:

V I am Cjod's own 6o7i

i k
m
v

r
—
m
J>

P p
J
p
A
k ^y
The chorale tunes, on the other hand, are repeated in this work even
more frequently than in the earlier Passion. Bach's favourite, 'Oh sacred
Head now wounded' appears no less than five times in different places,
with words and harmonization superbly matching the mood of the
moment. In the selection of the venerable tunes and texts, and in the
choice of their appropriate position within the score, Bach shows a
poetical power and insight given only to one who was the product of
many generations of Protestant church musicians. 1
In the initial number ofMatthew Passion Bach introduced a
the St.
chorale melody was played by the organ in the first
as a cantus firmus. It
performances, but was later taken over by a separate boys' choir. This is
the most elaborate piece of the whole composition. Two wildly excited
groups confront each other with and sorrowful answers,
terse questions
against a background of floods of suggested by the heaving and
tears,

milling orchestra. Above the passionate grief of humanity thus depicted

rises the crystal-clear, serene church tune, thus setting the stage for this

work on mortal frailty and divine strength.

Of the St. Mark Passion (BWV 247), first performed on Good
Friday 173 1, only Picander's libretto has been preserved. small part of A
the composition has survived, however, in other sacred works. Two
choruses and three arias originated with the Trauer-Ode (Cantata 198,

1
Picander omits the chorales in his edition of the libretto, thus indicating that they
were not chosen by him.
J.
SEBASTIAN S MASSES 239

written in 1727 in memory of the Electress Christiane Eberhardine (cf.

p. 173); one aria is to be found in Cantata 54; and one chorus in the
Christmas Oratorio. About the two other Passions nothing definite is

known. The St. Luke Passion {BWV 246) printed by BG is in all likeli-
hood not by Bach.

Around composer wrote 4 short Masses {BWV

the year 1737 the
233-36) consisting of Kyrie and Gloria only. Most of their numbers are
only adaptations from earlier church cantatas. The Mass in G, for instance,
is based on choruses, arias, and a duet from Cantatas 17, 79, 138, and 179.

The Kyrie of the Mass in F, one of the few movements which is not a
'contrafactum,' gives the ancient melody of the Litany to the bass voices,
while at the same time horns and oboes intone, as an additional cantus
firmus, the chorale tune Ckriste, du Lamm Gottes ('Christ, Thou Lamb of
God'); a remarkable attempt to bring elements of the Protestant and
Catholic services into an artistic whole. 1
A similar venture of far greater significance had been made by Bach
work. In 1733 he composed a Kyrie to mourn the death of
in an earlier
Augustus 'the Strong' and a Gloria to celebrate the ascension to the throne
of Augustus III (cf. p. 184). Subsequently he expanded the work into
a complete setting of the Latin Ordinary of the Mass, the only one of its

kind he has left us. It seems that Bach, the protagonist of Protestant music,
did not see anything inappropriate in this action. He knew that Luther
had never entirely removed the Latin Mass from the Protestant
service,
and that sections from it were still used in his own time. Above all, he
wanted to write a work that spoke to the whole of Christianity. The
composition known as the Mass in B minor {BWV 232) is a monumental
work of lofty grandeur abounding in forms of intricate technical mastery,
such as a superb passacaglia, highly artistic fugues with stretti, augmenta-

tions, and other devices of the strict contrapuntal style. There is an awe-
inspiring remoteness in this work, and only when the text refers to Jesus
does the musical idiom assume a more personal and intimate character.
Thus the duet Chris te eleison ('Christ have mercy on us') radiates ethereal
bliss and ecstatic longing, in marked contrast to the first and the second

Kyrie eleison which address God the Father and God the Holy Ghost in a
spirit of sadness, guilt, and despair. Similarly the two choruses Qui tollis
1
The 5 'Sancti' which are preserved in Bach's own hand {BWV 237-41) are believed
to be mainly arrangements of works by other composers.
240 THE BACH FAMILY
peccata mundi ('Which takethaway the sins of the world') and Et incarnatus
est ('And was made man') are both simple, heart-stirring compositions,
fervently expressing Bach's Jesusminne.
The composer did not hesitate to include in the Mass numerous
'contrafacta' of movements from his church cantatas, and at least 9 of the
24 numbers of the score are remodelled from earlier works closely related
in content. Not one of these adaptations is mechanically done; indeed,
each of them shows a higher degree of perfection than its model. The
Expecto resurrectionem mortuorum ('I look for the resurrection of the dead')
is taken from Cantata 120, Gott man lobet, using the second movement
'Shout ye, all ye joyful voices.' While the orginal contains a 4-part chorus
only, with supreme mastery Bach adds a fifth obbligato part, which in a
completely natural way enriches the polyphonic texture. The Crucifixus
is a famous example; it is based on a passacaglia from cantata 12, JVeinen,
Klagen, and was given its exquisite ending, modulating from minor to
major, only in the Mass. In making this addition, Bach not only prepares
for the glory of the immediately following Etresurrexit ('And rose again');
but he thus has 13 variations instead of the original 12 and so symbolizes
the tragedy by that ill-fated number. 1
As Bach in this work went back to a time when the Christian Church
was as yet undivided, he felt the inclusion of venerable forms of the past
to be appropriate. The Credo, for instance, in its first and last sections uses
the melodies of the Gregorian chant in grandiose fugues of a definitely
antiquated motet character. Moreover, the frequent 5 -part choruses and
the old-fashioned alia breve rhythms (4/2) in several sections enhance the
retrospective aspect of this music.
On the other hand there is no lack of contemporary forms either. The
Mass contains arias equipped with the coloraturas of the Italian opera, and
superb duets in the style of Agostino Steffani. These numbers, too, afford
a deep insight into Bach's mentality. In the duet Et in unum Dominum
Jesum Christum filium Dei unigenitum ('And in one Lord, Jesus Christ,
the only-begotten Son of God'), the mystic unity of the Father and
His Son Jesus Christ is symbolized by an imitation in unison which
presently turns into a canon at the fourth. The gentle duet of the oboi
d'amore in the aria No. 18 for bass, with its reference to unam sanctam
Catholicam et apostolicam Ecclesiam ('One Holy Catholic and Apostolic
Church'), is particularly beautiful. Since this forms part of the Creed

1
Smend points out that with the help of the figure alphabet (cf. p. 203) the word

'Credo' can be expressed as 43. It is significant that in the Credo movement of Bach's Mass
the word 'Credo' appears 43 times.
J.
SEBASTIAN S MASSES 241

accepted by all Christian denominations, it might well be that the peaceful

dialogue of the two 'love oboes' is intended to signify harmony and under-
standing between Catholics and Protestants.
In spite of heterogeneous stylistic elements in this Mass, Bach succeeds
in giving it unity and cohesion. It is true that the original score consists of
four sections. The composer inscribed as Missa the Kyrie and Gloria
which he handed to Augustus III, Elector of Saxony. The Credo bears in
the autograph the title Symholum Nicenum. The third section is the
Sanctus, and the fourth comprises the remaining movements, Osanna,
Benedictus, Agnus Dei, Dona nobis pacetn. Each of the first three sections
shows a well-balanced structure. In the Symbolum Nicenum, for instance,
the Crucifixus is the 'heart-piece.' It is preceded and followed by a
chorus {Et incarnatus est, Et resurrexii). These 3 numbers are flanked
by solo pieces; a duet and an aria respectively. At the beginning of the
Symbolum, and at the end, are the mighty double pillars of connected
choruses, in each of which Gregorian chants form the melodies of the
first half.

Looking at the work we find that the name of Mass in B

as a whole,
minor, which is modern times, is not justified. The com-
generally used in
position comprises 12 movements in D and only 5 in b. D is the key of
the jubilant, resplendent Gloria and of the majestic Credo (here inter-
mingled with the mixolydian mode). In D also is the dazzling Easter-
piece of the Resurrexit and the awe-inspiring Sanctus, in which Heaven
and Earth seem to resound with the praise of the Lord. (The six parts of
this chorus may have been inspired by the six wings of the Seraphims in

Isaiah vi.) Each section of the whole work ends in D and all, except the
first, start in it. The predominance of this brilliant key holds the individual
sections firmly together. To this should be added the fact that the last

number, Dona nobis pacem ('Grant us peace'), uses the same music as the
chorus Gratias agimus tibi ('We give Thee thanks'), which stands in the
very centre of the Mass. This connection is of more than musical signi-
ficance. Bach felt that he did not have to implore his maker for peace, and
instead thanked Him for granting it to the true believer. In this way the
composer also concluded his Mass with the expression of gratitude tradi-
tional in the Lutheran service.
Owing to its colossal dimensions this work fits into neither the
Protestant nor the Catholic church service. Yet it is one of the greatest
manifestations of the religious spirit and belongs, together with Beet-
hoven's Missa Solemnis, to the immortal documents of man's quest for
the eternal truths.
242 THE BACH FAMILY

II

WORKS FOR THE ORGAN SOLO

Organ music accompanied Bach throughout his whole life. Among his
earliest compositions were works for the 'king of instruments' and his last,

which the master, nearly blind, dictated to his son-in-law, Altnikol, was
an organ chorale. Since the principal aim of Bach's art was to magnify the
Lord, the organ offered him the most direct way by which to pursue his
goal, without the co-operation of other musicians. Almost every one of
the more than 200 works he wrote for the organ was designed for
liturgical purposes.

The him in awe as one of the greatest

master's contemporaries held
virtuosion the organ. They eagerly sought his advice on the building
of new and the remodelling of old instruments. Our time sees in Bach
the unmatched master of organ composition. In these works, 16th- and
17th-century music reaches its climax, while later generations feebly
attempted to regain and reproduce parts of its lost grandeur.
As in other fields of Bach's creative output, it is impossible to deter-
mine the exact date of composition of most of his organ works. Neverthe-
less, the stylistic features of these compositions enable us to establish
certain significant patterns for each of his creative periods. The situation
is somewhat complicated by the Bach often revised and rewrote
fact that
organ compositions many years after their first conception. If such works

reflect the features of the period in which they received their final form,
they will be discussed with the compositions of that phase.
The works of the First Creative Period axe typical of a young composer
who is trying to find himself and to master the intricacies of his craft.
Bach was always eager to learn from others, but naturally this tendency
was never as apparent and predominant as in the works of his youth.
The incipient organist studied the works of his own clan, among them
especially the compositions of Johann Christoph (13) and Johann Bern-
hard (18). Next to his relatives, the great masters of keyboard music in
Italy and Southern, Central and, most of all, Northern Germany were his
models. He copied and imitated their music, sometimes barely reaching
their level, and only rarely surpassing it. His musical language is often
voluble, his harmonic and polyphonic technique immature, a sense of
balance and form as yet undeveloped. It is typical of the uneven character
of Bach's early organ works that, while some of them contain very diffi-
cult and brilliant pedal parts, others dispense with the pedals altogether.
j. Sebastian's organ works (before 1708) 243

Nevertheless these works of the young Bach are anything but unattractive.
They are highly emotional, exuberant and, in their subjective expressive-
ness, typical products of a growing young genius. Bach's first period
shows a definite resemblance to that of Brahms, whose early compositions
compensate for their lack of formal perfection by their stirring and
passionate content.
There are two main groups of organ works by Bach: those which are
and those which are based on some chorale. The former
freely invented,
group consists of a number of Preludes or Toccatas with Following
Fugues. The free preludes and toccatas frequently reflect the brilliant
Venetian style of Merulo and the Gabrielis, which was passed on to Bach
through the fantastic art of the Liibeck master, Dietrich Buxtehude, and
his follower, Georg Bohm. North German influence may also be detected
in the loose and rhapsodic construction of the fugues. Good examples of
Bach's Liineburg period (1700- 1703) are furnished by the Preludes and
Fugues in a andc (P. Ill/ 84 and IV/36, BWV 5 5 1, 549). The work in a for
instance is a kind of toccata, a show-piece, containing in its middle part
two fugal sections. The brief first fugue, consisting of 17 bars only, uses
a gaily rambling theme of the Buxtehude type (Ex. 43), without any

f- ftp -f-p f'Pf'f.f'.fBP* &+ f Mr*

attempt at serious elaboration. The second fugue seems to employ a new

theme, but this subject is accompanied by a running counter-melody which,
as the piece proceeds, gains in importance and at the same time increas-
ingly resembles the theme of the first fugue. Even in this very primitive
composition, Bach's attempt to unify the different sections of his com-
position is apparent.
An effective thematic interrelation between three successive move-
ments is achieved in the Fantasy in G (P. IX/25, BWV 571). 1
The last

movement culminates in an 'ostinato' figure consisting of 5 stepwise

descending notes, which appear not only in the bass but also in the soprano
1
The authenticity of the Fantasy has been doubted, but the present writer feels
inclined to consider it as a work of young Bach. Altogether the composer's organ music
still presents unsolved problems in this respect. Some of the works that the 19th century
considered as compositions by Johann Sebastian are recognized to-day as the works of
others, while in several cases the question is yet unsetded. The organ chorales P. VI/3 and
62 {BWV 693, 748), for instance, might be by J. G. Walther. The chorale partita
BWV 771, which Hull considered one of the works by the young Bach, is in all
finest
likelihood by A. N. Vetter, while P. IX/38 {BWV 585) and P. VIII/48 {BWV 553-60)
are probably by J. L. Krebs. Cf. Keller in BJ, 1937.
244 THE BACH FAMILY
and alto parts. This is the earliest example of Bach's use of a technique
that was to reach its magnificent climax in the great Passacaglia in c.

The Toccata and Fugue in d (P. IV/27, BWV 565) is the most
striking work of the Arnstadt period. 1 Bach's dependence
on models is as
easily traceable here as in any other composition of his first period. The
toccata sections at the beginning and end of the work are strongly rhap-
sodic. The freely flowing fugue in the centre is loosely constructed with
runs and broken chord episodes separating the different entrances of the
theme. Obviously Bach wishes to maintain the predominant character of
brilliant The theme seems to be
improvisation even in the middle section.
inspiredby a technique adopted from the violin, that of playing simul-
taneously on two neighbouring strings, a procedure Bach was often to
employ in his music for keyboard instruments. The Toccata's torrents
of sound and dazzling fireworks have made Pirro see the work as a piece
of programme music describing the fury of the elements in a thunder-
storm, yet there is a masterly craftsmanship underlying all this outpouring
of the emotions. The work was written by an organist who had so deep an
insight into the possibilities of his instrument that he was able to produce
the most powerful effects without unduly taxing the technical abilities of
the player. In its intensity and exuberance this is clearly a product of Bach's
'Storm and Stress' period, but there is no youthful groping and un-
certainty in it.

Among the Organ Chorales of the first period three main types may
be discerned: (a) the chorale fughetta (short fugue); (b) the chorale-
fantasy; (c) the chorale partita (chorale variations). Some of the Chorale
Fughettas closely follow earlier models. For instance, Herr Jesu Christ, dich
iu uns wend' ('Lord Jesus Christ, I turn to Thee'; B WV 749X 2 which treats
the hymn tune partly as a fugal subject and partly as a basis for free imita-
tions, is fashioned after the arrangement of the same chorale by Johann
Christoph Bach. Other chorale fughettas introduce, in addition, a
counter-subject that is preserved throughout the whole prelude, thus
firmly linking together the different sections of the work. In Vom Himmel
hoch ('From Heaven above'; P. VII/54, BWV
701), for instance, the
chorale melody is accompanied by a running counter-subject (Ex. 44)
which is maintained all through the composition, possibly to express the
fluttering of the angels' wings in this Christmas prelude. 3
1
It seems more likely that the work was written in Arnstadt rather than in Weimar,
as some scholars have assumed.
2
Cf. also BJVV-7-yO and 756.
3
Somewhat similar in construction are the Fughettas P. V/7, 18, 20, 23, 39, 43 {BWV
696-99, 703, 704).
j. Sebastian's organ works (before 1708) 245

In his chorale fughettas, as in various organ works of his youth, Bach

omits the pedal altogether; and a very modest use of the pedal may also

:
^m^
be observed in the only Chorale Fantasy he ever wrote, based on Christ
lag in Todesbanden ('Christ lay in Death's dark prison'; P. VI/15, BWV
718). This type of composition, which melody
deals with the complete
of the chosen hymn, treating each verse in a different manner, was a
favourite with North German masters, whereas Johann Christoph Bach
and Pachelbel ignored it. The direct model for Sebastian's chorale fantasy
was one composed by Georg Bohm on the same melody; 1 however, it is
also easy to detect references to the style of two masters from Liibeck.
Sebastian starts with a richly ornamented treatment of the first two lines
of the chorale; the third line he develops as a brief fugato, the fourth as a
kind of gigue in 12/8 time in imitation of similar movements by Buxte-
hude, and in the fifth line he uses the mystical echo-like effects so dear
to Buxtehude's father-in-law, Franz Tunder.
On a much larger scale than the chorale fughettas and the fantasy are
the highly imaginative and exuberant Partite Diverse, for which Johann
Bernhard Bach's (cf. p. 100) and Georg Bohm's Partite seem to have been
the direct models. Sebastian's variations on Christ, der du bist der helle Tag
('0 Christ who art the Light of Day'; P. V/60, BWV 766) and Gott, du
frommer Gott ('0 God, Thou Holy God'; P. V/68, BWV 767) bear the all

traces of an early origin. The pedal is only rarely used and then ad libitum,
and the harmonization of the chorale melody is at its beginning rather
clumsy, with frequent repetitions of tonic and dominant and heavy 5-
and 6-part chords on the weak beat (Ex. 45). Sei gegriisset, Jesu giitig

Xx hs Qott, du frommer Gott

(Thee I greet, Thy love I treasure'; P. V/76, BWV

768) which may
have originated in the same period, clearly shows traces of a later revision;

1
Samtliche Werke, Leipzig, Breitkopf & Hartel, 1927, vol. II, p. 98.
246 THE BACH FAMILY
it displays the youthful fervour of the other sets, but is not marred by
their weaknesses.

During the nine years the composer spent in Weimar (1708-17), he

was primarily an organist, and the majority of his organ compositions
were written or at least conceived there. This Second Creative Period was a
typical phase of transition. Bach's output comprised a substantial number
of studies and transcriptions, which served him as a means of widening
his artistic horizon and of becoming fully conversant with new types of
musical expression. But towards the end of this period the composer
gained such stylistic perfection that it is often difficult to draw the line,
and to determine whether a given organ composition belongs to this
phase or to the following period of full maturity.
In Weimar Bach was at first a student of the Italians. In Liineburg and
Arnstadt their works had reached him only in versions transformed and
remodelled by German composers. In Weimar he had the chance of
making a direct study of their compositions. The effect on Bach was
somewhat similar to that had exercised on the foremost
which Italian art
German painter, Albrecht Diirer. The serene and well-balanced works of
the Adriatic peninsula helped the two masters to find themselves. They
discarded the excessive harshness and angularity of the North, and re-
placed it by a plastic clarity and a simple structure. Eventually Bach
completely assimilated Italian music, and, by fusing it with his own
contrapuntal heritage and the Northern idiom, he created what we now
regard as the typical Bach style.
The and studies of the Weimar period begin with a
transcriptions
number of Arrangements of Violin Concertos both for the clavier and for
the organ. Apparently Bach was encouraged to do this work by studying
similar arrangements which his friend and relative, the organist J. Georg
Walther, made at about that time in Weimar. Bach transcribed for the organ
one concerto and a separate movement {P. VIII/2, 44; 592, 595) BWV
written by the talented Prince Johann Ernst of Weimar, himself a faithful
disciple of the Italians, as well as three concerti by Vivaldi (P. VIII/10, 22;
the third arrangement is usually printed under the name of Friedemann
Bach; BWV 593, 594, 596). 1
As a rule Sebastian adheres faithfully to the

1
Friedemann wrote on the title-page of Sebastian's autograph: 'di W. F. Bach, manu
mei patris descript.' (by W. F. Bach, copied by my father). The actual facts were clarified
by Max Schneider in BJ, 191 1.
—

j. Sebastian's organ works (1708-1717) 247

text of the original composition. He was strongly impressed by the

and fascinated by the results that could
natural grace of the Italian style
be achieved by using Vivaldi's Concerto form in a work for organ solo.
These transcriptions also confirmed his conviction that the violin idiom
could be employed to good advantage in keyboard compositions. At the
same time obvious that Bach had no intention of mechanically trans-
it is

works every note of his model. His new versions strengthen

ferring into his
the harmony and introduce —
particularly in the middle parts and bass
small rhythmical and contrapuntal details which lend significance to the
composition (Ex. 46). In the C major Concerto Bach went even further;

Vivaldi's

Original

The large notes represent VrtaWf 5 origins^ ihesmtflona 23cKs additions.

In tie first mtaiure Bac7i replaced the (_' Urge) eighth noitc e! TinUihy (emill) sixteenth, Tides.

he made considerable changes in the cadenzas of the first and third move-
ments, and replaced the middle movement by a kind of German toccata.
Another type of work following Italian models may be found in the
Allabreve (P. VIII/72, BWV
589) and particularly in the Caniona in d
(P. IV/58, BWV
588). These are works reflecting the influence of the
great Italian organ master Frescobaldi whose Fiori Musicali Bach copied
in 1714. Both the principle of thematic variation employed in the Caniona
and the quiet, dignified and solemn mood of the Allabreve are obviously
inspired by the Roman composer. The first movement of the well-known
Pastorale in F (P. 1/88, BWV
590) also belongs to the same category.
This piece (probably unfinished, since it begins in F and ends in a), with
its long pedal points, its gentle and lyric character, and the 12/8 Siciliano

rhythm, reflects the spirit that can be found in countless Italian musical
descriptions of the Nativity.
In both clavier and organ compositions of this period Bach occasion-
ally used Italian themes. A Fugue in c (P. IV/40, BWV 574) has the title

'Thema Legrenzianum elaboratum per J. S. Bach while his Fugue in . . .

'

b {P. IV/50, 579) BWV

makes use of a theme by Corelli. 1 Bach's com-
1
The source of the theme by Legrenzi (1626- 1690) has not yet been found; the
Corelli arrangement is based on the second movement of the composer's op. III/4.
248 THE BACH FAMILY
position is almost three times as long as Corelli's and employs four parts
instead of the three in his model. Nevertheless it is easily understandable
that the simple and plastic theme of the Roman master {Ex. 47) fascinated

the young composer. Preoccupation with such music helped Bach to

develop the expressive architecture of his later fugue themes.
As to works which are neither transcriptions nor based on a specific

model, the first results of Bach's study of Italian music may be detected in
a number of compositions which contain Southern and Northern elements
in rather primitive juxtaposition.The Toccata and Fugue in C (P. III/72,
BWV 564) belongs to this group as it combines the style of the German
toccata with that of the Italian concerto. The middle movement, which
follows the bravura passages of the toccata, contains one of the sweetest
and most poignant cantilenas Bach ever wrote. In this piece the master
obviously had in mind a long-drawn-out violin solo of the kind to be
found as second movement in a concerto.
A number of preludes and toccatas written during the later part of the
Weimar period reveal the process of simplification resulting from Bach's
study of Italian models. The Dorian Toccata)- (P. III/30, BWV 538), for
instance, no longer shows the abundant contrasts of the North German
type. The whole powerful piece grows out of a simple motive which is
stated in the first half-measure, and elements of which may be found in
almost every one of its measures. The well-planned modulations and Bach's
art of melodic evolution protect the work from any danger of monotony.
Like the preludes, the fugues of this phase are less brilliant but more
more and more the running motion of the North
solidly built, discarding
German toccata fugue. Bach likes to augment the variety in these fugues
by introducing into the middle sections new ideas to which he attaches
varying degrees of importance. The energetic Fugue in c (P. Ill/ 5 5, BWV
537), for instance, brings into its development section a chromatically
ascending counter-melody which for a time even displaces the main sub-
ject, and only in the final climax does it give way to the original theme.
Similar ternary constructions were used by the mature Bach in the re-
2
modelling of many of the Weimar works.
1
The designation is due to the fact that this composition in d has, according to the
Dorian church mode, no flat in its signature.
2
Owing to Bach's tendency to rearrange his Weimar works, the autographs, generally
supposed to reflect a composer's intentions in their purest form, have at times to be
j. Sebastian's organ works (1708-1717) 249

Probably the best known of the organ works of the second period is

the Passacaglia in c (P. I/76, BWV 582). 1

Bach found the first half of
the theme for this work by the French organ
in the Trio en Passacaille
master, Andre Raison (1650-1720), and the formal model in similar works
by Buxtehude. The idea of using mathematical patterns as a basis for
musical construction was also familiar to the Baroque period. In spite of
such easily traceable relationships, Bach's work is unique. Its theme, com-
prising eight measures instead of the traditional four, shows a dignity,
strength, and intensity which make it well suited for further treatment.
The twenty variations of the set are divided into two groups of ten. Each
of these shows in its turn a clear separation into subgroups of five. Even
within those subgroups a further organization may be observed. As a rule
the two of the five variations are rhythmically connected, forming a
first

pair, and the same is true of the last two, while the third variation stands

alone. Only the fourth subgroup (var. 16-20) presents a slightly different
aspect. It appears like a condensed recapitulation of the first ten varia-
tions, 2 with the result that the passacaglia as a whole displays the same
tripartite construction that can be found within each subgroup. With the
majestic ending of No. 20, Bach exhausted all possibilities of the variation
form, but instead of concluding, he decided to carry on in a different
manner. In the fugue following the passacaglia he employed only the first

four measures of the theme, but he adorned Raison's melody with a

counterpoint that remains all through the fugue as the subject's faithful
companion. As always, Bach drew the strongest possible inspiration from
the apparently barren soil of self-imposed restrictions and limitations.
What mind might have developed into a sterile
in the hands of a smaller
mathematical tour de force, was transformed by him into an immortal
creation; the technical mastery is as nothing compared to the power and
magnificence of Bach's inspiration.
In the field of the organ chorale, Bach's main work of the second
period was the so-called Orgelbiichlein (Little organ book; P. V, BWV
599-644). It seems that he was engaged on this extensive composition
subordinated to a source of less importance, such as a copy made by someone else. In the
case of Bach the version that counts most is the one which, according to our knowledge of
the master's style, represents the composer's intentions in their most mature form.
1
The common conception that this work was originally written for a clavier
equipped with pedal can no longer be upheld. Cf. Kinsky, 'Pedalklavier oder Orgel bei
Bach,' Acta Musicologica, 1936.
2
No. 16, in its partly harmonic character, is reminiscent of No. 1, while 18 is
rhythmically related to 4; the contrasting No. 17 helps to reproduce the three-sectional
organization of the first subgroup. Nos. 19, 20 are rhythmically related to the variations
of the second subgroup.
250 THE BACH FAMILY
during the last years he spent in Weimar, penning it in two versions that
differ in parts; but he did not complete it after he had moved to Cothen. 1
Bach had originally planned this work on a very large scale. It was to
comprise 164 chorales, the names of which the composer wrote at the
top of the empty pages, arranging them in the order in which they were
to be employed during the However, more than two
liturgical year.
thirds of the sheets remained unused, since Bach discontinued his work
after completing 46 arrangements (4 for Advent, 13 for Christmas and

New Year, 13 for Holy Week and Easter, and 16 for other events of the
church year).
According to the autograph title-page the Orgelbiichlein was designed
for the 'incipient organist,' who should learn how 'to develop a chorale
in sundry ways and at the same time perfect himself in the use of the
pedal which is treated here as an obbligato. To the glory of God in the
heights, to the instruction of the fellow-man.' At about that time Bach
had several gifted pupils, and he was becoming more and more interested
in the problem of how to pass on his craft to others. The Orgelbiichlein is
the earliest in a long row of important educational compositions.
This work is typical of Bach's period of transition. The chorales are
presented in a simple and concise way; introductions or interludes are
dispensed with; and, as a rule, the soprano offers an unadorned version
of the chorale melody, which is supported by the three lower voices with

consummate contrapuntal mastery. The same rhythmical pattern is main-

tained throughout each arrangement; thus Bach obtains a form resembling
an individual variation in a chorale partita. This leaning towards the
chorale variation is, as we saw, a feature of Bach's early organ works.
Another youthful characteristic is the subjectivism in the interpretation
of the chorale melodies. Bach often expresses in the three lower parts a
fervour and intensity of feeling, of which only the young are capable. On
the other hand, the extreme economy of the musical language, so widely
different from the inexperienced organist's volubility that perplexed his
Arnstadt congregation, and the superb craftsmanship displayed in the
strictly polyphonic treatment of the lower voices, show the composer to
be close to his period of maturity. With supreme craftsmanship he succeeds
within the extremely limited space available, both in presenting the chorale
melody and in interpreting the emotional content inherent in the text.
Johann Gotthelf Ziegler, who studied with Bach in Weimar, has re-
1
Rust's theory (BG, XXV/2), recently upheld by Gurlitt and Bukofzer, that the
Orgelbiichlein was mainly a product of the Cothen period, does not seem convincing to the
present writer.
)

j. Sebastian's organ works (1708-1717) 251

corded a very significant piece of advice given by his master on the per-
formance of chorales: the pupil should not merely concentrate on the
melody, but should also express the 'affections' (the emotional content)
of the text. The Orgelbiichlein clearly illustrates what Bach had in mind.
In Lamm Gottes ('0 Lamb of God') the succession of 'sighs' (descend-
ing appoggiaturas) in the accompanying parts, and the wailing chromatic
progressions in Das alte Jahr vergangen ist ('The old year is past') both
create an atmosphere of poignant sadness, while the running triplets in
1
In dulci jubilo and the skipping rhythm in Mit Fried' una Freud? ichfahr'
dahin ('In peace and joy I go my way') express happy confidence. Perhaps
the most deeply stirring of these chorales is Mensch, bewein dein
Siinde gross ('0 man, thy grievous sin bemoan') in which Bach, near the
end, inspired by the final words of the text 'In sacrifice miraculous He
shed His precious blood for us, upon the cross suspended,' unfolds both
the drama of Golgotha and its message of redemption. Particularly
striking is a chorale in which at first sight Bach seems to have misinter-

preted the text. In Alle Menschen milssen sterben ('Every mortal must
perish') the dance-like rhythm of the bass produces a serene atmosphere
only to be explained by the vision of eternal life evoked near the end of
the text: 'There the faithful souls will see God's transcendent majesty.'
Following a general trend of his time, Bach sometimes evolves motives
out of pictorial references in the text. In Durch Adam's Fall ('Old Adam's
fall'), the interval of a descending diminished seventh in the bass describes
the sinful fall, while an undulating alto voice symbolizes the snake in
paradise (Ex. 48). Nine of the finest arrangements are treated canonically,

( JTenorvoice omiHed

among them five at the intervalof an octave and four at that of a fifth.
There is a certain symbolism in this technique, most clearly apparent in
In dulci jubilo, where the canon is inspired by the words 'Trahe me post te'
('Draw me after Thee') in the second verse. Similarly in the chorale Hilf,
Gott, dass mir's geling' ('Lord, help me to succeed') the imitation of Christ
is symbolized through a canon of the fifth. Dies sinddie heil'gen ^ehn Gebot'
('These are the holy ten Commandments') belongs to the few chorales in
the Orgelbiichlein in which the counterpoint to the hymn tune is not freely
252 THE BACH FAMILY
invented, but, following the earlier organ chorale tradition, is derived
from the melody of the cantus firmus. It is characteristic of the pleasure
Bach takes in numerical symbolization that the motive of the counter-
point appears exactly ten times in its original version. 1
In his subsequent chorale arrangements Bach no longer used the
method employed in the Orgelbiichlein. The subjective song-like treat-
ment of the sacred tune, which is presented in unaugmented notes in the
soprano, may later have seemed too intimate to him. Possibly this was
one of the reasons why he left the work unfinished. His way of giving a
uniform accompaniment to the simple melodies was to be taken up, how-
ever, in the romantic Lied of the following century.

Of the organ works of Bach's Third Creative Period only very few
were written in Cothen (1717-23). Possibly the best known product of
these years is the Fantasy and Fugue in g (P. 11/ 26, BWV 542) written
for the visit to Hamburg in 1720. In its whole conception the piece was
well suited to impress old Reinken, one of the chief adjudicators for the
position inwhich Bach was interested. The Fantasy is a chromatic toccata
somewhat reminiscent of the rhapsodic North German style. The fugue
has a long-drawn-out and gay theme closely related to an old Dutch folk-
song and at the same time to a piece by Reinken himself (Hortus Musicus,
Sonata V). In spite of its great dimensions the work is well organized and
clearly proportioned. In its happy and powerful character it voices the
feelings of the genius in his early manhood. Old Reinken may have
blinked when confronted with the cascades of pedal passages, or the
sequence of more than 30 chords in inversion, presented in a tornado of
sixteenth notes. Another composition which Bach may have written or
revised for his Hamburg visit is his five-part arrangement with double
pedal of An Wasserfliissen Babylons ('By the waters of Babylon'; P. VI/
1 2cz, BWV
65 3$). Its rich colouristic treatment and the brilliant double-
pedal technique show Bach as a follower of North German masters,
particularly Buxtehude.The same hymn tune was used by Bach for his
famous improvisation which impressed Reinken so deeply.
1
Schweitzer is mistaken when he points out 453) that the first section of the
(I.e.,

melody occurs 10 times in the pedal. Actually it appears there only 3 times. However,
this melody-fragment is used 10 times (on tonic, subdominant, and dominant) in the 3
lower voices accompanying the chorale melody. In each repetition the intervals of the
first statement are carefully preserved. Only the very last statement in the pedal bass is

slighdy changed so as to produce the final cadence.

j. Sebastian's organ works (1717-1723) 253

A third product of this period is the Fugue in d (P. III/42, BWV ^(f)
based on the master's own fugue in g for solo violin. 1 Although the style
of the model is completely idiomatic and displays the deepest insight into
Bach preserved the bulk of the original com-
the possibilities of the violin,
making only such additions as were necessary to transform the
position,
work into an organ fugue. To this end, the harmonic and polyphonic
texture is intensified {Ex. 49), there are new entrances of the theme, a bass
JTx. 1*9

hand
Tedal
Tht 7±rgc notes in the upper line art Also to ot found iniht violinveraion (thtrt iJigyorc <% four ihhifor,
The. smtfl neUa in the 7ovtr line are Additions of the organ-arrangement.

part is supplemented, and mock imitations of the original are replaced by

real imitations. The result is a piece written almost as well for the organ
as the model was for the violin.
These few works conceived in Cothen already give a good idea of
the artistic goal that Bach was to pursue in the great organ works written
(or finished) in Leipzig. He aimed at cohesion and unification within each
work, even though its dimensions were increased; he strove for greater
technical proficiency, particularly in the use of polyphonic devices; and
he tried to enrich the organ's idiom by the introduction of elements from
other fields of music. Each of these features can occasionally be found in
Bach's earlier works. What is new, however, is the intensity and the pro-
digious success with which the composer applied them in his Leipzig years.
Such tendencies are clearly revealed in the Toccata in F (P. Ill/ 16,
BWV 540) which precedes an earlier fugue in the same key. In this com-
position the fantastic and improvisatory character of former toccatas is
completely discarded. There is an introductory section over an organ
point followed by a long-drawn-out pedal solo; the whole section is then
restated, and transposed to the dominant, thus bringing the exposition
to an end. The following section, a sort of development, clearly consists
of four corresponding subdivisions. A third part, resembling a restate-
ment of the first section, leads to another pedal point supporting a figura-
tion in which the ascending motive of the beginning is inverted. In spite
—
of its gigantic dimensions the piece has more than 400 measures the dis- —
position of the material is unusually lucid. The work is a miracle of logical
and well-balanced construction.
1
The fugue also exists in a version for lute (BJVV iooo).
254 THE BACH FAMILY
How important it was at that time for Bach to round off his musical
forms can be shown by the Prelude in C (P. 11/ 2, BWV 545) which also
exists in an earlier version. In the final arrangement Bach added a little

introduction of 3 measures which he repeated at the end of the work,

thus producing a ternary form.
Three-part construction be found in the fugues of the
is also to
Leipzig period, and this to an even greater extent by far than in the
Weimar works. One of the best known compositions of the Thomas
Cantor is the Fugue in e {P. 11/ 64, BWV
548), named in the English-
speaking countries 'the wedge,' since its theme, containing one ascending
and one descending line, gradually widens from the interval of a third to
an octave. This composition, conceived on a very large scale, exhibits in
the middle a free toccata section of more than 100 measures, after which
the first part is restated without modification.
The influence of other forms is often noticeable in the Leipzig organ
works. In the stirring Prelude in b (P. II/78, BWV 544) the melodic lead
is given to the upper part, while middle voices and bass all participate in
the imitations. This prelude shows melodic features of an aria in which
elements of the main tune are taken up in a fugue-like manner by the
lower parts. The introduction of foreign elements into organ music is

particularly obvious in the 6 Sonatas or Trios (P. I, BWV 525-30) which

Bach wrote 1727 (or possibly after 1723) mainly for the instruction
after
of his son Friedemann. It is not quite certain whether he had the organ
or a pedal clavier with 2 manuals primarily in mind for these compositions,
since the title 'for two claviers and pedal' is ambiguous. These sonatas
undoubtedly make excellent exercises for developing the complete in-
dependence of the organist's hands and feet. At the same time the lack
of a truly idiomatic organ style can hardly be overlooked. The thematic
elaboration is that of the trio sonata for one or two solo instruments with
basso continuo; the three parts of the trio sonata are never augmented or
reduced, and the model of the concerto plays a large part in the formal
construction. Bach himself used the adagio of the third sonata as a slow
movement for his Concerto in a for flute, violin, and harpsichord, and the
movement of the fourth
first sonata can be found scored for oboe
d'amore, viola da gamba, and continuo in his Cantata No. 76. In either
case the composer employed two melody instruments and continuo for
the interpretation of his ideas. More recently, the trios have been edited by
R. Todt in a version for violin, viola, and clavier, 1 and it is debatable
1
Naumann and David arranged them for violin and piano, thus imitating Bach's
procedure in his trios for violin and clavier or viola da gamba and clavier.
j. Sebastian's organ works (1723-1740) 255

whether such arrangements are not better suited to revealing the intricate
beauties of these superb works than Bach's own setting for the organ.
Bach's earliest organ work to appear in print was published in 1739
under the title 'Third part of the Clavier Ubung (keyboard exercise),
consisting of sundry preludes on the catechism and other hymns for the
organ written for the enjoyment of amateurs and in particular for the
connoisseurs of such work.' The collection begins with a Prelude in E
flat (P. Ill/ 2; BWV 552)
which is obviously connected with the so-
called St. Anne or Trinity Fugue printed in the same volume as its last
number. Although twenty-one organ chorales separate the two move-
ments, they are linked together by the symbolic emphasis on the number
three, employed as a reference to the Holy Trinity. Both the prelude and
the fugue require three flats, and each consists of three main sections and
uses three themes. 1 In between the two powerful tuttis of the beginning
and the end, the prelude introduces two different subjects which are
presented alternately with the main idea. In the fugue, one of the most
dazzling works of the kind Bach ever wrote, thematic variation plays a
big role. Each of the three sections in this movement has a subject of its
own, but the second and third sections employ in addition a rhythmic
alteration of the first theme in contrapuntal combination with their own
ideas. Perhaps the clearest expression of the symbolic meaning in the

'Trinity fugue' can be found in the three versions of the same main theme
used here.
The collection of chorale preludes contained in the Clavier Ubung
(P. Ill, V-VTI; BWV 669-89) supplements, in a way, the earlier one of
the Orgelhilchlein. Whereas the Weimar preludes deal only with chorales
Ubung contains
for the different holy days of the church year, the Clavier
arrangements of German hymns corresponding to sections of the Ordi-
narium Missae. The hymns are presented in an order similar to that of the
Lutheran catechism, and as Luther compiled two versions of the cate-
chism for adults and children respectively, so Bach wrote every chorale
in a more elaborate form for 'connoisseurs' and in a simplified version
without pedal for 'amateurs.' There are preludes on the German Kyrie,
Gloria, Credo, and Pater noster, followed by the hymns for Baptism, the
Confession of Sins, and Communion. In most of the smaller and simpler
arrangements without pedal, Bach's starting point is the traditional form
of a fughetta, based on the beginning of the chorale melody in its original

1
Although Forkel, Griepenkerl, Spitta and others sensed a relation between the two
movements, the similarity in construction is often overlooked. Grace (/.c, p. 226) even
flatly denies 'any alliance in spirit or form.'
256 THE BACH FAMILY
or in an ornamented form. Several organ preludes are also built on the
complete hymn tune used as a cantus firmus and accompanied by counter-
melodies. These long-established patterns are employed, however, in a
manner clearly revealing Bach's full maturity.There is a significance in
these preludes, a conception on a large scale, an art of welding the different
sections into a homogeneous unity, and a supreme mastery of the contra-
puntal style, that marks them as products of his third period. Again the
composer is constantly attempting to incorporate seemingly unrelated
stylistic elements into the body of his organ music, thus creating new
artistic conceptions. The ornamentation of the tune in the fughetta Wir
glauben alV ('We believe all'; P. VII/81, BWV 681), for instance, gives
it the character of a French overture. The most significant among the
cantus firmus arrangements for the manual only is Allein Gott in der Hon"
('To God on high alone'; P. VI/10, BWV 675), in which a kind of two-
part invention surrounds the chorale melody (Ex. 5o).Inthegreatarrange-
X*5o

mm J. JlJ^Jfl £1
m r^rn~i
£ £=£ I ffffitr i^jj
ment with pedal of Vater unser im Himmelreich ('Our Father in Heaven';
P. VII/52, BWV 682), the hymn tune is introduced as a canon between
soprano and alto. A complete trio sonata, with its typical bass and imita-
tions between the upper parts, is added to this strict form, thus producing
a five-part composition. The work presents almost insurmountable diffi-
culties to the organist who attempts to keep the two basic elements of the
piece distinctly audible, since he has to play one part of the trio sonata as
well as one part of the cantus firmus with each hand. At the same time it

makes the widest possible use of all the colouristic resources of the instru-
ment. In the version with pedal of Dies sinddie heiVgen iehn Gebot' ('These
are the holy ten Commandments'; P. VI/50, BWV
678) Bach simplifies

the technical problem by entrusting to the organist's right hand the upper
parts of the trio sonata and to his left the strict canon of the cantus firmus
voices. The symbolic exegesis in this prelude is not confined to the sub-
division of the trio sonata into ten sections; the prelude has a definite
two-part form by way of reference to the two tablets on which the
commandments were inscribed. Moreover, the use of the canon form in
this as well as in the preceding prelude may be intended to symbolize the
observation of God's law. The highly intricate six-part arrangement of
j. Sebastian's organ works (1740-1750) 257

Aus defer Not ('In my despair'; P. VI/36, BJVV 6%6) is inspired by the
models of Scheidt and of early North German composers. The style of
the work is strictly polyphonic, introducing different types of diminution
and strettos; at the same time the gradual increase in rhythmic motion
gives the prelude a magnificently urgent character. The rigid contra-
puntal laws supply, as they so often did, the best foundation for Bach to
express intense emotion. 1

The organ works of Bach's Last Period are particularly characteristic

of the old master's state of mind. More and more his thoughts dwelt on
bygone eras and on the future, while the links with his own time became
loosened. The
Eighteen Chorales of various types to be performed on an
organ with two manuals and pedal were written down between 1747 and
1750. The composer probably meant to publish them, but was prevented
by death from doing so. The majority of these preludes are works of the
Weimar period which Bach revised in Leipzig, and only a few were con-
ceived during the last years of the composer's life. The 'Eighteen Chorales'
are characterized by a predilection for melodic ornamentation and the
absence of canonic forms. In contrast to the two earlier collections, no
liturgical plan can be detected in the selection of the chorales. Bach's inten-
tions seem been primarily of an educational and artistic character.
to have
Particularly striking is Jesus Christus unser Heiland ('Jesus Christ our
Saviour'; P. VI/87, BWV 665), where the various counterpoints to the
by the employment of the
individual lines of the chorale are fused together
same gently flowing Allemande rhythm. Schmiicke dich, o Hebe Seek
('Deck thyself, bright soul'; P. VII/50, BWV
654) uses, as a companion
to the cantus firmus, a poignant Sarabande melody developed from
the first two lines of the hymn tune. The 'state of bliss' expressed in
this chorale deeply moved such romantic artists as Mendelssohn and

Schumann.
In all these arrangements, the use of dance and variation forms points
1
Four duets {BWV 802-5) which appear near the end of the third part of the
Clavier Ubung have greatly puzzled research students. Owing to their invention-like
character and the absence of a pedal part, Spitta and Schweitzer considered them to be
clavier music which had been inserted by mistake, and in 1952 Ralph Kirkpatrick recorded
them as harpsichord pieces. It seems far more likely, however, that these are organ composi-
tions too. Neither the style of the music nor the absence of pedal parts furnishes conclusive
evidence that Bach erroneously included them into a collection of organ music. In support
of this, Klaus Ehricht recently proved (BJ, 1949-50) that there is a thematic relation
between the duets and some of the smaller chorale arrangements without pedal.
258 THE BACH FAMILY
to the artistic inspiration Bach received in his youth from the works of
Buxtehude and Bohm. This is equally true of the 'Canonic Variations on
the Christmas hymn Vom Himmelhoch da komm ich her (P. V/92, BWV
769) which were written on the occasion of Bach's joining the Mizler
Sozietat, and were printed around 1748. Here he once more adopts the
partita form, this time to display his superb skill in the solution of contra-
puntal problems. Throughout the work the polyphonic texture grows
more and more intricate. Bach begins with a canon at the octave, followed
by a canon at the fifth and the seventh. The fourth variation introduces a
canon of the augmentation, the fifth, and last, canons of the inversion,
successively at the intervals of the sixth, third, second and ninth. The
final stretto actually presents all four lines of the melody simultaneously.
In spite of this forbidding display of consummate learning, the canonic
variations are basically a piece of lyric music impregnated with the spirit
of Christmas. The same attitude can be found in Bach's very last com-
position, the short organ chorale Vor deinen Thron tret' ich hiemit ('Before
Thy throne I step, O Lord'; P. VII/74, BWV 668) to the tune Wenn wir
in hochsten Noten with the Art of the Fugue, soon
seyn, printed, together
after the master's death. Here Bach uses a succession of expositions, in
each case skilfully combining the melodies with their own inversions. He
had also dealt with this same chorale in a richly ornamented arrangement
in his Orgelbiichlein. Now, however, the artist, preparing himself to face
his Maker, does away with all unnecessary melismata and presents the un-
adorned melody, surrounded only by the products of his polyphonic
fantasy.
It is remarkable that the ageing Bach showed following generations
the way to write organ music on a purely homophonic basis too. Between
1747 and 1750 he had a collection of 6 chorales published by his pupil,
Georg Schiibler. The tendency of the mature composer to introduce
stylistic elements from other fields of music reached its peak in this

collection. With model of which may have been

a single exception (the
lost) all the organ chorales are from movements in
literally transcribed
1
Bach's cantatas. Polyphonic treatment is almost completely abandoned
here. The cantus firmus is escorted by broadly flowing melodies of a song-
like character which have but a loose melodic connection with the chorale

tune. In the famous Wachet auf, ruft wis die Stimme ('Wake ye maids,
hark, strikes the hour'; P. VII/72, BWV
645), Bach writes a heartfelt,
purely lyric and monodic tune (expressing the procession of the maidens
1
The 6 Schiibler Chorales are printed as P. VII/72, 84, 76, 33; VI/4; VII/16 {BWV
645-50). Their models are to be found in cantatas No. 140, ?, 93, 10, 6, 137.
j. Sebastian's clavier works 259

to meet the heavenly groom) that has little melodic relation to the tune
of Nicolai's hymn with which it is interwoven. The 'Schiibler Chorales'
were widely imitated by Bach's pupils and became models for organ
chorale composition in the second half of the century. Thus the old
composer not only brought the ancient craft of polyphony to a climax,

but at the same time heralded future developments of his art.

Ill

WORKS FOR THE CLAVIER SOLO

The term 'clavier' (from Latin clavis, a key) was used in Bach's time
to indicate any instrument with a keyboard. The first, second, and fourth
parts of Bach's Clavier Ubung (keyboard exercise) for instance, contain
works for stringed keyboard instruments, while the third part is for organ.

Similarly, works for the organ are often inscribed as compositions for
'two claviers and a pedal.'
However, the employment of the term in this wider sense was not
very common. As a rule, 'clavier' denotes one of three main types of
stringed keyboard instruments known to musicians in the Baroque
period:

(1) a harpsichord (Italian, cembalo; French, clavecin) furnished with

one or two manuals, different register stops and several sets of strings,
plucked by pieces of quill or leather;
(2) a spinet or virginal, with a single manual, no register stops and
one set of strings, plucked by pieces of quill or leather;
(3) a clavichord, with a
single manual, no register stops, and only one

set of strings, struck by thin metal tangents.

The pianoforte, although in existence before the middle of the century
and known to Bach, was probably used only in his 'Musical Offering.'
In a few isolated cases such as the 'Goldberg Variations' or the
'Italian Concerto,' Bach expressed a wish that a harpsichord should be
used. But as a rule he did not indicate any preference, and only from an
analysis of each particular composition can it be conjectured whether the
harpsichord, with its crisp tone and its capacity for undergoing sudden
changes in colour and strength, the spinet, with yet unbending
its brilliant,

sound, or the clavichord, with its more flexible, though extremely soft
tone, is best suited. Pieces without rests, for example, would not allow
a harpsichord player tochange his register stops, which in Bach's time
were always operated by hand. On the other hand, the need for dynamic
260 THE BACH FAMILY
changes, particularly in compositions in concerto form, with its contrasts
between solo and tutti, could be only on
this instrument; while
satisfied

melodic lines of a singing character would be best interpreted on a clavi-

chord.
In the second half of the 18th century the meaning of 'clavier' was
gradually narrowed down to clavichord. This accounts for the faulty
translation of Das wohltemperierte Clavier widely used in the English-
speaking countries. The English title of 'Well-Tempered Clavichord'
would imply that Bach had only a single instrument in mind for his work,
whereas the composer did not in fact indicate any such preference.1
In the absence of more specific evidence it must be assumed that during
Bach's lifetime the term 'clavier' could mean any stringed keyboard
instrument, and it is in this general sense that the expression will be used
in the present chapter.
The majority of Bach's works for the clavier were products of his
period of maturity. Bach himself must have thought highly of them, since
among the few compositions he had printed, clavier
works took up the
greatest space. To was primarily
the generations that followed him, he
a master of clavier composition, while the great vocal works and the
chamber and orchestral music were only rediscovered during the 19th
century.
The clavier works from Bach's First Period of Composition were pri-
marily dependent on models provided by masters from Central and
Southern Germany. North German influences, which were of such
importance for Bach as an organ composer, are far less in evidence here.
A Fugue in e {BWV
945), obviously one of the composer's earliest
works, attempts to imitate Pachelbel. It is an awkward composition,
completely lacking in modulations, and written against the clavier rather
than for it. A Sonata in D {BWV 963) is still under the influence of the
great Johann Kuhnau, who was the first to write sonatas in several move-
ments for the clavier. The last movement has the heading Thema all'
Imitatio Gallina Cucca. Translated from the faulty wording of the old
manuscript 2 the title reads: 'Theme imitating hen and cuckoo,' and these
two birds can in fact be heard merrily raising their voices all through the
movement {Ex. 51). The Austrian Poglietti's Henner- und Hannergeschrey
1
Forkel's statement that Bach liked best to play upon the clavichord need not be taken
literally. Forkel received much information from Emanuel Bach, the foremost exponent
of clavichord playing. It is not impossible that theHamburg composer attributed to his
father an attitude which was basically hisown. Equally unconvincing is the attempt of
Hans Brandts-Buys to prove that the Well-Tempered Clavier was written for the organ.
2
The composer probably meant: Tema alVimita\ione della gallina e del cuculo.
j. Sebastian's clavier works (before 1708) 261

(cries of hens and roosters) and the notes of the cuckoo in works by the
Bavarian Kerll may have acted as godfathers to this gay composition.

Also pointing to South German sources is the name Capriccio which

Bach gave to a kind of toccata-fugue in E (BWV y^) with the interesting
inscription: In honorem Joh. Christoph Bachii, Ohrdruf. While the work
dedicated to Sebastian's eldest brother and teacher is rather insignificant,
inspiration flowed much more freely when the young composer wrote a
clavier piece for another member of the family. It is the humorous
Capriccio sopra la lontanan^a del suo fratello dilettissimo ('Capriccio on the
departure of his most beloved brother'; BWVyyz) written in 1704, when
Johann Jakob Bach decided to join the army of Charles XII, King of
Sweden. This delightful work is a jocose interpretation of devices intro-
duced four years before by Kuhnau in his 'Biblical Sonatas.' The technique
which the earlier master had applied to the description of incidents from
the Old Testament was employed by young Sebastian to depict some
tender and amusing domestic scenes. Each of the six movements has a
'programmatic' heading, partly in German, partly in Italian: '(1) Arioso.
Adagio, represents the coaxing of the friends to prevent his journey. (2)
[Andante], outlines various accidents that may happen to him in foreign
lands. (3) Adagissimo, is a general lament of friends. (4) Here the friends,
seeing that cannot be otherwise, come to take leave. (5) Aria of the
it

postilion. Adagio poco. (6) Fugue, imitating the sound of the posthorn.'
The most variegated devices are used to convey the different emotions.
The 'coaxing' of the friends is described with the help of a wide array of
cajoling French ornaments. For the description of the dangers that might
befall the traveller in foreign lands, modulations into distant keys are
selected. The 'general lament' introduces the chromatically descending
bass figure which for Baroque composers is the typical vehicle for the
expression of supreme grief. (Purcell uses it in the death song of Dido,
and Bach himself does likewise in the Crucifixus of the B minor Mass.)
Here the composer temporarily relinquishes the clavier style proper; the
'lament' appears like a solo for a melody instrument and figured bass, to
which the performer has to add filling parts not contained in the manu-
262 THE BACH FAMILY
The 'Aria of the postilion' uses the gay octave jump which was
script.

produced by the tiny posthorns of the 18th century. This simple motive
and a second more elaborate horn-call return in the double fugue of the
finale with the beginning {Ex. 52). In its lively mood, its effortless flow

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Sf".
of ideas and clever utilization of sound effects characteristic of the clavier,
this is one of the most attractive compositions of the young Bach. The
charming spirit of light merriment present in the whole 'Capriccio' was
but rarely recaptured in Bach's later clavier works.

In Bach's Second Period we notice a more systematic application to

the solution of specific clavieristic problems. The arranging of violin
concertos now became the focal point of his efforts both for the organ
and the clavier. The acquaintance with such works, in particular those
of young Vivaldi, proved an experience that was to shape decisively
his whole creative output (cf. p. 246).
The exact number of Bach's arrangements of Vivaldi's violin con-
certos is not yet known. The 42nd volume of the Bach Gesellschaft, issued
in 1894, contains '16 concertos after Vivaldi' {BWV 972-87). It has
been proved, primarily by Arnold Schering, that of these works three
(Nos. 11, 13, 1 and 16) were based on concertos by Duke Johann Ernst of
Weimar, one (No. 14) on a violin concerto by Telemann, and one (No. 3)
on the oboe concerto byMarcello. 2 Of the remainder, six (Nos. 1, 2,4, 5,7,
9) have been ascertained to be works by Vivaldi. The sources for the other
concertos have not yet been found, but it seems likely that there are some
more compositions by Vivaldi, Marcello and Telemann among them. 3
Bach did not mechanically transfer the string parts to the keyboard
instrument. Wherever it seemed necessary, he gave greater flexibility to
the bass line, filled the middle parts, enriched the polyphonic texture, and

1
The first movement of the Concerto No. 13 was also arranged by Bach for the organ.
2
This concerto, too, is occasionally attributed to Vivaldi.
3
Cf. Szabolcsi Bence, 'Europai virradat,' Budapest, 1949.
j. Sebastian's clavier works (1708-1717) 263

ornamented the melodic lines, in order to adapt the sustained tone of

strings to the transient sound of the clavier (Ex. 53). These arrangements

T?vaJ di} Concerto op-1, IE Largo c&niabilet

WoWncI j

I I I Idd ^^
3acft '« arrangement for clarier

4>—TN^

were primarily made by Bach for his own artistic development. They
satisfied his zest for experimenting, but they also served the purpose of
supplying good clavier music for his own performances. 1
Bach's own compositions reveal the strong interest which he took
during his Weimar years in music of the Apennine peninsula. One result
of his preoccupation with that country's string music is the Aria variata
alia maniera italiana (BWV 989). It appears like a duet between violin
and 'cello, and occasionally direct allusions to Bach's concerto arrange-
ments can be noticed. The variation technique, too, is of the Italian type,
ornamenting and transforming the melodic line of the tuneful air in a
rather superficial manner, contrary to that of Bach's later variations which
was much more intricate. 2 The magnificent Prelude and Fugue in a
(BWV 894) are constructed like the first movement and finale of a con-

certo.These two movements show such perfection that it becomes under-

standable why Bach at a later date reversed his ordinary procedure and

1
In addition, Bach made clavier adaptations of two sonatas and a fugue for two
violins, viola da gamba and bass taken from Johann Adams Reinken's 'Hortus Musicus'
(BWV 965-66), and of an organ fugue of the Freiberg organist J. C. Erselius (BWVy^).
In these cases he gave more to his sources than he received, since he transformed and
enriched the original compositions considerably.
2
In the same category belongs the so-called Toccata in G (BWV
916) in the form
of an Italian sinfonia. Its first movement sounds like one of Bach's clavier arrangements
of a Vivaldi concerto. It consists mainly of a tutti which is repeated several times in
various keys, with modulating solo episodes connecting the different entrances. The fugal
finalewhich follows after a slow middle section also displays the bright and cheerful mood
of a concerto. Four other Toccatas (BWV yiz-ij) are somewhat similar in character.
264 THE BACH FAMILY
orchestrated the clavier work, transforming it with consummate skill into
and strings
a real concerto for flute, violin, clavier 1044). At the (BWV
same time the composer added a middle movement which he borrowed
from the third of his organ sonatas. Two Fugues in and b ^o- A (BWV
951) based on trio sonatas for two violins, 'cello and keyboard instrument
by Tommaso Albinoni (1674- 174 5) would seem to belong to the master's
arrangements. Actually Bach changed so much and preserved so little that
it appears justifiable to consider them as independent works inspired by

Italian models. Bach was particularly impressed by the plastic themes of

the Italian composer, 1 but their elaboration could not satisfy him. As a
matter of fact, the fugue in b exists in two versions: one fairly close to the
Italian work, and another from a later period which is almost three times
as long; it exhausts the contrapuntal possibilities of the theme to an extent
of which composer had never been aware, and it imbues the
its original
fugue with an intensity of feeling quite different from the calm serenity of
Albinoni's music.
In certain clavier compositions written during the last Weimar years
(or possibly at Cothen) a complete sublimation of the Italian influence is

in evidence. These superbly proportioned pieces, beautifully worked out

in every detail, could not possibly have been written if Sebastian had not
gone through a period of the most intense study of Southern art; but there
is no direct reference to Italian sources and it almost seems as if Bach were

retracing his steps. In the Toccatas in f sharp and c (BWV 910-11) the
different sections no longer show the separation into four movements of
the Italian church sonata. They follow each other without interruption
and, to make the connection even closer, in the Toccata in f sharp Bach
evolves the subject of the end fugue out of the theme of the slow section
(Ex. 54). The composer returns here to the traditional one-piece toccata
Ex St-

Adagio

of Georg Muffat and the variation technique of Froberger, imbuing them

with his own striving towards unity and cohesion of parts. —A work that

in its rhapsodic spirit belongs to an earlier phase, although it probably

1
Compare the use of themes by Legrenzi and Corelli in Bach's organ works of the
period (p. 247).
j. Sebastian's clavier works (1717-1750) 265

received its final form in Cothen, is the Chromatic Fantasy and Fugue
{BWV 903). In spite of its emotional intensity the Fantasy has a logical
construction, being clearly divided into three sections. The fugue, with a
theme based on chromatic progressions, is mainly responsible for the
epithet given to the whole work. It starts in strict contrapuntal style but
gradually loosens up as the composition progresses. The majestic ending,
with its organ-point and the powerful harmonization of the theme, con-
firms the character of grandeur which prevails in this dramatic com-
position. One would like to think that it was with a work of this type
that Bach won his laurels when he regaled the spellbound Dresden
1
audience after Marchand had evaded the contest with his German rival.

The mature Bach was by inclination and vocation a teacher. Unlike

the majority of great composers, he considered instructing others not a
tedious chore but a stimulating experience. Keyboard instruments were
particularly well suited for teaching purposes, and Bach wrote a great
number of works that are primarily intended as technical studies, but
which developed under the hands of the master into creations of supreme
beauty as well as craftsmanship. They are by no means etudes written for
his personal pupils only, but collections devised on the largest possible
scale and intended for all students and music-lovers alike.
The title-page of the Orgelbilchlein (cf. p. 250) by its reference to the
'beginning organist' and the 'instruction of the fellow musician' clearly
reveals its pedagogical purpose. This purpose is just as obvious in a
document of a different nature started in 1720 for Sebastian's eldest son,
Friedemann, then 9^ years old. This Clavierbiichlein 2 ('Little clavier
book'), partly written by Bach and partly under his supervision, contains
a progressive manual, starting with an explanation of clefs and ornaments,
and leading the pupil from the simplest to the more advanced pieces. In an
Applicatio {BWV 994) at the beginning of the Clavierhuchlein^ a short
composition is completely fingered by the composer himself, showing
Sebastian's bold innovation in the use of the thumb (which had hitherto
hardly been employed on the clavier), but also his liking for the old-

1
The first notes of the fugue theme are, according to the German designation,
A-B-H-C. These letters make up name of the composer, although in a different order.
the
It is well known that Bach intended to use the letters of his name in the unfinished fugue
of his Art of the Fugue.
2
The original manuscript is the property of Yale University, New Haven, Conn.
i

266 THE BACH FAMILY

fashioned method of passing the third over the fourth finger {Ex. 55).
Other compositions likewise fingered by the master {BG, 36/126 and 224,
2x.5S 5
« s * s 5
i

rfr f r J ,

j a *
.J.J 3 »

— p«
'

"j,
1
*

I4 r 1
3

Is Vt-H
*
lr^
r r FT L
a -!-' f '

225) reveal a similar attitude. Bach systematically combined traditional

and new devices, relinquishing little that came to him from the past, but
lifting it nearer to perfection.

The Clavierbiichlein contains nine easy preludes {BWV 924-32),

which were not meant as introductions to fugues but as independent
musical vignettes, valuable both as preparatory studies and for the enjoy-
ment they provided for the young pupil. 1 Of greater importance are the

fifteen Praeambula and fourteen Fantasias in the manual, which we now

know as the 'Two-part Inventions' and the 'Sinfonie' (Three-part inven-
tions; BWV 772-801). Bach must have used these compositions a great
deal, since they also exist in two other autographs, the later of which

bears the following interesting inscription:

Honest guide, by which lovers of the clavier, and particularly those desirous of learning,
are shown a plainnot only to play neatly in two parts, but also, as they progress, to
way
treat three obbligato parts correctly and well, and at the same time to acquire good ideas
and properly to elaborate them, and most of all to learn a singing style of playing, and
simultaneously to obtain a strong foretaste of composition. Executed by Joh. Seb. Bach,
capellmeister of the Prince of Anhalt-Cothen, Anno Christi, 1723.

The title once more announces the educational purpose. These works
are meant as studies for the performer and for the budding composer as
well. The reference to the singing style of playing seems to indicate that
for the execution of these studies Bach intended the clavichord to be
used, on which modulations of the tone-quality are possible. The manu-
script begins with a revised version of the Praeambula (now called inven-
tions) and presents them in order of ascending keys C, c, D, d, E flat, E, e, —
F, f, G, g, A, a, B flat, b —
omitting only the less common ones. Next follow
the Fantasias in their definite form. There are now fifteen of them in the
same keys and presented in the same order as the inventions. Their new
name is Sinfonie. It is easy to trace the models which Bach followed in
1
A collection of Bach's 6 preludes of a similar nature is inscribed in an old manu-
script A I'usage des commenpants.
j. Sebastian's clavier works (1717-1750) 267

writing these compositions.The two-part inventions are fashioned after

preludes by Johann Kuhnau and J. Kaspar Ferdinand Fischer. Bach
found the unusual name in Bonporti's Inven^ioni for violin and bass,
compositions which interested him so much that he copied four of them
(BWV^ Anh. 173-76). The Sinfonie (now usually referred to as three-
part inventions) are based on Kuhnau' s attempt to transplant the Italian

trio sonata to the clavier, but what Bach creates out of these elements is

nevertheless entirely new. No other composer had ever considered im-

buing clavier compositions of such small dimensions with a content of
similar significance. There are studies in independent part writing using
all the devices of fugue and canon, double and triple counterpoint, but
without strict adherence to any of them. Bach offers fantasias in the realm
of polyphony, freely blending all known techniques, and creating forms
which are held together by the logic, and the iron consistency, of his
musical thought. An analysis of the very first of the two-part inventions
for instance shows that the simple initial idea {Ex. 56a) together with its

inversion {Ex. 56^) dominate the whole composition. Apart from the

Sx.SSd.

cadences, there is not one measure that does not contain either or both of
them. The invention is divided into five sections (b. 1-6, 7-10, 11-14, 15-
18, 19-22) which are of approximately the same length, and there is a
marked relationship between the first and last section, as well as between
the second and fourth.
Similar instances of perfect musical architecture may be found in
many of these 30 microcosms. As always in Bach's work, technical perfec-
tion is combined with the strongest emotional intensity. In the three-part
invention in f, for instance, the intricate polyphonic interpretation of the
three subjects and the magnificent formal construction are employed in an
atmosphere of sinister pathos, the dramatic power of which Bach himself
has hardly ever surpassed. Like some of the short clavier compositions of
the Romantic period, the two- and three-part inventions could be
presented in groups. The second autograph of the work shows each two-
part invention followed by a three-part invention in the same key. There
is between the members of the resulting pairs
a definite inner relation
(particularly obvious in the two- and three-part inventions in C, E, and A
respectively); yet the performance of the work in the order of the last
autograph is equally successful.
268 THE BACH FAMILY
Eleven preludes from the Clavierbiichlein written for Friedemann Bach
were used in revised and enlarged form for a third and particularly signi-
ficant composition. This work, finished in 1722, has the title:

The Well-Tempered Clavier, or preludes and fugues in all the tones and semitones,
both with the major third or 'Ut, Re, Mi' and with the minor third or 'Re, Mi, Fa.' For
the use and profit of young musicians who are anxious to learn, as well as for the amuse-
ment of those who are already expert in the art.

The 24 preludes and fugues of the Well-Tempered Clavier {BWV 846-

and minor key, were so successful that in Leipzig
869), one for each major
Bach compiled a second collection of 'Twenty-four New Preludes and
Fugues' 1 {BWV
870-93) which was completed between 1740 and 1744.
These forty-eight pairs have since become the basic material of the litera-

ture for keyboard instruments, and it is on them that Bach's fame as the
greatest master of fugue composition largely rests.

The unusual name that he chose for the first collection was inspired by
a most important innovation made at the end of the 17th century. Andreas
Werckmeister, a German organist, published in 1691 a treatise entitled

'Musical Temperament or . mathematical instruction how to produce

. .

... a well-tempered intonation on the clavier.' In this work the author

demands the use of 'equal temperament' for all keyboard instruments.
The 'pure' or mathematical intonation which was the basis of the older
systems had the disadvantage that it contained half-tones of different sizes.
The possibilities of modulation were therefore very limited, and keys
with many sharps or flats could not be used. In Werckmeister's 'equal
temperament,' on the other hand, the octave was artificially divided into
twelve half-tones which were exactly alike. Each of them could therefore
take the place of the tonic and there was no limitation to the use of modu-
lations. German musicians were quick to explore the potentialities of the

new system. J. P. Treiber published, in 1702 and 1704, two compositions

which, according to his claim, employ 'all the keys and chords.' Of great
importance for Bach's work was Fischer's Ariadne Musica per . . . XX
Praeludia, totidem Fugas (1710?) in which the composer, with the aid of
the 'Ariadne thread' of modulation, leads his hearers through the laby-
rinth of the keys. In 1719 Mattheson presented in his Organistenprobe '24
easy and as many somewhat more difficult examples in all the keys,' and
in 1722, the year of the Well-Tempered Clavier, Friedrich Suppig, an

1
This title is quoted by Marpurg. The autograph in the British Museum does not
have a tide. Its designation as second part of the Well-Tempered Clavier apparendy
originated after the composer's death.
j. Sebastian's clavier works (1717-1750) 269

organist in Dresden, wrote Labyrinthus Musicus, a 'fantasy through all

the keys, 12 major and 12 minor.' 1

Sebastian's work in this field is not only greater than that of any of
his predecessors, but it explores all the possibilities of the 'well-tempered'
system with a thoroughness that none of the other composers had
attempted. Bach realized that in 'equal temperament' lay the seeds of a
revolution in the traditional clavier fugue. It was no longer necessary
permanently to introduce new subjects or counter-subjects, or to employ
variations of the fugal theme. These earlier features, which tended to give
the fugue a certain patchwork character, could be dispensed with if modu-
lation were systematically employed. Loosely built fugues with a certain
amount of modulation had often been used in both chamber and orchestral
music. In Bach's work they and take on the
are transferred to the clavier,
greater solidity of texture peculiar to keyboard music. Entries of the main
theme solidly establish each key, while the connecting episodes provide
the necessary modulations. Since the material of the episodes is derived
from the main theme or the counterpoint which escorts it, the uniformity
of the musical substance is complete within each fugue. As a rule full
cadences or general rests are avoided; the different sections are carefully
interlinked in order to increase the feeling of absolute oneness which the
hearer receives from these works.
The prevailing tendency towards unification by no means prevents
the existence of tremendous differences between the individual composi-
tions. Notwo preludes or fugues resemble each other in mood; each of
them represents a particular frame of mind. There is a similar variety in
the formal construction and the technical devices used in this work. We
find fugues not only with three and four voices, but also with two and five.
Next to fugues of the highest polyphonic intricacy, like No. 8, the Well-
Tempered Clavier contains fugues as loosely constructed as No. 10, the
two parts of which are carried on for several measures in simple parallel
octaves. Old-fashioned fugues of Froberger's ricercar type (No. 4) alter-
nate with highly progressive fugues introducing chromatic and modu-
lating themes (Nos. 12 and 24). And, of course, all kinds of transitional
forms can be detected between such extremes. Even greater contrasts can
be found in the different types of preludes. There are preludes imitating
lute improvisations (No. 1), those of the etude type (No. 5), some
resembling two-part and three-part inventions (Nos. 11 and 19) and

1
Bernhard Christian Weber's Well-Tempered Clavier with the forged date 1689
was not a model for Bach's work, but merely a later imitation of it, probably written
around 1750,
1

270 THE BACH FAMILY

preludes imitating the slow movement of a church sonata (Nos. 8 and 22).
Bach's tendency to enrich his compositions through the transfer of forms
originating in other types of music is particularly noticeable here. The
relationbetween preludes and fugues also shows a great amount of variety.
In general the first volume of the Well-Tempered Clavier displays a
firm coherence between the two members of each group, and the preludes
effectively prepare for the following more strictly polyphonic composi-
tion. In rare cases there is even a real thematic bond, as the beginning of
No. 1 can show, where the top notes of the arpeggios in the first 7
measures anticipate the main notes of the fugal subject (Ex. 57).

(\ "PreJud
*s— 9— —i
•& O -

f) Tugue * * x y 1 x x
:

The New Preludes and Fugues,' usually referred to as the second

'24
part of theWell-Tempered Clavier, were written at a time when Bach's
older sons were beginning to make their contribution to the development
of musical forms. Accordingly the preludes are frequently in two-part
dance form (Nos. 8 and 18), and even take on a sonata form with complete
recapitulation, although still lacking any subsidiary theme (No. 5). In-
stead of a coda, one prelude has a kind of fughetta (No. 3) and another
resembles a three-part fugue (No. 22). In these two cases Bach para-
doxically uses fugues as introductions to fugues. The progressive as well
as the clearly is also to be found
unorthodox character of these preludes
in the fugues. The and unconventional beginning of No. 20
fantastic
could hardly have received its final shaping before 1740. While the fugues
of the older volume display the highest degree of polyphonic virtuosity,
the later set is more restrained in its parade of contrapuntal devices. There
is notably a marked decrease in the number of strettos, and the second
book no counterpart to the intricate chromatic fugues of the first
contains
collection, whole character being more diatonic and even modal. In
its

No. 9 for instance with its plainsong theme, something like a spirit of
I X. SB

austere early vocal polyphony manifests itself (Ex. 58). Thus the second
book does not achieve Baroque monumentality to the same extent as the
j. Sebastian's clavier works (1717-1750) 271

first. It is a loose collection of individual numbers, emphasizing a more

homophonic style and displaying modernistic tendencies coupled with
retrospective features.
After the Clavierbikhlein for Friedemann, two other works of a similar
nature were begun by Sebastian. The first, written in 1722 and probably
meant as technical exercise and entertainment for members of his household,
is predominantly in the hand of the master himself. It contains the first five

French suites (BWV 812-16) as well as some fragments and insignificant

little pieces. The binding of this Notenbiichlein deteriorated through the
centuries and some sheets are missing altogether, yet it still gives a good
idea of the kind of music Bach liked to have performed in his own home.
In much better condition is the big Notenbiichlein for Anna Magdalena
Bach, which her husband presented to her in 1725. He personally inserted
Nos. Ill and VI of his Partitas {BWV 827 and 830), but the rest of the
pages were given to his wife to do with as she pleased.The book contains
a number of little dance pieces (minuets, polonaises, marches, a musette)
which were not composed by Sebastian and may not even reflect the taste
of Magdalena who entered them in the book. These agreeable and tech-
nically very simple representatives of the style galant were probably meant
for the little hands of Emanuel, aged 11, and for the younger children.
They were also particularly well suited for use in the dancing lessons
which, according to the custom of the time, every growing boy and girl

had to take. Bach's authorship may also well be doubted in such anony-
mous works as the philistine aria 'Elevating Thoughts of a Tobacco
Smoker' {BWV
515) and the not very refined wedding poem. A little
love song Willst du dein Her^ mir schenken by Giovannini, a Rondeau by
Couperin, and a Minuet by Bohm also slipped into the collection. The
composer Sebastian is not represented in this family music book as often
as one would expect. Besides the 2 Partitas, it again contains 2 French
Suites {BWV 812, 813: the second one incomplete), the first prelude
from the Well-Tempered Clavier, and a handful of chorales and arias,
among them the tender Bist du bei mir ('Are you with me'; 508). BWV
Altogether the Notenbiichlein presents a rather amusing medley with
entries not only by father and mother Bach, but occasionally also by
their children, with Sebastian's attempts to correct mistakes and even to
provide for his sons a systematic course in the realization of a figured bass.
After the 15th rule, however the master gave up, with the excuse that 'the
rest could be better explained orally.'

The two Notenbiichlein introduce a new form of composition, hardly

cultivated by Bach during his first period, but becoming of the utmost
272 THE BACH FAMILY
importance in his maturity: the suite of dances. The so-called 'French
Suites' included in the two little note books are not however, the earliest
works that Bach wrote in this field. They are preceded by another set,

known to-day as English Suites. All attempts to find a valid reason for
this name have so far proved unsuccessful. The designation, though not
originating with Bach himself, was probably coined at an early date. On
a copy of the set, in the handwriting of Sebastian's youngest son, Johann
Christian, there is written: ''Fait pour les Anglois,' and Forkel states in his

Bach biography that the work was composed for a distinguished English-
man. Another and more probable theory is that the study of the suites by
Dieupart, who lived in London as a teacher and composer, induced Bach
to write this collection. Actually Sebastian made a copy of Dieupart's
clavier suite in f and used this A as a model for the
composer's gigue in
prelude to his own English same key. 1 Apart from this, hardly
suite in the
any English features can be detected in the six suites of the set. Bach
followed the tradition of the German suite which during the second half
of the 17th century had imported from France the four dances, Allemande,
Courante, Sarabande and Gigue, inserting some optional Galanterien
(dances or dance-like movements different in character from the main
numbers) between Sarabande and Gigue, and placing an introductory
number at the head of each suite.

The first number of the English Suites (BWV 806-11) always bears
the same, rather nondescript title of Prelude. Actually, the first Prelude,
which introduces near its beginning an arpeggio of specifically harpsi-
chord character (Ex. 59), is a kind of fantasy based on the Gigue form.

The remaining five introductions display interesting combinations of

fugue, concerto, and da capo forms, resembling clavier reductions of
2
movements in a concerto grosso. In each suite Bach uses only a single
pair of Galanterien, consisting of two dances of the same type, the first in
the original key of the suite, the second like a trio in the parallel key. The

1
Cf. E. Dannreuther, 'Musical Ornamentation' (1893-95), V x 3 8 -

2
Following a suggestion by the author of this book, the introductions to the suites
Nos. 3 and 4 were arranged by students of Boston University for three solo instruments
(violin, oboe, and bassoon) accompanied by strings and harpsichord; these new versions
were extremely effective.
j. Sebastian's clavier works (1717-1750) 273

number of voices remains constant throughout each piece, and a definite

dance character is in evidence.

The is not known,
exact year of composition of the English Suites
but it seems probable that Bach was engaged in their composition for
many and ultimately finishing the work in
years, starting at an early date
Cothen. The English Suites contain direct references to music by other
composers of the kind to be found in Bach's first two creative periods.
Apart from the aforementioned relation of the Prelude to No. 1 to the
Gigue by Dieupart, there is a resemblance between the theme starting
1
the Prelude to No. 2 and the fugue subject of Corelli's op. III/4; while the
Gigue of No. 6 seems to be fashioned after an organ composition by
Buxtehude. 2 Moreover, in some of the turbulent Gigues of this set the

spirit of Bach's earlier years is revived, and even an occasional youthful

volubility is noticeable in the Allemandes. On the other hand, the didactic
thoroughness with which the composer elaborates on the execution of the
agrements in Suites 2 and 3, writing out every detail and taking no chance
with the possible incompetence of his performers, reflects the pedagogue
Bach of the Cothen period. The descending order of keys used for the
English Suites appears like a counterpart to the procedure employed in
the Inventions, while the Sarabande in No. 3, with its extensive modula-
tions and the use of even an enharmonic change {Ex. 60), might have
Z/eo

been written at the same time as the Well-Tempered Clavier. Altogether

the English Suites show a rather confusing combination of earlier and
which makes it seem possible
later features that they were begun before,
and concluded after, the French Suites.
The six French Suites {BWV 812-17) are shorter, simpler, and
easier to play than the 'English' set. They use the same four basic dances,
as well as a number of no introductory move-
Galanterien, but they have
ments, and each suite begins with an Allemande. The French names of all
the movements (while the Italian-type Preludes are no longer in evidence)
may have been responsible for the designation of the whole set as French
1
The same theme was also used by Bach as a basis for an organ fugue (cf. p. 247).
2
Collected Organ Works, I/94.
274 THE BACH FAMILY
Suites. But the Italian influence has not really disappeared; it only shifts

from the introduction to the main numbers. In four suites (Nos. 2, 4-6) the
Courantes are not of the slow and deliberate French type, but show the
vivacious character of the fast moving Italian Corrente in 3/4 time. Of
still greater importance are the graceful and supple Italianized melodies
which Bach uses here, cleverly combining the styles of the two nations.
In spite of their apparent facility, more intricate and
these suites are
show greater variety than the earlier Bach now develops his themes,
set.

and the second parts of the dances often begin with the main subject trans-
ferred to the bass, a technique he used again later in the Partitas. There
are not only different types of Courantes but also several kinds of Gigues,
varying in rhythm and character. Particularly interesting is the Gigue in
No. 1, a stately composition, resembling the introduction of a French
overture, and quite unlike the usual gay and carefree finale of the suite.
Similar diversities may be noticed in the Galanterien. The first suite intro-
duces a pair of dances of the same type, the second two different dances,
the third one pair and one separate dance, the fourth and fifth three
different dances, and the Moreover the mood of
sixth four different ones.
the set by no means uniform. The first three
is more serious,
suites are
while the second half of the work displays a serene and even joyful
character. These are the most compact, the most unified, and in a way
the most perfect suites Bach has written. With the following series the
disintegration of the suite form sets in.
Bach's third collection of suites (BWV 825-30) was published (and
possibly also engraved) by the composer himself. Sebastian was 41 when
the first suite appeared in 1726, and each subsequent year saw the publica-
tion of a fresh suite until in 173 1 the whole set of 6 was available and
designated as his op. I. He called this collection Clavier Ulung (keyboard
exercise) and each individual Both these titles had been
suite Partita.
employed by Kuhnau, and in using them Bach once more professed him-
self an admirer and follower of his great predecessor at St. Thomas'. In

the traditional sequence of the four main dances interspersed with

optional movements and preceded by an introduction Bach reverts to the
form of the English Suites. On the other hand, there is no lack of pro-
gressive features pointing towards the gradual absorption of the Suite into
the 18th-century Sonata. The customary order of the movements is not
uniformly maintained. In Nos. 4 and 6 there are Galanterien not only
between Sarabande and Gigue, but also between Courante and Sarabande.
Besides, the main dances do not always preserve their typical character.

The quietly flowing Allemande of the earlier sets is superseded in No. 6

j. Sebastian's clavier works (1717-1750) 275

by a dramatic composition with dotted rhythms. In addition to the

French Courante (Nos. 2 and 4) the Italian Corrente type (Nos. 1, 3, 5, 6)
is also used, while the Sarabandes in Nos. 3, 5 and 6 have discarded their
original stately character. Under the influence of Italian music the Gigue
in No. 1 is transformed into a completely homophonic virtuoso piece
making continuous use of Scarlatti's favourite device crossing the —
hands. 1 The composer fully realized that his dances did not always con-
form to the customary pattern, and he accordingly stressed in his headings
that he had observed the traditional tempo only (cf. Tempo di Gavotta in
No. 6, Tempo di Minuet to in No. 5). To make his progressive intentions
perfectly clear, Bach occasionally avoids both the traditional names and
types of dances altogether. The Burlesca in No. 3 might be considered as
a kind of minuet, while the Scherbo in the same suite somewhat resembles
a Gavotte. In No. 2 the Gigue is replaced by a Capriccio which only in its
general construction approaches the character of the original movement.
In this set Bach increasingly employs simple phrases and periods of 4, 8,
12 and 16 measures. The forms used in the dances are as unorthodox as
those employed in the second part of the Well-Tempered Clavier. The
Sarabande in No. 4, for instance, contains important elements of a con-
densed sonata form: exposition with initial and concluding subject,
richly modulating development and complete recapitulation. Although
each section is on the smallest possible scale and the themes are not yet
clearly separated from each other, the germs of future forms are clearly
noticeable. The introductory numbers to each Partita reveal the tremen-
dous versatility of the master. The Fantasia heading No. 3 is a kind of
two-part invention, the Praeludium in No. 1 a three-part invention. No. 6
is introduced by a Toccata with a fugue in the middle, while the Prae-
amhulum 2 No. 5 is a toccata with features of the concerto. No. 4 is
in
preceded by a French Ouverture and No. 2 by a Sinfonia. In the latter the
fusion of styles, so characteristic of the mature Bach, is in full evidence.
While the Andante of the middle section and the fast finale conform to the
usual idea of an Italian Sinfonia, the Grave of the first section belongs to a

1
How strongly a younger generation felt the progressive character of this music
is shown by the fact that the aria Je t" implore in Gluck's Iphigenie en Tauride is to some
extent fashioned after this movement.
2
In the Partitas Bach uses not only French headings for his dances and introductory
movements but also Italian and even Latin names. It is regrettable that several later editions
corrected the master by changing every title into French. Even the BG and, following it,

the BWV suppressed the distinction between Courante and Corrente which the composer
himself made, and in Nos. i, 3, 5, 6 changed the Italian form of the original tide into the
conventional French form.
276 THE BACH FAMILY
French overture. Out of the conventional forms of the two nations Bach
created a new type which is entirely his own.
The single Partita (or Ouverture as it is called after its introductory
movement) in b {BWV 831) which Bach included in the second part of

the Clavier Ubung, published in 1735, is similar in character to the earlier

set, but the dissolution of the suite has (partly under the influence of the
orchestra suite) progressed even further. There is no Allemande in this

Partita, and Galanterien are inserted both before and after the Sarabande,
and even after the Gigue. The last movement of the suite is a delightful
Echo meant to display the dynamic contrasts available on a harpsichord
with two manuals. Since the suite was expressly designed for this instru-

ment, it may be assumed that the first 6 Partitas were also intended
primarily as harpsichord music.
The Partita is preceded in the original edition by a Concerto in the

Italian taste (Italian Concerto'; BWV '97-i), a work in which Bach reverts

to his Weimar arrangements of violin concertos. Unlike the preludes to

some of the English Suites, which are based on the idea of adapting a
concerto grosso with several solo instruments to the keyboard, this 'Con-
certo' represents the clavier arrangement of an orchestral work with a
model of which exists in the composer's imagina-
single soloist, the exact
tion only. Vivaldi's concerto form is clearly recognizable in the brilliant
first movement, in which a massive tutti section in the tonic serves both
1

as introduction and conclusion. Fragments of this basic idea appear at

regular intervals but transposed to related keys and they are connected
by thematically contrasting and modulating solo passages. The lofty

middle movement sounds like a broadly extended violin solo accompanied

by strings. Particularly clever is Bach's method of suggesting in the
accompaniment a pedal point of the string basses {Ex. 61). In the dashing

Andanie

movement, which has a form

last similar to that of the initial movement,
some of the phrases in the main tutti seem to result from the adaptation
of one-part string passages.
In spite of this mock realism which keeps up the pretence that the

composition is an arrangement, the work is extremely well suited to the

1
The beginning displays a striking resemblance to the theme of a Sinfonia in Georg
Muffat's 'Flonlegium Primum' (1695).
j. Sebastian's clavier works (1717-1750) 277

clavier. Indeed, not only from a musical but even^from a technical point
of viewit rates among Bach's finest keyboard compositions. The Italian

Concerto displays the accomplished master's serenity and joy in supreme

craftsmanship; with its perfect equilibrium between emotional content and
musical format seems ideally suited to introduce the non-expert into the
art of the Thomas Cantor.
In this volume of the Clavier Ubung Bach gives directions for the use
of the register stops of the harpsichord with two manuals. He prescribes
frequent changes between forte and piano and even likes to indicate forte
in one hand and piano in the other simultaneously. He apparently wanted
a different volume of tone on each manual; probably two strings in unison
or octaves on the forte manual, and single strings on the piano clavier. As
by both hands in forte, while in the
a rule the tutti sections are to be played
solos the melody is forte and the accompaniment piano. But there are very
attractive deviations from this rule showing that Bach was, on occasion,
not averse to a dynamically diversified style.
The third part of the Clavier Ubung consists of organ works only. The
fourth part, published in 1742, is again written for a harpsichord with two
manuals, according to the indication on the title. It contains a single work,
an 'Aria with 30 Variations' in G {BWV 988). This composition was
written for Bach's pupil, Goldberg, and is usually referred to as the
Goldberg Variations. Bach wrote no other clavier composition of similar
length and compactness. It demonstrates the consummate technical skill

of the mature master combined with a soaring fantasy, pointing, parti-

cularly in the treatment of the instrument, far beyond Bach's own
1
time.
The Sarabande in the French
which forms the theme, is prob-
style,
ably not by somewhat earlier period,
the master himself. It dates from a
and already appears in the Notenbilchlein for Anna Magdalena of 1725.
Bach may have chosen this Aria for its lucidity of form two parts con- —
sisting of sixteen measures each —
and for its plain, yet powerful harmonic
construction. Here the composer no longer uses the simple technique of
his early variations in the Italian manner. The element that joins the Sara-
bande and its variations is the bass line of the theme with the harmonic
progressions dependent on it. This bass foundation recurs in each of the
30 variations, although it does not always appear in the lowest voice (cf.

var. 25). Bach's technique is inspired by passacaglia and chaconne, but

1
In most variations Bach indicated whether they are to be performed on a single
manual or on two. Those for two manuals call for an even more advanced technique of
clavier-playing.
278 THE BACH FAMILY
differs from them in the unusual length and character of his theme. The

problem of incorporating the same bassline into 30 effectively contrasting

variations did -not seem big enough to^Bach. Without deviating from the
variation form he presents in his set 9 different kinds of canon, one in every
third variation.There is a canon at the unison, one at the second, the third,
etc. Each time the interval of imitation is augmented by one tone until
var. 27 ends up with the canon at the ninth. Besides, the canon at the fifth
(var. 15) is not in straight imitation, but in inversion. There is also a
Fughetta among the variations (No. 10), a stately French Ouverture with
a following fugue (No. 16), and in the finale a roguish Quodlibet, which
1
fits melodic phrases taken from two comic folksongs into the frame-work

of the variations. This little joke probably amused the master particularly,
because it alluded to the humorous habit of singing several folksongs
simultaneously, which was a favourite pastime at the family gatherings of
the Bach clan. In between these contrapuntally elaborate variations are a
number of highly diversified character pieces; the gay and vigorous var.
4, the gracefullyskipping var. 7, the brilliant var. 14, the light var. 20 in
the manner of Scarlatti, the deeply moving chromatic var. 25 (like Nos.
15 and 21 in the parallel key), and the magnificent Nos. 28 and 29, con-
taining passages which vigorously contradict the traditional conception

of the conservative Bach {Ex. 62). The mixture of the strictest logic with

Xt.GZ

imaginative freedom of expression that manifests itself in this work finds

its closest analogy in similar works by Beethoven and Brahms, for the

1 8th century produced little or nothing in this field that could stand com-
2 supreme achieve-
parison with Bach's gigantic work. Yet even this, his

ment in the field of clavier music, is linked to the past, and it is extremely
significant that a connection can be established between the Goldberg
Variations and a work of Sebastian's greatest forebear, Johann Christoph
(cf. p. 61).

1
They are: Ich bin so lang' nicht bei dir gewest ('I long have been away from you') and
Kraut und Ruben ('Cabbage and turnips').
Bach's two last works, the Musical Offering and the Art of the Fugue, which
2

have a certain connection with the clavier, will be discussed in the next section.
j. Sebastian's chamber music 279

IV

WORKS FOR STRING AND WIND INSTRUMENTS, CONCERTOS

Bach's superb craftsmanship, exquisite in the most minute details, lent
of instrumental chamber music. Some
itself especially to the filigree style

of his works in belong to the most inspired compositions he ever

this field

wrote. The majority owe their conception to Bach's activity in Cothen,

which helped him to develop his instrumental style to supreme mastery.
Significantly enough, it was not the Sonata for a solo instrument and
figured bass, so widely used in his time, that really interested him. This
traditional form was not too well suited for the rich polyphonic and
harmonic texture of Bach's musical language. His 3 Sonatas and the Fugue
for violin and figured bass {BWV 1021, 1023-24, 1026) as well as the 3
Sonatas for flute and figured bass {BWV 1033-35), probably products of
his early years in Cothen, clearly reveal a certain indifference towards this
1
type of music. Bach felt that it offered both too much and too little, and
there is a certain groping for new musical forms in these works. In the
Fugue in g the violin part is frequently treated in a very polyphonic
manner, while the bass contains one rest of 1 5 and a half measures, sub-
sequently followed by 20 measures on the same note d. A similar pedal
point, lasting through 29 measures, is to be found at the beginning of the
Sonata in e. Clearly this prepares for the violin compositions sen^a Basso.
On the other hand, the Violin Sonata in G also exists as a Trio for flute,

violin, and figured bass 2

{BWV 1038), a type which appealed far more
to the composer.
In 1720 Bach wrote 3 Sonatas and 3 Partitas for violin solo {BWV
1001-6) and at about the same time 6 Suites for violoncello solo {BWV
1007-12), which count among the most powerful creations of his genius.
Although the polyphonic treatment of the violin had been used in Italy,
and particularly in Germany, before Bach's time, no other composer had
written works of similar grandeur and magnificence for this instrument.
Here violin and 'cello are used not so much as singing melody-instruments
but as carriers of harmonic and polyphonic expression. Bach, the great
fighter, sets himself the almost impossible task of writing 4-part fugues

1
The 4 Violin Inventions published in BG, 45 {BWV, Anh. 173-76) were recognized
as works by Bonporti. (Cf. p. 267.)
2
Even if F. Blume's assumption (BJ, 1928) is correct and this arrangement is not by-
Bach, it must have satisfied him, as it was preserved in his own handwriting. This auto-
graph which Wilhelm Rust used for his edition of the Trio in BG, 9/221 is lost to-day.
28o THE BACH FAMILY
and complicated harmonic successions for a single and unaccompanied
stringed instrument, with all its technical limitations. This he achieves by
making the utmost demands on the ability of the player, and at the same
time taxing the imagination and perception of the listener to the very
limit. While the performer can never present more than two notes simul-

taneously, 1 Bach expects the arpeggios of 3 and 4 notes and even succes-
sions of notes to be understood as harmonic unities.
The composer's joy in experimenting and adapting certain stylistic

devices to changed conditions had previously caused him to use features

of violin technique in his keyboard compositions. Here the process is

reversed, and he adopts basic designs of keyboard technique in his music

for a stringed solo instrument. The organistic character of the Fugue in C
of the third Sonata is particularly noticeable; in a completely unprece-
dented manner it employs as theme a chorale melody (Komm, heiliger

Geist). The implied polyphony and the rich harmonic texture in these
compositions have their counterpart in the painted architecture of the
period, with its simulated collonades and vistas.
It is characteristic that many movements from these Sonatas were
subsequently transcribed for keyboard instruments. 2 In all these cases
the implied contrapuntal writing of the original was changed with the
greatest of ease into real polyphony.
As to form, the 3 Violin Sonatas all use the 4 movements of the Church
Sonata (slow-fast-slow-fast) with a fugue in the second place, and the slow
inner movement as the only piece in a different key. On the other hand,
the 3 Partitas, which in the autograph alternate with the Sonatas, show a
great variety of dance forms. The first consists of 4 dances, each followed
by a variation ('Double'); the third omits most of the standard movements
and replaces them by free intermezzi in the manner of an orchestral suite.

1
The theory expressed by Schering (BJ, 1904) and Schweitzer that the German
players of Bach's time could produce full chords with loosely strung bows without
resorting to arpeggios was refuted by Gustav Beckmann ('Das Violinspiel in Deutschland
vor 1700,' 1918) and Andreas Moser (BJ, 1920). Nevertheless attempts were made to build
curved bows for the performance of Bach's music for violin solo (cf. 'Bach Gedenkschrift,'
1950, p. 75 and foil.)- Occasionally (Sarabandes of the Partitas in b and d) Bach prescribes
chords which can only be played as slow arpeggios, since the same finger is required on
the lowest and highest string.
2
The fugue of the Sonata in g was transcribed for the organ (BWV 539), and the
whole Sonata in a and the first movement of that in C were transcribed for the clavier
(BWV 964 and 968). The prelude to the 3rd Partita was equipped by the composer with
an orchestral accompaniment and in this form used as introduction to Cantatas Nos. 120a
and 29. There is also a version for lute {BWV 1000) of the fugue from the Sonata
in g.
j. Sebastian's chamber music 281

The second attaches, at the end of the series of dances, the famous
Chaconne, which is longer than all the 4 preceding movements together
and overshadows them in importance. It is an imposing set of variations
on several, closely interrelated 8-measure themes, moulded
power- into a
ful 3 -part form and imbued with dramatic power; possibly the most

stirring example of the 'triumph of spirit over substance' (Spitta) Bach

achieved in these works.
The 6 'Cello Suites do not present so great a variety of forms. They all
start with a prelude, followed by Allemande, Courante, Sarabande, 2
Galanterien and a Gigue. The similarity of their structure to that of the
English Suites makes it appear likely that these two works were written
at about the same time. The fifth Suite is composed for a 'cello, of which
the top string is tuned to G instead of A; while the sixth Suite requires an
instrument with five strings. 1 Although the technical limitations in the
unwieldy 'cello were even greater than in the violin, thus making the
inclusion of real fugues impossible, Bach succeeded in creating works of
consummate mastery, equal, if not superior, to his music for violin solo.
In the Prelude to the fourth Suite, for instance, he achieves, with the
simplest means, the illusion of an organ pedal point used as a foundation
for slowly gliding harmonies.
While the master reached in his solo sonatas a lonely peak of grandeur
to which for a long time nobody dared follow him, his Trios are imbued
with stylistic trends which were to prove highly important for the future.
Again Bach did not care too much for the favourite Baroque type, the
Sonata for 2 melody instruments supported by figured bass. His output
in this field is confined to 2 Sonatas in G {BWV 1038 2 and BWV
1039), one of which was later transcribed into a Sonata for cembalo
obbligato and viola da gamba {BWV
1027). The procedure which the
composer adopted here is as simple as it is ingenious. He gave one
melodic line to the viola da gamba, and the other to the right hand of the
harpsichord player, while the bass part was assigned to the left hand of the
clavierist. Such 'trios,' in which the keyboard instrument executed two

parts and a string or wind instrument one, were used at least a century

1
Such a violoncello E string was added to the ordinary-
a cinque corde> in which a top
four strings of the was used occasionally in Bach's time. It was certainly not the
'cello,

viola pomposa, as Schweitzer assumes, and most likely not the violoncello piccolo either.
Cf. C. Sachs ('Musical Instruments,' New York, 1940), who also righdy questions the old
myth Bach was the 'inventor' of the viola pomposa.
that
2
Regarding the Sonata for flute, violin and continuo in G {BWV 1038), cf. p. 279.
A sonata for 2 violins in C {BWV 1037) often attributed to Bach is probably the work of
one of his pupils.
282 THE BACH FAMILY
before Bach, 1 but no other composer employed them as successfully and
systematically. They became form of chamber music and in-
his favourite
clude some exquisite pieces like the 6 Sonatas for harpsichord and violin
{BWV 1014-19), 3 Sonatas for harpsichord and viola da gamba {BWV
1027-29), and 3 Sonatas for harpsichord and flute {BWV 1030-32).
Bach's zest for experimenting made him break with the traditional
aspect of the Trio Sonata in many other ways as well. Hitherto this had
been a polyphonic composition in which the two upper parts had equal
shares in the melodic material. The composer now fused it with elements
of the Concerto, using da capo and rondo forms, and inserting long solo
sections. He did not hesitate at times to employ the harpsichord as a mere
accompanying instrument, or its upper part as a unison reinforcement of
the melody. Altogether there is Bach by
no uniformity in these Sonatas.
no means confined himself to writing the conventional three parts; he
occasionally used four and even five or six voices. There are movements in
canonic or passacaglia forms, others of a prelude-like character. Their
number also varies; three movements are employed in the flute Sonatas,
four in the majority of the violin and viola da gamba Sonatas, and five in
the last violin Sonata (in G). The variety of forms is matched by an abun-
dance of different emotions. There are pieces happy and gay, energetic,
stubborn, tender, sad, melancholy, or tragic in character. To emphasize
the wide emotional range of this music, individual movements are given
such descriptive headings as 'Andante un poco,' 'Adagio ma non tanto,'
that are not too common in Bach's music.
In ascribing the Sonatas for violin and harpsichord to the Cothen
period, Forkel is apparently right, at least as far as their first draft is con-
cerned. It seems most likely that the viola da gamba Sonatas also origin-
ated in this period, as Prince Leopold was very fond of this instrument.

On the other hand, the flute Sonatas appear to be products of a later

period. The Sonata in E flat shows a progressive character that is to be
found in Bach's music at the time when the artistic personalities of his
eldest sons were beginning to unfold. Its 'Siciliano' has a tender sweetness
that seems to belong to the period of Empfindsamkeit (sensibility). These
works may have been written for the eminent Dresden flutist, P. G.
Buffardin, with whom Bach was in close contact. In this same period he
also revised his earlier violin Sonatas. There is a manuscript written by
his son-in-law, Altnikol, that shows significant changes in the original
works. The Adagio of the fifth Sonata increases the motion of the accom-
1
Cf. Arnold Schering, 'Zur Geschichte der Solosonate in the i. Halfte des 17.
Jahrhunderts,' in 'Riemann-Festschrift,' 1909.
j. Sebastian's brandenburg concertos 283

panying harpsichord from sixteenth to thirty-second notes, thus creating

a prelude-like composition of an almost impressionistic character. An
earlier version of the sixth Sonata starts with a movement in da capo form,
which is repeated again after three slow movements. In later years Bach
found this too monotonous; he retained the first two movements and
added three new ones, thus creating an unorthodox but well-proportioned
form: fast-slow-fast-slow-fast, with a movement for harpsichord solo in
the centre.
These different Sonatas show Bach again and again exploring all the
possibilities to be derived from the transformation of the old trio into a

workable duo for a melody instrument and clavier obbligato. Thus he

planted new seeds for the growth of chamber music; his own sons in
particular were strongly stimulated by their father's output in this field.

Bach's Concertos stand at the very centre of his creative output. The
composer's interest in the concertante principle and the concerto form had
already manifested itself in his early works. But before he came to Cothen
he had no opportunity to write real concertos. There were two different
paths open to him: he could follow the model of Corelli's concerti grossi,
which consisted of a number of brief movements contrasting in character
and aiming at monumental simplicity; or he could adopt the type which
had been given its definite form through Vivaldi, works in only three
movements (fast-slow-fast), emphasizing the concertante principle, and
using a rondo-like construction for the fast sections. Bach, while not over-
looking the possibilities of the Corelli type, showed a decided preference
for Vivaldi's concertos, as their compact and symmetrical architecture
appealed to him. He made his first thorough study of them while engaged
in arrangements for keyboard instruments in Weimar (cf. p. 149). How-
ever, when he started writing concertos of his own, he by no means copied
Vivaldi's style, but imbued it with new ideas. He both clarified and simpli-
fied the Italian composer's rondo-form, presenting a straightforward
all the players in the main key at the beginning and
eight-bar ritornel of
end of the movement, while fragments from it, transposed to related keys,
appeared within the movement at strategic points. Between the massive
pillars of these tutti passages are the graceful garlands of the solo episodes,
providing modulating connections and mostly introducing new thematic
Bach often reinforced the architectural solidity by using the da
material.
capo form of the Italian aria, or a chiastic construction (cf. p. 202), in
284 THE BACH FAMILY
which not only the first and last parts correspond, but a firm connection

is between the second section and the one next to the last.
also established
He liked to combine the concerto form with that of the fugue, and even
in homophonic movements, figurations of the solo instrument are
accompanied by thematic ideas derived from the main ritornel {Ex. 63)
in a way we would look for in vain in a Vivaldi concerto.

randenburg Concerto H2H, first movement

It seems strange that only two Concertos for violin solo and orchestra
and one for two violins and orchestra (BWV
1041-43 all three were
;

probably written in Cothen) should be preserved, while there are more

than twice as many transcriptions of such works for solo harpsichord and
strings in existence (cf. pp. 288-89). -Did Bach discard some of the original
compositions as soon as the arrangements were completed; did these models
only exist in his imagination and were never put to paper; or were some
violin concertos lost after his death? These questions will probably never
be answered; anyway, judging from the transcriptions, we may safely say
that the three works preserved must have been among the very best Bach
wrote in this field.

The first movement of the Violin Concerto in E, written in da capo

form, is typical of the supreme mastery with which solo instrument and
accompanying orchestra confront each other and at other times join
forces. In the Concerto in a, on the other hand, the initial movement
anticipates features of the Sonata form in a manner which was to be
J.
SEBASTIAN S BRANDENBURG CONCERTOS 285

adopted before long by Friedemann and Emanuel Bach. The slow move-
ments in these two concertos exhibit a kind of ostinato bass, the serious
character of which contrasts most effectively with the poignant sweetness
of the solo violin. Of equal beauty is the slow movement of the Double
Concerto, one of the most intimate and subjective cantilenas Bach ever
wrote. While the orchestra is used here merely to support the soloists, the

finale presents remarkable instances of the inversion of the traditional

relationship between soloists and orchestra. The solo violins are entrusted
with broad organistic chords, while the melody is supplied in vigorous
unison by the orchestra 1 {Ex. 64).

Zx.Si

njatni

The six so-called Brandenburg Concertos (BWV 1046-51), which

Bach dedicated in the spring of 172 1 to Christian Ludwig, Margrave of
Brandenburg (cf. p. 160), are not concertos for a single solo instrument,
but examples of older forms of concerted music, showing, in the German
fashion, a preference for wind instruments. In three of them (Nos. 1, 3, 6)
the orchestra is composed of evenly balanced instrumental choirs, which
toss the themes to and fro among themselves in charming conversation,
only occasionally surrendering the lead to a single instrument out of their
midst. Such compositions, based upon the old Venetian canzone with its
contrasting instrumental choirs, are known as 'concerto symphonies.'
There are also 3 concerti grossi in the set (Nos. 2, 4, 5) in which an
accompanying orchestra, the ripieni, is confronted by the concertino
consisting of three or four solo instruments.
EvenBach student, who expects the utmost variety in every work
the
of the master, is amazed at the abundance of changing scenes in these six
works conjured up by the composer's inexhaustible imagination. No. 2,
which in its perfect structural proportion seems like the very prototype

1
The first movement of this Concerto is influenced by Torelli's Violin Concerto
No. 8, known to Bach from an organ arrangement by his friend, J. G. Walther. Cf. Schering,
'Geschichte des Instrumentalkonzerts,' Leipzig, 1905.
286 the Bach family
of the concerto grosso, employs a concertino of trumpet, recorder, oboe,
and violin. Of particular colouristic appeal is the use of the brass instru-
ment in the high clarino register; indeed, the trumpet is treated in so
brilliant a manner that the concerto grosso at times assumes the char-
acter of a solo concerto. The same is No. 4, with a concertino
true of
of 2 recorders and a violin, where far greater demands on the virtuosity
of the violinists are made than in any of Bach's concertos for this instru-

ment. Likewise in No. 5, written for a concertino of flute, violin, and

harpsichord, the keyboard instrument predominates and even has an un-
accompanied solo cadenza of 65 measures in the first movement. For the
first time the humble harpsichord, whose role in ensembles had always

been that of supporting other instruments, assumes the proud part of a

leader. Unlike the majority of Bach's concertos for clavier solo and
orchestra, this work was obviously intended for the clavier from the out-
set; it thus constitutes a milestone in the history of music as the first

original clavier concerto ever written.Maybe Bach, who played the part
himself, was inspired to compose it by the exquisite 'clavecyn' he had
purchased in 171 9 for his Prince in Berlin. 1 As in Concerto No. 2, the
middle movement uses solo instruments and bass only, thus assuming the
character of real chamber music. The symphonic Concerto No. 1 employs
the tiny violino piccolo (a third above the ordinary violin and shriller in
tone) together with 6 wind instruments, strings, and continuo. The tradi-
tional 3 movements by a gay Minuet with 3 graceful trios
are followed
meant to provoke applause, like the licenia at the end of a contemporary
comic opera. The third Concerto introduces 3 powerful choirs of strings,
each subdivided again into 3 parts. In order not to break up the gay mood,
Bach omits the slow middle movement, inserting in its place a simple
cadence, and he achieves the necessary contrast by using the two-part
form of contemporary dances for the second fast movement. The most
unusual scoring is to be found in No. 6 written for 2 viole, 2 viole da

gamba, and continuo, while omitting wind instruments and even

'cello

violins, and it seems to reflect the peculiar conditions at Cothen. 2 The most
striking feature is the canon at a distance of one eighth note in the ritornel

of the first movement. Bach's pupil, J. P. Kirnberger, used this in his

Kunst des reinen Sat^es as an illustration for counterpoint in its strictest

1
No less than 130 dialers were paid to Bach for this instrument, plus his travelling
expenses.
2
Cf. Smend, I.e. The Prince wanted a viola da gamba solo, which was therefore
planned with not too great difficulties. Bach chose for his own part his favourite, the
viola, and therefore entrusted it with an interesting task.
j. Sebastian's orchestral suites 287

form. It is characteristic of the non-academic quality of Bach's music,

however, that the hearer who does not realize the polyphonic intricacy
will yet derive immense enjoyment from the gaiety and brilliance of this
work. In all the Brandenburg Concertos the strong rhythmic life and the
inspired colouristic garb contribute towards loosening up and dissolving
the solidity of the polyphonic texture. These compositions seem to em-
body the splendour and effervescence of court life at Cothen, and, more-
over, they clearly reveal the composer's delight in writing for a group of
highly trained instrumentalists. There is an exuberance and optimism in
this music that only a genius aware of his newly achieved, full mastery

could call forth. Craftsmanship and inspiration, iron logic and zest for
experimenting, here counterpoise each other to an extent rarely equalled
again even by Bach himself.
The two C and b {BWV 1066-67) al so belong to
Orchestral Suites*- in
the Cothen period, while two other works of the same kind, both in D
{BWV 1068-69), were probably written between 1727 and 1736. 2 To
some extent these compositions show features linking them to Bach's con-
certos. The overture and some of the dances in the Suite in b for flute and
strings use the woodwind instrument with such virtuosity that they appear
like movements in a flute concerto. The Suite in C for 2 oboes, bassoon,
and strings, on the other hand, occasionally employs a concertino of the 3
wind instruments, thus assuming the character of a concerto grosso.
The second Suite in D, for 3 trumpets with timpani, 3 oboes with bassoon,
and makes the 3 choirs compete with each other in a manner not
strings,
unlike a concerto symphony. The initial movement of all four Suites is a
French Ouverture in which two slow movements are separated by a fast
fugue frequently combined with the concerto form, the entrances of the
theme in the full orchestral body being employed as ritornels, and the
connecting and modulating episodes as solos. These overtures are
followed in each case by a free succession of dances often arranged in
pairs, and by little programmatic pieces, such as the high-spirited
Badinerie (banter) in the Suite in b, the buoyant Rejouissance (rejoicing)
in the second Suite in D, and the meditative Air z in the first Suite in D.
In spite of the French and French forms, the orchestral Suites are
titles

true products of German soil, inspired as they are by the folklore of the
country. This is joyful, radiant music, in which the composer does not

1
Regarding the relation to J. Bernhard Bach's orchestral suites, cf. p. 101.
2
The authenticity of a 5th Suite in g (BWV
1070) is very doubtful.
3
This beautiful movement is best known in an arrangement for solo violin to be
played on the G string.
288 THE BACH FAMILY
overwhelm us with his stupendous mastery, but rather captivates our
hearts with sparkling wit and serene charm.

An impressive array of concertos was, we might almost say, manu-

factured during the Leipzig years. At that time the need for 'clavieristic'
material was pressing as Bach's sons needed effective compositions,
especially for their appearances in the Collegium Musicum. Bach had
recourse to the method he had used in his trios with harpsichord obbligato.
He gave the solo part of a previously composed violin concerto to the
right hand of the keyboard player, whose left hand reinforced the bass
of the composition, and a clavier concerto with accompanying strings was
produced. Such arrangements actually exist of the two violin concertos
in E and a as well as of the fourth Brandenburg Concerto {BWV 1054,
1057-58). Three other clavier concertos {BWV 1052, 1055-56) evidently
originated in the same way. The violin concertos on which they are based,
however, have not survived. In such adaptations Bach transposed the
pitch of the original composition one tone down, since the claviers of his
time as a rule only went up to d'" and did not have e'", the traditional top
note of his violin concertos. 1 Bach was naturally not satisfied mechanically
to transfer the violin part to the right hand of the clavierist. He often
wrote and rewrote the same arrangement several times, and in the course
of this process his language became increasingly idiomatic. The bass part
was enriched and middle voices were added, as the last movement of the
Concerto in d {BWV 1052) exemplifies {Ex. 65). This is a vigorous

The /trytr ncttx are found in*.n *dr/y ytrmloitj in. a IzLar Arrangement S&ch&dded the note* reproduced in smd.lHr type.

composition, full of dramatic life which, if we may judge from its different

versions, seems to have been a favourite with Sebastian. In the Concerto

in f {BWV 1056) the original violinistic character is particularly notice-
able, and it induced Gustav Schreck to attempt a reconstruction of the

1
Cf. Howard Shanet in MQ, 1950. Contradictory theories regarding the originals
which served Bach for his arrangements have been propounded by Spiro, Aber, Hirsch
and others. Cf. 'Zeitschrift der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft,' XI, iooj BJ, 1913,
1929, 1930.
j. Sebastian's clavier concertos 289

original violin concerto in the key of g.

1
A Concerto for harpsichord,
flute and violin with strings {BWV 1044) uses the same combination of
instruments as Brandenburg No. 5. It is an arrangement of a prelude and
fugue for clavier from the Weimar which was parti-
period (cf. p. 263),
cularly suited for transcription, as both from the out-
its sections showed,
set, elements of the concerto form. Bach not only enlarged, but deepened

the original, enhancing the power and dignity of the first version. Between
the two fast movements he inserted a slow one from his organ trio in d,
which he scored in the traditional manner for the solo instruments only,
omitting the accompanying strings.
Similarly, of the six Concertos for two, three and four claviers respec-
tively with string accompaniment, not one seems to represent the form in
which it was originally written. That for four claviers {BWV 1065) is an
arrangement of Vivaldi's Concerto for 4 violins op. 3/ 10, and it seems quite
possible that the two Concertos for three claviers {BWV 1063-64) are
also based on works by other composers. The two Concertos for two
claviers in c {BWV 1060, 1062) are adaptations of his own works. 2 Some-
what different is the situation in the case of the Concerto for two claviers
in C {BWV 1061). Here there is no trace of the violinistic character
conspicuous in the other adaptations. It has the appearance of an original
clavier composition, and as a matter of fact the two solo parts exist in
autographs. However, as the accompanying voices, which are not pre-
served in Bach's own writing, are mainly reinforcing the parts of the key-
board instruments, it seems quite likely that the orchestration was a later

addition, and that the work was originally written for two claviers only.
It might be mentioned in this connection that there also exists in Sebas-
tian'shand a Concerto a duoi cembali concertati without any accompani-
ment, which his son, Friedemann, composed at an early age (cf. p. 321),
possibly under the influence of the Concerto in C.
In these concertos for two to four claviers Bach was confronted by
the difficulty of having similar bass lines in the various solo parts. He
tried to counteract the resulting monotony by using the claviers in turns
as solo and as filling continuo instruments. In the Concerto in d for three
claviers, the first harpsichord is given far more of the solo material than
the other two. A better balance is reached in the solemn and brilliant
Concerto in C for the same combination. Although these arrangements

1
Peters Edition, No. 3069a. A different adaptation of this Concerto was made by
J. B. Jackson for Oxford University Press.
2
BWV 1062 is based on the concerto for 2 violins in d; stylistic reasons point to
similar conditions for BWV 1060, although its model is not known.
290 THE BACH FAMILY
show the hand of the artisan rather than that of the artist, they are highly
attractive ensemble music, radiating joyous strength and vitality.

It is significant that clavier concertos formed the basis for further

arrangements. With minor or major changes they made excellent intro-
ductions to cantatas, and at times the composer even adapted them into
vocal numbers.1 Once more, this furnishes evidence for Bach's conception
of the unity of music.

In his last period of composition only two ensemble works were

written, but they are among the greatest Bach ever created.
The Musical Offering (BWV 1079) belongs to the series of contra-
puntal variations favoured by Bach during the latter part of his life (cf.

p. 206). This time the basis of the variations is the 'truly royal theme*
which King Friedrich of Prussia offered for elaboration during Bach's
2
visit to the Palace at Potsdam (Ex. 66). Bach felt that he had by no

means exhausted all the possibilities of the theme in his improvisations

before the King. He
therefore worked on it after his return to Leipzig,
and the seemed so highly satisfying to him that he had the whole
result
cycle engraved. Composition and production must have proceeded very
rapidly, since the printed dedication to the King is dated July 7, 1747, the
actual visit having taken place just two months earlier. Apparently the
composer wanted to send his Offering at a time when the memory of his
visit was still fresh in the mind of his host.

1
The first movement of the Clavier Concerto in E was transposed to D, the solo
given to the concertante organ, and oboes were added, in which form it appeared as
3
introduction to Cantata No. 169. The Siciliano of this Concerto was employed with an
added vocal part for an aria in the same Cantata, while the last movement with added oboe
d'amore made up the introductory Sinfonia in Cantata No. 49. All 3 movements of the
Clavier Concerto in d were used as the introduction to Cantata No. 188, the solo being
again taken over by the organ. Incidentally, the first movement of Brandenburg Concerto
No. 1 was used unchanged as introduction to Cantata No. 52, and that of Brandenburg
No. 3, with 2 obbligato horns and 3 oboes added, as introduction to Cantata No. 174.
2
It seems unlikely that Bach changed the idea given to him by the King, as Hermann

Keller suggests in 'Das konigliche Thema,' 'Musica,' 1950. Such an action would have
annoyed the King, who was a good enough musician to remember what theme he had
given Bach.
J.
SEBASTIAN S MUSICAL OFFERING 291

The great speed of its production may have been partly responsible
for the disconnected form of the original publication. The composer
seems to have sent his manuscript in instalments, and the engraver1 put
it on copper whenever a batch arrived, at the same time taking good care
to fill each of the costly plates as completely as possible by inserting short
canons into spare places. Accordingly, the original edition presents the
work in four separate sections printed partly on oblong paper, and partly
in upright form. The confusing arrangement which resulted made it diffi-

cult for earlier students fully to comprehend the architecture of the work.
Indeed, so outstanding an expert as Spitta describes the Musical Offering
as 'a strange conglomerate of pieces, wanting not only internal connection
but external uniformity.' Actually the work shows the perfect construc-
tion which we may expect of a composition written by Bach at the peak
of his mastery. 2 At the beginning stands a three-part Ricercar (fugue), 3
at the end a six-part Ricercar; in the centre a Trio sonata containing two
fugues. Between the first Ricercar and Trio are 5 two-part Canons, to
which in a third voice the r.t. (royal theme) is added as a cantus firmus.
The central Trio is again followed by 5 Canons, this time using the r.t. and
its variations as subject for the actual canonic elaboration. It is character-
istic of Bach's unerring feeling for form that the first of the Trio sonata's
fugues, written in concerto style and da capo form, introduces the r.t. as a
cantus firmus as the preceding Canons had done. In the second fugue, on
5

the other hand, a variation of the r.t. is employed as a subject, thereby

anticipating the technique of the following 5 Canons. Thus the 13 numbers
derived from the r.t. appear in the following, strictly chiastic order:

Trio Sonata
Ricercar 5 Canons 1st fugue 2nd fugue 5 Canons Ricercar
3-part fugue using r.t. as using r.t. as using r.t. as subjecting 6-part fugue
based on r.t. cantus firmus cantus firmus fugue r.t. to canonic based on r.t.

subject elaboration

The first and the last Ricercar are written for clavier. 4 They are
directly connected with the visit to Potsdam, when Bach improvised on

1
It was Bach's pupil, J. G. Schiibler, who also engraved the composer's last
organ chorales.
* Cf. H. T. David's edition of the work and accompanying booklet published by

G. Schirmer, New York, 1945.

3
Bach uses the expression Ricercar here to designate an instrumental fugue employing
elements of the vocal style.
* The original edition prints the second Ricercar in open score, but it can be per-
formed without difficulty by a single clavier player, and Bach's autograph presents it on
2 staves only.
292 THE BACH FAMILY
one of the King's pianofortes a three-part fugue based on the r.t., bu
evaded the suggestion of employing the same subject in a six-part fugue.
The which the master played in Potsdam was on a
six-part composition
theme of his own
and the elaboration of the r.t. was carried out
choice,
only after his return. Accordingly the two Ricercars are quite different in
character. The first (incidentally, Bach's only piece that we know to have
been written for the modern^ pianoforte) lacks the complete logic and
perfect balance of the last; it obviously represents Bach's improvisation
and may be taken as an example of his extemporizing in strict forms. The
six-part Ricercar, on the other hand, belongs
most outstanding to the
fugues Bach ever wrote. It is a work of the largest proportions, whose
profundity of thought, magnificent poise, and loftiness of sound make it
one of the greatest monuments of polyphonic music.
While in these two works for the clavier the composer seems to stand
in the foreground, the remaining eleven numbers appear to be destined
for the exalted personage to whom the work is dedicated. These are
chamber music compositions, two of which (the Trio and one canon)
expressly prescribe the use of a flute for the top voice, while in .the majority
of the others, although no instrumentation is indicated, the highest part
can be taken over by this favourite instrument of the King. 1 The ten
canons are predominantly retrospective in character; in the best traditions
of the past, canons in unison and octave, canons of the inversion and
augmentation, 'crab' canons as well as a canonic fugue 2 are introduced.
Bach's presentation of the canons tests the efficiency of the performer; as
a rule they are not printed in full score; in two cases not even a clue as to
the manner of imitation is given, and the composer provokingly remarks
'quaerendo invenietis' you seek, you will find). Here the 'puzzle
(if

canons' of the late Middle Ages are being resurrected; and similarly Bach's
neglecting to indicate on what instrument most of his two-, three- and

1
The copy which Bach sent to his royal patron contains several Latin inscriptions
to the King. On the first page is an acrostic, the first letters of which formed the word
'Ricercar': Regis Iussu Cantio et Reliqua Canonica Arte resoluta (According to the order of
the King the tune and the remainder are resolved with canonic art). To the Canon in
augmentation the composer wrote: Notulis crescentibus crescat fortuna Regis (May the
fortune of the King grow with the length of the notes), and similarly the spiral canon bears
the annotation: Ascendenteque modulatione ascendat Gloria Regis (And may the Glory of the
King rise with the rising modulation).
2
In a canon of the inversion the imitating voice answers each step upward with a
similar step downward, and vice versa; in a canon in augmentation every note of the
imitating voice is longer (usually twice as long) than in the original; in a crab canon the
imitating voice proceeds backward, starting with the last note and ending with the first;

a canonic fugue combines features of canon and fugue.

j. Sebastian's art of the fugue 293

four-part canons are to be performed re-creates the situation of earlier

centuries, when the players used the instrument that happened to be avail-
able at the moment. However, the harmonic foundation of these
solid
contrapuntal masterpieces and the idea of a spiral canon belong to Bach's
own time. This Canon per tonos (canon through the keys) modulates in
its 8 measures one whole tone up; it has to be performed six times before
all the parts once more reach key of c. Also a typical product
the original
of the1 8th century is the Trio and continuo, the heart of
for flute, violin,
the whole work. It is a church sonata of great dignity and beauty, the
most outstanding among Bach's trios.
Altogether the Musical Offering appears as the work of a master who
isdrawing conclusions not only from the experience of a lifetime, but
from that of a whole era. It presents in a compact and monumental form
a synthesis of the musical thought of three centuries.
The Art of the Fugue (BWV'1080) is Bach's last great composition.
The master seems to have been engaged in this tremendous task after
the completion of the Musical Offering, and in this case, too, he planned
to have the work become generally known through print. He supervised
part of the engraving, but before it was quite and before he even
finished,
had a chance of completing his manuscript, death overtook him. The Art
of the Fugue remained a torso, and neither the autograph nor the original
printing issued after Bach had gone, can give an exact idea of his inten-
tions. There are doubts regarding the precise order in which the individual
numbers were to be arranged; we do not know what end the composer
had planned for his work, and it is possible that even the title, Art of
the Fugue, was not conceived by Bach himself.
Yet, the sections which we have are of such awe-inspiring majesty
that even in its fragmentary form the Art of the Fugue appears as one of
the greatest products of the human mind.
The composition seems like a sequel to the Musical Offering. It too
is a set of contrapuntal variations, all based on the same idea and all in the
same key. There is even a melodic resemblance between the two works,
for the subject of the Art of the Fugue appears like an ingenious con-
densation of the 'royal theme.' And
most of the variations, Bach
again, in
omits any indication as to the instruments for which his composition is
intended. It seems likely that the composer meant his swan song to be
keyboard music primarily, but the Art of the Fugue sounds even more
impressive when played by a string quartet or varying ensembles. 1 How-
ever, while in the former work the emphasis was on canonic elaboration,
1
Cf. the editions by Roy Harris and Wolfgang Graser.
294 THE BACH FAMILY
here all the possibilities of fugal writing are explored. Even the four
canons which are included are intended to illustrate aspects of fugal
composition.
Despite, or perhaps because of,
its deceptively plain and unobtrusive

character, the short theme of the Art of the Fugue is well suited to serve
as a foundation for the monumental edifice. It is completely regular and
symmetrical in its construction; played in inverted form its main intervals
remain practically unchanged. If it is introduced together with its in-
version, the result is a satisfactory two-part composition.
While Bach presents this theme in ever-changing rhythmic and
melodic variation (Ex. 67), he gradually unfolds a complete manual of

Xx-67 ^ e Theme ofihe„ Art of ihelugue "with tw-or-ariaiions

fugal composition. Each Contrapunctus (as he calls the individual varia-

tions to emphasize their learned character) gives a definite solution to a
basic problem of fugal writing. The composition begins with a group of
fugues which exhibit the theme partly in its original shape and partly

inverted. Following this are counter-fugues and stretto-fugues, 1 presenting

the theme not only in direct and contrary motion, but also in diminished
and augmented form. Bach illustrates the possibilities of fugues with 2
and 3 themes, while the mighty quadruple fugue that was to form the
climax of the work breaks off in its 239th measure. Just after the composer
— like a medieval artist portraying himself in a corner of the picture —had
inserted his own name B-A-C-H 2 into the work, this Contrapunctus
abruptly stops, and later generations were faced with the fascinating,
albeit dangerous, task of guessing at the master's intentions. 3 The most
1
A counter-fugue uses the inversion of the subject as an answer. In a stretto two or
more voices present a theme in such close succession that a new statement begins before
the previous one is completed.
2
The German name for the note b is H; for the note b flat it is B. Therefore the notes
b flat-a-c-b natural signify in German B-A-C-H.
* Earlier historians like Moritz Hauptmann, Wilhelm Rust and Philipp Spitta assumed
that the incomplete Contrapunctus, which did not contain the main subject of the whole
cycle, did not really belong to the work. Gustav Nottebohm discovered, however, that the
J.
SEBASTIAN S ART OF THE FUGUE 295

stunning (though not necessarily the most complicated) Contrapunctus

in the whole set is the four-part mirror fugue. Here Bach presents all the
parts as rectus in their original form, and then again as inversus in in-
verted form. To make the mirror reflection doubly realistic, the soprano
of the rectus becomes the bass of the inversus, the contralto changes
into a tenor, the tenor into an alto,and the bass into a soprano, with the
result that the whole composition now seems to stand on its head.
Such a playful and experimental character is not to be found in a
second mirror fugue in 3 parts. This Contrapunctus is primarily intended
for the clavier, but it can only be performed by two players, as the parts
are too widely spaced to be executed by ten fingers. Since this is a 3 -part
composition, one of the four hands of the performers would remain idle,

which seems a waste to the thrifty composer. He therefore inserts a filling

fourth part which is completely independent of the highly artistic con-
struction of the mirror fugue. Theoretically this foreign body, added
merely for practical reasons, destroys the pure construction of the contra-
puntal masterpiece, but it produces easily playable and attractive music,

which seems to Bach of paramount importance.

This small detail offers a key to the understanding of the whole work.
Like the Inventions and the Well-Tempered Clavier, the Art of the
Fugue was intended as a didactic composition and as such it offers the
quintessence of contrapuntal mastery. However, Bach was unable to write
dry instructive precepts only. Under his hands the textbook changed into
a poem imbued with the mystery of pure beauty. The solemn pathos
which permeates each of these contrapuntal variations gives this farewell
of a genius the transcendental character of art conceived on the threshold
of eternity.

3 subjects of the fugue could be combined with the main theme of the Art of the Fugue,
thus proving that Bach meant to write a quadruple fugue for his work. This shrewd
conclusion inspired Riemann, Busoni (in his 'Fantasia Contrapunctica') and Tovey to
attempt completions of the fugue. But nobody who has ever heard a performance of the
work in which, without retard, the great fugue suddenly breaks off, would wish to exchange
that deeply moving experience for a smooth and effective ending, however scholarly
the execution.
EPILOGUE

looking back on the activities of the Bach family as a whole during the
firsthalf of the 18th century, it may be said that simultaneously with the
riseof an immortal genius out of their midst, the Bach musicians succeeded
in greatly extending their spheres of influence beyond the original Bach
centres. In Erfurt the descendants of Johann Bach were still active as
organists and town musicians up to 1740, and as late as the 19th century

Bachs of other lines were working there. In Eisenach Johann Bernhard

(18) followed the great Johann Christoph (13) and was succeeded by a
son, Johann Ernst (34). In Arnstadt another Johann Ernst (25), son of
Ambrosius' twin brother, took over when Sebastian resigned as organist
of the 'New Church,' and continued in this capacity up to his death in
1739. An important new Bach centre was established through Johann
Ludwig in Meiningen. Here, after his death, his son and grandson served
in the double capacity of court painter and court organist far beyond the
period under discussion, in fact up to the year 1846. In the Franconian
city of Schweinfurt three generations of Bachs worked either as cantor
or organist, until Johann Elias (39) died in 1755. In Ohrdruf Sebastian's
eldest brother, Johann Christoph (22), was succeeded by sons and grand-
sons serving up to 18 14. In Jena Johann Nicolaus (27) held the post of
University music director and organist for no less than 58 years. Miihl-
hausen, on the other hand, had three Bach organists in succession, among
whom Johann Friedrich (29), a son of the great Johann Christoph, main-
tained the old tradition of stability in the 22 years of his service, while
both Sebastian and Johann Bernhard (47), stayed there for very
his son,

short periods only. This list could be continued further, were we to

include the Bach cantors or organists working in smaller communities of
Thuringia. The locality of the Bach centres proclaims the family's deep-
rooted loyalty to that part of Germany chosen by their forefathers. Yet
there was an increasing number of Bach musicians who felt compelled to
try their luck in new territories. The second son and namesake of the
great Johann Christoph (13), after sojourning in Hamburg and Rotter-
dam, settled down as clavier teacher in England; one of his brothers
travelled as organ builder to the North and was never heard of any more.
Johann Jakob, too, (23), Sebastian's favourite brother, dreamed of adven-
296
EPILOGUE 297

tures in foreign lands. He entered the Swedish army as a bandsman and

his desire for travel found fulfilment, as he accompanied the army as far as

Constantinople. Later he settled down as court musician in Stockholm,

where he died in 1722. Sebastian himself, although passionately fond of
travel, had no chance of undertaking such adventures. His creative urge

dominated his life, and he went to those places where he hoped to find
the best opportunities for congenial work. From 17 17 onwards he lived
away from Thuringia, and his sons, as will subsequently be shown, settled
down in cities the family had never lived in before.
Sebastian held socially, economically, and artistically, a position of his
own among his kinsmen. Not only did his income exceed by far that of
any other member of the family, but he also enjoyed as Electoral and
Royal Polish Court composer a social distinction not accorded to any
other Bach of his time. And though his contemporaries could not grasp
the importance of his achievements as a composer, he was considered the
greatest German virtuoso on the organ and the most eminent expert on
this instrument. However, in spite of his position high above all other

Bach musicians, Sebastian was at one with them in his basic attitude to-
wards his profession. Like most of his forefathers and relatives he con-
sidered it his main purpose to serve God in music. It was customary for
him to start a new composition with the inscription /(esu)/(uva) and to
end it with the letters s(o\o) D(eo) G(loria). The Lutheran faith was the
spiritual well-spring of his art, as it had been for the family in the past
hundred years, and he was unaffected by the new trends of thought which
threatened to undermine the mighty fortress of Protestantism. Being
spiritually as well as artistically rooted in tradition was one of the sources
of Sebastian's strength. On the other hand it was a decisive factor in
determining the place he occupied in relation to contemporary music. By
the time Bach had reached his zenith as a composer, a new generation had
grown up which proclaimed a different artistic creed. They wanted music
to be simple, natural and graceful and they criticized Sebastian Bach, as
their spokesman, Johann Adolf Scheibe, put it, for 'his turgid and con-
fused style . .darkening beauty by an excess of art.' Here was a deep
.

cleavage between old and new conceptions which Sebastian did not
attempt to bridge. Although he occasionally showed that he was quite
able to master the new language, he chose, with advancing years, to live
in splendid isolation, concerned only with fulfilling his tremendous self-
imposed tasks. The result was that the younger generation had little, if
any, interest in a composer whom they considered hopelessly old-
fashioned.
298 THE BACH FAMILY
The era of J. S. Bach marked the peak of creative achievement in the
family history. No longer was the output confined to a few forms of com-
position. In the first half of the 1 8th century the Bachs cultivated every
type of music known in their time, with the significant exceptions of opera
and Catholic church music. However, their widespread activities were not
accompanied by commensurate recognition and fame. These were to come
to the family in the following generation, whose contributions encom-
passed the entire realm of music.
PART III

THE LAST GREAT ACHIEVEMENTS

AND THE DECLINE OF
THE BACH FAMILY
(1750- )
INTRODUCTION: ROCOCO AND CLASSICISM

in the 1 8th century the triumphant rise of Natural Science brought about
a complete change in man's general outlook and conception of the Uni-
verse. The former of doctrines handed down by the
uncritical acceptance
writers of antiquityhad been replaced by empirical observation leading to
the revolutionary discoveries of a Galileo, Newton, and Kepler. Before
long scientific methods were not confined to the domain of Science. All
manifestations of life were subordinated to Reason. Superstition and
bigotry were relentlessly exposed, and in all realms of life antiquated pre-
judices were thrown overboard. The spirit of Enlightenment also gradually
undermined the bastions of the Christian faith and even the Muses were
expected to follow closely the dictates of Reason. A certain trend towards
Naturalism may be observed in the Rococo style originating in the second
quarter of the 18th century. Shepherds and shepherdesses became the
fashion both in poetry and in painting; for they displayed the simplicity,
charm and impudent gaiety which people of the Rococo era cherished. In
music this spirit produced the style galanu The intricacies of Baroque

contrapuntal art were forsworn as being contrary to reason, and a mono-

die style was the goal. 'The ear,' as Mattheson claimed, 'often derives
more satisfaction from a single, well-ordered voice developing a clear-cut
melody in all its natural freedom than from 24 parts which, in order to
share in the melody, tear it to such an extent that it becomes incomprehens-
ible.' As to the emotional content, the aim professed by the song-

composer Valentin Gorner is typical: 'to write engaging, charming,

jocular, graceful, enamoured, and gay tunes.' It should not be overlooked
that the new Rococo style in music grew at the very time when Baroque
composition reached its climax in Sebastian Bach and Handel. On the
other hand the style galant did not remain unchallenged even among the
younger generation. The English philosopher, Edward Young, and the
German, J. Georg Hamann, proved that the creations of genius are not
based on reasoning and theoretical speculation, but on divine inspiration.
In music the delicate and carefree artistic idiom which had conquered
Southern and Western Europe was replaced, particularly in Northern
Germany, by a more solid musical language in which emphasis was laid
on expressive power and sensibility (Empfindsamkeii). 'It is the business
301
302 THE BACH FAMILY
of music,' declared Daniel Webb in his 'Observations on the Correspon-
dence between Poetry and Music,' 'to express passions in the way they
rise out of the soul.' And Philipp Emanuel Bach exhorted his followers
with the axiom: 'A musician cannot move others unless he himself is

moved.'
Even before the Empfindsamkeit reached its climax in the 'Storm and
Stress' of the early seventies, to which most great spirits of the time made
significant contributions, a fusion of the two main forms of Rococo music
was envisioned. The style galant and the Empfindsamkeit were combined
into a new idiom of early classicism that was gay and light, yet tender and
deeply felt; an idiom which represented a fine balance of form and content,
of the language of the heart and that of the intellect. Attempts towards
reaching a union of these apparently incongruous elements were made as
early as 1760, although the classical style did not reach its highest perfec-
tion until much later in the symphonies and quartets of a Haydn and
Mozart.
This evolution may be observed in the most diverse artistic and
spiritual manifestations of the time. There is between
a close affinity
musical classicism, the ideals of humanism and world brotherhood, and
the noble simplicity and quiet grandeur manifested in contemporary
literature and fine arts. The work of the Bachs was determined by these
changing trends, and at the same time it contributed greatly towards
shaping them.
THE HALLE BACH
(WILHELM FRIEDEMANN BACH)

J. Sebastian Bach=Maria Barbara Bach

1685-1750 1 684- 1 720

Wilhelm Friedemann=Dorothea Elisabeth Georgi

1710-84 1725-91

Wilhelm Adolf Gotthilf Wilhelm Friederica Sophia == Johann Schmidt

1752-52 1754-56 1757-1801 1761-?

Sophia Dorothea Sophie Friederika

1793-? I797-?

the adolescence of Friedemann1 was described in the story of Sebastian's

life. We left the consideration of the career of this eldest son of the master
when, in 1733, he started independently in Dresden. The fond hopes that
accompanied him seemed fully justified. At the age of 23 Friedemann was
an outstanding and inspired organ virtuoso whose improvisations
approached those of his father in grandeur and imaginative power, while
in the field of composition he also showed definite promise. The position
he held at Dresden's Sophienkirche was not an important one, but it had
the advantage of taking up but little of the organist's time. He was
required to play every Monday at 8 a.m., and every Sunday and feast-day
for a morning and an afternoon service; this gave Friedemann an oppor-
tunity for continuing his studies. Although music naturally occupied the
centre of his activities, he still continued the mathematical work which
had captivated his mind while he attended Leipzig University. In this
respect Friedemann was the true son of his father, on whom the world of
numbers and their symbolic use in music exercised a real fascination.
Moreover, Friedemann did a great deal of teaching, and one of his pupils
brought him much satisfaction and prestige. This was young Johann
Theophilus Goldberg, whose name has survived in the history of music
as the pianist who played Sebastian Bach's 'Aria with 30 Variations' at
night to his protector, Count Keyserlingk, in order to help the Count for-
get the pains and insomnia caused by a serious illness. At times Goldberg
1
Cf. Martin Falck, 'Wilhelm Friedemann Bach,' Leipzig, 19 13.

303
304 THE BACH FAMILY
was taken by the Count to Leipzig, to get instruction on certain problems
from Sebastian Bach, but it was mainly Friedemann who taught the
brilliant pianist; and though this virtuoso naturally held a unique position

among the organist's pupils, it may be assumed that Friedemann at that

time did not mind 'informing the youth' (as the 18th century described
work of this kind) and was a capable teacher.
Social and artistic contacts were easily established. Friedemann
had
occasionally visited Dresden with his father and had met many musicians
there. He knew the great Adolf Hasse, opera director at Dresden, and
Hasse's wife, the renowned prima donna, Faustina Bordoni, and he saw
much of the eminent flautist, P. G. BufTardin, who years ago had taught
Sebastian's elder brother, Johann Jakob (cf. p. 297), when that adventure-
loving musician came to Constantinople as oboist in the Swedish army.
Friedemann also got on well with other court musicians and invited them
to visit his father in Leipzig for communal music-making, an invitation
which meant much to any good musician. After Sebastian was appointed
in 1736 Royal Polish and Electoral Saxon Court composer (an honour for
which the master expressed his gratitude by giving a most magnificent
recital on the new Silbermann organ of Dresden's Frauenkirche), his son

had no difficulty in making contacts with the music-loving aristocrats at

the court. Thus in many ways the father extended from a distance a
helping hand to his beloved 'Friede,' smoothing out difficulties which he
himself, in his youth, had had to overcome unaided.
And yet, in spite of such manifest advantages, Dresden presented
problems, and even dangers, to an unstable, highly impressionable young
artist. How utterly different was life at the Saxon capital from that which

Friedemann had experienced at the Thomas Cantor's home! There the

strictest economy prevailed; every penny had to be accounted for and, for

the sake of a few outstanding thalers, his father had spent hours and hours
drafting lengthy petitions and complaints to his monarch. The Bachs'
home contained just what was necessary for living; luxury in furniture,
food or clothes would have been considered unseemly for a man in Sebas-
tian's position.Those standards of economy, and even which
austerity,
were considered a matter of course by the Bach children, seemed strangely
out of place in Dresden. At the court, operas, ballets, redoutes, sleigh-
rides, and the most ingenious illuminations followed each other in a

breath-taking succession, all presented with the most expensive settings

and costumes. The monarch did not mind spending a sum of 40,000
thalers on one carnival season alone, besides a huge amount of money
on the enormous entertainment programme for the rest of the year. It was
W. FRIEDEMANN IN DRESDEN (1733-1746) 305

a glittering fairyland intowhich Friedemann had moved, a land where a

newly appointed ambassador was received by 30 state coaches, each drawn
by 6 magnificent horses, and led over a bridge lit by some 3000 lamps.
The musicians at the Dresden court lived in an atmosphere vastly different
from that in Leipzig (a fact that Sebastian felt impelled to mention in a
petition to his Leipzig superiors). Hasse drew for his 'pretty little tunes,'
as Sebastian smilingly described them to his son, a salary quite beyond
that of the Leipzig director musices. He and Faustina each received
6000 thalers a year, which was about eight times Sebastian's income, and
were given besides a travel allowance of 500 thalers and the chance to
earn a great deal through guest appearances.
All this was strangely disturbing and likely to upset a young man's set
of values. Maybe Friedemann would have been able to throw over the
family standard and to adopt wholeheartedly the outlook on life prevailing
at the Dresden was impossible, for he did not belong to the
court; but this
luxurious, dazzling court world, and could only watch it with a fascina-
tion tinged with envy. A Protestant organist was of very little significance
indeed in Dresden at that time. The Elector, following the example of his
father, Augustus 'the Strong,' who had given up Protestantism in order
to become King of Poland, was a devout Catholic; his wife was an
Austrian princess with the traditional interest of the Hapsburgs in the
Catholic Church, and during their reign Protestantism lost more and more
ground in Dresden. It is significant that the Elector had a magnificent new
Catholic church built; while the former Protestant court church in the
castle was remodelled into living quarters for employees, and the Protes-
tant court servants were ordered henceforth to worship at the Sophien-
kirche. Great indignation prevailed among the non-Catholics, and Friede-
mann especially had good reasons for being vexed. Not only was his work
hampered by the alterations made in his church, into which equipment
from the former court church was fitted, but he had to play on Sundays
for two morning services (one extra for the court employees, who were
unwilling to mix with the regular congregation), without receiving any
additional remuneration.
Even in Dresden there were, it is true, better positions to be found for
a Protestant musician. Working on the new organ of the Frauenkirche, for
and Friedemann must have had his
instance, carried greater distinction,
eye on the vacancy which occurred there in 1742. It was filled, however,
by another pupil of Sebastian's, Gottfried August Homilius, who gave
such satisfaction that he was later appointed Kreu^kantor and musical
director of Dresden's three main Protestant churches. Changing from one
306 THE BACH FAMILY
organ to another within a town was by nomeans unusual — for example,
Sebastian's rival at Leipzig, Johann Gottlieb Gorner, had done so (cf.

p. 174) —and the fact that Homilius was preferred to Friedemann Bach
seems to point to young Bach's inability to establish cordial relations with
his superiors. Nor did Friedemann make much headway composer of
as a
secular music. In Dresden the Italian taste reigned supreme, and the
organist's language, although it adopted the Italian idiom in various
details, seemed too complicated and too teutonic to please the capital's

music lovers.
Gradually became apparent that Friedemann would always remain
it

an outsider in the glittering Saxon town, and that real success was not
attainable there. He began to look for a chance to leave Dresden and find
a position elsewhere with greater responsibilities and wider scope. When
he was 36, a fine opportunity materialized, and it is significant that it took
him to a place where his father was well known. It will be remembered
that while working in Weimar, Sebastian, tempted by the outstanding
merits of the organ built at that time in Halle's Liebfrauenkirche, had
applied for the vacant organist's post and given his trial performance to
everybody's delight. The negotiations had led to no result, much to the
disappointment of tjie Halle electors, as Sebastian found the conditions
offered less desirable than those granted him at Weimar. Eventually the
master succeeded in conciliating the Halle authorities, and when work on
the organ was finished, he was invited to test the instrument (cf. p. 147).
Since then 30 years had passed, during which Gottfried KirchhorT had
served as organist at the Liebfrauenkirche. When on his death in January
1746 the position became vacant, the Bach family was naturally interested
in securing this important appointment for one of its members. Sebastian
probably got into touch with his former correspondent, August Becker,
who was still a member of the church board. Friedemann himself must
have been able to present recommendations of the highest order, for
against all precedent he was given the position without passing the
customary trial performance. There is some possibility that the decisive
word in his favour was uttered by Friedrich II ('the Great') of Prussia.
The King had just won a victory over Saxony in the 'second Silesian war'
(1744-45) an d in December 1745 occupied Dresden. During the nine days
of his stay, this ardent friend of the muses enjoyed with the greatest zest
all that the Dresden musicians had to offer; indeed, on the very day of his

entry into the capital, he attended the premiere of a Hasse opera. As

Philipp Emanuel Bach had for several years been in the King's service, it

seems likely that Friedrich, interested in his accompanist's elder brother,

W. FRIEDEMANN IN HALLE (1746-I770) 307

heard him play while in Dresden. The city of Halle belonged to the state
of Brandenburg which was united with Prussia, and although the appoint-
ment of an organist was a purely municipal matter, Friedrich could easily
have hinted that the choice of Friedemann Bach would be agreeable to
him. Anyway, on April 16, 1746, the contract —
was signed it was identical
with that sent to Sebastian in 1714 — and on Whitsunday Friedemann
assumed his new duties. It was a great step forward in every respect. The
position formerly held by such eminent musicians as Samuel Scheidt and
Friedrich Wilhelm Zachau, the teacher of Handel, carried much distinc-
tion. Friedemann's basic salary was more than twice his honorarium at

Dresden, 1 and in addition he could hope for a larger income from Acciden-
tien. The position gave him much greater responsibilities; for he served not

only as organist, but as conductor of the concerted music played on high

feast-days and every third Sunday at the Liebfrauenkirchej and.*as com-
poser of many of the works to be performed. He held the title of Director
Musices, as his father did at Leipzig, having at his disposal a large choir
and a group of instrumentalists recruited from the town musicians
sizeable
and the Collegium Musicum.
If Friedemann, on leaving Dresden, had wanted a complete change of
atmosphere, he certainly got it in Halle. Here was no glamorous court life,
no display of luxury, no opera, and only isolated theatrical performances
when King Friedrich overrode the objections of certain citizens. Halle
had for the past fifty years been the centre of pietism, which, with its
insistence on an ascetic life preparing for the hereafter, frowned on any-
thing savouring of sensuous pleasure. Women were expected to be clad
with nun-like simplicity; dancing and smoking were considered frivoli-
ties, and music was suffered only as a means of 'inspiring and refreshing

the congregation in worship' (as it reads in Friedemann's contract). When

the new Director Musices came to Halle, pietism had lost much of its

original fervour and appeal. The leadership had passed from the great
humanitarian, August Hermann Francke, unforgettable in Halle as the
creator of large-scale charitable and educational institutions, which still
exist to-day, 2 to his son, Gotthilf August, a domineering, narrow-

1
The basic salary of 181 th. 12 gr. had not seemed adequate to his father in 1714, but
Sebastian had to provide for wife and children at that time, while Friedemann was still

a bachelor.
2
Francke founded a school for poor children, an orphanage, a boarding school, and
a Latin day school for paying students; later he added a mission institute for the East Indies.
All these institutes, where girls also were taught, were united in a kind of school town with
its own farm, clinic, book store, and dispensary. The production of certain medicines
provided an important income for the various charitable institutions.
308 THE BACH FAMILY
minded theologian whose outlook was typical of the gradual petrification
taking place in the pietistic doctrines. It was bad luck for Friedemann that
the younger Francke was archidiaconus of his church, 1 a superior lacking
a real understanding of music. He and his colleagues were certainly not
pleasant to work with. At Halle no musician could dare to behave with
anything but exemplary propriety. Nothing was overlooked or ever for-
gotten by the church authorities. Even minor breaches of regulations
were sharply reprimanded and a real offence brought instant dismissal. 2
After living for 13 years in Dresden, it cannot have been easy for
Friedemann to adapt himself to such diametrically opposed conditions. It
is true that he had always been an outsider in the Saxon capital; but even

as such he had absorbed enough of its easy-going, sensuous atmosphere

to deviate from some of the strict standards on which he had been brought
up. Now he was transplanted to a circle where the pleasures of life were
regarded with suspicion, where a sober, austere mode of living was a
matter of course. Had young Friedemann gone straight from Leipzig to
Halle, he might have become a sincere pietist; but the man of 36, familiar
with an entirely different philosophy of life, found such reorientation
difficult indeed. Sometimes he may have come perilously near to sharing

the opinion of his sovereign, Friedrich 'the Great,' who derided the Halle
pietists as 'Protestant Jesuits and Pharisees.' Yet, a son of Sebastian Bach,
so close to his father, must have possessed a great capacity for a genuine
religious life, and Friedemann might eventually have achieved a real
acceptance of the pietistic doctrine, had there not been a disturbing
influence from another quarter.
On foundation in 1693 the University of Halle, one of the most
its

distinguished Protestant institutions of learning in Germany, mainly

served the cause of pietism. However, its harmonious atmosphere was
rudely shaken when the philosopher and mathematician, Christian Wolff,
the foremost German exponent of the new trend of Aufklarung (enlighten-
ment), started his lectures in 1707. In his system there was no place for the
religious impulses and mystical experiences so dear to pietists, nor did he
see in this world a vale of tears. Wolff based his philosophy on the sound
working of human reason, and following his great model, Leibniz (cf.
p. 85), he proved that the world we lived in was the best of all possible
worlds. His system, with its emphasis on empirical methods of research,
had dangerous implications for pietism, and indeed for all denominations,
and was likely ultimately to lead to scepticism and atheism (though Wolff
1
He died in 1769, one year before Friedemann left Halle.
2
This happened to Friedemann's colleague, Cantor Mittag.
W. FRIEDEMANN IN HALLE (1746-1770) 309

himself was a very religious man). He was therefore viciously attacked by

the Church, and when he dared even to prove in a lecture on Confucius
that morals were independent of theology, his enemies succeeded in en-
forcing in 1723 his expulsion from Halle. But they could not stop the
triumphant progress of his doctrine, which was just what the young minds
needed, and when Friedrich 'the Great' ascended the throne in 1740, one
of his first acts was~to recall^ Wolff to Halle. By the time Friedemann settled
down in his new appointment, Wolff had gained an unassailable position,
and his pupils were successfully applying the new rationalistic method in
all fields of knowledge. Of particular importance for Halle was Johann
Salomo Semler, who started the historical-critical interpretation of Biblical
sources.
Naturally the new Director Musices (after being introduced into uni-
versity circles by his friend, the publisher, J. J. Gebauer), could not over-
look the two controversial trends which dominated Halle's intellectual and
religious life. Tossed between the Scylla of rationalism and the Charybdis
of pietism, Friedemann had not the strength to preserve the profound
Christian faith in which he had been brought up. This is clearly revealed
in his compositions written for the church, which are not on the same level
as his instrumental music and lack real religious fervour. It was Friede-
mann's tragic fate that in Halle once again he did not become part of a
leading faction, and yet, on the other hand, he was not strong enough to
enjoy such splendid isolation. This may have been one of the reasons for
his unhappiness there and his eventual breakdown.
The first years were quite pleasant, though; while Sebastian was alive,
his very existence gave the son support. In the spring of 1747 the two
travelled together to Berlin and Potsdam to pay a visit to the King; a
great experience of which Friedemann loved to relate in later years. In
1750 he made the same trip again, but under what sad conditions! Sebas-

tian had died, and Friedemann, after administering his father's affairs in
Leipzig, took his half-brother, Johann Christian, to Emanuel, who had
offered Christian a home. Shaken by the irreparable loss, Friedemann
stayed in Berlin much
longer than he had intended, and on his return to
Halle he had to face public reprimand by the authorities. This was not his
first trouble with the Board; for a few months earlier he had been

threatened with dismissal for having, contrary to regulation, lent the

church's drums to the Collegium Musicum. But Friedemann somehow
managed to calm his superiors, and for several years no complaints are
reported.
Doubly aware of his solitude now that visits to his father were no
3IO THE BACH FAMILY
longer possible, Friedemann decided, at the age of 41, to marry the
daughter of an excise official with whom he had resided since his arrival
in Halle. The choice was a sensible one as some means of her
the bride had
own, and it looked as though the artist were now embarking on a life
along traditional Three children were born, for whom the father
lines.

provided high-ranking godparents, such as the Dresden court-marshal,

and the Princes of Anhalt-Cothen. However, only one daughter, Friede-
rica Sophia, born 1757, survived infancy, and in the long run marriage

did not cure Friedemann of his restlessness and dissatisfaction. He tried

several times to get a position elsewhere; in 1753 he applied for an
organist's post at Zittau; in 1758 for similar work at Frankfurt, and his
repeated absences, for which the Halle authorities reproached their music
director, were probably connected with other unsuccessful attempts in
this direction. Ten years after his arrival in Halle, the city became a most

unpleasant place to live in. War broke out between Prussia, assisted by

England and a few small North German states on the one side, and Austria
Russia, France, Saxony and various other German states on the other; a
struggle that was carried on through seven years. From the outset it was
realized that Halle could not be defended, and so it was declared an open
city. Again and again one of the various enemy armies quartered itself in

the unfortunate town, using up all its resources and with threats of
complete devastation through fire enforcing the payments of outrageous
ransoms. All the citizens had to contribute to these payments, but even
so it seems amazing how the population of 13,000 could manage to satisfy
the various occupying troops, which in the year 1760, for instance, in-
sisted on receiving 301,747 dialers and extensive deliveries in kind. This
state of things went on for years with hardly any intermission. Work of
every kind almost came to a succumbed to plagues,
standstill, the cattle

there was a scarcity of every foodstuff, and the inhabitants' nerves were
strained to breaking point. Friedemann suffered like the rest, and although
he was not a citizen he was taxed for contributions to the enemy because
of the property belonging to his wife. This he felt to be unfair and he
decided to appeal to the Church Board. It cannot be said that he chose a
propitious moment for this step. On October 20, 1761, only a few days
after the purely military danger seemed to be overcome for the moment
through the arrival of Prussian troops in the vicinity, he wrote his peti-
tion. Oblivious to the fact that the war was not yet over, that the city had
in the last, worst year, lost literally all its resources, and that the church
treasury was depleted, he not only asked for exemption from tax, claiming
it had been granted to other church servants, but continued with this
W. FRIEDEMANN IN HALLE (1746-I770) 3II

request: 'I venture at the same time submissively to ask your Honours for
an increase in my salary. When I started work, the late chairman, Mr.
Schafer, assured me in the name of A Most Noble Church Council that he
would see to such increase, should the conditions of the church improve.
This assurance given me 15 years ago, and the present very hard times,
with prices rising daily, induce me to appeal now to my Most Noble and
Honoured was certainly true that Friedemann suffered from
patrons.' It
the catastrophic economic conditions prevailing in Halle, but it seems
hardly credible that with the events of the past years in mind he could
have ventured to request the increase which had been promised to him in
the event of improved conditions. Indeed the letter reveals a degree of self-
absorption and an inability to foresee the other person's reaction which
clearly explains why the various attempts to secure a position, which
Friedemann undertook after his father's death (and therefore without his
support and advice), turned out to be failures. No wonder this letter did
not produce the hoped-for result. The church elders, who had gone
through such harassing times and as yet did not know how to save the
town from bankruptcy, were outraged and did not hide their feelings.
They curtly answered that the allotment to him of a share in the payments
to the enemy was justified, as he was enjoying the protection resulting
from such payments, and incidentally was taxed less than the meanest
craftsman. As to the salary-increase, they did not see any reason whatso-
ever for it in view of 'his frequently improper behaviour and his lack of
submission to the Church Board as, despite the reprimand given him in
pleno Collegii, he had absented himself repeatedly without special per-
mission.' Finally he was advised henceforth to show greater subordination
so as not to force the Board to take further steps. It should be emphasized
that Friedemann's 'improper behaviour' could certainly not have been
anything of the kind implied by this expression in our time. Loose morals
or dissolute habits would not have been tolerated by the Council for even
a short period, and in 1761 Friedemann had been in office for 15 years!
The Council had indeed to exert its memory to prove its point, for the
reprimand referred to had been delivered eleven years before, when
Friedemann had overstayed his leave after the death of his father!
The effect of this most outspoken letter on the organist, who felt he
had given excellent service to Halle, can well be imagined. It must have
been a true relief to him when one year later he got a most tempting offer.
He was invited to succeed Christoph Graupner, at one time Sebastian's
rival for the Thomas Cantorate (cf. p. 166), as conductor to the court of
Darmstadt. The position was a highly important one carrying a salary of
312 THE BACH FAMILY
900 fl. as well as contributions in kind; indeed, it was so good that
Graupner had seen fit to decline the position at Leipzig for its sake. For
Friedemann it must have seemed like the fulfilment of his greatest wishes;
at Darmstadt he could start a new life, devote himself to instrumental

music, and at last reap the rewards that he felt to be his due. Friedemann
accepted and was urged to get started on the removal of his belongings,
for which 100 fl. were offered to him. But the musician, 52 years old, did
not like to be rushed. In the ensuing correspondence he insisted on
receiving the official decree first, and with characteristic stubbornness he
did not refrain from this request even when Darmstadt made it clear that
the document would be handed to him on his arrival. What happened
after that is rather obscure, as Friedemann's own have not been
letters

preserved; but it may be surmised that his hesitant manner of carrying on

the negotiations and his lack of pliability made a bad impression. Anyway,
he eventually got the coveted title, but not the position. The darkness
veiling this chapter of Friedemann's history, which might have become
a turning-point in his career, also shrouds the next fatal step he took. On
May 12, 1764, he resigned his position at Halle, stopping work instantly,
and not even appearing for the checking of the instruments entrusted to
his care.No dispute has been recorded which might have provoked so
sudden a decision; moreover Friedemann had no other position in
prospect on which to fall back, though he may have hoped for a chance
at Fulda.Apparently the resentment and disappointment engendered in
Friedemann's mind for 18 years just had to find an outlet, and the artist
felt irresistibly drawn
to washing his hands of his ungracious and narrow-
minded and to showing them that he did not depend on their
superiors,
favour. The satisfaction he derived from this act of defiance must have
been great indeed, but so was the price he and his dependants had to pay
for it.

Through six more years he stayed on in Halle, getting some help from
his friend, the publisher Gebauer, and working as a music teacher. Some
of his pupils in Halle were highly successful. Among them his kinsman,
Johann Christian Bach (1743- 18 14), known as the 'Clavier-Bach,' should
be mentioned. He was the son of Michael Bach, Cantor of St. Ulrich in
Halle, and probably a nephew of the Meiningen court conductor, Johann
Ludwig Bach. The relative received various gifts of manuscripts from his
teacher, among them Sebastian's Clavierbiichlein written for young Friede-
mann. Another pupil was Friedrich Wilhelm Rust, whose grandson,
Wilhelm Rust, was to become one of the foremost editors of the Bach-
Gesellschaft and to the elder Rust the generous teacher gave the autograph
y
—

w. friedemann's last years (1770-1784) 313

of Sebastian's French Suites. Johann Samuel Petri also proudly claims in

his Anleitung %ur praktischen Musih that he enjoyed 'the Halle Bach's
friendship and instruction.'
In 1767 Friedemann tried to win the favour of Maria Antonia, Electress
of Saxony, by dedicating to her his Clavier Concerto in e. In the accom-
panying letter he reminded the Princess that he had heard her singing in
Dresden when he had brought his pupil, Goldberg, to perform for her. 1
—
We hope that the Electress rewarded him a fact that cannot be checked,
as the Princess' private accounts of this period have not been preserved
but nothing else resulted from this attempt, as Maria Antonia, a fertile

composer herself, cared only for the Italian style in music.

In August 1770 Friedemann decided to leave Halle for good, and his
wife's property was put up for auction. At the age of 60 he started a
wandering life, following the chance of an appointment here or there, but
never achieving tangible results. Wherever he appeared people were
fascinated by his organ playing, and received him at first with enthusiasm
and reverence; yet they did not desire to engage him. He was too old, too
eccentric (for how else could one regard a man who had thrown away a
perfectly satisfactory position without having secured another?), and too
famous to fit into a regular routine job which a modest young man would
fill so much more satisfactorily. Thus Friedemann failed in the city of
Braunschweig — not the first Bach, incidentally, to live there, as a kins-
man, Johann Stephan Bach, had served from 1689-1718 as a Dom-
—
Cantor and a visit to Gottingen, where his great admirer, Johann
Nikolaus Forkel, worked as University organist, did not bring success
either. The composer made a precarious living through organ recitals,
teaching, writing works for special occasions, and, at times, selling manu-
scripts of his father's, always hoping that he would yet find a permanent
position. In 1774 Berlin seemed to offer him such a chance, and in one of
his —
sudden decisions so characteristic of Friedemann in his old age he —
rushed from Braunschweig without even taking time to provide in an
orderly fashion for the most valuable property he owned, the bulk of the
autographs of his father's works. He just left them with his friend,
Professor Eschenburg, to be auctioned, and did not even bother to make a
list of his possessions. Apparently the matter slipped his mind altogether,
1
Maria Antonia, a Bavarian princess, entered Dresden as a bride in 1748, two years
after Friedemann left the town. She may have come for a visit previously, and on that
occasion received Goldberg and Bach; or else Friedemann may have visited Dresden from
Halle. In the dedication he mentions Count Keyserlingk as Russian ambassador to Saxony,
so the visit would have occurred between 1749 an<^ *75 2 > when the Count was again
attached to the Dresden court after leaving it in 1745.
314 THE BACH FAMILY
and he only took it up again four years later, when his finances were
1
running low. Eschenburg's answer is not preserved and so we do not
know what happened to Friedemann's priceless collection.
Berlin at first fell under the spell of the artist, and his superb organ
recitals received enthusiastic praise. A reviewer in the Berlinische Nach-
richten exclaimed: 'Everything that intoxicates the emotions, novelty of
ideas,amazing development, dissonances dying away in a harmony like
Graun's, force, delicacy, were united under the fingers of this master to
convey joy and grief. Would it have been possible not to recognize the
worthy son of a Sebastian?' Berlin's high-ranking music-lovers received
him with open arms, especially as the King's sister, the artistic Princess
Anna Amalia, who had appointed his brother, Emanuel, conductor to her
court, and was besides a great admirer of Sebastian's style, showed him
many favours. Friedemann, to express 'his most ardent feelings of grati-
tude,' dedicated 8 Fugues to her in 1778 and apparently cherished hopes
of a court appointment. But, as so often in late years, he had been too
sanguine, and before long the whole edifice of his plans crashed down on
him. The Princess' conductor, Johann Philipp Kirnberger, a pupil of
Sebastian Bach, had, out of reverent gratitude for Friedemann's father,
greatly befriended the newcomer, and introduced him to influential
people. Now Friedemann somehow deluded himself that the Princess
might dismiss Kirnberger for his sake, and started an intrigue at court
against his protector; but the result was that the weapon prepared against
Kirnberger turned against himself, and he lost the patronage of the
Princess as well as Kirnberger's support. Other distinguished supporters
also were disappointed when they found the musician unwilling to exhibit
his unique art of improvisation, for the sake of which they had invited him
to their homes. If the atmosphere seemed uncongenial to him, he curtly
refused to play, and thus earned the reputation of haughtiness and
eccentricity. But when he met with genuine understanding, as in the case
of the composer Carl Friedrich Zelter, the friend of Goethe, he would
play for hours to his entranced audience. Teaching would still have pro-
cured him a modest income, had he not grown increasingly impatient with
untalented pupils, and even refused to accept them, regardless of their
wealth and position. Again he made exceptions in the case of genuine
1
From this letter dated July 4, 1778, we also learn that Friedemann left at Braun-
schweig books that had belonged to his father, and of these also no trace has been dis-
covered. This is the more regrettable, for Sebastian's library would have offered important
clues as to his general interests. In the inventory of his estate only a rich supply of theo-
logicalbooks is mentioned, which were listed for sale as apparendy neither Friedemann
nor Emanuel cared to take them.
w. friedemann's last years (1770-1784) 315

musicianship, and he instructed, for instance, up to his death the highly-

gifted Sara Itzig, a great-aunt of Felix Mendelssohn, 1 who acquired an
extensive collection of Friedemann's later compositions together with
those of his brother, Emanuel. Some help came from the family of Count
Keyserlingk, 2 thus continuing the tradition established through the writing
of Sebastian's 'Goldberg Variations,' but such irregular support together
with the small annuity Friedemann's wife still received from Halle 3
could bring only temporary relief. It was in such desperate straits that the
old musician committed those acts of artistic dishonesty which posterity
still holds against him: he claimed the authorship of an organ concerto
which was really his father's arrangement of a Vivaldi violin concerto
(cf. p. 246), a falsification to be cleared up only in 191 1, although Zelter

had already guessed the truth in his correspondence with Goethe. On the
other hand, when it became clear to Friedemann that the market for
Sebastian's music was better than for his own works, he erased the name
on two of his compositions replacing it with that of his father.
For ten years Friedemann lived in Berlin, fighting a tragic struggle
against poverty and increasing illness; again and again spoiling the few
chances that still came his way by his fits of temper, his intransigence, and
his increasing aversion from effort of any kind. Friedemann had not been
born with any of his father's fighting spirit, and gradually he learned to
substitute flights into the world of imagination for action. The constant
failure of his hopes for an appointment and the lack of appreciation for
his own compositions forced him more and more into a world of his own,
and when he died in 1784 at the age of 74,* only one newspaper in Berlin
reported the event, exclaiming that 'Germany had lost its foremost organ
player, and the musical world a man whose loss was irreplaceable.'
The lot of Friedemann's widow was a sad one. At first she seems to
have received some support from music friends, for it is known that part
of the proceeds from a performance of Handel's 'Messiah' in 1785 were
allotted to her. Gradually, however, her existence was forgotten, and when
she died in 1791 she was given, like Anna Magdalena Bach, a pauper's
funeral. Their only surviving daughter, Friederica Sophia, did not keep
up the rigid moral standard to which the Bachs had for centuries adhered;

1
Bitter, Falck and Miesner erroneously describe her as Felix Mendelssohn's grand-
mother.
2
Cf. Miesner in BJ, 1934.
8
Cf. Miesner in BJ, 1932.
* His long life best disproves Reichardt's reports about Friedemann's excessive
drinking habits which, incidentally, are not referred to in any other contemporary source
of information.
316 THE BACH FAMILY
for ^
when in 1793, at e a g e °f 3 6, sne married a musketeer in an infantry
regiment, the ceremony took place five days after the birth of a daughter
to the couple. The church-register also reports the birth of another
daughter in 1797, but as the father had the very common name of Johann
Schmidt, it proved impossible for research scholars to follow up the fate
of these two great-granddaughters of Sebastian Bach.
The story of Friedemann, this truly gifted but tragically failing
artist, has always exercised a fascination on writers of fiction. He was the
hero of a highly romantic best-selling novel in the 19th century, and again
more recently of a German film. Friedemann is certainly the most enig-
matic of Sebastian's sons, and for some of his decisive actions it has — in
the absence of clear evidence —been impossible to find a real clue. Yet
the we know about him is sufficient to show us a man so utterly
little

absorbed in his own self that he was unable to estimate and gauge the re-
actions of other people. It is significant that the only two positions he
obtained were won during his father's lifetime; when Sebastian's counsel
and help were no longer at the son's disposal, Friedemann was singularly
unsuccessful in whatever he attempted. He did not learn from his failures;
they threw him into a deep depression which was suddenly succeeded by
a bout of unfounded optimism1 leading him to highly irresponsible
actions. Looking back over Friedemann's life as a whole, we cannot help
seeing in the great love and support which Sebastian unstintingly offered
to his eldest son, a fatal gift. It atrophied Friedemann's initiative and it also
reduced his artistic independence.

THE MUSIC OF WILHELM FRIEDEMANN BACH

Twenty-five years separated Friedemann from his father. He belonged
to a younger generation which passionately desired to overcome the past
and speak its own artistic language. Loyalty to Sebastian struggled in his
heart against loyalty to his own time. As a result his music displayed a
mixture of conservative and progressive elements. In his vocal composi-
tions he used with equal success strict and free polyphony as well as
completely homophonic forms. Nevertheless his attempts to develop

1
My friend, Dr. Leo Hess, Boston, kindly pointed out that Friedemann's extremely
beautiful, sensitive hands, shown on the well-known portrait in the City Museum of
Halle, classify him as a personality disposed to emotional depressions and periodic fits of
ecstasy.
MUSIC OF WILHELM FRIEDEMANN 317

further the language of Sebastian's church cantatas show little originality.

Friedemann was far greater in his instrumental music. Here he adopted a
style that was homophonic, though adorned with frequent
basically
imitations. He rarely used more than one subject in a movement, but
like his brothers he was fond of changes in expression and sudden sur-

prises. The static rigidity of mood in Baroque compositions was replaced

in Friedemann's works by the sudden contrasts peculiar to the age of

sensibility.

Yet so much of Sebastian's influence remained that the son's composi-

tions were regarded by his contemporaries as old-fashioned and complex.
The artist did not meet with the success which he felt he deserved. Frus-
tration reduced the volume of his creative output and made him indulge
more and more in a musical language that went far beyond the fashionable
sensibility. The optimistic compositions of his early manhood already
show a subjective and strongly emotional character; and as the composer
grew older, this tendency increased. His later works display passion and
grief, and then again, in some slow movements, a fervour and depth of

feeling which few composers expressed in his time.

The inability of the ageing Friedemann to fit into any established
pattern of life, his lack of social graces, his opposition to composing or
even improvising 'on order,' and, on the other hand, the comparatively
small number of works he wrote, among which compositions for the
clavier play so important a part: all this could be better understood in an
artist living sixty or even a hundred years later. Friedemann is the dis-
appointed Romanticist among the sons of Sebastian, a man who seemed
old-fashioned to his contemporaries, whereas in many respects he was far
ahead of his time.
In spite of the impossibility of establishing exact dates of composition
for most of Friedemann's works, the main periods of his artistic develop-
ment are easily traceable. Only a few works from Friedemann's youth
(1710-33) have been preserved. They are either in a superficial Rococo
style which sounds strangely unsatisfactory when handled by Friedemann,
or they follow closely the model of the greatest music teacher of the
century. The period of maturity embraced the two long stays in Dresden
and Halle (1733-70). At first Friedemann devoted all his energies to
instrumental composition (Dresden, 1733-46), and only while living in
Halle (1746-70) did he concentrate on a vocal output, which consisted
almost exclusively of church cantatas. There is also a significant contrast
in mood between the works of the Dresden and the Halle period. The
compositions Friedemann wrote in his earlier years show a powerful,
318 THE BACH FAMILY
affirmative spirit and are predominantly in the major mode. For the
organist in pietistic Halle and especially for the man who stayed afterwards
in the same city without a job, life had lost much of this brightness and
lustre. The compositions then created frequently display a passionate
yearning and a tragic unrest, for which the minor mode is more often used
than before.The last period (1771-84), which Friedemann spent in
Braunschweig and Berlin without a permanent occupation, shows a
marked decrease volume of his output, and not infrequently a
in the
decline in the quality of the works written. Both the retrospective and the
romantic elements are now more strongly emphasized. The composer of
70 who so far had never had any connection with the stage, now worked
on an opera,1 but to the same period belong the fine little clavier fugues
which he dedicated to Princess Amalia of Prussia.
The bonds linking Friedemann with the past are most evident in his
compositions for the organ. Forkel writes in his biography of Johann Sebas-
tian: 2 'When I heard Wilhelm Friedemann ... on the organ, I was seized

with reverential awe here all was great and solemn,' and Daniel
. . .

Schubart3 considered Friedemann's achievements as an organ virtuoso not

only as equal but almost as superior to those of his father. Such enthusi-
astic reports are apt to arouse the highest anticipations for Friedemann's
compositions for the king of instruments, but actually he seems to have
improvised rather than written down. The number of his original com-
positions known to-day is pitifully small, even if we include the clavier
fugues which might have been intended for the keyboard of the organ.
There are seven chorale preludes (^38/1) consisting mostly of a succession
of brief fugatos on the individual chorale lines and ending with an
extended pedal point, a form going back to Johann Christoph Bach and
Pachelbel. Friedemann's arrangements to some extent combine the
melodic material of the different hymn sections thus giving greater
cohesion to the individual preludes. Nevertheless these little compositions
are of minor significance and cannot stand comparison with the chorale
preludes of Sebastian's maturity.
Of greater importance are two fugues with a pedal part, the solid
yet old-fashioned Fugue g (F 37), and the great triple Fugue in
in
F (F 36). This latter work, which was written in Halle, is a well built
and powerful composition; it cleverly manipulates its extended theme,

1
Cf. C. M. Pliimicke, 'Entwurf einer Theatergeschichte von Berlin,' Berlin, 1781,
p. 338. Friedemann's music seems to be lost.
2
I.e., chapter IV.
3
'Ideen zu einer Aesthetik der Tonkunst,' Vienna, 1806, p. 89.
W. FRIEDEMANN S ORGAN WORKS 319

subdividing it and presenting the sections not only in succession but also
simultaneously. 1
The
eight three-part fugues (^31) which Friedemann composed in
Berlin,and dedicated in February 1778 to the music-loving Princess
Amalia of Prussia, may also be considered as works for organ, al-
though they have no pedal part. These are short, pleasant and uncompli-
cated compositions of no great technical difficulty, but with numerous
attractive features, such as the gay and rhythmically unconventional
subject of No. 1 in C, or the merry gigue-like character of No. 5 in e. In
this age of sensibility, which witnessed a general decline of contrapuntal
forms, only a few composers were able to handle the fugue form with such
complete ease. Friedemann's model for this little cycle was obviously a
work of his father's. The prevalent systematic order of the fugues (No. 1

in C, No. 2 in c, No. 3 in D, No. 4 in d, etc.) is similar to that used in

Sebastian's Three-part Inventions, and if any doubt should remain in this

respect, it will be dissolved by a closer inspection of the subject in Friede-

mann's fugue in f (No. 8), which is obviously fashioned after the begin-
ning of Sebastian's sinfonia in the same key {Ex. 68). Not only the

J. S. Bach

~W.TriedemaTvn. Sacft

p w j iJ f m

£ ^^^
chromatically descending theme (a favourite with Baroque composers) but
even the counterpoint accompanying it are those used by the father. The

The Fugue in C (F 35) is an incomplete fragment, the Fugue in c with a pedal part
1

(not contained in Falck, but printed in W. F. Bach's 'Complete Works for Organ,' edited
by Power Biggs and George Weston, New York, 1947) of doubtful authenticity. It has
also been attributed to Johann Christoph Friedrich, and even to Johann Christian Bach.
It is interesting to note that this composition employs in rather thin disguise the same
subject that Sebastian had borrowed from Corelli's Triosonata op. 3/4 for his own four-
part organ Fugue in b. This Fugue in c may have been a study one of the Bach sons did
under the watchful eye of the father (cf. Geiringer, 'Artistic Interrelations of the Bachs/
MQ, 1950).
320 THE BACH FAMILY
separate Fugue in c (F 32) based on a theme resembling the Fac utportem
from Pergolesi's Stabat Mater, is not quite on the same level as these
clever and inspired compositions. The Fugue in c is a vigorous work, but
formalistic in its polyphonic treatment and clearly showing a leaning
towards a more homophonic style. 1

More than two dozen compositions for clavier (harpsichord, clavichord,

spinet or fortepiano) are known. To the composer's First Period of crea-
tive activity belongs a little characterpiece, in the style of Couperin, called
La Reveille (F 27), a brief Gigue in G (F 28), and a Bourleska {F 26),
which Friedemann's brother, Friedrich, named U Imitation de la Chasse.
The latter is a gay and rather superficial composition in the style of Gott-
lieb Muffat, making ample use of the then fashionable device of crossing

hands. The most significant work from this period of preparation is the
little Suite in g {F 24). The choice of the form and the rather heavy poly-

phony of the Allemande point back to the Baroque period. Friedemann

also availed himself of features employed in his father's Partitas. The
partly French, partly Italian style of the Courante as well as the un-
conventional order of dances (a Bourree and two trios after the Gigue)
point to this source.The spirit of a younger generation can be felt in the
Gigue with its sudden changes from major to minor and back to major,
and its droll rhythmic effects.
The Concerto per il Cembalo solo in G (-F40) is probably also a product
of Friedemann's youth. This work imitates a keyboard arrangement of
a concerto grosso and may possibly have been inspired by some of
the preludes to Sebastian's English Suites. The initial 'Allegronon
Ex.69 Allegro non troppo
(Tutti)
I
u

troppo' starts and also ends with a powerful tutti section, furnishing
material for the rest of the movement. Friedemann implies the use of an
1
The clavier Fugue in B flat (F 34) is, as George B. Weston pointed out to the present
author, an arrangement of the fugue in Handel's overture to 'Esther.' The little clavier
Fugue in F (F 33) is an insignificant work dating from Friedemann's early youth.
xiv. Wilhelm Friedemann Bach. Drawing by P. Guile
„^e€r4t>- s, r^.„^i„ tX.-tbtr i x,*t

-*'1-
r
%4:^' J ^r
:.w\*o, r^rT
^iOXf^^v'L jj<rsvh
r
-
ffTtiJ As
®§^ ^i

^m± * '
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]

J! a

xv. First page of autograph of Wilhelm Friedemann Bach's unfinished Clavier

Concerto in E fiat
W. FRIEDEMANN S CLAVIER WORKS 32I

imaginary concertino of two violins and a 'cello by moving the bass into
closer proximity to the upper parts (Ex. 69). The middle movement is

given exclusively to this trio. It is an Andante in e of great simplicity and

haunting beauty. Apparently it was a favourite of Friedemann's, who
1
used it twice afterwards in compositions of his last years. The finale is
crisp and gay with amusing rhythmic effects.

Friedemann's artistic personality appears fully developed in the clavier

compositions from his second period. To the beginning of the Dresden
years belongs the Concerto a duoi Cembali Concertati (F 10; in modern
editions called 'Sonata' for two claviers), a work which pleased father
Bach so well that he personally copied it in parts. The result was that in
the 19th century doubts arose as to its real author. The first man to

recognize the truth was Johannes Brahms, who edited the 'Concerto' in
1864 at Rieder-Biedermann's as a composition of Friedemann; neverthe-
less it slipped thirty years later into the monumental edition of the Bach
Gesellschaft as a 'hitherto unprinted' composition of Johann Sebastian. 2
The style of the composition as well as the appearance of the two manu-
scripts establishes beyond any doubt that in this case the father actually
copied awork of the son, and that this is not a second case of an 'Organ
Concerto by Friedemann Bach' (cf. p. 246). The expression 'Concerto'
used by Friedemann for his work is only justified by the last movement.
This brilliant and gay finale has the character of a solo concerto with
orchestral accompaniment, arranged in the traditional way for two claviers.
It has, basically, the same rondo-like alternation between tutti and solo
episodes that Sebastian used in his Concerto in the Italian Taste. Quite
different are the two preceding movements. The first is in almost fully
developed sonata form, starting with the syncopated main theme that was
a favourite of Friedemann's (Ex. 70), following up with a clearly differen-

zx.70

tiated second subject, and introducing a substantial development. The

recapitulation is incomplete; nevertheless this composition by young
Friedemann from a formal point of view, as progressive as anything he
is,

has written. Similar in character, though shorter and simpler, is the slow
middle movement. The entire 'Concerto' is predominantly homophonic

1
In his wedding song Her%, mein Heri and in one of his fantasias in c of 1784.
2
Vol. XLIII, pp. xv and 47.

x
322 THE BACH FAMILY
and the regular imitations in the second clavier became accompanying
figures imbued with thematic meaning.
Seven Sonatas for a single clavier belong in all likelihood to the
Dresden period. In 1745 the composer made a bid for popular acclaim by
publishing the Sonata in D (F 3) as the first of a planned series of 6
sonatas. 1 Unfortunately the author's expectations were not fulfilled. The
Sonata had so little success that the series was discontinued. Only the
Sonata in E flat (F 5) was published separately in 1748; the other four
works of the set (in F, G, A and B flat; F 6-9) and a related Sonata in C
(F 1), all of them probably written in or before 1744, remained in manu-
script during the composer's lifetime.
Each of these seven sonatas is in three movements, with the traditional
succession of tempi: slow-fast-slow. However, in the Sonata in C the
middle movement is only ten measures long, and in the Sonata in F, which
the composer revised twice, it eventually shrank to a mere four bars.
Friedemann's liking for compact constructions is also expressed in the
Sonata in D, in which the same concluding motive recurs at the end of each
of the three movements, thus producing a kind of cyclic form. The com-
poser does not show preference for any of the numerous formal varieties
the time offers. There are movements in one-, two- and three-part con-
structions, the latter occasionally using two clearly separated subjects.
Similarly indecisive is Friedemann's attitude with regard to other
stylistic idioms. There is no lack of retrospective features which show the
composer's links with the art of the past. In the Largo of the Sonata in E
flat with its homogeneous one-part construction, and in the Adagio of
the Sonata in D with its polyphonic imitations, the spirit of the Thomas
Cantor may be detected. Italian influences, which were particularly strong
at the court of Dresden, manifest themselves in the chords accompanying
the theme in the movements of the Sonata in E flat, and in the
first and last

brilliant passages divided between the two hands in the finale of the Sonata

in B flat. At the same time these sonatas exhibit the vocabulary of the age
of sensibility. Their language is often nervous, filled with sudden con-
trasts and surprising changes. In the first movement of the Sonata in G,
and in thefinale of the Sonata in B flat, repeated alterations in tempo occur,

imbuing these movements with a highly subjective character. The

dramatic, and often very humorous effects which the composer achieves
through the use of rests can be shown by the finales of the Sonatas in E flat
and G {Ex. 71). Great variety of mood is also to be found in the individual
1
The title-page states that copies may be bought from the composer in Dresden, his
father in Leipzig, and his brother (Emanuel) in Berlin.
W. FRIEDEMANN S CLAVIER WORKS 323

movements. There is the serene first movement of the Sonata in C, and

the gay finale of the Sonata in A; but Friedemann seems even more in his

own element in the 'Lament' of the Sonata in G, or in the plaintive dirge

in the first movement of this work (Ex. 72).

Zx7S Andantino

Friedemann's Fantasias, written in Dresden, are different in character

from the dramatic scenes Emanuel under the same name. The works
offers

of the elder brother rarely contain recitative-like passages, and it would be

difficult to imagine words or any kind of programme connected with

them. They are purely expressions of the composer's feeling, while

Emanuel, inspired by the opera of his time, prefers music that lends itself
to poetical and often quite rationalistic interpretation. Some of Friede-
mann's more in the direction of the toccata, with runs and
fantasias lean
broken chords ; others seem like an individual movement in a sonata, or
like a combination of different musical sections, contrasting in time and
tempo; but the majority have the logical and well-balanced construction
which is characteristic of the works of the mature Friedemann.
The Fantasia in D (F 17) is an effective piece of not inconsiderable
technical difficulty, based on swirling runs and broken chords, alternating
7K
ht -r
, , — h

between the two hands. Eighteenth-century Empfindsamkeit assumes here

almost the character of 19th-century Romanticism {Ex. 73). Somewhat
324 THE BACH FAMILY
similar, though more loosely constructed, is a Fantasia (F 18) starting in
d but ending in F. A second Fantasia in d (F19) 1
is subdivided into three
sections, each of which is again in three-part form. Three musical ideas
(one of them a fugato) are used throughout the composition. The resulting
form A B A/B C B/A C A with its interweaving of sections might have
been studied by Cesar Franck when he conceived his own 'Prelude,
Chorale and Fugue.'
Similar to a brief fantasia is the little Preludio in c (F 29), a delicate
character-piece of simple dignity and beauty. The shortMarch in E flat
(F 30) ranks among the most attractive and least complicated composi-
tions of Friedemann. It is characteristic of the composer's personality that
even here the serene character of the work is interrupted in its middle
section by a brief outbreak of anguish and fear.
The number of clavier compositions from the Halle period is not large,
but it embraces the exquisite 12 Polonaises (F 12) which, according to the
verdict of Julius Epstein, the distinguished Viennese pianist and friend of
Brahms, belong 'to the most beautiful clavier compositions of all times.'
The polonaise was a dance known in Germany since the 17th century.
Later, the political ties between Poland and Saxony increased the general
interest in this form, and after 1750 it became highly fashionable. As
Friedemann wanted to make a new bid for popularity, he announced in
s
1 765 the composition of twelve of these works; but once again the public
remained indifferent, which greatly added to the composer's feeling of
frustration. The polonaises, which were not printed until thirty-five years
after the death of Friedemann Bach, are short compositions in two- or three-

part form which have mostly shed their original dance character. The
tempo is usually moderate or slow and the rhythmic picture is often quite
involved. If it were not for the 3/4 time maintained in all twelve pieces and
the frequent use of short notes at the beginning of the measures, their
name would have very little justification. Friedemann presents the
polonaises in an order of keys similar to that used in the fugues. The series
starts in C g, omitting the less familiar keys of C sharp and F
and ends in
sharp (both major and minor). No two of these outstanding character-
There is the resolute No. 1, the delicate and pensive No.
pieces are alike.
2, No. 3, the tender lament of No. 4, the solemn No. 5
the youthful fiery
with its dramatic development, and the deeply felt and fervent No. 6.
More important, however, than the differences between the various
1
Riemann's edition, published at Steingraber's, calls it Capriccio.
2
George B. Weston, of Cambridge, Mass., owns a manuscript of the Polonaises
dated 1765.
W. FRIEDEMANN S CLAVIER WORKS 325

polonaises are the contrasts within the individual numbers. No. 8 in e, for
instance, starts with a yearning tune, using the big melodic skips which
are frequent in Friedemann's compositions. After six measures a brisk and
turbulent second theme sets in, displaying a mood almost diametrically
opposed to that of the first subject. Despite the piece's shortness
(only 24 measures) the work displays the basic features of the sonata
form: an exposition with two contrasting subjects, a modulating develop-
ment in which attempts are made to combine elements of the two themes,
and a recapitulation only slightly modified. In their expressive power these
tiny masterpieces point far into the future. They are, as Griepenkerl, their
first editor put it, the 'truest expression of a noble, tender, and strongly
agitated soul,' and it is not surprising that their importance was first

realized in the romantic era.

A second Sonata in D (F 4) dedicated in 1778 or 1779 to Princess
Amalia of Prussia may belong to the Halle period. The first movement of

thiswork employs a musical idiom rather similar to that of the young

Mozart. The following delicate and dreamy section entitled Grave displays
a structure of classical simplicity. A playful and saucy Vivace concludes
this work, which marks not only the end but also, in some respects, the
culmination of Friedemann's sonata production. 1
A comparison of Friedemann's two Fantasias in e may well serve to
illustrate the stylistic differences between
second and third periods of
his
composition. The first (F 20), composed in 1770 in Halle, is a noble com-
position, introducing two basic themes fitted into a solid, rondo-like
construction. The second Fantasia (F 21) written in Braunschweig or
Berlin shows an increase in nervous energy combined with a decrease in
formal coherence. There are many stirring details such as the furious intro-
duction, the lament in the recitative and the spirited cantilena, but the
work is lacking in logic and suffers from a tendency to combine ideas
which are not quite congenial in character. At the same time it is
interesting to note that this fantasia seems to be intended not for the
harpsichord, but rather for the modern pianoforte. Some of its accom-
panying passages will come to full effect only if played on an instrument
with sustaining pedal. 2 The last two Fantasias, written in 1784, the year of
Friedemann's death, are both in c (F 1 5 and 16). They incorporate sections
from earlier works and show a decisive decline in the composer's abilities.

1
A sonata in C from the same period (F 2) is not of equal importance and has
remained in manuscript.
2
Similar observations might be made regarding the Fantasias in C (F 14) and a
(F 23), both products of Friedemann's third period of composition.
!

326 THE BACH FAMILY

One of them is a potpourri of no less than 17 mostly unrelated little

fragments.

A transition from Friedemann's clavier compositions to his ensemble

music is provided by the Concertos for Harpsichord and Orchestra. They
consist of four concertos for one cembalo and
and one concerto strings,

for two cembalos, brass instruments, timpani and strings, to which might
be added one incomplete concerto of one and a half movements and one
concerto of doubtful authenticity.
The works on the concerto form of the late Baroque period
are based
with its rondo-like alternations between solo and tutti episodes. Friede-
mann progresses substantially beyond the style of his father; he enlarges
both the tutti and the solo sections allowing them at the same time a
greater amount of independence from each other. His tutti assume a more
symphonic character and are built out of two, or even three and four
contrasting ideas, often ending with a powerful unison. The figurations
of the solo sections lose their mechanical character and are imbued with a
more subjective emotional life. In Friedemann's concertos the two
partners, solo instrument and orchestra, confront each other in a manner
not unlike that of the great 19th-century concertos.
If the Concerto in g (jF, top of p. 11) really is a composition by
Friedemann Bach, it can only be the product of his period of apprentice-
ship. The its first movement in which the
conservative character of
same mood is from beginning to end, and the in-
rigidly preserved
ferior quality of the second and third movements make this appear
most likely.

The Concertos in a,
2
D and F as well as the Concerto for two claviers
1
A seventh concerto in c published under Friedemann's name by Schott, Mainz, is

the work of Sebastian's pupil, Kirnberger. The Berlin Library owned the parts of two
concertos (St. 270, 276) which were originally inscribed as W. F. Bach. This was changed
by an old hand into J. F. C. Bach. Schunemann (BJ, 1914, pp. 127-8) believes that these
are works by Friedemann. The parts were not available to the present author.
2
There is strong disagreement regarding the possible date of composition of the
Concerto in a. The handwriting of the autograph has a scribbled and rather uncertain
character. This induced George B. Weston, according to information given to the present
author, to consider the manuscript as a product of Friedemann's old age. Falck (pp. 87
and 96) on the other hand sees in it a work of the Leipzig period. The present writer feels
inclined to place the work, for stylistic reasons, in the Dresden period. The composition
shows great similarity to other concertos, sonatas and symphonies written at that time, and
the handwriting resembles that of the Concerto in F for 2 claviers. The fact, mentioned by
W. FRIEDEMANN S CONCERTOS 327

in E (^45, 41, 44, 46) probably belong to the Dresden period. They
flat

are imaginative compositions, full of emotionallife and expressive power.

Their style is basically homophonic, but canonic imitations are often used
to enrich the texture. As a rule five entrances of the main tutti ritornel

alternate with four solo episodes. The Concerto in a strikes a strange note
of sadness and even despair. Certain melodic features, transitions and
modulations in this work as well as in the middle movement in b of the
Concerto in D induce an atmosphere of clair-obscure, very rare in works
of this period. 1
The Concerto in F is possibly the most advanced of these Dresden
compositions. It is interesting that a movement (b.
theme from the first

31, 32) is again quoted in the last movement (b. 35, 37); once more the
composer sets out to interweave the individual movements of his com-
position. —
Both the provision of two claviers and the use of brass instru-
ments in the accompanying orchestra of the Concerto in E flat are unique
2
among Friedemann's works of this genre. The reduction of the number
of tuttis from five to four points to the concertos of the Halle period, while
the old-fashioned unaccompanied trio style of the middle movement is

reminiscent of similar pieces by Sebastian.

More modern in character are the works written in Halle, the first
3
movement of the unfinished Concerto in E flat (111. XV) and that in e
dedicated in 1767 to Maria Antonia, Electress of Saxony (F 42 and 43).
They show not only the aforementioned reduction in the number of
tuttis, but altogether a tendency towards greater concentration. Fewer

ideas are introduced in each movement and they are developed with
greater thoroughness. The style has lost the remnants of its polyphonic
character, and the use of parallel thirds and sixths in the solo parts seems
to indicate a growing interest in the possibilities of the modern piano-
forte. It is deeply to be regretted that the second half of the charming
concerto in E flat is missing. Of the completed works, the tender, melan-

work was written on Leipzig paper also used by Sebastian, is not conclusive.
Falck, that the
Friedemann could have used it while visiting his father on a vacation from Dresden or
taken the paper with him to Dresden.
1
The same mood can be found a century later in the music of Johannes Brahms, who
was familiar with Friedemann's work.
2
An older version in the Library in Konigsberg is scored for strings and 2 horns. A
later version formerly in the State Library, Berlin, adds 2 trumpets and timpani to this
orchestration. It is reproduced in the score published by the New York Public Library.
3
Friedemann transcribed it later into an ordinary orchestral composition by leaving

the ripieno sections more or less unchanged, while entrusting 2 oboes assisted by other
orchestral instruments with the clavier part. In this form he used the movement as an
introduction to his cantata Ertonet, ihr seligen Volker (F 88).
328 THE BACH FAMILY
choly and romantic Concerto in e is the most mature composition; it is a
fine piece of exquisite craftsmanship.

Friedemann's Chamber Music and Symphonic Works are less progress-

ive in character than his clavier compositions. They show his gift for
inventing poignant melodies, for equipping not only the treble but also
the middle parts and, in particular, the bass with rich thematic life. Some

of the development sections in the symphonies are among the best written
in Germany at that time, and the combinations of instruments occasionally
display a sensuous beauty of tone that is almost Italian. On the other hand
he is old-fashioned in his use of the brass, which he occasionally employs
as solo instruments in the highest register. His three-part forms lack a
contrasting second theme, and, unlike the progressive works of the
Viennese or Mannheim schools, none of his symphonies is supplied with a
minuet as a middle movement. To sum up, Friedemann's greatness is

revealed in his ensemble music almost as much as in his clavier composi-

tions, but in the former he is far more indebted to the past.
To the period of maturity, and especially the Dresden years, there
belong four of the six sonatas for two flutes as well as all the trios. The
flute sonatas (in e, G, E flat and F; F 54, 59, 55, 57) are written for the
two wind instruments without bass. The style is strongly polyphonic with
The two flutes are independent of each other
a repeated crossing of parts.
and equal in importance. Most of the sonatas consist of three movements
(fast-slow-fast); the Duo in G alone has a two-part fugue inserted between
a slow middle movement and the finale. Such little masterpieces as the
Cantabile of the Duo in G, the harmonically interesting first movement of
the Sonata in E flat, and the tragic Lamentabile in the Sonata in F with the
stirring beginning (Ex. 74) constitute a real enrichment of the scanty

Lamentabile

literature for flutes only. Rarely has music of equal significance been
written for two instruments so severely limited in their technical possi-
bilities.

The two Trios for two flutes and continuo (F 47, 48) and the two
Trios for two violins and continuo (.F49, 50) are of a similar nature.
W. FRIEDEMANN S CHAMBER MUSIC 329

The playful imitative style which is so characteristic of the works of

young Friedemann prevails in these compositions (Ex. 75). Particularly

Zx.?S Trio in D major (Bass omitted) Vivace

attractive is the Trio in B flat, displaying a delightful mixture of manly

energy and graceful charm. 1
In his last period of composition Friedemann added two works (in f
and E flat; -F 58, 56) to his earlier flute duos and wrote the three duos for
two violas (F 60-62). These five works, probably all composed in
Berlin, are basically similar to the earlier flute duets, though an ever closer
approach to strict forms may be detected. In the Duo in f for two flutes,

both the first and last movements are fugal, and in the Duo in g for two
Amoroso of the middle movement is a canon, and the
violas, the finale a

fugue. Even in the duos for stringed instruments the composer strictly

maintains the two-part writing of the flute compositions, avoiding the

temptation to insert double stops or chords. A gradual decline in creative
power is unmistakable in these late compositions and in particular in the
viola duets. The music occasionally has a stilted and laborious character,
and the poetic names Lamento, Amoroso, Setter^ which Friedemann
chooses for his middle movements, cannot hide the fact that these sections,
inwhich the composer's imagination formerly developed with utter free-
dom, are now sterile. Actually the Scherio is a hardly disguised copy of the
uninspired little Amoroso.

1
Two 'trios' and harpsichord, following the style of
for one melody-instrument
Sebastian's sonatas for violin and harpsichord obbligato, are attributed to Friedemann.
In either case the authenticity cannot be established beyond doubt. Both trios are more or
less lacking in the quick little imitations and the repeated crossing of parts characteristic

of Friedemann's music. The Sonata in B for violin and harpsichord with its mellow harmonic
language sounds more like a composition by Emanuel than a work by Friedemann. The
lovely sonata for viola and harpsichord in c (known from a manuscript in the Library of
Congress, Washington, D.C., written by an unknown hand, and edited by Yella Pessl for
Oxford University Press, London) is a strongly Italianized composition which seems to
have been composed by a viola virtuoso familiar with all the secrets of the instrument.
The wholly idiomatic style of the sonata with its many double and triple stops can hardly
be found in any other string composition by Friedemann. In particular, his duos for viola
bear no resemblance to this sonata for viola and harpsichord.
330 THE BACH FAMILY
A single example of Friedemann's orchestral works, the Symphony in
d (i^ 65) for two flutes and strings, is in the old-fashioned form of the
French Ouverture. It begins with a slow introduction in which the two
wind instruments play a noble cantilena, accompanied by strangely hesi-
tating syncopated strings. The succeeding energetic four-part fugue
(without flute parts) shows how much Friedemann had learned in the
school of his father. 1 In spite of its rather conventional theme, this is a
spirited composition, which shows a clever use of the strings.

A retrospective character is also discernible in the Symphony in D

written in a single movement and used as an introduction to the cantata
Wo geht die Lebensreise hin (F 91/ 1). This brilliant work still makes
use of the Baroque clarino technique, taking the first trumpet up to
more than two octaves beyond middle c.
Seven symphonies {F 63, 64, 67-71) are in the Italian form, allegro-
andante-allegro, with two minuets attached at the end of the Symphony in
F. Three of these works are for strings only, one employs wind instru-
ments ad libitum, while the remaining three compositions are for strings
and wind instruments. The use of a harpsichord to fill in the middle parts
is not always necessary. Occasionally the texture is so solid that a continuo
instrument would only coarsen the sound. All the movements are in two-
and three-part forms or in a primitive sonata form, introducing frequent
changes in mood, but hardly ever providing a clearly defined second
theme in the main section. On the other hand the developments show
the technique of interweaving parts, imbued with thematical life, in
a manner to be found in early Haydn works (Ex. 76). A youthful,

It. 76 ATJegro molio

Symphony C major

energetic and occasionally humorous spirit pervades these symphonies,

and it is to be regretted that of these attractive works which belong

This symphony may have been used as an introduction to Friedemann's Cantata

1

O Himmel, schone ('O Heaven, spare'; .F90) written in 1758 in honour of the birthday of
King Friedrich 'the Great' of Prussia.
W. FRIEDEMANN S CANTATAS 33I

to Friedemann's most important compositions, only very little has been

1
reprinted.

Friedemann's Vocal Music shows less variety than his output in the
field of instrumental composition. It consists almost exclusively of two
dozen church cantatas written during the eighteen years Friedemann
served in Halle as music director. Oratorio and secular cantata with their
epic and humorous possibilities seem to have been of little interest to the
composer. Although he is reported to have worked in his old age on an
opera, its music is lost and almost nothing is known about this work.
Even among the church cantatas, one-third make use of 'contrafacta,'
re-employing in some arias or choruses musical material from earlier
cantatas. For instance in Ihr Lichter jener schonen Hohn ('Ye lights of
yonder beautiful hills'; F 82) written for the second Sunday after Epiphany,
the music to two arias is taken from the cantata Wir sind Gottes JVerke
('We are God's workmanship'; F 74), and the music to one aria from the
cantata Der Herr wird mit Gerechtigkeit richten ('The Lord shall judge with
righteousness'; F 81). In Verhangnis dein Wilten ('Fate thy fury'; F 87)
one chorus and one aria originate again in the aforementioned cantata,
F 81, and two numbers in the cantata Der Hochste
erhoret ('The Lord
grants our prayer'; F
Only one number, a soprano recitative, is
86).
newly composed. In Heraus, verblendeter Hochmut ('Away with thee, blind
pride'; F 96) three numbers are taken from the cantata Ertonet, ihr seligen
Volker ('Sing, ye blessed people'; F 88), while only the two chorales are
new additions.
While in the case of Sebastian, 'contrafacta' and 'paraphrases' usually
meant lifting up the inspiration to a higher level, the opposite is true in
the case of Friedemann. For him such an adaptation is, as a rule, just a
means to save effort. The weakness of some of these cantatas is due to the
fact that the arrangements are done in a superficial manner. 2 Only those

sixteen cantatas which are original works are of real significance.

They show a remarkable variety in their emotional content. Joy and
1
Modern Symphony in
editions have rendered accessible the (used as an intro- D
duction to the Cantata, Dies ist der Tag; F 85)
with a simple and most attractive middle
movement, and the tender Siciliano from the incomplete Symphony in A, belonging to
those fine little character-pieces in slow tempo in which Friedemann excels.
2
Bad declamation, resulting from a careless adaptation of new texts to precomposed
melodies, is particularly noticeable in the contralto aria of the cantata Ihr Lichter jener
schonen Hohn and in the tenor aria of the cantata, Heraus, verblendeter Hochmut.
332 THE BACH FAMILY
jubilation find as true an expression as sadness and grief. In their technical
aspects these cantatas fit into the overall picture of the Central and North
German cantatas of the period. They are composed of a number of arias,
recitatives and duets, usually concluded by a chorale. The beginning is

made by a freely invented chorus or by a four-part chorale. Occasionally

a sinfonia in one or three movements precedes the vocal section. As the
sinfonia was often intended for a different purpose, it corresponded to
the main part of the cantata only in its general festive character.
Sebastian gave greater significance and dignity to this form, extending
the individual numbers and linking them firmly together. Friedemann
followed his father in many details of melody, instrumentation and contra-
puntal texture, and, in particular, in his arias and recitatives he was strongly
dependent on Sebastian's model. The chorale, which was so often the
germ-cell out of which a whole cantata of the Thomas Cantor grew, lost
this function for the son, to whom, as to his contemporaries, the hymn
sung by the full congregation no longer meant the very core of Protestant
church music.
The choruses in these cantatas are obviously influenced by instru-
mental forms. Some of these numbers seem like free adaptations of the
early sonata forms used in that period, while others resemble a prelude
followed by a fugue in which the two sections (the introduction and the
main part) are thematically firmly connected. 1 Even in his duets and arias

Friedemann's instrumental way of thought is occasionally noticeable. The

duet Jesu, grosser Himmelskonig from the Christmas Cantata JVunder
('0 miracle'; F 92), for instance, contains a canon for soprano and con-
tralto which resembles in abbreviated form Friedemann's duos for two

S
2* 77

te
Vnd elicit
^ Gh
rrrr §
.fen

ffitnr j
Vncl dich
gp
tiiit_
p I r^ ttEfJPl farr
Glau
g|^SP
hen sehavi-

flutes (Ex. 77). Similarly the 'Cavata' fferfo mein Heri ('Heart, my Heart';
F 97) results from the 'contrafactum' of an instrumental composition, the

1
To numbers resembling the early sonata form belong the first choruses in
the
Lasset uns ahlegen,Der Herr wird mit Gerechtigkeit and Er%ittert und fallet (F 80, 81, 83).
To the numbers in fugue form belong the first choruses in Es ist elne Stimme, GottfdAret
auf and Dienet dem Herrn (F 89, 75, 84).
W. FRIEDEMANN S CANTATAS 333

middle movement of the Concerto for cembalo solo in G, whose tender

cantilena Friedemann used as a basis for this wedding song 1 (Ex. 78).

X x?8

*) Tit crn&mcnt i« omiltid in iht vocal vtriic

Friedemann's first cantata Wer mich liebet ('If a man love Me'; F 72),
written in 1746, soon after his arrival from Dresden, shows traces of
still

the Italianized style prevailing in the Saxon capital, where the composer
had spent thirteen years. Languid melodies of a rather secular character,
harmonies of little strength, long, extended and not too well organized
forms are noticeable in this Whitsuntide music. It is characteristic of the
greater independence Friedemann achieved in his instrumental music that
hardly any of the works written in Dresden reveal the influence of the
artistic atmosphere of that city as clearly as this first cantata. Such initial

weaknesses were soon overcome and are no longer noticeable in later

works. Two very attractive cantatas, Gott fdhret auf ('God is gone up';
F 75) and Lasset wis ablegen ('Let us cast off the works of darkness';
F 80), were written during the following years; the latter in 1749, the
former possibly somewhat earlier. Gott fdhret auf destined for the feast
of the Ascension, was scored for trumpets, timpani, oboes, strings and 4
voices. It starts out with a magnificent fugue for chorus and includes a
jubilant aria for bass. 2 The glory and majesty of the Lord find effective
expression in this severe and powerful music. The Whitsuntide cantata
Lasset uns ablegen describes in its first chorus, mainly with the help of
harmonic changes, the contrast between the 'armour of light' and the
'darkness of sinful night.' The sudden descent from D to B flat, diminished
seventh chords and modulations to minor keys depict the horrors of dark-
ness, while the high-pitched notes of human voices and trumpets describe
in brilliant major keys the blessings of those dwelling in brightness. The
beautiful arias, recitatives, and chorales following this first chorus contri-

1
It might be mentioned in this connection that in the aria Zerbrecht, ^erreisst (F 94),
one of the few vocal works by Friedemann available in a modern edition, which is scored
for organ, horn, and soprano solo, the organ dominates and is treated with much greater
care than the solo voices. Similar instances can also be found in other cantatas.
2
This aria was used again later in the cantata written for the birthday of King
Friedrich 'the Great.'
334 THE BACH FAMILY
bute to ensure for this cantata an important place among the church music
of the period.
A second cantata written for Ascension Day, Wo geht die Lebensreise kin
('Where does life's journey lead to?'; ^91) has no initial chorus. The com-
poser could dispense with this number, since the introductory symphony
in D with its oboes, trumpets, and timpani prepares in a general way for
the solemn mood of the work. In this cantata the emphasis is on the arias.

There is a brilliant number for tenor with trumpets and strings and, best
of all, a lovely aria for contralto and solo viola, Der Himmel neigt sich ^u
der Erde ('Heaven leans down towards Earth'). This is a composition of
great fervour and melodic beauty in which solo voice and solo instrument
are combined to describe the mystery of Jesus' ascent to Heaven (Ex. 79)

Contralto

VerTfimTic] neigiuchzn der Er-dej daJe.siis Zu detnTa ier gehi t

. derlim .tntj TiaqitWhz.a dtTli.db
.3 S-.

Mm M £>
nHg trp? n^j -j inp|
in][a mannerjreminiscent of Sebastian's style. Somewhat similar in
character is the Whitsuntide cantata Dies 1st der Tag ('This is the day'; F
85) starting with a fine symphony
movements. This carefree and
in three
unproblematic instrumental piece by four numbers for solo
is followed
voices and instruments, among which the forceful and heroic bass aria,
scored with bassoon, horns, and strings, excels.
To the most remarkable movements in these compositions belongs the
first chorus of the Easter cantata Eriittert undfallet ('Tremble and fall'; F
83). Its stirring description of Jesus' suffering at the words 'whom you
have beaten, sneered atand scorned' (Ex. 80) reveals the composer's
expressive power. Of equal significance is the initial chorus from the
cantata Es Stimme ('There is a voice'; F 89). This double fugue
ist eine

shows Friedemann as one of the great writers of contrapuntal music in a

time that was more and more leaning towards a homophonic style. It is to
be regretted that the rest of this cantata is not on the same artistic level.
However, very few of Friedemann's vocal compositions attain musical per-
fection through all their numbers.
On the whole, Sebastian's eldest son was not so successful in his
cantatas as in his instrumental music. His solo numbers and the poly-
W. FRIEDEMANN S CANTATAS 335

phonic choruses are dependent on his father's model, and only in the more
homophonic choruses does he attempt to inject new blood into the body
of Protestant church music.

Voices

Jlen den Hit ge.

— ^ft i rW^lOT^lkfftfP
THE BERLIN AND HAMBURG BACH
(CARL PHILIPP EMANUEL BACH)

J. Sebastian Bach= Maria Barbara Bach

1685-1750 1 684- 1 720

Carl Philipp Emanuel = Johanna Maria Dannemann

1714-S 1724-95

Johann August Anna Carolina Philippina Johann Sebastian II

1745-89 1746-1804 1748-78

emanuel, born on March 8, 1714, at Weimar, began to compose at an

early age. It was typical of his enterprising nature that when he was 17 he
engraved with his own hand his opus 1, a minuet for the clavier, and
published it almost simultaneously with his father's opus I, the Clavier
Ubung. At that time he was already an outstanding clavier player. Sebastian,
though certainly aware of this son's talent, was determined that, like
Friedemann, he should enjoy the advantages of a good University
Thus Emanuel studied law for three years at Leipzig, whereupon
training.
1
he moved to Frankfurt-on-the-Oder to continue his studies. The family
probably felt that enough had then been done for the education of the
youth. Like Friedemann he had been allowed three years at Leipzig Uni-
he was anxious to continue on these lines, he ought to support
versity; if
2
himself by his musical abilities. This was not easy in Leipzig, which,
thanks to Sebastian's training, was stocked with many excellent young
1
He was not the first Bach to be connected with this University. Veit Bach (1535-
1610) lectured there as Professor of Theology before being appointed pastor to the court
of the Elector Johann Georg in Berlin, and he returned to Frankfurt in his old age. The
Necrolog stressed Veit Bach's 'powerful voice in intoning chorales and hymns.' He was
born in Kronach, a litde Franconian town near the Thuringian border, thus not far removed
from other Bach centres. Yet Mr. Paul Bach, who unearthed material on the second Veit
Bach, believes it to be unlikely that this outstanding preacher was related to the Bach
musicians.
2 The present author does not believe that Sebastian expected Emanuel to become a
lawyer, a theory maintained, for instance, by A. E. Cherbuliez ('C. P. E. Bach,' Zurich,
1940). If Sebastian had had this aim he could have let his son continue studying at the
highly renowned Leipzig University at less expense. Studying law was no rarity among
prospective musicians, as the cases of Schiitz, Kuhnau, Walther, Mattheson, and Handel
prove. On the other hand, as early as 1733 Emanuel had applied, certainly with the approval
and help of his father, for the organist's post at Naumburg.

336
C. P. EMANUEL IN FRANKFURT (l735"I738) 337

musicians. In Frankfurt-on-the-Oder, however, there was as yet little

musical activity, so that an ambitious talented youth could establish
himself. And Emanuel did just that. According to the statement in
the Genealogy, he gave clavier instruction; in addition, he 'directed a
musical academy/ (as he related himself) and 'conducted and composed
for public concerts and all the different festivities.' 1 Although the young
Emanuel thus enjoyed at Frankfurt a position of uncontested leadership,
he did not consider staying there permanently, for he felt the need of
where he would meet other musicians and learn
living in an artistic centre
from them. In 1738 he was ready to leave the University and look for a
good opening, but, unlike his brother Friedemann, he did not attempt to
find work in one of the places where his father's reputation and influence
would have been of great help. Pursuing the course of independent action
that had taken him far away from Leipzig to Frankfurt, he decided to
stay in Prussia and try his luck in Berlin, its capital. It may be that he was
advised to do so by the two sons of the Prussian minister, von Happe, who
attended the University simultaneously with him; for very cordial rela-
tions subsequently existed between the Bachs and Minister von Happe,
who was godfather to one of Emanuel's and one of Friedemann's sons, 2
and may also have been instrumental in arranging Sebastian's visit to the
Prussian King. Anyway, Emanuel went to Berlin with the in-
in 1738
tention of settling down
But soon afterwards he was invited to
there.
accompany a young nobleman on the customary continental tour and he
accepted, eagerly anticipating the joys of foreign travel. All cravings of
this kind were to remain unfulfilled for Emanuel throughout his life. Just
when he was about to embark on his trip, he was called to Rheinsberg,
where the Prussian Crown Prince, Friedrich, because of a feud with his
father, resided in a sort of exile, planning gigantic reforms and cultural
activities for the time when he would succeed to the throne, and enjoying

meanwhile a feast of good music, which had to be kept secret from His
Majesty, who was interested only in promoting military perfection. Yet
the Crown Prince had a very distinguished little coterie at his disposal,
with which, as an accomplished flutist, he played regularly. It is not known
how Friedrich happened tobecome interested in Emanuel Bach. Maybe
he had got hold of the various works for the flute which the young com-
poser had written, or maybe the von Happe family praised Emanuel's out-
1
Cf. his Autobiography, first published in the German edition of Burney's 'The
Present State of Music in Germany.' An English translation is to be found in Lady G. M.
Wallace's 'Letters of Distinguished Musicians,' London, 1857-59.
2
Cf. Miesner in BJ, 1934. Friedemann dedicated his clavier sonata in E flat to von
Happe.
33^ THE BACH FAMILY
At all events he called Bach to Rheinsberg, and im-
standing gifts to him.
pressed by young artist's superb clavier playing, engaged him as
the
accompanist, although a formal appointment could not yet be made owing
to Friedrich's peculiar position. Two years later he succeeded to the
Prussian throne, and Emanuel, as he wrote in his autobiographical sketch,
'had the honour to accompany, alone at the harpsichord, the first flute solo
that Friedrich played as a king/
In spite of being, from the outset, engaged in the military campaigns
which were to fill a large part of his reign, the monarch managed to carry
out his ambitious artistic plans. Magnificent castles were erected in
Charlottenburg and Potsdam, the latter by the name of Sans-Souci, his
favourite residence and the scene of most of the King's musical activities;
a beautiful opera house was built in Berlin and inaugurated in 1742 with
a band of brilliant Italian singers and players which Burney praised as the
'most splendid in Europe.' During the carnival, opera performances took
place twice a week and were free to all decently dressed citizens and
visitors from outside. The King occupied a seat immediately behind the
conductor, reading the score with him, and checking any slight inaccuracy
or deviation, for which the musician responsible was severely reprimanded
by His Majesty. The lavishness prevailing in the first years of the opera's
existence is best illustrated by the fact that no less than 2771 thalers were
spent on lighting for a single performance. In addition, the group of
musicians who had served Friedrich so loyally at Rheinsberg was en-
larged until it artists assembling five times a week at
numbered some 40
Potsdam for evening concerts. Among them the outstanding flautist
Johann Joachim Quantz enjoyed a unique position. He had been
Friedrich's teacher off and on since 1727, and the pupil considered
Quantz's style in playing and performing as the highest conceivable peak
of mastery. Quantz wrote no less than 300 flute concertos in the Italian
manner for his august disciple, and the King played them in rotation,
performing six, or, with advancing years, four in every one of his soirees

musicaks, and in four decades of musical activity never grew tired of

them. Quantz received a very high salary, 2000 thalers per annum, plus a
generous honorarium for each new composition, and a hundred ducats for
every new flute, which the skilful musician built himself. And not only
was he well paid, he also enjoyed great power at court. He was the only
musician privileged to interrupt the monarch's playing with a 'bravo,'
which exclamation he very adroitly uttered whenever the King, after a
difficult passage, was out of breath. The following joke, ascribed to

Emanuel Bach, delighted all the court officials and made even the King
'

C. P. EMANUEL IN BERLIN (174O-I768) 339

laugh: 'Query: "What is the most frightening beast in the world?"

Answer: "The lapdog of Mrs. Quantz. It is so terrifying that it scares Mrs.
Quantz; Mr. Quantz is afraid of her, and he himself is feared by the
greatest monarch on this earth."
Second in influence at court were the two brothers Graun, Johann
Gottlieb, outstanding violinist (cf. p. 192) and conductor of the royal

orchestra, and Karl Heinrich, composer of the famous passion-oratorio

'Der Tod Jesu,' an excellent singer and director of the Berlin opera, for
which he wrote within 14 years no less than 27 works in the Italian style.

In addition, various members of the highly gifted Benda family from

Czechoslovakia were serving at court, among them the composer, Georg
Benda, 1 and the eminent violinist, Frantisek Benda, member of the original
band in Rheinsberg, who on Gottlieb Graun's death in 1771 took over the
latter's duties.

Compared with such luminaries as Quantz and the Grauns, Emanuel

enjoyed only a very modest position. His initial salary amounted to 300
thalers and although it was and was further increased
raised to 500 in 1756
later, when he received calls from outside and wanted to leave Berlin,
it never approached the honoraria granted to the King's favourites.
Emanuel unfortunately was not one of these. Although the position of
accompanist entailed a close co-operation with the performer to be accom-
panied, there never developed between the two men a relationship of a
more relaxed nature, such as had flourished between Sebastian and Prince
Leopold of Cothen. Emanuel, though much more worldly than his father
and elder brother, still did not find it possible to recognize the King as the
highest authority in artistic matters and to feign the enthusiasm which the
monarch expected. There was a trait in his nature which made him singu-
larly unfit for court service. As his former schoolmate, Johann Friedrich
Doles, 2 put it: 'From his early youth, Emanuel suffered from a penchant
frequently found in nimble-minded and agile-bodied youngsters, that of
playing jokes on others.' (The word 'suffer' is not as unsuitable as it would
seem at first sight, for Emanuel's jokes must have got him into a lot of
trouble!) With advancing age this tendency became one for making
caustic remarks. Even in the King's presence he could not at times re-
strain his tongue. When a guest once gushingly remarked to the august
player: 'What rhythm,' Bach murmured audibly, 'What rhythms,' which
certainly did not endear him to His Prussian Majesty. Nor did the King

1
He had metSebastian Bach and his sons as early as 1734 while visiting Leipzig.
2
Doles, born in 171 5, was a pupil of Sebastian Bach, and became Thomas Cantor in
1756, a position he held for 33 years.
.

340 THE BACH FAMILY

care too much for the progressive trends in Emanuel's music. The
monarch's taste was very clearly defined. He was capable of genuine
enthusiasm for the style he loved; but, on the other hand, he absolutely
ignored whatever lay outside the very narrow confines of his predilec-
tions. He fervently patronized Italian music, French literature, and the
French Rococo style in architecture; asked, however, to listen to a Ger-
man singer, he answered that he might just as well listen to the neighing
1 a certain petrification
of a horse. The King's attitude eventually produced
in Berlin's musical life, and of affairs which Burney de-
it was this state
2
scribed, to the fury of the local musicians, with the following words: 'Of
all the musicians who have been in the service of Prussia for more than

30 years, Carl P. E. Bach and Francis Benda have, perhaps, been the only
two who dared to have a style of their own; the rest are imitators, even
Quantz and Graun Of his Majesty's two favourites, the one is languid,
and the other frequently common and insipid, and yet their names are
religion at Berlin, and more sworn by than those of Luther and Calvin . .

for though a universal toleration prevails here as to different sects of

Christians, yet, in music, whoever dares to possess any other tenets than
those of Graun and Quantz is sure to be persecuted.'
Yet the accompanist stayed in the King's service for 28 years. Oppor-
tunities to accept other positions presented themselves, but Friedrich was
loath to let him go, being aware of Emanuel's steadily rising fame which
conferred distinction on the Prussian court. Emanuel, on the other hand,
was no position to force the issue, for though as a Saxon subject free
in
3
to leave Berlin whenever he chose, he had to think of his wife and three
children who, as Prussian subjects, could be detained at the King's
pleasure. Fortunately the routine work, bound to become increasingly
boring, was lightened through the engagement of a second accompanist,
alternating every four weeks with Emanuel. In 1754 Ch. Nichelmann, a
former pupil of Friedemann and Emanuel, joined the band in this capacity,
and was paid, to Emanuel's humiliation, twice as much as his former
4
teacher. When he resigned after two years, Karl Friedrich Christian Fasch
1
It was the great Elisabeth Schmehling (married Mara), who, through Quanta's
intervention, finally succeeded in getting an audition.
'The Present State of Music in Germany,' 1772, II, pp. 230 and foil.
2

He had married in 1744 Johanna Maria Dannemann, daughter of a wine merchant.

3

4
Fasch's father, Johann Friedrich Fasch, conductor to the Prince of Anhalt-Zerbst,
was at first opposed to his son's going to Berlin, as he feared the youth would be
contaminated by the irreligious spirit prevailing there. Emanuel thereupon offered to let
his young colleague stay in his own home so as to watch over him carefully. Friedrich
Fasch later became the founder of the Berlin Singakademie. Cf. the Biography of Fasch
by C. Fr. Zelter, Berlin, 1801.
C. P. EMANUEL IN BERLIN (174O-I768) 341

was engaged and, having a pliable nature, proved more acceptable to the
royal flautist than Emanuel.
In spite of setbacks at court, these years in Berlin were by no means
unhappy ones for Emanuel. He was an artist in living and knew how to
derive enjoyment from almost anything; he found in Berlin much that
gave him Not that the city was either beautiful or comfortable
satisfaction.

to live in.Emanuel may have heartily concurred with the contemporary

visitor1 from southern Germany who complained: 'On wet days high
boots are as indispensable in this royal city as a spoon to eat soup with.
In other towns streets are cleaned every week, not here. Whereas after a
good rain one cannot manage unless one's feet are armoured and booted,
in dry weather one yearns for armour to protect the eyes. Whole clouds
of dust give to human beings strolling around the appearance of gods
hiding their glory from mortal eyes in mist.' But such discomforts could
be borne, for Berlin offered so much that was stimulating. Visiting the
opera, for instance, was quite a novel experience for Emanuel, and it
proved of decisive influence in the formation of his own style. Besides,

there was a bracing intellectual climate in Berlin; eminent scholars and

writers assembled here who vigorously cleared away old prejudices and
probed into the cause of everything. To write treatises on musical and
aesthetic mattersbecame the fashion in Berlin; Marpurg, Quantz, Agri-
cola, Kirnberger, Sulzer 2 and many others did important work in this
field, and Emanuel himself was inspired to contribute in 1753 n ^ s epoch-

making Versuch iiber die wahre Art das Clavier ^u spielen. Six years later
three young writers, the poet Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, the philosopher,
Moses Mendelssohn (grandfather of Felix), and the publisher, Christian
Friedrich Nicolai, started publishing their Briefe die neueste Litteratur
betreffend (Letters regarding recent literature) which swept like a thunder-
storm through Germany, destroying the prevailing influence of French
literature, and paving the way for the glorious rebirth of German poetry
in the classical era.
Life was indeed full of zest and excitement for a man like Emanuel
Bach having wide interests and a keen intellect. Most of the capital's
eminent writers and artistically-minded high officials were among the

1
Josef Winkler, 'Hebe,' Nuremberg, 1782.
a
Cf. Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg, 'Der critische Musicus an der Spree,' 1749-50;

J. J. Quantz, 'Versuch einer Anweisung die Flote traversiere zu spielen,' 1752; Chr. Gott-
fried Krause, 'Von der musicalischen Poesie,' 1752; J. Friedrich Agricola, 'Anleitung zur
Singkunst,' 1757; J. G. Sulzer, 'Pensees sur l'origine et les differents emplois des sciences
et des beaux-arts,' 1757; J. Philipp Kirnberger, 'Konstruktion der gleichschwebenden
Temperatur,' 1760, and 'Die Kunst des reinen Satzes,' 1774-79.
342 THE BACH FAMILY
friends he met at the Berlin Monday Club, at the Saturday concerts taking
place at Agricola's house, and in his own hospitable home. He offered his
friends many hours of delight by his improvisations on the clavichord,
while to the wives he paid compliments in a unique way by writing
charming musical portraits of them which appeared in various anthologies
of the time. La Bergius, la Borchward, la Prinzette, la Buchholtz, la Stahl 1
were all wives of high officials whom he thus honoured. The gay atmo-
sphere prevailing in Bach's circle is reflected in a letter which the poet
Johann Ludwig Gleim wrote to a friend, Johann Peter Uz: 'Ramler, 2
Lessing, Sulzer, Agricola, Bach, Graun, in short all those belonging to the
Muses and liberal arts, daily get together, either on land or on water.
What a pleasure to glide in such company on the Spree [Berlin's river]
competing with the swans! What a joy to lose one's way with this group
in the Thiergarten among a thousand girls.'

It is interesting to note that Gleim's letter, dated August 16, 1758, was
written at a time when Prussia had already been engaged for two years in
the life-and-death struggle of the 'seven years war.' Apparently Bach and
his gay friends possessed the talent of living for the moment. Shortly
afterwards, however, Emanuel had to leave Berlin with his family, fearing
a Russian occupation, and on his return he and Sulzer joined the citizens'
guard. Although the long war did not bring Emanuel the hardships from
which his brother, Friedemann, suffered in Halle, it involved him in great
economic straits. All the court employees were paid their salaries in paper
bills worth only a quarter of their former value, and had Emanuel not had

a steady income from numerous private pupils, attracted by his reputation

as the foremost clavier player in Germany, he would have been very badly
off. When the war was won, the King, contrary to general expectations,

did not compensate his musicians for the great losses they had sustained;
Emanuel, like his father, was extremely touchy over financial matters, and
3
he was 'very much upset about this and did not hide his feelings.'

1
Samuel Buchholtz, a historian, wrote, 'Versuch einer Geschichte der Churmark
Brandenburg.' Frau von Printzen, wife of a Kriegsrath, was godmother to Emanuel's
second son. Hofrat Dr. Georg Ernst Stahl was an old friend of the Bachs. Sebastian had
probably stayed in his house on his visit to Berlin. Friedemann dedicated six sonatas to Stahl
in 1744. Stahlwas godfather to Emanuel's daughter, while his wife was godmother to the
musician's first son.
2
Cf. Carl Schiiddekopf: 'Briefwechsel zwischen Gleim und Uz,' Tubingen, 1899.
Joh. Ludwig Gleim (1719-1803) belonged with his friends, Joh. Peter Uz (1720-96) and
Karl Wilhelm Ramler (1725-98), to the then fashionable 'Anacreontic school' of poetry,
specializing in gay little poems in the style of the Greek poet. On the other hand, Ramler
was the author of most successful cantata and oratorio texts.
3
Cf. Zelter, I.e.
C. P. EMANUEL IN BERLIN (174O-I768) 343

Moreover, the King, worn out from the strains of the long war, was
now much less Emanuel felt the time to be
interested in music-making, so
ripe for leaving. His thoughts turned to Hamburg, where an opening was
bound to occur before long. Emanuel's godfather, Georg Philipp Tele-
mann, was well over 80 and had held the position of music director there
for more than 40 years. Telemann thought very highly of Emanuel 1 and
was quite likely to recommend him. Letters were exchanged regularly
between them, and Telemann enlisted his godson's help in obtaining
new Berlin compositions which he might perform in Hamburg. Emanuel
eagerly complied, and one of his answers is quoted here as an example of
his sense of humour. The letter was written on December 29, 1756, after
the outbreak of the war, and Emanuel in his report felt tempted to ridicule
the prevailing fashion for using military slang by describing his search for
newmusic as the marauding action of the notorious Croatian 'pandours': 2

'Most esteemed and honoured Director Telemann:

Nobody but Your Honour could have seduced me into adopting the
profession of a pandour. Fortunately I am an honour-loving Saxon3 who
realized that not too much danger would be involved. My aide-de-camp,
Mr. D. RolofF [a copyist] deserves much praise; he has reconnoitred
according to instruction and his report is enclosed herewith. What do you
think of this our first action? Do you think we might eventually amount to
something? I by you. For greater
think people like us ought to be engaged
security I have put every parcel listedby Mr. RolofF once more in a paper
valise, strapped tightly, and have pulled over all of them an oilcloth army

blanket which is marked with the initials of Your Honour, our worthy
chief. You will know better than what part of it is winter, and what
I do,
summer forage 4 . . The
. . Graun was to send me this very
older Mr.
morning his [violin] concertos well wrapped, on pain of having to mail
them himself, should he miss to-day's conveyance. As I have not seen
them yet, I presume he has, of his own free will, submitted to said punish-
ment. If need be, I await Your Honour's further orders. I am aware that I

1
After Sebastian Bach's death Telemann wrote a sonnet at the end of which he
expressed the belief that Sebastian's name was gaining special glory through his worthy
son in Berlin. The sonnet was published in Marpurg's 'Kritische Beytrage,' 1754-55.
2
Cf. Ernst Fritz Schmid: 'C. P. E. Bach und seine Kammermusik,' Cassel, 193 1,
p. 32.
3
Saxony was among Prussia's enemies in this war, and the Saxons were derided as
cowards.
4
Forage being vegetable food for animals, Emanuel uses the expression 'winter
and summer forage' to distinguish works suitable for different events of the church year.
344 THE BACH FAMILY
am handling the jobs of gendarme and pandour with equal zeal, though,
alas, not with similar efficiency. If my skill in plundering were only ade-
quate, my good will could no longer be doubted. I almost forgot, in the
rush, my New Year's wishes. May God keep you yet for many years
healthy, lively, cheerful, for [Germany's] adornment, joy, and benefit.
This is wished out of his most loyal heart by,
Your Honour's very own,
Bach.
P.S. Will Your Honour be good enough to convey my compliments to
Mr. H. L. Schubuk, telling him I'll answer his last esteemed missive in the
very near future. Not lack of a good conscience, but lack of time prevented
1
me from doing so.'

On
June 25, 1767, Telemann died and applications for his position
were made by four renowned musicians: Emanuel, his half-brother, Fried-
rich (cf. p. 381), his former colleague in the Prussian orchestra, Johann
Heinrich Rolle, 2 and Hermann Friedrich Raupach, conductor of the
Imperial Opera in Petersburg. The decision was taken five months later
and Emanuel was chosen. The next step was to get King Friedrich's per-
mission. Emanuel used all the persuasion of which he was capable, alleging
that his bad state of health necessitated less strenuous duties; and prob-
3

ably the King's sister, Princess Amalia, helped too. Finally the King
reluctantly gave his consent, and the Princess, to honour the composer,
appointed him before his departure, conductor of her court. In March 1768
everything was settled and Emanuel took charge of his new duties. In

many ways they resembled those of Sebastian in Leipzig; Emanuel was

Cantor of the Latin school, the Johanneum, and musical director of Ham-
burg's five main churches. Like his father, he was only interested in the
musical directorship, and fortunately he was able to free himself from
teaching work at school. Telemann had paved the way by refusing to
teach extra-musical subjects; Emanuel went one step further by having

1
Schubuk was a town official in Hamburg. This postscript shows that Emanuel was
already at that time in contact with influential persons in the city.
2
Rolle was from 1741-46 viola player at Friedrich 'the Great's' court and subsequendy
organist at Magdeburg. His father, Christian Friedrich Rolle, organist of Quedlinburg,
had examined the Halle organ together with Sebastian Bach in 171 6; and in 1722, shordy
before Sebastian did so, he applied for the Thomas Cantor's position in Leipzig.
3
Little is known about Emanuel's physical condition.He mentioned to Forkel that
in 1743 he had to take the waters at Teplitz because of his podagra. He is also reported to

have found travelling to Potsdam on the very bad roads extremely strenuous. But as he
was able to reach the age of 74 we may assume that his gouty condition was not too serious.
C. P. EMANUEL IN HAMBURG (1768-I788) 345

even the music lessons at the Johanneum taken over by a deputy whom he
remunerated. Thus he was able to concentrate on the musical work of the
churches, and this was indeed a big enough sphere of activities. The
quantity of music offered was staggering; something like 200 musical per-
formances 1 were given every year, among them no less than 10 Passions
which would at times be crowded into 13 successive days, the same work
being sung in sequence in all the churches of the town. To provide such
an enormous output of music was no easy matter, and Telemann had
probably enlisted not only Emanuel's help to solve the problem. His god-
son, on the other hand, relied heavily on music by Telemann, and more
still on the works of his own father. Besides extensive duties as conductor
and composer, the position entailed administrative work. All the honoraria
paid to instrumentalists, vocalists, copyists, etc., passed through the music
director's hands. Emanuel kept most meticulous accounts of such pay-
ments as well as of financial matters concerning himself, and, curiously
enough, did not mind work of this kind. He had an excellent business head
and everything connected with finances interested him. At times he jotted
down characteristic aide-memoires in his account-book, such as the
pleased comment 'the Dutch ducats were exchanged to me at a somewhat
higher rate than the official one,' or the determined remark regarding pay-
ment he had received for a funeral music: 'henceforth / will fix the honor-
arium and bill it.' The income Emanuel derived from his church work was
quite considerable. His daughter, after his death, made a detailed statement
of the various items according to which he received a yearly amount of
2
more than 1000 thalers, plus a quantity of coal, and revenues from the
sale of librettos to his compositions (on the exclusive handling of which
he insisted with iron determination), 3 from funeral music, from testing
applicants for the various organist's positions, from writing music for
certain civic occasions etc., etc. His was a lucrative position, as everything
had to be lucrative in this thriving centre of German trade, where money
moved freely. Being money-minded was the natural thing in Hamburg.
Here were still being bought, as in Sebastian's time (cf. p. 159),
civic jobs
here nobody saw anything offensive in the publication of a prayer-book
offering devotional exercises alternating with quotations of the rates of
exchange for the European currencies in the various 4 Emanuel
capitals.

felt quite at home in this peculiar atmosphere, and his ability to take an

1
Cf. 'Acta die neueren Einrichtungen bey den Kirchenmusiken betreffend,' 1789-90.
2
Cf. Miesner, 'Philipp Emanuel Bach
in Hamburg.'
3
He fought a spirited battle a la Sebastian with the printer, Meyer, and won.
4
'Geistreich Gebetbiichlein vor Reisende zu Land und Wasser.'
346 THE BACH FAMILY
intelligent part in financial talks endeared him no less to the burghers
than his sparkling wit and pleasant manners.
The improvement was not the only asset of the Hamburg
financial
position. Emanuel also felt relieved not to have to conform to court
etiquette any more, not to have to wait for hours in the King's ante-
chamber for a royal command, but to be a highly respected member of a
prosperous community. He relished the 'air of cheerfulness, industry,
plenty and liberty in the place, seldom to be seen in other parts of Ger-
many' (Burney), and he was no less responsive to the city's lovely loca-
tion. Reichardt, who met the Hamburg music director in 1774, liked to
ramble with Emanuel round the town. He evidently had in mind these
walks when he wrote in his Briefe eines aufmerksamen Reisenden: 'Round
this great commercial city the scenery is of particular beauty and variety.

The Elbe and the Alster with their wide expanses of water studded with
sailing craft, and their charming shores present the finest views. A parti-
cular feature of the Alster, unique among all other rivers, is the huge
reservoir it forms within the city, which is bordered on all sides by
avenues inviting to very pleasant walks.'
Another attractive aspect of life in Hamburg was afforded by the wide
circle of friends Emanuel made. All the eminent writers of the town were
on excellent terms with the new music director: Lessing, now also a resi-
dent of Hamburg; the revered poet Klopstock and his second wife,
who was an excellent singer; the great preacher, Christoph Christian
Sturm 1 (cf. 111. XVI), whose poems Emanuel set to music, as he did those
of his other poet-friends, J. Heinrich Voss, Mathias Claudius, and Hein-
rich Wilhelm von Gerstenberg. Hamburg's intelligentsia accepted the
genial and erudite musician with open arms. In the houses of professors

J.
Georg Biisch and Christoph Daniel Ebeling, 2 who lived in the same
street as Emanuel, many delightful gatherings took place at which music
was regularly performed. Comparing the social life of Emanuel with that
of his father, we see how, in spite of holding similar positions, Sebastian
was confined much more closely than his son to intercourse with his
immediate colleagues. Various causes were responsible for Emanuel's
different standing in the community: a general tendency of the time to
remove former strict barriers between the different professions; the

1
Sturm, pastor at St. Petri, had for several years been teacher and preacher in Halle,
where he probably met Friedemann Bach.
2
Biisch was professor of mathematics and a renowned writer on commercial subjects;
Ebeling, professor of History and Greek, and translator of Burney's 'State of Music' into
German. (Cf. Note i, p. 337.)
C. P. EMANUEL IN HAMBURG (1768-I788) 347

academic education Emanuel had received, which gave him a certain status
in the eyes of the intellectuals; and, most of all, Emanuel's natural social
graces. Hospitality was in the Bachs' blood, and Emanuel, like his father,
delighted in it; but while visiting musicians Thomasall flocked to the
Cantor's house, few members of the University found their way to it.
There was, on the other hand, no important writer or scholar in Hamburg
who did not feel honoured by intercourse with Emanuel Bach. Distin-
guished visitors also came from out of town to meet him. One of these
visits had far-reaching results. The Austrian Baron Gottfried van Swieten,
while attached as ambassador to the Prussian court, had heard so much
about Emanuel's art thathe went to Hamburg to make the composer's
acquaintance. He acquired various works by Sebastian and Emanuel and
ordered symphonies from the latter; all of which he introduced in his
Viennese concerts, to the delight of Mozart, on whom the Thomas
Cantor's music made a profound impression.
It would be wrong to assume, however, that life in Hamburg had

nothing but pleasant aspects for Emanuel. The great quantity of music
played coupled with the City's unwillingness to spend much on produc-
tion resulted in poor quality. As a report written after Emanuel's death
put it: 1 'The instrumentalists grew bored with so much playing, the
singers became weary, hoarse, and even ill.' Burney, too, when visiting
Hamburg in 1773, reported that he heard at St. Catherine's some very fine
music by Emanuel 'very ill performed, and to a congregation wholly in-
attentive.' The composer, continues Burney, was well aware of these
deficiencies, but put up with them because of the tranquillity and indepen-
dence he was enjoying. Although this report sounds as if it might be some-
what exaggerated and is contradicted by other contemporary verdicts,
such as that of Gerstenberg, who praised the music at St. Catherine's as
'delighting like the angels' harmony,' 2 there is certainly some grain of truth
in it. Emanuel made a clear distinction between the music he composed or

performed in the discharge of his duties, and that written for his own
enjoyment. His official work at Hamburg belonged to the 'bread and
butter' category, and fully aware of the limited resources at his disposal,
he put up with the inevitably mediocre execution as long as he had a
chance to do first-class music as well. To this second category belonged
1
Cf. Note 1, p. 345.
2
Georg Benda wrote to a friend on November 18, 1778: 'Recently I was
Similarly
surprised in a most pleasant manner at Vespers. I went to hear Bach's Michaelmas music.
You may imagine whether I expected anything mediocre, knowing Bach had composed it.
However, great though my expectations were, they were by far exceeded.' The work
performed was the Heillg for 2 choirs (JVq 217). Cf. Miesner, l.c.
34 8 THE BACH FAMILY
the subscription concerts he gave in Hamburg, in which he appeared as
outstanding soloist or conductor. 1 Also of vital importance were the hours
he spent improvising on his favourite Silbermann clavichord. Various
contemporaries have given us enthusiastic reports on these improvisa-
tions, and they all mind the picture of a person possessed. 'In
leave in our
his free phantasieshe was quite unique and inexhaustible. For hours he
would lose himself in his ideas and in an ocean of modulations. His soul
seemed to be far removed, the eyes swam as though in some ravishing
dream, the lower lip drooped over his chin, his face and form bowed
almost inanimately over the instrument.' 2
It is interesting to note that both Friedemann and Emanuel felt this

tremendous urge towards improvisation, in which they both excelled. But

while the exaltation thus produced only increased Friedemann's inability
to cope with reality, Emanuel had the rare capacity of keeping the two
spheres of his existence neatly separated. The hours of ecstasy at the clavi-
chord were vital to him, as they provided an outlet for his innermost
artistic yearnings, but after such an experience he was able and willing to

resume the extremely skilful handling of his every-day problems. In this

dualism of his personality ensuring artistic as well as material success,
Emanuel Bach had much in common with Joseph Haydn, to whom the
elder master's works provided a decisive stimulus. We can well imagine
how much they would have enjoyed each other's company, chuckling
over the humorous sides of life, for which both possessed a keen percep-
tion, and delightedly sampling unusual foods, such as the larks that
Emanuel had sent by the three-score from Leipzig. But they were never
to meet, and young Haydn, rapturously playing Emanuel's Sonatas night
after night on his worm-eaten clavier and discovering a new world in them,
could not guess that this revered composer was an eminently practical
man, shrewd, even hard in his business dealings.
Reports have been preserved which present Emanuel as a disagreeable
miser, but these may be classed, together with stories of Friedemann's
drunken bouts, among the legends spread by the enemies whom such
as
outstanding personalities were bound to make. The deprecatory remarks
by Reichardt, for instance, may well have been caused by some un-
pleasantness which arose between Emanuel and the younger musician
1
In 1773 he performed Handel's 'Messiah'; however, this was not, as it is sometimes
claimed, the first performance of the work in Germany. Thomas Arne had already

produced it in Hamburg on April 15, 1772. Cf. Sittard, 'Geschichte des Musik- und
Konzertwesens in Hamburg,' 1898.
2
Cf. Reichardt's Autobiography in 'Allgemeine Musikzeitung,' 16. Jhg. Another
description is provided by Burney, I.e.
C. P. EMANUEL IN HAMBURG (1768-1788) 349

after the latter had contracted various debts. There is no doubt that
Emanuel was as scrupulous in money matters as his father had been. He
was brought up in a tradition of strict economy in financial matters and
Hamburg's peculiar atmosphere further increased such tendencies. Thus
he became an excellent business man, well able to achieve the best possible
results by the sale of his works. Of any real avariciousness, however, we
have no proof. 1 'If Bach is miserly,' wrote a friend, G. F. E. Schonborn,
to the Danish musician, N. Schiorring, 'I believe that his wife inoculated
him with this habit, or rather that her failings are charged to his debit.'
We have no means of checking this statement, but we might mention that
in Johanna Maria Bach's social sphere the fate of women widowed in
old age was a very sad one. The salary stopped a few months after the
husband's death, insurances or pensions did not exist, and the scanty
savings that a musician could as a rule accumulate were used up all
too quickly. Naturally Emanuel's wife was anxious to be spared such
hardship.
Like his father, Emanuel seems to have enjoyed a pleasant home life,
but everything was on a more opulent scale than in the modest Thomas
Cantorate. Burney praises the 'elegantly served dinner' he ate at Emanuel's
house, and the beautiful, large music room, furnished with pictures of
more than 150 eminent musicians, which his host had collected. We
should like to think that the lovely room with its many books which we
see in a drawing the painter August Stottrup made of Emanuel, Sturm, and
himself (111. XVI) is one in Emanuel's home. The portrait of the musician
standing next to the pastor, Sturm, clearly reveals the dualism in Emanuel's
nature. This elegantly dressed, rather stoutish person is very much a man
of the world, enjoying the good things in life; the agile hands seem to
express their owner's caustic wit and his temperamental way of speaking.
The face, however, is full of longing and a poignant sadness. This sadness
is by the composer's godson, his
also visible in a portrait painted in 1773
Meiningen kinsman, Johann Philipp Bach (111. XXII).
In the following years an event in his own family greatly contributed
to deepen the expression in Emanuel's eyes. The Hamburg music director
had only three children: two sons and one daughter. It was one of the
1
A letter Emanuel wrote on June 20, 1777, has been repeatedly quoted as
to Forkel
proof of Forkel of his anxiety about his younger son's
his parsimoniousness. Telling
grave illness in Rome, Emanuel mentions that he had to send him 50 ducats and would
have to pay another 200 thalers to the doctors. We
should not forget, however, that this
was a business letter starting with an appeal to Forkel to collect, as rapidly as possible,
subscriptions for Emanuel's new sonatas. The mention of the heavy expenditures for the
ailing son was made to increase Forkel's zeal for obtaining these subscriptions.
350 THE BACH FAMILY
tricks of a malicious fate that neither of the sons wished to be a musician.
This had been a great blow to Emanuel, to whom the unbroken line of
Bach musicians was a source of pride and delight, and who lovingly
assembled material pertaining to the family history. But he had to get
used to seeing the elder son become a lawyer, the younger a painter, and
none of his children with offspring of their own to carry on the Bach
tradition. His only consolation was in the decided aptitude which the
second son showed for painting. When an authority like Adam Friedrich
Oeser, the friend of Winckelmann and teacher of Goethe, had confirmed
this, Emanuel felt great hopes for the youth's future, hopes that were
cruelly crushed when
the son, while working in Rome, succumbed to a
fever at the age of 30. Emanuel announced this in a letter to his friend and
publisher, Immanuel Breitkopf: 'Stunned by the tragic news of my
beloved son's death in Rome, I can hardly put down these words. I know
you will pity me. May God preserve you from similar pain!'
This happened in 1778, and thenceforward Death was a frequent
visitor in the family. In 1781 there died Elisabeth Altnikol (cf. p. 200), a
half-sister, for whom Emanuel cared greatly, and to whom he had
frequently given financial help. A year later followed Sebastian's youngest
son, the brilliant 'London Bach,' Emanuel's former pupil; while in 1784
it was Friedemann's turn. Emanuel himself had been seriously ill in 1782

when, as he wrote to Breitkopf, 'I barely escaped death, as the obnoxious

influenza wanted to choke my throat.' He never recovered his strength
and six years later, on December 14, 1788, he passed away, aged 74 years.
The following day the 'Hamburger unpartheiischer Korrespondent' pub-
lished an Obituary. 'He was one of the greatest theoretical and practical
musicians,' maintained the author (probably Carl Friedrich Cramer),
'creator of the true clavier technique unmatched on this instrument.
. . .

Music him one of its greatest ornaments and to musicians the name
loses in
of Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach will always be a holy one. In his personal
intercourse he was a lively, cheerful man, full of spirit and wit, gay and
.'
merry. . .

Emanuel's eldest son survived his father by only four months, dying
at the age of 44. Now only two women were left, the widow and her
daughter. They handled Emanuel's business as best they could, and when
Frau Bach died in 1795, her daughter made a public announcement that
she would carry on the paternal business, supplying the works of her
father and grandfather. This she did up to 1804, when her name disappears
from the Hamburg address books. During her lifetime, Emanuel's huge
collection of music and pictures was sold by auction, and most of it came,
C. P. EMANUEL IN HAMBURG (1768-I788) 351

through Georg Polchau, librarian of the Berlin Singakademie, into the

Prussian capital.
The catalogue for the auction has been preserved and constitutes an
important historical document. 1 Most of the Bachiana which have sur-
vived were in Emanuel's possession. Proudly he used to exhibit to his
visitors portraits of Hans Bach, 'the jester/ Ambrosius, his grandfather, and
one of his own father painted in oils by Haussmann, 2 as well as the music
of his ancestors, partly copied by his father. All these he treasured and
handed down in good condition to posterity. Furthermore, if we take
into consideration the fact that the family chronicle with Emanuel's own
additions, the account of the Bachs' yearly meetings, and many data con-
cerning Sebastian's teaching methods, character and works were all

supplied to Forkel by the Hamburg music director, we realizehow much

the Bach research owes to Emanuel's deep family loyalty. No one who
reads the loving comments on his father which he sent to Forkel in the
years 1774-75 can doubt the son's attachment to Sebastian. In his youth,
before he had quite established his own he may, out of a natural
style,

tendency towards artistic self-preservation, have avoided conceding to

himself the full extent of his father's greatness. Later, however, he allowed
himself to become fully aware of Sebastian's artistic stature. Emanuel was
often blamed for offering for sale in September 1756 the plates of the Art
of the Fugue. To us, who look on this sublime work with the greatest
reverence, an act of this kind seems to reveal a sad lack of understanding
and of filial piety. It should not be forgotten, however, that Emanuel
decided on this action after the great war had broken out. He had to con-
sider the possibility of a quick evacuation and felt anxious not to have a
hundredweight of plates among his possessions. On the other hand, when
peace was restored, it was he who was responsible for the publication of
Sebastian's four-part chorales.
What Emanuel truly thought of his father is revealed in a most
interesting letter to the editor of the Allgemeine deutsche Biographie pub-
3 4
lished anonymously in 1788. D. Plamenac proved in a fine study that
only Emanuel can have been the author of this penetrating comparison of
Bach and Handel which was written in answer to a passage in Burney's
account of thelife of Handel. It reveals not only inside information on

1
Reproduced by Miesner in BJ, 1938, 1939, 1940-48.
2
According to recent research it seems likely that this was the copy Haussmann made
in 1748, owned at present by Mr. William H. Scheide, Princeton, N.J., U.S.A.
Cf. Raupach, 'Das wahre Bildnis J. S. Bachs,' Wolfenbuttel, 1950.
3
Letter of February 27, 1788, Vol. 81, p. 295, Berlin, 1788.
4
Cf. MQ, October 1949.
35^ THE BACH FAMILY
Sebastian's life available only to a member of the family, but also the
deepest reverence and understanding of his art. Emanuel becomes parti-
cularly eloquent when he, the great master of keyboard music, discusses
his father's contributions to this form. After praising Sebastian's fugues,
which he finds superior to those of Handel, he continues: 'But what
virtues Bach's other clavier works possess What vitality, originality, and
!

ingratiating melody do we find in them even to-day, when the singing

style has been so greatly refined! What invention, what variety in different
styles, the elaborate and the galant, the strict and the free! This one . . .

presenting the utmost difficulties to skilled hands, that one in a style easily
to be followed by the somewhat experienced amateur. How many able
clavier players have received their training from these works! Was he not
the creator of quite a novel treatment of keyboard instruments? Did he
not bestow on them specific melodies, expression, and a singing style? He,
who possessed the most profound knowledge of all contrapuntal arts (and
even artifices) understood how to make art subservient to beauty.'

THE MUSIC OF CARL PHILIPP EMANUEL BACH

In his compositions Emanuel was stimulated rather than overawed by
Sebastian's work. Only during his first creative period, the apprenticeship
in Leipzig and Frankfurt (before 1738), did the son actually copy the
father. For this phase we may take quite literally Emanuel's statement in his
autobiography that Sebastian was the only teacher he ever had. Although
most of these very early works were later revised by the composer, the
frequent use of sequences, the rhythmic uniformity of the compositions
and their heavy Baroque cadences follow the idiom of the Thomas Cantor.
When at the age of 24 Emanuel came to Berlin, his second creative
period started and was to last until 1768. In this period of transition he soon

established a new style of instrumental music, full of expressive power and

passion. Even in the first great products of this period, the Prussian
Sonatas, the subjective and highly emotional idiom of Empfindsamkeit
(sensibility) is clearly noticeable. Emanuel adopted for his instrumental
works elements from the opera seria of his time, such as recitatives,

ariosos,and certain forms of aria accompaniments; 1 sometimes his sonatas

appear like keyboard transcriptions of dramatic compositions. He had
learned from his father that transplanting musical idioms from one medium
1
Burney attributes this innovation particularly to the influence that Hasse's operas
exercised on Emanuel. Cf. 'A General History of Music,' IV, p. 454.
HH

xvi. C. P. E. Bach, Pastor Sturm and the Artist. Drawing by Andreas Stottrup
Jp^U Sip^p^ .]£*it-._w fffh-^
k
'

,!f^i W'«%| 'fij^ #S * Jfi-vU, r . | .^if^vl^j^

-
^#
?<s Ail -4
3

i
^/-^ If!

feps pa «*
sfem i j i j*-l«»

xvii. Autograph of a 'Heilig' by C. P. E. Bach. In the last three measures

starts a quotation from Johann Sebastian's 'Magnificat' ('Sicut locutus est')
MUSIC OF CARL PHILIPP EMANUEL 353

to another could produce outstanding results. Nevertheless his technique

of transferring elements of the dramatic vocal style into keyboard music
had never before been used to such an extent and with equal success. 1
Although Emanuel adopted the new language of Empfindsamkeit so
enthusiastically, conservative elements are by no means lacking in his
works. We still find in them his father's use of sequences; Emanuel em-
ployed the stepwise ascending and descending bass-lines of the Baroque
period and, most of all, he maintained the idea of developing whole move-
ments from a single subject. When the need arose, he wrote intricate
canons and fugues, and while reserving his more daring experiments for
his favourite instrument, the clavier, he fashioned his great choral work,
the Magnificat of 1749, after Sebastian's composition on the same text.
From his father Emanuel also inherited the pedagogic interests and talents.
These, together with the tendency for theoretical speculation then pre-
vailing in Berlin, induced him on the True Art of
to publish his 'Essay
Playing Keyboard Instruments,' one of the finest works of musical instruc-
tion and theory ever written. The style galant, which held so great a
fascination for Emanuel's generation, meant almost as little to him as it
did to his father and elder brother. As a rule it is confined to compositions
of minor value written to please the King.
During the years Emanuel spent in Berlin, his artistic personality
developed fully, and gradually the limitations of his position and the

conservative attitude of his colleagues and his patron became unbearable

to him. He was glad to exchange the narrowness of his activities in the
Prussian capital for the greater spiritual freedom in the Hanse city. In his
third creative period (Hamburg 1769-88) the quality of his output reached
a climax. The six mighty collections of sonatas, rondos and fantasias 'for
connoisseurs and amateurs,' which mark the peak of his keyboard music,
were then published. Moreover, most of his choral compositions and his
great symphonies were products of the Hamburg years. In the meantime,
contemporary composers such as Gassmann, Haydn and Mozart, had
adopted Emanuel's language not only in their clavier music, but also in
quartets and symphonies. Bach, whose fame was constantly growing, felt
Though his works written in Hamburg
the responsibilities of leadership.
speak the highly emotional language of the Sturm und Drang (Storm and
Stress) dominating the literature of the period, they reveal at the same
time a supreme mastery of all technical problems. The composer showed
1
The occasional use of recitatives in keyboard music, however, antedates the work
of Emanuel. Johann Krieger, Johann Kuhnau, Sebastian Bach and others employed it in
some of their works.
354 THE BACH FAMILY
but little interest in, or understanding for, the steady growth of classical

feeling in music. On the other hand their passionate subjectivism links

these Hamburg works with the newly rising trends of romanticism.

Compositions for the clavier form the core of Emanuel's production. In

his lifetimemore than a hundred sonatas, sonatinas, rondos, and fantasias
were printed, together with an almost equal number of short character
pieces, altogether about two thirds of what he wrote in this field. His con-
temporaries saw in Emanuel primarily the keyboard virtuoso and com-
poser. Even in our days, most pieces by Emanuel available in modern
editions are either solo works for clavier or compositions in which the
keyboard instrument has an important part to perform.
A good example of Emanuel's youthful style is furnished by a Sonata
in d (Wq 65/3) written in Leipzig in 1732. 1 In its first movement, an
Allegro molto, the continuously repeated sixteenth motion in the right
hand, sparingly supported by the bass, gives the impression of a Baroque
'solo,' accompanied by basso continuo. The slow middle movement seems
to be modelled on the lines of Sebastian's Italian Concerto. In the son's
work, too, solo sections alternate with tuttis of the full body of sound.
However, the frequent use of the sentimental parallel thirds and sixths
points to a new artistic conception. The finale in strict two-part style has
the character of a gay Gigue with imitations.
Emanuel's clavier works written in Berlin display a very different
aspect. The very first movement of the famous 6 Prussian Sonatas (JVq
48), which were printed in 1742 with a dedication to the King, has an old-
fashioned beginning resembling a two-part invention. On the other hand
the classical sonata-allegro form with a contrasting second subject, full

development, and complete recapitulation is to be found here. The

following Andante movement appears almost like an opera scene without
7* 81 Andante

text. How passionate is the bold skip of a diminished octave in its second
bar (Ex. 81): and what wealth of powerful emotions is unfolded in the
1
The work was revised in Berlin in 1744.
1

c. p. emanuel's clavier works (1738-1768) 355

two 'secco' recitatives inserted into the arioso sections, for which the
composer even provided the kind of basses customary in vocal music
(Ex. 82). It is significant that in this movement which starts and ends in f,

Jx.S2
Hecit

no signature is used, in order to facilitate the notation of the quick key

changes. The
movement of the Sonata is more conventional in form;
third
it is which the high tension of the Andante is resolved in care-
a Vivace, in
free gaiety. All through this set and the 6 Wurttemherg Sonatas (Wq 49)
published in 1744, are found the utterances of a revolutionary composer,
who expressed emotions hitherto absent from keyboard music. Some of
the most significant features of Emanuel's style are: a daring harmonic
language with incisive dissonances and stunning chord-combinations;
dramatic pauses, unexpected rests, alterations in tempo, 1 and sudden
changes between major and minor modes, an effect often increased by
varying dynamics and the use of different registers (Ex. 83). Typical of

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the turbulent spirit of the composer are passages which appear to imitate
orchestral sounds, as, for instance, in the first movement of the sixth
Wurttemberg Sonata. Peculiar effects of colour are achieved by placing
the two hands at a great distance from each other, thus producing a 'thin-
2
ness' of sound which gives the music a transcendental character.
Quite often it suited Emanuel to build a whole movement out of
elements presented in the first measures. At the same time there is a

1 In his 'Essay' (Part I, 3-28) Emanuel recommends for the Adagio in his sixth
Wiirttemberg Sonata a 'gradual and gentle acceleration to be followed shordy afterwards,
by a sleepy ritardando.'
2
In the 19th century this peculiarity of Emanuel's style was completely misunder-
stood, and in his editions Hans v. Biilow found it necessary to thicken and coarsen the
transparent texture of this music.
356 THE BACH FAMILY
noticeable tendency to start the elaboration of the subject soon after its

first statement, before the traditional development section is reached. It is

more retrospective character were to

interesting that these principles of a
achieve tremendous importance for the works of Haydn and Beethoven,
while Mozart, who preferred dualistic contrasts within his Sonata move-
ments, was less susceptible to them.
No other work contributed so greatly to its author's fame as Emanuel's
Versuch iiber die wahre Art das Clavier %u spielen ('Essay on the True Art
of Playing Keyboard Instruments' 1 ) published by the composer himself.
The first part, printed in 1753, was reissued three times, and the second
part published in 1762 twice in Bach's lifetime. The 'Essay' is mainly con-
cerned with keyboard instruments, among which the expressive clavichord,
particularly suited to the performance of emotional music, was closest to
Emanuel's heart; but he was too broadminded and too practical, narrowly
to limit his discussions. Not only the clavierist but any musician can benefit
from the fine craftsmanship and clear logical thinking revealed in the work.
In this manual written after Sebastian's death, it is noteworthy how
closely the son followed in the father's footsteps. For instance, in the
chapter on Fingering he adopted Sebastian's use of the thumb, adding a
wealth of important details, and he even did not completely discard his
father's old-fashioned crossing of the 3rd over the 4th finger. Again, when
dealing with ornaments and embellishment, Emanuel continued along the
lines of the Clavierbuchlein of 1720, explaining at greater length trills,

turns, mordents, etc. Thus was laid for a correct

the necessary basis
execution of Emanuel's own compositions, in which ornaments were
never used merely to decorate a tune, but always formed an essential part
of its melodic life. The writer's conceptions of the thorough bass and
intervals were also firmly founded on his teacher's methods. Both rejected
the theoretical and mathematical aspects of Rameau's famous 'Traite
d'Harmonie' Father and son alike looked at the problem as teachers
anxious to convey to growing musicians their own practical knowledge.
Possibly the most individual section of the 'Essay' is the last chapter of
the first part. In dealing with the problems of performance the master of
Empfindsamkeit expressed his artistic creed: technical proficiency is not
sufficient for the perfect execution of music; the player must transmit the
whole emotional content of the composition to his audience.
Altogether, this is not a book of speculation, but the attempt of a
composer and educator to guide his students in a practical manner to

1
The work is available in an English translation with annotations, and a valuable
ntroduction by W. J. Mitchell, New York, 1949.
c. p. emanuel's clavier works (1738-1768) 357
better musicianship. It displays a freshness of approach and a clear
simplicity of diction that will make the 'Essay' live long after the many
similarbooks of the time have been forgotten.
To illustrate his point of view, Emanuel added in the edition of
1753
eighteen compositions which he called Probestiicke ('sample pieces'; Wq
63)9 grouped together in six Sonatas. As if to make up for a certain in-
evitable pedantry in the textbook, he displayed in these examples all the
shades of his emotional palette. No two of the movements of each separate
Sonata are in the same key, and their subjective nature
is stressed by such

unusual headings as 'Adagio mesto e sostenuto' or 'Allegretto arioso

assai

ed amoroso.' The conclusion and climax of the whole set is formed by

the beautiful Fantasia in c. In order to ensure complete rhythmic flexi-
bility, Emanuel even omitted the bar lines in its improvisatory first and
last sections. The striking emotional intensity of this Fantasia was felt so
keenly by his contemporaries that Emanuel's friend, the poet W. Gersten-
berg, made two attempts at transforming the purely instrumental number

Tfein, -nem die ern-sie ho - ..he Ge - sta.li

l

into a kind of cantata by adding recitatives, one of which was based on

Hamlet's monologue, the other on the last words of Socrates emptying
the cup of poison (Ex. 84).
358 THE BACH FAMILY
In 1760 Emanuel dedicated to Princess Amalia, the sister of the King,
six Sonaten mit veranderten Reprisen ('with altered restatements'; Wq 50).
They reveal his conviction that embellishments and ornaments form an
essential part of the melody, and that it is not for performers arbitrarily to
add ornaments in repetitions, according to the fashion of the time. He
maintained this practice in many of his later compositions as well, as the
following example from a Sonata printed in 1770 may illustrate (Ex. 85).
"
•E * 85 Sonata from „ JA.izsiTca.lisch.es Vielerlei

L_LJ
Among the great number of Sonatas for keyboard instruments written
in Berlin are six Sonatas for the organ without pedal (Wq 70). Burney's
report thatEmanuel was not interested in the organ is fully confirmed by
them suggests that they were intended for the king
these works. Little in
of instruments. This is ordinary clavier music, only of a slightly more
conventional character. 1 Also the Concerto in C for unaccompanied
clavier (Wq 112/1) published in 1765 is retrospective in its basic character.
It follows closely the example of similar works by Sebastian and Friede-
mann, emphasizing the contrast between solo and tutti. Like Sebastian's
Italian Concerto and Friedemann's Concerto in G it has the aspects of a
keyboard arrangement of an imaginary orchestral work.
Every element of Emanuel's style in the Berlin period reappears in
maturer and more concentrated form in the composer's masterwork, the
six collections fur Kenner und Liebhaber ('for connoisseurs and amateurs';

Wq 55-59, 61) published between 1779 and 1787. Here Emanuel displays
the sureness of touch and the virtuosity of the mature master. Most of
these compositions are sonatas which, as a rule, consist of three move-
ments in closely related keys; but when the expressive content demands it
the composer does not hesitate to use as unusual a key combination as

1
Emanuel's only sonata for organ with pedal (JVq 70/7) is of a similar nature.
To pseudo-organ compositions belong also the 6 fugues (JVq 119) written between
his

1754-63, mosdy for his learned friend, Marpurg's, collections. The compositions, while
showing thorough contrapuntal knowledge, clearly display the composer's indifference
towards the form of the instrumental fugue.
c. p. emanuel's clavier works (1768-1788) 359

G-g-E movements. Occasionally the three movements

for the successive
shrink to two, connected by a few transitional measures, and even a
complete integration of all movements into a single unit occurs, antici-
pating 19th-century tendencies. Beginning with the second collection,
Rondos join the Sonatas. These compositions, which were particular
favourites with Emanuel's contemporaries, are based on brief and decep-
tively simple subjects. The composer presents his ideas in ever new trans-
formations, changing their pitch, dissolving them melodically, har-
monizing them in different ways, and introducing unexpected rests and
rubatos. His sudden changes between pianissimo and fortissimo, his
crescendi ending up in piano, his diminuendi leading to a forte, as well
as his ingenuity in offering ever new surprises to the delighted and amused
listener clearly reveal an exquisite sense of humour. These rondos are the
musical counterpart of his witty and spirited conversations, which made
the great intellects of his time seek Emanuel's company. Into the three last
sets Emanuel inserted Fantasias. Here we get a glimpse of what his im-

provisations, which made so tremendous an impression on his listeners,

must have been like. Most of these compositions resemble in character the
Fantasia in c, their recitatives and ariosos not following a strict rhythmic
pattern. Only the last Fantasia in C presents a single idea in ever-changing
garb, thus approaching Emanuel's Rondos.
In both his Berlin and his Hamburg years Emanuel wrote a substantial
number of short clavier pieces. They frequently appear to be miniature
editions of the larger forms, reduced not only in size but also in technical
difficulty. Thus while the 6 Sonatas accompanying the first edition of the
'Essay'were most ambitious in their whole conception, the 6 Sonatinas,
which the composer added in 1786 to a new edition of the book (JVq 63)
are completely unpretentious. Each consists of only a single movement
and rarely has more than 30 measures. Technically they are within the
reach of any player of mediumabilities. However, in spite of their almost

aphoristic character, they are as carefully worked out as his larger com-
positions, and the heart-felt little Largo in E (JVq 63/8), for instance, is a
piece of almost classical poise.
Among these short clavier pieces are numerous Solfeggii, prelude-like
little fantasias, usually developed out of a single motive. It is interesting
to compare the well-known Solfeggii in c (JVq 117/2), published in 1770,
with similar compositions by Sebastian. While the piece is obviously
based on forms the father liked to use, the strongly throbbing emotional
life belongs to a younger generation.
Many Minuets (often appearing in pairs) and Polaccas are to be found
360 THE BACH FAMILY
in this group, the latter being free of the formal, even melancholy-
character they assumed for Friedemann. These are gay dances in 3/4 time
approaching in character the polonaise of the 19th century.
To a special category belong the musical portraits and other pieces of
programme music with descriptive titles (JVq 117). Emanuel gives us
delightful little pictures of some of his lady-friends. A graceful Allegro
in 6/8 time describes 'La Gleim' (cf. p. 342), a ceremonious minuet 'La
Lott'; serious and melancholy (probably on account of the loss of her
children) is 'La Stahl'; saucy and temperamental 'La Bohmer.' 'La
Journaliere' with gay pralltrillers and 'La Capricieuse' with its merrily
its

skipping dotted rhythms portray true daughters of Eve. 'La Complaisante'

makes the listener wish to meet a lady so anxious to please. One of the
most mature of these character-pieces is the 'Farewell to my Silbermann
Clavichord' {Wq 66), composed in 1781 in the form of a rondo. A pupil
of Emanuel, Ewald v. Grotthus, received from the composer a clavier
made by the great Silbermann. Bach accompanied his instrument with a
composition, thus proving, as he wrote to Grotthus, that 'it is also possible
to write lamenting rondos.' Actually this composition is a stirring and
passionate piece, growing out of the germ-cell of a single main subject, in
which Emanuel's attachment to the clavichord finds heart-felt expression. 1

In his Chamber Music Emanuel was not as progressive as in his clavier

works. It seems likely that the first compositions the young artist wrote
in this field attracted the attention of the Prussian Crown Prince and
secured Emanuel the position he was to hold for almost thirty years.
During this time most of Emanuel's chamber music was written for the
King and his court, and the increasingly conservative leanings of the
monarch forced the composer to renounce in them the more daring
of his experiments. The situation changed when Emanuel moved to
Hamburg. The former restrictions no longer existed, and the composer
produced a number of instrumental ensemble works, almost equal in
perfection to his keyboard music.
To the first period belong a number of 'solos' and 'trios,' as the com-
poser called them in the traditional manner. The 'solos' are for (trans-

verse) flute and bass or for oboe and bass; the 'trios' for flute, violin and
bass or for violin and cembalo obbligato. Both in the choice of these forms
1
Grotthus' musical answer 'Joy at receiving the Silbermann Clavier' is artistically

of little significance.
c. p. emanuel's chamber music (1738-1768) 361

and in Emanuel reveals himself as his father's faithful

their contents,
disciple. We among
these works sonatas in the four movements of
find
the Baroque period, canonic episodes, concerto forms, and the whole
harmonic language and bass lines of Sebastian's music.
In the chamber music works written in Berlin, the dependence on the
past recedes only slowly. Again Emanuel writes 'solos' and 'trios'; in
many of them the same key is preserved throughout, a feature pointing
back to the suite of the 17th century. The different versions existing of
most of the 'trios' also point towards the Baroque period. The lovely work
in G, of 1754, for instance, is once scored for 2 violins and bass (JVq 157),
then for flute, violin, and bass (Wq 152) and again for cembalo and flute
(JVq 85). On the other hand a leaning towards the style galant finds
1

expression in the frequent prescription of the word gra-fioso in the tempo

indications. To his former combinations of instruments Emanuel now
adds some new ones, such as viola da gamba and bass, or harp and bass.
The constant work with the King's excellent musicians helped to
familiarize the composer with the technical possibilities of the instruments,
and often to use them in a truly idiomatic manner. His viola da gamba
sonatas, for instance, introduce arpeggios and even triple stops, while
large skips in the solo parts of the flute works allowed the august per-
former to show off his technical skill.
It is significant that a Trio (Wq 161/1) of a clearly experimental

character was not written for the King, but was dedicated to the young
Count Wilhelm of Schaumburg-Lippe, the employer of Emanuel's half-
brother, Friedrich. A definite programme dealing with different tempera-
ments underlies this music, a subject popular in the 18th century. 2 The
composer explains it 'An attempt has been
in his preface with these words:
made to express as far as possible through instruments, what otherwise is
done much more easily through the voice and words. This is supposed
to be a conversation between a Sanguine and a Melancholic who . . .

endeavour to convince each other, until by the end of the second move-
ment the Melancholic gives in and adopts the other's point of view.'
. . .

Emanuel portrays the argument through an intensive development of his

subjects, and explains his procedure in a running commentary, using
letters to refer to individual places in the score. He alludes, for instance, to
a passage in the first movement with these words: 'At (h) Sanguine tries to

1 Similarly the 2 trios printed in Bach's lifetime {Wq 161, published 175 1) have,
on the tide page, an indication that one of the two melody instruments might be taken over
by the right hand of the cembalist.
2
Beethoven still had in his string quartet op. 18/6 a finale entitled 'La Malinconia/
362 THE BACH FAMILY
convert Melancholic. The latter begins to give in, but soon stops (i) and
has to take a full rest (k) to find his own self again (1). Impatiently San-
guine interrupts him, mockingly aping his ideas (m) '
(Ex. 86).
1x86
Presto
(Sinqumuis)
Q.,— — ®—
Vhtinl

(Jicltncholicus) _

Although other dramatic dialogues are found in Emanuel's chamber

music, he never again attempted to write a literary programme to a com-
position of his own, and in later years, even admitted the weakness of this
early experiment.
On the whole the chamber music of the Berlin years displays the
characteristicsof a transitional phase, when the composer felt inclined to
try out the most varied devices. Side by side with compositions based on
the Baroque conception of using two melody instruments equal in range
and importance, we find trios in which the rigid balance between the upper
voices is abandoned. In Wq 156 and 160 for 2 violins and bass, the second
violin is clearly subordinated to the first. It usually accompanies in parallel
thirds and sixths, never competing on equal terms with the leading voices.
The same procedure may be noticed in the Sinfonia a cembalo obbligato e
violino (Wq which the right hand of the clavier dominates, while
74), in
the violin is used mainly as a filling and accompanying voice. All three
compositions reject polyphony and the concertante style and tend towards
the later type of clavier sonata with the accompaniment of a violin.
In the last twenty years of Emanuel's life his chamber music presents
a very different picture. The Baroque combination of two melody voices
and bass completely disappears, and chamber music employing a continuo
part to be realized by the performer is hardly to be found. The composer's
output includes several Duos, Trios, and 'Quartets' (Wq 79-80, 89-91,
93-95) for clavier obbligato with the accompaniment of string and,
occasionally, wind instruments. In the works for clavier and violin or
for clavier, violin and violoncello, compositions clearly meant for
amateurs, the keyboard instrument has constantly the lead; the violin as a
rule doubles the melody, the 'cello the bass, and either may be used to fill

in a middle part. Yet, in spite of the small role assigned to them, the
c. p. emanuel's chamber music (1768-1788) 363

omission of these instruments would deprive the works of attractive

effects of colour.
In some chamber music works the composer entrusts important tasks
to the flute, the bassoon, the viola, and, in particular, the clarinet, the
favourite of his later years. For all that, the clavier always stands in the
centre of the Hamburg chamber no longer results from the
music. Its part
more or less mechanical combination of a violin melody with a supporting
bass, as was the rule in the Berlin 'trios'; dynamic contrasts are now widely
employed, and these chamber music works gradually become imbued with
the strongly personal and unconventional character of Emanuel's key-
board compositions. The second and third of the 'Clavier-Sonatas accom-
panied by violin and violoncello' (Wq 91, published in 1777) contain
gems unforgettable in their poignancy and emotional intensity. It is signi-
ficant that the rondo, which had brought Emanuel so great a success in his
works for solo clavier, now also appears in his chamber music. Its natural

place is obviously the third movement, but in the highly unorthodox com-
position for cembalo obbligato, flute and viola (Wq 93), written in the
year of Emanuel's death, it is movement. This is a
used even for the first

deeply felt, and most expressive composition, in which beauty of content

is balanced by complete technical perfection. Rhapsodic elements are

conspicuous in many of Emanuel's late chamber music works, and one of

the finest Fantasias he wrote (Wq 80, composed in 1787) was conceived
for clavier with the accompaniment of a violin. The composer headed it
with the significant words sehr traurig und gan{ langsam. C. P. E. Backs
Empfindungen ('very sadly and quite slowly; C. P. E. Bach's emotions').
Works of this kind (cf. also the poignant middle movement in Wq 95)
seem to lead right to the threshold of Romanticism. On the other hand
there is clear evidence that, near the end of his life, Emanuel was also under
the influence of a composer who had learned a great deal from him in

earlier years. The last movement of the 'Quartet' in D for harpsichord, flute
and viola (Wq 94) is spiritually akin to works by Joseph Haydn1 (Ex. 87).
1
Cf. E. F. Schmid's valuable study 'C. P. E. Bach und seine Kammermusik,' p. 147.
364 THE BACH FAMILY
Short compositions of little technical difficulty, which are equal in
craftsmanship and beauty to his larger works, are also to be found in
Emanuel's chamber music. He wrote these precious miniatures for two to
seven instruments. Particularly charming are the 12 little pieces for two
flutes (or violins) and clavier, printed in 1770 (JVq 82). They consist of
brief character sketches, usually of not more than sixteen measures, for all
three instruments, alternating with movements in which the cembalo is
not used. The latter are particularly attractive, but also trios, such as the
sentimental Allegro (No. 1), the Minuetto in the style galant (No. 5), or
the irresistible Polacca (No. 8), are of delightful grace and simplicity.
Equally important are the six undated little sonatas for clavier, clarinet and
bassoon (JVq 92), most of which also exist in arrangements for seven
wind instruments. Emanuel achieved through soloistic treatment of the
instruments a transparent chamber music style hardly surpassed in any of
his larger works.

The composer's attitude in his clavier concertos is similar to that

revealed in his chamber music. To the first period belong three concertos
for cembalo and strings written in Leipzig or Frankfurt and revised
in Berlin (JVq 1-3). Tutti and soli are short and supplement each other
rather than compete in concerto manner. Contrapuntal texture is often
used for the orchestral sections, and the accompaniments to the cembalo
parts are rather powerful. Although the young composer is anxious to
equip the soli with all the fashionable brilliance, the clavier technique dis-
closes his lack of experience. A leaning towards the style galant is un-
mistakable, yet at the same time the son resorts repeatedly to a close
imitation of his father's style.
The 38 concertos written in the Berlin years (JVq 4-40, 46) 1 conform to
each other in basic elements. They are always in three movements, fast-
slow-fast, each of them containing from three to five tutti. These ritornels
differ widely in length; in their most expansive form they consist of an
energetic first, and a contrasting, more tender second section, a group of
sequences, and a coda resuming the ideas of the first section. The solos,
which are frequently interrupted by short tutti episodes, are as long and
even longer than the ritornels. They employ partly thematic material
derived from the first tutti and partly new ideas, or else they accompany the
1
A few more are preserved under Emanuel's name in old manuscripts, but their
authenticity is not established.
c. p. emanuel's clavier concertos 365

orchestra with rich figurations. In movements with four ritornels the first
solo has an exposition-like character, the second reminds us of a develop-
ment, while the third restates ideas from the first two solos. In movements
with five ritornels the two middle solos have the character of a development.
All these features point towards the gradual transition from the old Vivaldi
concerto form to the new
sonata form. Although Emanuel's treatment of
the solo instrument growing more and more idiomatic, his style is not
is

always appropriate to the clavier. It is worthy of notice that some of the

concertos exist in versions in which the keyboard part is replaced by a
stringed or a wind instrument. The Baroque practice of freely exchanging
solo instruments in concertos obviously holds good for Sebastian's son.
The Concerto in a of 1750 (Wq 26) for example, exists in three versions,
for 'cello, flute, and harpsichord solo respectively. With minor changes in
the figuration the composer cleverly adapts the part of the main instru-
ment to the changing medium of woodwind, low-pitched string and key-
board instrument. 1
Among the numerous remarkable works, the deeply passionate and
exciting Concerto in doi 1748 {Wq 23) with the wide skips at the begin-
ning (Ex. 88) deserves mention. Schering rightly points out that in its

P , .

J J
vv

first and third movements a spirit reigns which reached its full growth in
Beethoven's Vth and IXth symphonies. The middle movement of the
Concerto in c of 1753 {Wq 31) is noteworthy. It contains instrumental
recitatives of the solo instrument dramatically interrupted by the orchestra
with a dynamic range from/*/* to^ and repeated changes of tempo from
adagio to presto. This highly romantic movement appears as a kind
of over-extended introduction to the finale which is meant to follow
instantly.
The Sonatinas {Wq 96-110) written between 1762 and 1764 may be
considered as an attempt to leave the narrow confines of the Berlin musical

1
Similarly the Harpsichord Concertos Wq 28, 29 also exist as flute and as 'cello
concertos. Wq 40 are to be found as oboe concertos. In Wq 34, 35 execution of the
39,
solo part on the organ is optional. At practically the same time (1756) Joseph Haydn wrote
his concerto in C for organ or harpsichord with orchestra.
366 THE BACH FAMILY
school, and to become familiar with different artistic trends. In these com-
positions which follow the style of the Austrian court composer, Wagen-
seil, and of the young Haydn, Emanuel no longer attempts to produce

real concertos. These are suite-like divertimenti with a prominent clavier

part, preserving the same key throughout each composition. In these
forms variety is as great as was the standardization in the older concertos.
While Wq 96 consists only of a theme with variations and an extensive
finale, Wq 109 has no less than eight movements, I and IV being identical,

III and V as well as VI and VIII closely interrelated. Other Sonatinas are

in three movements with the slow one at the beginning, or with fast tempi
in all movements. They are mostly scored for one or two cembali
three
with strings, 2 flutes and 2 horns. Wq 109 in D for 2 cembali uses in addi-

tion 3 trumpets, timpani, 2 oboes and bassoon. As in the Austrian diverti-

mento, a gay and carefree mood prevails; major modes dominate, a dance-
like character is emphasized in many movements, and we find the direction
'Alia Polacca' indicated among the finales.
The result of Emanuel's studies is noticeable in the ten concertos for
one and one for two claviers written in Hamburg (Wq 41-45, 47).
clavier,

They belong to the best the North German school produced in this sphere
of music. None of them exists in a version for any other instrument, and
accordingly the keyboard part is completely idiomatic. The accompanying
orchestra is, as a rule, that of the Sonatinas. Most movements are lacking
in any real ending and lead immediately into the next one. The unity thus
created is also emphasized by other methods. In the Concerto in G,
belonging to the fine set published in 1772 (Wq 43), the first and second
movements use the same introduction. In the magnificent Concerto in c
from the same group, the last movement even employs thematic material
from the first. This work is the only Concerto of Emanuel's in four move-
ments, the third being a Minuet as in Austrian symphonies.
Fundamentally the old concerto form remains in force, but mighty
inroads were made to meet the requirements of the new age. The plain
song-form, the true rondo form which, unlike the Vivaldi form, always
restates the main subject in the same key, and the classical sonata form with
its basic dualistic and well-balanced construction left their imprint on

these works. It is characteristic of the composer's progressive attitude

that the second movement of the Concerto in F of 1772 replaces the
traditional tutti at the beginning and end by unaccompanied soli of
the clavier. Equally unorthodox is Emanuel's idea of writing out the
cadenzas for all six concertos of the set, a method widely used in the
19th century.
c. p. emanuel's symphonies 367

The attitude of the aged Emanuel towards the concerto is perhaps best
revealed by the Double Concerto in E flat (Wq 47) composed in Ham-
burg, possibly as late as 1788, the year of his death. It is written for two
keyboard instruments,1 one the old cembalo, the other the young forte-
piano. Emanuel's feelings towards the latter were those of distrust. Al-
though his father had used the fortepiano forty years earlier, Emanuel's
Concerto in E flat is the only work in which he prescribed the instrument
expressly. In its form the Double Concerto clearly reverts to the architec-
ture of the Berlin years with its massive main tuttis, but the timid question

uttered in piano by the violins at the beginning of the first movement is

diametrically opposed to the traditional conception that a concerto ought

to start with a forceful statement. This tutti also introduces a persuasive
tune of the flutes in parallel thirds and sixths which has the character of a
subsidiary subject in a sonata form, and the first idea of the finale has the
sparkle of a composition by Haydn (Ex. 89). —Emanuel's last concertos,

Xx.89

*m iir 1
lLlj 1
J
-^ii cr 1
lLlt iujlt
CcrescJ
1
cJJ-^
in which all stylistic elements of his earlier works were amalgamated,
contributed much to the fame of their author; in Northern Germany they
were performed long after Emanuel's death, and were superseded only
by Beethoven's compositions in this field.

No symphonies from Emanuel's first period are known. Eight com-

positions were written in Berlin (Wq 173-81) which, like most works
from this period of transition, exist in different versions. The one in e of

1756, for instance, is preserved in a setting for strings only (Wq 177),
another with horns, oboes and flutes (Wq 178), and a transcription for
clavier (Wq 122/3). This might also have been due to the work's popu-
larity, corroborated by as great an authority as Hasse who described it as
'an unequalled masterpiece.' It starts with a forceful, almost fierce

movement, containing passages soaring upward like rockets, effective

changes between major and minor, and sudden pianissimos framed by
fortes. A most expressive transition leads to the middle movement

1
Friedemann's only concerto for 2 claviers is in the same key of E flat.
368 THE BACH FAMILY
(Ex. 90). This brief and more conventional piece is followed by a finale
which, with its jagged melodic lines, and its spirit of vehement determina-

Zx-9o

tion, represents a tour de force of a highly emotional composer. But not

all the Berlin symphonies are on this high level, even the latest of the
period, JVq 181 in F of 1762, is rather old-fashioned in character.
The ten symphonies written in Hamburg consist of two sets: six
works (JVq 182) composed in 1773 for Gottfried van Swieten, Austrian
Ambassador to the court at Berlin, and four (JVq 183) published in 1780
with a dedication to Friedrich Wilhelm, Crown Prince of Prussia. Thus
these compositions established contacts with men who were to have
significant artistic connections with Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven. In
the six symphonies of 1773 f° r strings and continuo 1 the old concerto
symphony of the Baroque period seems to be revived. There are neither
soloists nor ripienists, but each instrument serves in turn as a melodic
leader and an accompanist. Similar in character are the symphonies printed
in 1780 and scored for two oboes, two horns, strings, bassoon and cem-
balo. Impressive tutti alternate with delicate soli; even the virtuoso ele-
ment is not completely missing and contemporary critics emphasized the
works' technical difficulty. Emanuel had apparently no use for the South
German innovation of including a Minuet in the symphony as a fourth
movement. All compositions are in three movements, fast-slow-fast, inter-
connected by modulating bridge passages. In the first symphony of 1780,
for instance, a dramatic transition connects the exciting initial movement
in D with the beautiful middle movement in E flat.

Reichardt, who attended a rehearsal of the six symphonies of 1773,

2
wrote in later years: 'One heard with rapture the original and bold course
of ideas as well as the great variety and novelty in forms and modulations.
Hardly ever did a musical composition of higher, more daring, and more
humorous character flow from the soul of a genius.' Although Reichardt
was notorious for his exaggerations, this report gives an idea of the
general reaction to Emanuel's intense works, which were real products of

1
Hugo Riemann, who first edited two of them, erroneously considered them as
string quartets.
2
'Allgemeine Musicalische Zeitung,' 18 14.
c. p. emanuel's secular songs 369

the Sturm und Drang movement just then reaching its climax. The
following set shows the same characteristics, although it is superior in
artistic quality. Its four symphonies are imbued with a dramatic power

unusual even among Emanuel's works. The mighty build-up towards a

climax at the beginning of the symphony
D, the sinister chains of trills
in
in thefirst movement of the Eflat symphony, and the humorous finale of

that in F leave indelible impressions in the mind of the listener. It is more

than a mere coincidence that the finale of Beethoven's second symphony
is melodically related to the beginning of this symphony in F, which is

possibly the most attractive work of the set.

From composer imbuing his instrumental works with so great an

a
expressive power important contributions in the field of vocal composi-
tion may be expected, and indeed Emanuel's abilities in this respect far
surpass those of his elder brother. He composed songs, arias, choruses,
cantatasand oratorios both for sacred and secular purposes; but he never
wrote an opera.
As a composer of secular songs or odes, as they were called at that time,
Emanuel developed along the same lines as in his instrumental music. Up
to the end his output showed a certain growth in quality and technical
perfection. It was different, however, in the field of the sacred song.
Owing to the royal free-thinker's aversion to church music, Emanuel
wrote very few sacred works on the large scale at Berlin, but he found an
outlet in the composition of outstanding religious songs. The situation
changed as soon as he moved to Hamburg, where his new duties not
merely allowed, but compelled him to write choral music for the church.
During this period his interest was no longer engrossed in the smaller
forms, and neither in style nor quality do the sacred songs written in
Hamburg exhibit any improvement.
Little is known of Emanuel's work as a writer of secular songs in Leipzig
or Frankfurt, but in his first years in Berlin he contributed to various
collections, which, according to Marpurg, held the 'balance between too
ornate and too plain a style,' and whose texts 'made the listener neither
blush nor yawn.' These widely dispersed songs as well as a few new com-
positions were published by the composer in 1762 as Oden mit Melodien
(JVq 199). The texts frequently introduce the fashionable shepherds and
shepherdesses. These are clavier songs, in which the strophic form,
customary at the time, prevails. The keyboard part is written out, and the
37° THE BACH FAMILY
right hand doubles the vocal melody. Emanuel belongs to the first com-
posers who introduced brief and purely instrumental ritornels into the
songs, preceding or interrupting the vocal sections. The finest of these
early songs published in 1741) is based on Marianne von Ziegler's
(first

Eilt ihr Schafer ('Hasten ye shepherds'). Emanuel uses the words of a

poetess who had already provided texts for his father's cantatas, and it is

worth mentioning that the same shepherd's song was set to music forty
years later by Joseph Haydn. Emanuel's composition in plain two-part
song form is quite charming and of classical simplicity. Equal in value are
Der Morgen ('The morning'), gay and unpretentious in the manner of a
hunting song, and the tragic lament Die verliebte Veriweiflung ('Love's
despair') in Emanuel's favourite key of c. Other songs in the collection of
1762, however, are conventional in their musical expression and devoid of
deeper feeling. The composer often transplants his keyboard style rather
mechanically to the song form and creates odes of instrumental rather than
vocal conception.
In the Berlin years a number of cantata-like songs were written, such
as the jolly drinking song Briider, wiser Bruder lebe ('Brothers, long live
our brother*; Wq on words by Emanuel's friend, Gleim, in which
201),
the lines are presented alternately by a group of merry guests and their
liberal host. In the same year 1766 Emanuel published Phillis und Tirsis

(Wq 232) for 2 sopranos, 2 flutes, and continuo, one of the most tender
and delicate miniatures the musical Rococo has produced. To the Ham-
burg period belongs Selma {Wq 236), a passionate soprano cantata set
with full orchestral accompaniment in 1770, but reduced for publication
in Voss' 'Musen-Almanach' of 1776 to the essential parts, soprano and
continuo. The same Almanach for the year 1782 contains the lovely song
Ichging unterErlen ('I walked beneath alders'; Wq 202/L), a gem of grace-
ful simplicity. Quite different in character is the magnificent Trennung
('Separation'; Wq 202/ 0/ 4), in which sonorous octaves of the left hand

JTx.91

imitate bells ringing a farewell {Ex. 91). The song assumes a weird
character when diminished and augmented intervals appear in the left
C. P. EMANUEL S SACRED SONGS 371
1
hand symbolizing the hopeless sadness of this scene of parting. The very
of Emanuel's odes (JVq 200), which appeared in 1789, one
latest collection

year after his death, shows both a greater depth of feeling and an increase
in technical skill. The serious songs in particular sometimes foreshadow
the art of Beethoven and Brahms. In Nonnelied ('Nun's song'), for instance,
Emanuel avoids the traditional strophic form; the music of the five stanzas

is beautifully differentiated, to achieve the effect of growing despair.

In the field of the sacred song Emanuel's output is inseparably con-
nected with the work of Christian Fiirchtegott Gellert (1715-69), whose
importance for the lied of the 18th century can only be compared to
Heinrich Heine's influence on that of the 19th century. Gellert's Geistliche
Oden und Lieder of 1757 belong to the greatest poems written for the
Protestant Church in the age of Rationalism. The poet indicated numerous
chorale melodies to which his songs could be sung; nevertheless for more
than seventy years composers competed in setting them to music. Haifa
century after their creation their noble sentiments still inspired composi-
tions by Haydn and Beethoven. In 1758, one year after the publication of
the texts, 55 Gellert songs appeared with Emanuel's music (JVq 194) and
were so successful that had to be printed in the composer's
five editions
lifetime. Gellert himself, who song without its
stressed that 'the best
fitting melody is like a loving heart lacking its consort,' was deeply im-

pressed by this music. In the preface to the collection Emanuel explained:

'When inventing the melodies, I considered as far as possible the poem as
no expert can ignore the fact that not
a whole. I say as far as possible since
too much should be expected of a tune meant for more than a single
stanza.' Though aware of these difficulties, Emanuel did not consider the
expedient (later used in his secular songs) of altering the music in accord-
ance with changes in the text, as this would have made the employment
of his odes in the church service impracticable. It is true that Du klagst
('Thou lamentest') has two melodies, a sad one in c minor for the first five

stanzas, and a more serene one in C major for the remaining nine stanzas;
but this is an exception, and in some other songs discrepancies between
music and text were not avoided. At times there is also a certain prepon-
derance of the declamatory and arioso element, resulting in a neglect of
simple melodic beauty. Besides, Emanuel again stresses the instrumental
character, prescribing ornaments mainly meant for the keyboard which a
singer would have difficulties in executing.

Gustav Mahler may have known Emanuel's ode (which was first published in 1900);
1

thereis both in the poignancy of expression and the harmonic idiom a certain resemblance

between the last movement of 'Das Lied von der Erde' and 'Trennung.'
37 2 THE BACH FAMILY
These deficiencies, which the composer shares with most of the song
writers of his time, are outweighed, however, by outstanding merits. The
technical perfection, in particular the harmonic boldness and contrapuntal
skill, is superb. The intensity of Emanuel's interpretation is revealed in
most unusual prescriptions heading the songs, such as 'loftily and
emphatically,' 'pompously,' 'magnanimously,' 'composedly.' 1 Among the
finest songs of the set are Demuth
Wider den Uebermuth
('Humility'),
('Against Pride'), Der Kampf der Tugend ('The struggle of virtue'), and
the magnificent Bitten ('Prayers'), which may have induced Beethoven to
use the same text (op. 48/1).
In 1764 there was published an Appendix to the Gellert songs (Wq
195) which contained, among others, the beautiful 88th Psalm, resembling
in powerful harmonic language Sebastian's chorales. The success of
its

thissong seems to have caused the composer to publish, in 1774, music to

42 of Cramer's sentimental German translations of the Psalms (Wq 196).
While some of them do achieve the character of chorales, none reaches the
virility and strength of the former work.
Two sets of Geistliche Gesdnge by Sturm published in 1780-81 (Wq
197-98) seem to reflect, especially in the more tragic compositions, the
vigorous personality of the librettist, who was Emanuel's personal friend
(cf. p. 346). Der Tag des Weltgerichts ('The day of the last judgment'),
with its threatening dotted rhythms in the left hand, and the moving
Ueber die Finsternis^ kur^ vor dem Tode Jesu ('On the darkness shortly
before Jesus' death'), both ending with the stirring invocation 'Have mercy
on us,' belong to his most powerful settings. Unfortunately their spon-
taneity of expression is not maintained in other songs of the collection.

Of Emanuel's larger vocal works the majority were written in Hamburg

to comply with the pressing needs of the day. As music director in one of
the biggest North German cities he was expected to produce a continuous
stream of Singstucke fur die Kirche, as he called them in his autobiography.
What counted was the quantity, not the quality of the output. The com-
poser manufactured no less than 20 Passions, and various Cantatas for
Christmas, Easter, Whitsuntide, St. Michael's Day, and certain Sundays.
In addition he produced birthday and wedding cantatas, and compositions
for the induction of a new pastor or the funeral of a mayor. Little among
this music is of any importance. It is routine work using stereotyped
1
'Erhaben und nachdriicklich,' 'prachtig,' 'grossmiitig,' 'gelassen.'
EMANUEL S LARGER VOCAL WORKS 373

smooth opera recitatives, arias of a pale and insignificant lyricism,

patterns:
and homophonic choruses with infrequent polyphonic episodes. Often the
composer borrowed from other works, arranged and transposed them,
changed the texts, added a little of his own making and obtained with a
minimum of effort a 'new' composition. In Emanuel's Einchoriges Heilig
in C {Wq 218), for instance, a short and solemn introduction is followed
by a fugue using music from Sebastian's Magnificat ('Sicut locutus'). 1
His Cantata for the 16th or 24th Sunday after Trinity, of 1774, 2 even
employs as first and last chorus the motet Der Gerechte by Johann
Christoph Bach (cf. 111. VI) leaving the five voice parts and the text of the
original unchanged, but adding orchestral instruments. The rest of the
cantata consists of recitatives and arias by Johann Christoph's great-
nephew; Emanuel apparently did not mind the stylistic gap between the
two sections of the work. In his St. Matthew Passions Emanuel borrowed
no less than 3 chorales and 10 choruses from his father's St. Matthew
Passion, besides one chorale each from Sebastian's St. John Passion,
Christmas Oratorio, Cantatas 39 and 153. Compositions by Telemann
were also frequently used for his Passions, in particular for those
according to St. John. As a matter of fact not one of Emanuel's 20 Passions
is a completely new composition. Possibly the most attractive sections in

these pasticcios for the church are arrangements for chorus and orchestra
which the composer made of his own sacred songs.
The question may well be asked why Emanuel, instead of plundering
other works, did not provide his congregation with the great experience
of occasionally hearing Sebastian's Passions as a whole. The reason for
this, as we see it to-day, irreverent attitude may have been the Hamburg
citizens' novelty-hunger. They would not have cared to hear a work
composed some 50 years ago, while an adaptation of the kind Emanuel
made might pass as a new composition. 3
In his Autobiography Emanuel remarked that all through his life he
had to write much in compliance with orders, while he found only limited
time for composing after his own heart. In order to evaluate his greatness
rightly, one must disregard such inferior works which were obviously
written to satisfy pressing demands.
There is a small group of works, however, which were not written
merely for Hamburg's churches, but for the large circle of Emanuel's

admirers throughout the country. This handful of compositions gives a

1
Cf. Karl Geiringer, 'Artistic Interrelations of the Bachs,' MQ, July 1950.
2
Autograph University Library of Tubingen. The work is not mentioned in JVq.
3
Cf. Emanuel's letter to G. M. Telemann, 'Allgemeine Musikal. Zeitung,' 1869.
374 THE BACH FAMILY
good idea of the high standards Emanuel could reach in choral music if he
gave of his best. The earliest work of this kind is the Magnificat (Wq 215)
for solo voices, four-part chorus, flutes, oboes, horns, trumpets, timpani
and he lived in Berlin. Winterfeld, that fine
strings, written in 1749, while
judge of Protestant church music, justly called it an 'anthology of various
styles.' In fact we find French rhythms and Italian melodies of the kind

used by Hasse in this work. Even more important is the son's dependence
on Sebastian's model. The melodies to Deposuit potentes and Fecit
potentiam practically quote the father's work, and the brilliant and fiery
fugue Sicut erat seems to revive experiences from Emanuel's
in principio
student days. On the other hand, the homophonic choruses Nos. 1 and
4 and the expressive numbers for the soloists reveal the composer's pro-
gressive attitude. It is significant that themes similar to those used in the
lastmovement of the Magnificat appear in the Kyrie of Mozart's Requiem
{Ex. 92); this points once more to Emanuel's historic position as a link
between Sebastian and the classical composers.

Mozart,, Ttequnem"

Ky . . ri - e e . . It . . i . Son.

"
C. T. £ Bach „ Magnificat

prm

The Passion Cantata (JVq 233) of 1769-70 was, according to a notice

in the Nachlasskata/og, derived from an earlier Passion from which the
part of the Evangelist was omitted. Furthermore the work contains hardly
any chorales, and exhibits the then fashionable, sentimental lyricism. The
funeral music after the death of Jesus is orchestrated for flutes and muted
strings to create a feeling of delicate suffering in the souls of the audience.
The most famous number of the Cantata was the tenor aria in b of Peter
('Turn toward my grief), which, according to Burney, who attended a
performance, moved all the listeners to tears. The sensibility of Emanuel's
Berlin colleague, Karl Heinrich Graun, whose 'Death of Jesus' (1755)
belonged to the most successful works of the period, permeates the score.
Even operatic elements, such as a rondo-like construction at the end of
the work, find their place in the score. Yet Sebastian's spirit is not com-

pletely absent in this cantata. In the chorus 'Let us look up toward Jesus'
the voices in unison present a chorale-like melody in long notes accom-
panied by the slow and solemn strains of the orchestra, producing an over-
whelming picture of divine majesty and its reflection in the human soul.
emanuel's larger vocal works 375
Equally powerful and imbued with the Baroque spirit is the double fugue
concluding this number.
The two-part cantata Die Israeliten in der Wuste
(The Israelites in the
desert'; Wq
238) was written in the same year, 1769, but not published
until 1775. It is altogether homophonic in its texture
and completely un-
dramatic. Nevertheless this score too contains remarkable details, such as
the prayer of Moses in the form of an agitated accompagnato recitative
repeatedly interrupted by frenzied interjections from the chorus. Another
highlight of thework is the scene when Moses strikes the rock three times
and water gushes forth. Here the murmuring runs of the violin accom-
panying the joyful song of the Israelites produce a highly colourful piece.
Whenever 'TheIsraelites' was performed in later years, the powerful
Heilig (JVq 217) for two choruses, published in
1779, was chosen as a
conclusion. In composing a German Sanctus, Emanuel followed old
Protestant traditions also adopted by his predecessor, Telemann, and his
brother, Friedemann. The beginning of the work is not very promising,
for it starts with a rather playful 'Ariette' for soprano solo, which even
ardent admirers of the composition felt to be out of place. Rochlitz
omitted it altogether in his edition of the work, while Zelter arranged it
for a separate third chorus. With the entrance of the main choral section,
however, the work radiates dramatic energy and a fiery spirit. The music
isentrusted to a 'chorus of the angels' and a second 'chorus of the nations,'
which Emanuel, conforming to earlier conceptions of the Roman and Vene-
tian school, endowed with contrasting tone-colours and posted in different
parts of the church; at the beginning strings only are used as accompani-
ment for the angels, full orchestra with oboes, trumpets and timpani for
the chorus of the nations. Three times each of the two groups enunciates
the words: 'Holy is the Lord of Sabaoth.' A fugue of Handelian grandeur
ensues which introduces the hymn 'Lord God, Thy praise we sing' as a
powerful cantus firmus presented in unison by the chorus to the poly-
phonic accompaniment of the orchestra. Bold modulations (Ex.
93) and

Z* 93 Chorus of Angels

ff° ir ftnr 'p w ^ i

the effective juxtaposition of sharply contrasting keys, to distinguish
between celestial and terrestrial hosts, equip this music with an expressive
37<> THE BACH FAMILY
power was admired long after Emanuel's death. The more remote
that
keys like C sharp, B and F sharp are usually reserved for the divine, the
simpler D, G and C for the human chorus. There is a general tendency
towards chromatic ascent, lifting the listener to higher and higher levels,
until the whole octave is covered. With the Heilig Emanuel created a work
untouched by the general decline in late 18th-century sacred music, and
equal in importance to the finest of his compositions for the clavier. The
public's response was most gratifying, and soon after the publication
Emanuel could write to Breitkopf that his 'Heilig like the Sonatas was
selling as fast as the hot pastry in front of the Stock Exchange, where as a
lad he had broken the neck of many an almond-cracknel.'
Emanuel's Auferstehung und Himmelfahrt Jesu ('Jesus' Resurrection
and Ascension'; Wq 240), published in 1778, is based on a text by K. W.
Ramler that was also set to music by Telemann and Zelter. The libretto
introduces no Biblical characters and consists of lyrical observations only.
Emanuel's music, however, adds vigour and fire to the sentimental words.
The sinister orchestral introduction of violas and basses in unison ending
in pianissimo seems like a dirge mourning the death of God's own Son.
The first chorus rather timidly prepares for the miracle of the resurrection.
It isfollowed by a magnificent recitative 'Judaea trembles,' in which
earthquake and inundation reflect nature's reaction to the Lord's return.
With the help of strings and timpani only the composer creates 'one of the
most powerful recitatives written in Germany during the second half of
the 1 8th century' (Schering). Among the arias the great bass solo 'Open,
ye gates of Heaven,' with trumpets and horns, was particularly admired.
from his own setting of Ramler' s poem, explaining
Zelter omitted this aria
that Bach had composed it 'with such colossal grandeur and so divinely
that any composer after him must fail in an equal attempt.' Similarly
inspired are the great choruses of the work, especially its monumental
finale, 'God is gone up,' with its almost Beethoven-like unison of the

voices at the words 'God is the King' (Ex. 94) and its concluding free

^m ^
En. Si- Full orchestra

Ih
Zhcrus
M
-DtrHtrr
H
ist
H
KS . . .
i
*.

.'«,y
mm V I
"M
|M V I

fugue. The large dimensions of this chorus, which fills nearly one-third of
the printed score, are meant to counterbalance the preponderance of solo
numbers Between the works of Handel and Haydn few
in Ramler's text.
oratorios of equal significance were produced in Germany, and it is not
emanuel's larger vocal works 377

hard to understand why Mozart felt induced to conduct the work in

Vienna one year after its publication.

Unlike his elder brother, Emanuel took a vital interest in the idiom of
his own time. The musical language of sensibility was of the utmost
importance to him, but, as a true son of Sebastian, he spurned its shallow
tearfulness and gave it depth and strength. Thus his works display genuine
passion instead of the prevalent weak sentimentality, and in their emo-
tional intensity they range close to the greatest products which the
Sturm und Drang produced in the field of literature. Haydn, Mozart and
Beethoven were deeply impressed by these compositions, which are pro-
gressive and conservative, soulful and vigorous, all at the same time.
THE BUCKEBURG BACH
(JOHANN CHRISTOPH FRIEDRICH BACH)

J. Sebastian Bach = Anna Magdalena Wilcken Ludolf A. MQnchhausen

1685-1750 j
1701-60 1697-1778

J. Christoph Friedrich Bach=Lucie Elisabeth MQnchhausen

1732-95 1 73 2- 1 803

Anna Philippine Friederike =Ernst C. Colson Wilhelm Friedrich Ernst Christine Louise
1755-1804 1746-95 1759-1845 1762-1852
1

J. Christoph Friedrich Colson Caroline Auguste Wilhelmine

1778-1831 1800-71 1805-58

(This line continues up to

the present time)

johann christoph friedrich bach, born on June 21, 1732, the

eldest son of Sebastian's second marriage to gain distinction, had, like his
half-brothers, musical ancestors on both sides of the family. His mother,
Anna Magdalena, was a professional singer herself; her grandfathers had
been a town musician and an organist, while her father had served as a
court trumpeter.
Friedrich received the usual excellent musical instruction from his
father and planned to study law at Leipzig University, before starting a
career as a musician. after he had become enrolled
However, not long
there, a chance came his way to be appointed to the court of the Count of
Schaumburg-Lippe in Biickeburg, a little Westphalian town some 30
miles west of Hanover. Sebastian, at that time nearly blind and seriously
ailing, felt this to be too good an opportunity to be missed, and so Fried-

rich left his father's house early in 1750, shortly before his 18th birthday.
How the youth got this position is left to guesswork. There may have
been some connection between Sebastian and the Biickeburg court; for
Count Albrecht Wolfgang of Schaumburg-Lippe was married to the
widow of Prince Leopold of Anhalt-Cothen, 1 the Princess for whom
1
Cf. K. A. Varnhagen von Ense, 'Biographische Denkmale,' I, Berlin, 1824.

378
J.
CHRISTOPH FRIEDRICH's LIFE 379

Sebastian had composed the Cantata Steigt freudig in die Luft (cf. p. 168).

However, it seems more was Emanuel who helped his young

likely that it

half-brother. In 1748 Count Wolfgang died and was succeeded by his son,
Count Wilhelm. Soon after ascending the throne, the new ruler went to
Berlin to visit King Friedrich, with whom he shared a passionate interest
in military problems and a genuine love of music. That he met the court
accompanist is proved by Emanuel's dedication of 2 Trio Sonatas to the
Count (cf. p. 361). The young ruler was anxious to cultivate the muses
in his little court at Biickeburg, and to follow King Friedrich's example in
having fine chamber music. He may have talked of his ambitions to
Emanuel, who thus got an opportunity of recommending his half-brother.
Anyway, by the time Sebastian's propertywas divided among his heirs,
Friedrich Bach was mentioned in the acts as Chamber musician to his
Excellency, the Count of Lippe. 1 The position was an excellent one for a
beginner. Friedrich received a salary of 200 thalers, two-thirds of what
Emanuel, 18 years older and a well-recognized composer and pianist, was
paid at that time at the Prussian court. Biickeburg, a town of some 6000
inhabitants, could not, of course, offer the artistic and intellectual stimulus
of Berlin, but it was beautifully located, and the impressionable young
Friedrich must have loved the enormous oak and beech forest nearby, the
'boldest, most German, and most romantic landscape in the world'
(Herder). 2 Moreover there could not be any dullness at the court of a man
whom even Goethe called 'extraordinary.' 'His was a queer appearance,'
wrote the Swiss physician, J. G. Zimmermann, 3 'because of the heroic
proportions of his body, his flying hair, and his unusually long and lanky
person. But on approaching him, one felt differently: grandeur, acumen,
nobility, deep observation, goodness and calm were eloquent in his face.'
Intensely ambitious, endowed with a tremendous aptitude for physical
activity, and a keen intellect, the Count, who was a second son, originally
concentrated all his great gifts on military exploits. When, on the death of
his elder brother, he was called upon to rule over his subjects, he wanted
to prove that he could make of the small principality a model of military
preparedness, economic well-being, and high culture. His first step was to
introduce universal military training, which was something unheard-of at
that time; subsequently he organized an equally novel insurance scheme

1
The Biickeburg City Council invited him in the summer of 1750 to appear in the
City Hall in order to take possession of a clavier from his father's legacy.
a
Cf. R. Haym, 'Herder nach seinem Leben und seinen Werken dargestellt,' Berlin,
1877-85.
3
'Ueber die Einsamkeit,' Zurich, 1756.
380 THE BACH FAMILY
for his subjects, reclaimed desert soil, created settlements for military
veterans in the huge forests, took proper care of orphans and destitute
people, and, best of all, contrary to the tradition at his court, he managed
to carry out his great schemes without undue taxation of his people.
In the realm of music, Count Wilhelm, who often conducted his own
orchestra, greatly admired the Italian style. He engaged, probably simul-
taneously with young Bach, two Italians for the leading positions: Angelo
Colonna as concert-master and Giovanni Battista Serini as composer. At
first Sebastian Bach's son was merely a member of the orchestra, and it

was his main concern to become thoroughly familiar with Italian music.

This he evidently achieved to the satisfaction of the Count, who presented

him in 175 5 with a large and beautiful garden situated outside the city wall.
It is probable that this was intended as a wedding gift, for in the same year
Friedrich married Lucia Elisabeth Munchhausen, daughter of a colleague
in the court orchestra. Lucia, born in the same year as her husband, 1732,
was a professional musician. She had received singing lessons from Serini
and was engaged by the Count as court singer at a yearly salary of 100
thalers. In wedding a singer, whose ancestors had through three genera-

tions served as court musicians or organists, and in taking this step at the
age of 23, Friedrich followed closely his father's example, the only one of
Sebastian's sons to do However, Lucia Bach was more fortunate than
so.

her mother-in-law; she did not have to give up her artistic work, like Anna
Magdalena, but continued to earn a salary up to her death at the age of 71.
One year after the wedding Fate intervened to bring about a change in
Friedrich Bach's status: war broke out, the war that was to last for seven
years. The two Italian musicians left the court; no replacement was made,
and Friedrich as a matter of course took over both their duties. This did
not mean too much at the moment, for the Count's military ambition was
aflame, making him neglect everything else. He concluded an alliance
against France with Hanover and England (a country to which he was
deeply attached as he was born and educated there) and in the following
years was absent from Biickeburg for long stretches of time, winning
laurels that brought him the of British field-marshal. Yet he did not
title

quite forget his musicians, and in 1759, when Friedrich's first son was
born, the Count stood godfather to him, and now confirmed Bach's
engagement as concert-master, allowing him a salary of 400 thalers, twice
his initial honorarium. This was welcome indeed to the Bachs, for war
was having its disastrous effect on living conditions in the little state,
which, owing to its ruler's allegiance to England, repeatedly suffered occu-
pation by French troops. At last peace was concluded, and in November
J.
CHRISTOPH FRIEDRICH'S LIFE 381

1763 the Count returned, after winning outstanding victories as

Commander-in-Chief and reorganizer of the Portuguese army. He now
threw himself with all the zest of his vigorous nature into civil tasks. He

took a lively interest in the music at his court and, thanks to his en-
couragement, Friedrich Bach was able to establish in little Biickeburg a
musical repertoire that could well stand comparison with that of much
larger courts. Performances took place regularly twice a week, but in
addition special events were celebrated through the presentation of
oratorios, symphonies, etc., and Biickeburg could pride itself on acquiring
important musical novelties almost as soon as they came out. By degrees
the preponderance of Italian music gave way to somewhat greater variety,
and works by Gluck, Haydn, and members of the Mannheim school were
occasionally played under Friedrich Bach's direction.
The intellectual life at the court received stimulation through the
arrival in 1765 of a gifted young philosopher, Thomas Abbt. The Count
and Abbt could report
especially enjoyed talking to so congenial a spirit
to his friend,Moses Mendelssohn: 'If you heard the Count recite at table
whole passages from Shakespeare with the deepest sentiment, and listened
to him in a starry night discoursing with the profoundest philosophy on
mankind's most important problems, you would revere him.' It is prob-
able that Friedrich Bach also had some intercourse with Abbt, who as a
former lecturer at Halle would have known Friedemann Bach. He must
have deeply regretted Abbt's sudden death in 1766, which was a terrible
blow to the Count.
An event of this kind, and the ensuing gloom at court, made Fried-
rich realizehow everything at Biickeburg depended on the mood of a
single person. He began to consider the advantages of life in a big city,
and when he heard of Telemann's death in Hamburg he applied for this
important position, probably not aware that his brother Emanuel was
doing the same. The elder Bach, who enjoyed a much higher reputation,
was chosen, and it is evidence of Friedrich's fine character that he did not
grudge his half-brother this good fortune. Their relations were, as ever,
very cordial, and many of Emanuel's works found their way into the
Biickeburg library. The Hamburg venture at least brought Friedrich a
little financial improvement, for the Count granted him an additional 16
He now received 416 thalers per annum plus 60 th. Tafelgeld
thalers a year.
(compensation for the meals he was entitled to receive at court), besides
a supply of wood; to this could be added the 100 thalers earned by his wife.
Although thiswas by no means an ample sustenance for a couple raising
9 children, they could manage on it in a provincial town. For some reason
3^2 THE BACH FAMILY
the firewood allocated tohim was reduced in 1771, whereupon he wrote
to the Count under present conditions he could heat but one stove in
that
his house and so he was forced to compose in a room crowded with the
whole family. The Count thereupon granted him the former quantity, but
this, together with the salary established in 1768, was the highest remuner-
ation Friedrich ever earned, and he had to make the best of it. There were
other compensations at Biickeburg.At court the influence of the Count's
young wife was steadily increasing, an influence beneficial to everyone
around her. The Count had proposed to Countess Maria Eleonore, a
distant relative of his, after merely seeing her picture, and he married her
when she was 22 and he 41. The experiment turned out surprisingly well,
for the Countess possessed not only charm, but the most loving nature.
Deeply religious and very sensitive to beauty in any form, she was an
ideal audience for an earnestly striving composer. How greatly Friedrich
must have cherished a letter like the following, dated April 25, 1774, which
the Countess wrote to him after he had thanked her for a gift!

'To accept the trifle I sent you so kindly, honours your character as
much does every composition with which you lift our hearts and make
as
us capable of nobler sentiments and actions. The first thanks are therefore
due to yourself. I did no more than show you, from a distance, that I am
perhaps a not quite unworthy listener to your admirable songs; a fine
aim, buthow little compared to what you give us. If Nature had bestowed
on me more courage and a better voice, I should already be chiming in
—
your choirs but what is impossible here, I hope to achieve in a better
world with the great Hallelujah, for which you prepare us, and of which
you offer us many a blissful foretaste. May all the blessings of heaven
descend on you and your dear family!'

The Countess' intensely emotional language is typical of the era of

sensibility in which the was written; the humility in her intercourse
letter
with a court employee, however, was something very rare in that period
of enlightened absolutism. How unusual it was is best revealed by Fried-
rich's own letters to the Count, which he used to conclude with the words:
'I am dying in deepest reverence.'
Theradiance which Countess Maria shed on Friedrich's creative work
was further increased by the arrival of a most outstanding personality.
Johann Gottfried Herder (b. 1744), already famous as writer and critic,
was engaged in 1771 as court pastor and consistorial counsellor, to
provide for the Count the intellectual companionship which he lacked
J.
CHRISTOPH FRIEDRICH'S LIFE 383

since Abbt's death. Herder stayed at Biickeburg for five years, and though
he himself spoke of this period as his marked the climax
'exile,' it certainly
in Friedrich Bach's artistic life. Herder, who loved music passionately and
knew a great deal about it, had probably met Emanuel Bach while visiting
in 1769 their common friend, Lessing, in Hamburg. Finding Emanuel's
brother in Biickeburg was most welcome to him, for he was deeply
interested in the problem of how to establish a just equilibrium between
words and music, and he now had a chance to conduct his experiments
together with Friedrich Bach. Herder wrote various texts for cantatas,
Biblical oratorios, and a music drama, and the Biickeburg concert-master
set them to music, after discussing every detail with the eminent librettist.
Friedrich threw himself with the greatest zest into this work. How much
it meant to him is suggested in a letter written by the Countess to Herder

about his new poem, Die Kindheit Jesu, which Bach had not yet seen. The
composer was at that time deeply dejected by the death of his little son,
Ludolf Emanuel. Three days after the funeral, 1 the Countess wrote: 'How
I wished that our good Bach might start on this beautiful task! I feel that

at a time like this it would soothe his deep grief and make him again the

comfort of his family.' Herder complied, and Friedrich's composition was

performed a month later and received with genuine admiration.
The years with Herder were indeed a golden, fruitful time for the
composer. The poet, however, became restless in the provincial town,
longing for more congenial duties and intercourse with the greatest minds
of his time, and in 1776 he accepted a call from Goethe to Weimar. Even
before his departure, the frail Countess succumbed to an old ailment
on her 33 rd birthday. Her husband, left alone without children or close
relatives, could not get over his loss, and a year later he followed his be-

loved wife. Thus by September 1777 Friedrich Bach had lost the patron
whom he had devotedly served for twenty-seven years, and the two
persons who had most deeply inspired his creative work.
All the light seemed to have gone out of his life at Biickeburg and
longing for a change obsessed him. Fortunately the duty he owed to his
eldest son offered at least a temporary release from his work at court.
Wilhelm Friedrich Ernst Bach, the Count's godson, then aged 18, had
developed into a fine musician, and the father felt that, to attain full mastery
of his art, the youth needed the artistic experiences offered by a musical
centre. Why not entrust him to his uncle Christian, who was tremendously
successful in London? Christian, who had probably visited Friedrich

1
The letter is dated January 5, 1773, while the funeral took place on January 2, 1773.
Cf. C. U. von Ulmenstein in AfMf, IV, 1939.
384 THE BACH FAMILY
some years previously when performing an opera in Mannheim, agreed,
and Friedrich for the first time in his life got leave to travel to England,
taking young Wilhelm with him. The trip, which began in April 1778 and
lasted for about three months, certainly supplied him with the tonic he
needed; it was a time overflowing with artistic stimulation. On the way
the travellers visited Emanuel inHamburg, and Wilhelm had an oppor-
tunity of appearing in public as a pianist. In London they arrived just in
time to attend performances of Christian's new opera La Clemeni<z di
Scipione, forwhich a brilliant cast had been secured. There were also other
operas, oratorios, and the concerts which Christian gave with Abel in the
newly erected, sumptuous Hanover Square rooms, Vauxhall in short, —
the dazzling array of talent offered to London audiences at the height of
the season. We can imagine that Friedrich and Wilhelm were fascinated.
In other respects the time for their was not too well chosen. Christian
visit

was going through a period of bad luck, having been robbed of £1200
by a fraudulent housekeeper, whom he had trusted with the payment
of bills. Furthermore there was a certain upheaval in his own establish-
ment, as he was on the point of giving up his house in Richmond.
However, taken as a'whole, it must have been a most stimulating time for
Friedrich, who became infected with his brother's enthusiasm for the new
keyboard instrument, the pianoforte, and bought one for himself.
When he returned to Biickeburg (while Christian went to Paris, to
prepare the presentation of his Amadis des Gaules), this instrument and
the great amount of new music he had acquired on his trip were the bright
points in an otherwise depressing existence. To adjust himself to Biicke-
burg after London was no easy task, especially under a new ruler, Count
Philipp Ernst, who, after succeeding to the throne, promptly reduced
Bach's salary, cutting off the additional 16 thalers which Friedrich had
received since 1768. Nevertheless the music played at Biickeburg remained
at its high standard, and Friedrich's orchestra ranked among the best in
Germany. 1 Friedrich, influenced by his brother's admiration for Mozart,
introduced the latter's works, and subsequently performed the opera
Die Entfuhrung aus dem Serail.

A spirit of enterprise reveals itself also in a publishing venture started

in 1787. Friedrich announced his plan to present a quarterly publication
with various works of his own, and so attractive did his proposed
Musikalische Nebenstunden sound that he succeeded in securing more than
400 subscribers from all parts of Germany. Through 1787 and the begin-
ning of 1788 he published four instalments containing sonatas and short
1
Cf. Forkel's 'Musikalischer Almanach auf das Jahr 1782/
J.
CHRISTOPH FRIEDRICH'S LIFE 385

pieces for the clavier, violin sonatas, songs, arias, solo cantatas, and a
symphony in piano reduction. Except for a song by his son and one or
two pieces by high-ranking personalities he knew, the works were all
composed by him. As he remarked in his preface, he attempted to 'offer
to both the more experienced player and to the beginner music likely to
entertain.' The preface is followed by valuable directions as to the execu-

tion of musical ornaments. In this publication Friedrich clearly attempted

to match his brother Emanuel's business acumen, but it must regretfully
be stated that the extension of the project beyond the first year, which the
composer had contemplated, did not materialize.
In 1787, after a reign of ten years, Count Philipp Ernst died, leaving
an heir only two years old, for whom his mother, the music-loving
Countess Juliane, assumed the regency. In her, Friedrich recaptured some-
thing of the understanding attitude he had so greatly appreciated in the
unforgettable Countess Maria. The new patroness found time for a daily
piano lesson from Bach; and frequently undertook a solo in an oratorio
performance. Thus Friedrich's last years of service were spent in an
atmosphere of great esteem and friendliness. A very pleasant relationship
was also established with Herder's successor as consistorial counsellor.
This man, by the name of Horstig, wrote an obituary notice after Fried-

rich's death characterizing the musician as anand man, and lovingly

artist

describing the hours they spent together. 'Never will I forget,' remarked
Horstig, 'this blissful time. With what boundless kindliness did he enter-
tain me on his instrument! How quickly did the evening pass in
for hours
his instructive company, and midnight was reached before we knew it.
How gladly did he examine my attempts at composition and how he . . .

encouraged me to acquaint him with the most expressive pieces out of the
stock of my own poetic ventures and those of others.'
The evening sessions must have meant much to Horstig, and hardly
less to his genial host. The stimulation derived from conversation with a

genuine lover of the arts was just what the ageing musician needed at a
time filled with sad events. It was Friedrich's fate to see all his brothers
pass away before him; first the youngest of them all, Christian, with whom
he felt so close an affinity since their London meeting; next Friedemann,
and four years later his beloved Emanuel. Deeper still was the grief caused
by witnessing the decline in the young generation. Emanuel's painter son
died before his father, and when the other son of the Hamburg Bach
passed away in 1789, Friedrich, as he wrote to his publisher, Immanuel
Breitkopf, was 'so cast down and stunned that he could only by and by
begin to think again.' It was tragic indeed for one so proud of the family
386 THE BACH FAMILY
Bach dynasty's only hope of survival in his own son,
tradition to see the
Wilhelm Ernst, who so far had not married. The best antidote to such
depressing thoughts was work, and 'although' (as Horstig writes) 'most
of his compositions remained locked in his desk, like the silkworm he
never tired of spinning his cocoon up to the last days of his life.' Nor was

thereany slackening in the quality of his work. As late as August 1794 he

completed one of his largest and most progressive compositions, a
Symphony in B flat.
Anna Magdalena Bach's children were not fated to attain a very great
age; while both Friedemann and Emanuel died at the age of 74, Friedrich
was struck down by an 'acute chest-fever' a few days before his 63rd
birthday, on January 26, 1795.
By Friedrich more than by any other son of Sebastian, the old Bach
tradition was faithfully upheld. Serving through all his life at the same
small court, marrying in youth, raising (and losing) a great number of
children —all this is what a Bach musician did a hundred or more years

earlier. We may assume that Friedrich was reasonably happy in so

restricted an existence, and only at rare intervals felt the ambition

to change it. To him life in provincial Biickeburg did not seem too
monotonous, for his intense creative activity afforded all the adventures
and excitement that he needed.

THE MUSIC OF JOHANN CHRISTOPH FRIEDRICH BACH

His creative output can be divided into three periods. No work of his
early youth seems to have survived. The very few compositions known
to-day from the first years spent at Biickeburg display interest in the light
and graceful idiom of the In the works written after 1765
style galant.

(they are mainly vocal compositions) the influence of Italian music, pre-
vailing at the Biickeburg court, is noticeable, but it is partly counteracted
by the admiration Friedrich felt both for the art of the Berlin school and
for the intricate polyphony of his father's music. Consequently the works
from this period of transition display a slightly contradictory character.
In the music written after 1780 (mostly instrumental compositions) the
influence of Graun and Emanuel is gradually replaced by that of Christian
Bach. The divergencies between Southern and Northern art apparent in
the earlier works disappear. Friedrich's music becomes more homo-
geneous, assuming increasingly a serene and singing quality. He grows
j. c. friedrich's clavier works 387

familiar with the style of Mozart and Haydn and approaches the ideals of
classical simplicity, charm, and balance.
Music for the clavier had the same great significance for Friedrich Bach
as for his brothers. He was famous as a performing artist, and Forkel's
Almanac for the year 1782 states that when playing on a keyboard instru-
ment 'he hardly knew the meaning of difficulties.' The necrologue praises
the 'unprecedented nimbleness of his fingers and the accuracy of his per-
formance, revealing the master in every chord.' An interesting selection
of his early works for clavier can be found in Musikalisches Vielerley,
edited in 1770 as a sort of family enterprise by Emanuel, containing not
only the Hamburg Bach's own by the
compositions, but also pieces
'Capellmeister Bach in Eisenach' (Johann Ernst) and by the 'Concert-
meister Bach in Btickeburg.' 1 Friedrich's two sonatas in this set (Sii IV/4
and 5) display the transition from the style galant in its conventional
aspects to the more substantial idiom of Emanuel. This is richly orna-
mented, graceful music, without a deeper emotional content, yet with
careful dynamic indications including all shades from pp to ff,
and
extended development sections. The composer's strong interest in Italian
music is revealed by the attractive Andante alia Siciliana, the middle move-
ment of the Sonata in C. The Menuetten ium Tan^ ('Minuets to be danced';
Sil IV/ 10 and 12) and the Alia Polaccas (Sii IV/13 and 14) in Musika-
lisches Vielerley are short, unpretentious pieces of the kind the 20th
century would call utility music.
In 1785 six easy sonatas for the clavier or pianoforte (Sii IV/i) were
published, followed in 1787 by Friedrich's collection Musikalische Nehen-
stunden which contained three sonatas (Sii IV/6 and 7), a sonatina, 2 and
numerous shorter pieces. In 1789 a set of three easy sonatas for the
IV/2) concluded the series of Friedrich's key-
clavier or pianoforte (Sii
board compositions that were printed in his lifetime. It is significant that
the composer stressed the simple nature of his music. These are com-
positions for amateurs making no undue demands on the fingers or minds
of the performers. In the slow middle movements in a minor key the
spirit of sensibility is prevalent, but in the first movements and in parti-

cular in the gay rondo finales the more flexible idiom of the London Bach
dominates. Although Friedrich does not exclude the use of earlier key-
board instruments, this music is primarily meant for the pianoforte, whose

1
The absence of compositions by Friedemann Bach is highly significant. Evidently
Emanuel could not count on a punctual delivery of manuscripts from his elder brother.
2
Sii does not know the third and fourth parts of Musikalische Nebenstunden, so he
fails to list the Sonata No. 3 in F as well as the Sonatina in a.
—

388 THE BACH FAMILY

singing quality and full tone are here admirably utilized. A simple folk-
songlike quality and some of Mozart's sweetness, warmth and sparkle may
be found in this music. It is interesting that the Allegro in G with 18
variations {Sii IV/8),which Hugo Riemann published from the manu-
script in the Berlin Library, is based on the theme Ah, vous dirais-je,
Maman, which young Mozart also used in a set of piano variations (K.
265). A
The Rondo of the Sonata in {Sii IV/2) of 1789 is more in the vein
of Haydn, a touch of piquancy being introduced through the combination
of contrasting rhythms in the two hands {Ex. 95). The little character

Allegreito

pieces of the Musikalische Nebenstunden {Sii IV/16) also exhibit more

variety than those of the earlier collection. Next to Minuets and
Polonaises, they include Villanelle, Angloises, Schwabische, Solfeggi^
Marches and Scherzos.
Like Emanuel, Friedrich was not really interested in the organ. The
only work of his which was probably meant for the king of instruments
is a Fughette {Sii IV/27), which he wrote into a friend's album. The theme
employs the letters of the composer's name: H(ans) C(hristoph) F(ried-
rich) B(iickeburger) BACH {Ex. 96). In doing so, Friedrich may have

remembered his father's use of the family name in the Art of the Fugue.
Friedrich belonged to the early composers of music for piano duet. Maybe
it was again his younger brother who started him on this venture (cf.

p. 421). His first sonata in A written in 1786 {Sii IV/17) consists of two
movements (Allegro con spirito-Rondo, Allegretto), while the second
one in C of 179 1 {Sii IV/18) has the three movements fast-slow-fast of
his sonatas for twohands. Thisagain is educational music, meant primarily
Although the parts of the two
for players of limited technical proficiency.
pianists sometimes double each other in a somewhat mechanical manner,
Friedrich manages to produce ingratiating and effective music. With a
J.
C. FRIEDRICH S CHAMBER MUSIC 389

little skill and strict observance of the dynamic signs players can awaken
these humble duos to sparkling freshness.

His chamber music is as pleasant and unassuming as his compositions

for the clavier. The collection Musikalisches Vielerley contains significant
examples of his earlier art. A Sonata for 'cello and figured bass in A (Sii
V/4) consists of an introductory Larghetto, an Allegro in sonata form and
a concluding Tempo di Minuetto. Its lovely cantilenas allow the string
instrument to display a certain amount of technical brilliance. A Trio for
flute, violin V/9) was composed in 1763,
and bass in the same key (Sii

possibly in honour of the return of Count Wilhelm from the Seven Years
War. According to a note in the nicely printed volume it can also be per-
formed by flute and clavier only. In this case the clavierist plays the violin
part with his right hand, a procedure well known to Sebastian and
Emanuel. The numerous imitations used in the first Allegretto (Ex. 97)

Allegretto

give a retrospective character to this work, while the delicate flute solos
of the middle movement strike a note of sensibility which was becoming
fashionable at that time. A second so-called 'Trio' in the collection, in E
flat (Sii V/8), is designed for clavier with violin (or flute). In this work the
performance by three instruments is no longer optional. Friedrich writes
a real keyboard part with chords in both hands, which excludes the
melody instrument taking over the right hand. The very
possibility of a
extensive development section in the first movement, a device for which
Friedrich showed a predilection, and the use of the sonata form in the
graceful Tempo di Menuetto of the finale, give the composition a character
of solid craftsmanship.
To the same period belong six quartets for transverse flute, violin,
violaand figured bass, dedicated to Count Wilhelm and printed in parts
by M. C. Bock in Hamburg (Sii V/13). An invitation to subscribe to the
works mentions the end of 1768 as the prospective date of publication
though they were probably written at an earlier date. These are pleasant
390 THE BACH FAMILY
compositions in a light and gay Italian style. They are in two moderately
fast movements, the first in a primitive sonata form, the second in da capo
form, either a Minuetto or a 'Scherzo' in 2/4, clearly expressing the
Rococo spirit. In all six quartets the flute dominates; possibly the Count,
imitating Friedrich 'the Great' in this respect too, played the part himself.
Yet the violin, the viola, and even the bass actively participate in the
presentation of the melodic material. This bass is accurately figured,
showing that Friedrich counted on the inclusion of a harpsichord, but as
the middle parts are so carefully worked out, in most cases the 'cello alone
would be sufficient. Distinctive skill in handling the chamber music style
and a youthful spontaneity of expression make this early set very attractive. 1
A collection of six sonatas for clavier with the accompaniment of a
by G. F. Hartknoch in Riga, 1777 (not in Siif has
flute or violin printed
so far been overlooked by research students. Yet the sonatas are among the
most significant chamber music works Friedrich wrote before he reached
full artistic maturity. The title of the work is not quite accurate, as the
flute (violin) has important solo parts, and for most of the time it is an
equal partner in the musical elaboration. Particularly attractive are the
middle movements. In the first sonata a complete solo cantata with ariosos
and numerous secco recitatives seems to be transplanted into the medium
of chamber music. The flute intones moving cantilenas, again and again
interrupted by dramatic solo episodes, in which both voice part and
accompaniment are given to the keyboard instrument. Thus Friedrich
shows himself fully conversant with the peculiar style of Emanuel's clavier
music. The sentimental leanings of the period are reflected in the 'Andante
Amoroso' of the sixth sonata, while the inclusion of an 'Andante alia
Polacca' gives a touch of piquancy to three other works. Occasionally, as
in the Andante of No. 5, we seem to be almost on the threshold of
classicism (Ex. 98).

Figured bass parts which are now and then found in these sonatas no
longer appear in the String Quartets (not in Sit), which Louis Dutten-
1
In 1925 the quartets were edited by Schwedler and Wittenbecher in an arrangement
for flute and clavier (Zimmermann, Leipzig).
2
A copy of the work is in the Library of Congress in Washington.
J.
C. FRIEDRICH S CHAMBER MUSIC 391

hofer edited from unidentified sources. The melodic language is gentle

and imbued with Rococo grace. These quartets movements seem in three
like preparatory studies to the great clavier trios which Friedrich was

subsequently to write. The two violins share the melodic material, which
they often present in alternation, with the viola following one of their
and sixths. If a clavierist were to play the 'cello part with the
parts in thirds
left hand and the viola or one of the violin parts with the right hand, the
result would be one of Friedrich's clavier trios. There is warmth and
tenderness in these quartets coupled with good workmanship.
Among the chamber music works of Friedrich's maturity there are
two sonatas for clavier and violin, published in Musikalische Nebenstunden
1
(Sii V/2), and a fine sonata for 'cello and clavier (SuV/i) written in 1789.

The latter is a delightful composition, using the string instrument as a

singer of lovely tunes. The character of the old 'trio' is only occasionally
noticeable, while in general a more homophonic style prevails in which the
piano supports and accompanies the 'cello. Among the three movements
the concluding Rondo Allegretto is particularly attractive; its main theme
sounds like a merry tune sung by university students (Ex. 99).
I x .39
??ondo, Allegretto

In the trios for clavier and two melody instruments the composer's
preference is for the combination of flute, violin and clavier, or violin,
viola and clavier, which the
while the clavier trio with violin and 'cello, to

future was to belong, appears only once in his chamber music (Sii V/7).
Old-fashioned are also the thumping harpsichord basses and intricate
ornaments which Friedrich sometimes uses in his slow movements. How-
ever, polyphony is completely ignored; there is very little crossing of the
two melody instruments and quite often they proceed in parallel thirds
and sixths. The clavier part is almost completely written out and hardly
any addition by the performer is needed. On the contrary, the insertion
of filling voices might damage the fine balance which the composer
succeeds in establishing between the two melody instruments as one
group and the soprano and bass parts of the clavier as the other. Broken

1
Sii lists only the first of the two violin sonatas.
392 THE BACH FAMILY
chords and 'Alberti basses,' typical of pianoforte technique, are quite
numerous, and a sweet and singing quality is evident not only in the
melodies but also in runs and passages. In the delightful trio in G for
violin and viola (Sil V/io) or the charming trio in C for flute and violin
(Sii V/12) we have works of an artist who opened his heart wide to
classical beauty, although he neither wished nor attempted quite to
abandon the devices of his earlier training.

The climax of Friedrich's production in the field of chamber music

was reached in his Sextet in C (Sii V/14) and Septet in E flat {Sil V/15).
The former, written for pianoforte, 2 horns, oboe, violin, and violoncello, 1
is probably a product of the eighties, while the latter, a work for 2 horns,
oboe, 2 clarinets and 2 bassoons, is dated 1794. In the Sextet the spirit of the
trio is still noticeable. The piano often has extensive rests, thus allowing

the strings and the oboe to proceed on their own. This is clever and
delicate music full of sparkle and wit in which the composer comes
surprisingly close to the style of Haydn and Mozart. Passages like Ex.
100 show a clear affinity to the language of the Austrian masters. The
2* 100
Se-piei ( Six 1 / 15 ), Hondo, Allegretto

demands made on the proficiency of the players clearly demonstrate the

high standards of the Biickeburg musicians. In this respect the Sextet and
Septet are in marked contrast to Friedrich's clavier works, which, for the
sake of wider distribution, dispensed with any greater technical difficulties.

Most of Friedrich's Clavier Concertos were composed during the last

fifteen years of his life. To the seventies or early eighties of the 18th
1
The Sextet was printed by Andre as a work of 'Giov. Christ. Bach.' An English
arranger, J. Christian Luther, took it for a composition of Johann Christian Bach and pre-
sented it under that name in a version for clavier and violin. Terry (302 and 310/2) accepts
the authorship of Christian, ignoring the fact that the Berlin Library owned the autograph
parts of the Sextet in the hand of Johann Christoph Friedrich Bach. This autograph set —
of the work contains also a viola part which is identical with that of the 'cello,
though sometimes an octave higher. It seems most likely that this viola part was meant
to replace the 'cello part, if the bass instrument was not available; but it is hardly to be
assumed that the composer wanted the two instruments used together. This method is
unfortunately adopted in Schiinemann's edition of the work, which is therefore entitled
'Septet.' The very frequent unison passages resulting from this procedure affect the work's
chamber music character.
J.
C. FRIEDRICH S SYMPHONIES 393

century belongs the Concerto in E for cembalo (Sii IV/19), the only one
of these works in which the accompanying orchestra is limited to strings.
During the late eighties more concertos made their
and the nineties five

appearance. Two of them were designated by the composer himself as

works for harpsichord or fortepiano, and in all these works the use of
'Alberti basses' and other pianistic devices emphasize Friedrich's progres-
sive attitude. Nevertheless, he still practises the habit of the early 18th
century of using the solo instrument also as a filling continuo instrument
in the tutti sections. Flutes and horns or oboes and horns are employed in
all these compositions mostly as reinforcement, and only rarely to execute
a solo. The concertos are in three movements (fast-slow-fast), with a gay
rondo as finale. In the concerto in E flat (Sii IV/24) of 1792, the first

Allegro is dramatically interrupted by a littleAndante episode. This work

and the concertos in D (Sii IV/20) and A (Sii IV/21) might still be used

in our time as preparatory studies to the concertos of Mozart. 1

Fourteen Symphonies by Friedrich are known. 2 Four of them (Sii VI/
1-4) are in three movements and typical works of the pre-classical school,
influenced by Emanuel and by West- and South-German composers. The
orchestra is small; to the strings are added two horns, or two flutes and
two horns, and a harpsichord is needed as a continuo instrument. The
autograph parts of one of these works (Sii VI/i) bears the date 1770, and
the other three may be products of approximately the same time. The most
significant sections of these symphonies are the highly emotional middle
movements. The tide of sensibility which was swaying artistic minds all
over Europe made itself felt in these works as well.
Ten more symphonies (Sii VI/5-14) have been preserved, all of them
in autographs bearing a date. The earliest was written in 1792, the latest
in August 1794, five months before the composer's death. With the
exception of the very last one, the symphonies are scored for oboes, horns
and strings, to which in two cases (Sii VT/5-6) two bassoons are added.

Most of these works have figured basses and obviously the composer still
expected the participation of a harpsichord. In this connection it should
not be forgotten that even Haydn's London symphonies were conducted
from the cembalo. Friedrich's Symphony in B flat of 1794 (Sii VI/14) is
the only work to dispense with a keyboard instrument, and the composi-
tion also employs the somewhat unusual orchestration of flute, 2 clarinets,

1
The Double Concerto for viola and harpsichord in E flat (not in Su) recorded by
Polydor is of doubtful authenticity.
2
The fourth part of Musikalische Nebenstunden contains a further symphony in D
in a reduction for clavier (not in Sii). An orchestral score of this work is not known.
394 THE BACH FAMILY
bassoon, 2 horns and strings. Each of the ten symphonies is in four move-
ments: a Largo or Adagio, sometimes in the minor mode (Sii VT/9-10),

dramatically prepares for the first Allegro, which is always in a major key;
the simple and charming second movement is an Andante or Andantino,
usually entitled 'Romanza'; and an unassuming Menuetto, gay and like a
folkdance, leads to the Rondo finale. In these spirited last movements the
melodic invention is not unlike that in Haydn's Paris symphonies, while
the clever and witty retransitions to the main theme point to a thorough
study of Emanuel's Rondos. Friedrich likes to shape these finales into
character pieces. He gives them, for instance, the name 'Rondo Scherzo'
or 'Rondo Scherzando,' and in the C
major symphony of 1794 (Sii VT/11)
there is a 'Rondo Musette' (cf. Haydn's 'L'Ours'). Particularly delightful
is the very last symphony in B flat, which captivates through folksonglike
melodies, robust rhythm, and colourful orchestration. The ideas are skil-
fully divided between different instrumental groups, often in effective
dynamic contrast {Ex. 101). No other of Friedrich's symphonies so well

Ik 1oi

nn

deserves to be revived to-day as this, his last work in the field, a com-
position full of vigour and rich emotional life.

Neither in his symphonies nor in any other of his instrumental works

was Friedrich Bach a pioneer. He was satisfied to follow the paths shown
by more progressive minds; yet his contributions are by no means insigni-
ficant, and his music always reveals character, freshness of invention, and

technical skill.

In his vocal output Friedrich was perhaps more versatile than in his
instrumental work. Almost every type of composition from sacred and
secular song to oratorio and opera 1 was cultivated by him. In the year

1
Of the two operas 'Brutus' and 'Philoctetes' (Sii I/1-2) written in 1774, only the
text is known; the music Of the 'Duodrama' Mosis Mutter und ihre Tochter
is lost. (Sii

I/3) few parts have survived; these do not give a clear idea of the score.
J.
C. FRIEDRICH S SONGS 395

1773 the first collection of musical settings to Geistliche Lieder by the

Copenhagen pastor, Balthasar Miinter, was printed in Leipzig. It contained
works by different composers, among them six songs by Emanuel and
five by Friedrich Bach {Sil III/ 8). Although the compositions of the

Biickeburg concert-master are not particularly inspired and indeed are

weaker than most of the other contributions to the volume, Miinter en-
trusted a second collection entirely to Friedrich {Sil III/ 9). It was printed
in the following year and contains 50 songs, far superior in quality to the
composer's works for the first collection. In these sacred songs he closely
follows the style of his brother's Gellert odes. They are simple and noble
in character and unconventional in their harmonic language. The melodies
are dignified, although there is a certain disregard for the accents of the
text. The impressive No. 44, Lied im Winter ('Winter song') anticipates
in its majestic grandeur the spirit of Haydn's vocal quartets {Ex. 102).

Xx 102

Beautiful too is the 'Communion song,' No. 9, and the humble and sub-
missive Bussgesang ('Song of Penitence'), No. 33. In these compositions
the strong religious feeling of the Bachs manifests itself in its old fervour.
Friedrich's secular songs were all printed in the two collections
Musikalisches Vielerley (1770) and Musikalisc he Nebenstunden (1787-88).
The earlier set still contains a dance song {Sil III/ 14) displaying the instru-
mental character predominant in the secular songs at the beginning of the
century. An abundance of pedantic ornaments mars other pieces, but on
the whole these compositions are pleasant, their main distinguishing
feature being a delightful sense of humour. In Die Zeit ('Time'; Sil III/ 12)
Friedrich realistically describes the contrast between the boredom caused
by and the entertainment provided by young girls. Der
elderly ladies
Kranke ('The invalid'; Sil III/ 18) from the later set implores God to make
water taste better, since wine is so bad for the health. Drinking songs are
set to music with real gusto. Rheinweinlob ('Praise of the Rhine wine'; Sil
III/23), for instance, is artless and folksonglike. Friedrich, who in his
earlier songs clearly depended on the past, in the later compositions
shows a most gratifying naturalness and directness of expression.
Several monodramas for solo voice, strings and harpsichord lead from
39 6 TH E BACH FAMILY
the songs to the composer's larger vocal works. Probably the earliest of
these solo cantatas is Cassandra {Sii III/4) 1 for contralto, on an Italian
text. In a long-winded monologue Cassandra, the daughter of Priamus,
describes the tragedy of the Trojan war, bewailing the destruction of the
city and the death of Hector, work is a very
its greatest hero. Friedrich's
dramatic composition, similar in character to scenes in contemporary
operas of Hasse and Jomelli. Secco recitatives are completely avoided, and
accompagnato recitatives of great expressive power alternate with arias
in which the composer strives to achieve formal variety. The very
passionate character of the work, with
its sudden changes in tempo and

dynamics, and the frequent use of minor keys point to the idiom of
Empfindsamkeit, which reached its greatest vogue in Germany around the
year 1770. It is significant that the last number of the cantata is not an
aria, but a recitative concluding with the stirring measures in Ex. 103. The
i/ 103

dsu-nd,.

e Ttqi . r»a in pol ve 2 e. Ttoi . a »n pol.ve 1

rm if
3
t m jj u m
origin of 'Cassandra' in the early seventies seems to be corroborated by a
letterHerder wrote to his fiancee soon after his arrival in Biickeburg,
mentioning an invitation to attend the performance of an Italian cantata
Cassandra at court. 2 Although the accompanying orchestra consists of
few instruments only, Friedrich obtains a certain amount of colouristic
variety through the occasional use of obbligato violin and 'cello as well
as a completely elaborated cembalo part to replace the figured bass.
Surprising effects approaching the setting in a clavier trio are thus
achieved.
The remainder of Friedrich's solo cantatas use German texts. The
most successful of these was Die Amerikanerin ('The American girl'; Sii

III/ 2) published in 1776. In this work Gerstenberg, the author of the poem,
set out to describe the simple and strong emotions of children of nature
such as he believed the inhabitants of the new world to be. A lover im-

1
It is preserved in MS. in the Bibliotheque du Conservatoire, Brussels.
2
Cf. M. C. von Herder, 'Erinnerungen aus dem Leben J. G. von Herders,' Tubingen,
1820, p. 206.
J.
C. FRIEDRICH S SOLO CANTATAS 397

patiently awaits the arrival of his sweetheart. He is afraid she might have
been by wild beasts and he decides rather to share death with her
killed
than to live on alone. It fits the sentimental character of the text that the
young man who expresses his deep love for the girl, Saide, is sung by a
soprano voice. The music of the cantata is gentle and graceful. In the
accompagnato recitatives the composer provides a delightful expression
for the 'brook winding through the golden sand,' but he is rather helpless
when he has to represent the 'blood-thirsty tiger,' an animal with which
Gerstenberg presumed America to be infested. The very last number
depicts the lover's longing for death in a slow dance of serene beauty {Ex.
104) in which the spirit of Gluck's description of the Elysian fields seems

I x 1& Ia.rghe.iio c/razioso

fej
Vie
HAm
r
bra
ir~r
dufl
Mr
will
iH j
nh dich ^7bo
r
<ius
If
ih
> g ren A .
$Q=3
:

clem inn .7c

to be captured. It is not surprising that this tearful subject, with its

Rousseau-like touch interpreted by the composer in a congenial spirit,
should have appealed to music lovers in the period of sensibility. Its

success is apparent from the fact that both full score and piano reduction1
were published by Friedrich Bach himself.
In the year 1786 another soprano cantata, Ino {Sil III/ 3), was offered

to the public. Here Friedrich used a text which had also been set to music
by Telemann and Sebastian Bach's pupil, Kirnberger. Ramler's libretto
deals with a subject from Greek mythology, the story of the unfortunate
Ino, whose husband, afflicted by an irate Goddess with madness, kills his
own son and threatens to murder his wife. To escape him, Ino jumps into
the sea clasping her youngest child in her arms, and both are transformed
by a compassionate God into sea deities. Among the three settings of the
poem, Friedrich's is by far the finest. Its great accompagnato recitatives
show more cohesion, more vigour and strength than those of the Ameri-
kanerin, and replace sensibility by dramatic tension. Ino's frantic flight
from cliff to cliff, her subsequent exhaustion, and the screaming and
panting of her husband, Athamus, trying to reach her, create an atmo-
sphere of breathless suspense which reaches its climax in her desperate leap
into the abyss. Masterly is the transformation of this scene of horror to the
serenity of the peacefully rippling waves. This striking episode fore-
shadows in more than one respect the cantata Arianna a Naxos, with
which Joseph Haydn was to win so great a success a few years later.
1 In the second part of Musikalische Nebenstunden, 1787.
398 THE BACH FAMILY
Friedrich's cantata Pygmalion, again on words by Ramler {Sii III/i),

for bass or contralto remained in manuscript. The cantata Prokris und

Cephalus (not in Sii) for soprano is only known from a reduction for
clavier, published in the third part of Musikalische Nebenstunden (1787).
Strictly speaking this is not a solo cantata since, for a short time, Prokris
and Cephalus simultaneously sing different notes. Friedrich may have
been inspired to write this German work when he saw his brother
Christian's Italian cantata of 1776 in London; it same sub-
dealt with the
ject, though it was set for three voices (cf. p. 443). However, a direct
musical connection between the two cantatas is not noticeable, the later

work being simpler in its melodic language and more compact in its

formal construction. Most of its story is told by a narrator, whereas

Christian's cantata has the character of a miniature opera.

The constant connection with Emanuel led Friedrich to arrange three

of his brother's Gellert Odes for a simple four-part mixed chorus (Sii 11/

16-18). 1
He also adapted two of his own sacred songs on texts by Miinter
for soprano, alto, tenor and bass (iSziTI/15 and 19).
Of little arrangements are two four-
greater significance than these
part motets in which Friedrich skilfully adopted his father's style. JVachet
auf, ruft uns die Stimme ('Sleepers wake'; Sii 11/ 14) begins with a melody
and rhythm similar to Sebastian's violin concerto in E (Ex. 105), and an

Triedrjch Bac7i

SeSasiian 3ach

jig J
r \ gjl gf
instrumental character prevails throughout the composition. The resem-
blance to the father's works goes further still. Wachet auf is a chorale motet,
using both the text and the melody of this great Protestant hymn. In the
first stanza the tune is treated as a cantus jirmus in the soprano, a technique
to befound in the first chorus of Sebastian's cantata No. 140 based on the
same chorale. Near the end of the motet the hymn is presented in simple

1
They are Weynachtslied, Dancklied, and Der thatige Glaube (Wq 194/5, 8, 11). Sii
erroneously considered these arrangements, which are preserved in Friedrich's autograph,
as original compositions of the Biickeburg Bach.
J.
C. FRIEDRICH S CANTATAS 399

chords, and this time the harmonization is literally taken from the father's
cantata. Nevertheless Friedrich's motetis far more than a mere imitation.

The development of the chorale melody which precedes and follows the
entrance of the cantus firmus in the first stanza displays spirit and great
technical skill. Even more effective is the treatment of the second stanza
which introduces valuable new melodic material. A beautiful Adagio
gradually reverting to the hymn tune leads to the chorale harmonization,
while a compact and brief fugue serves as a coda. There is joyful ardour,
strength, and fire in this score which makes the motet one of Friedrich's
most remarkable creations.
On the same high level stands the second motet, Ich lieg und schlafe ('I
lay me down and sleep'; Sii 11/ 13), the autograph of which is dated 1780
(when Wachet auf was also composed in all likelihood). In Ich lieg und
schlafe Friedrich, like many of the older Bachs, combines a Bible text with
a chorale. Deeply moving is the beginning using Psalm iv, 9, which
occasionally introduces an almost Mendelssohnian idiom {Ex. 106). In

the middle of the movement the soprano enters with the chorale 'There is

still rest' as cantus firmus, while the lower voices continue singing the
Bible text. Fugue and chorale harmonization again conclude this signi-

ficant work, in which Friedrich infuses the great Bach traditions with
stylistic elements of his own time.
On August15, 1769, according to the testimony of the original manu-
script in the Bibliotheque du Conservatoire, Brussels, Friedrich's first
work for soloists, chorus and orchestra, the cantata Der Tod Jesu ('The
Death of Jesus'; Sii 11/ 1) was concluded. In using Ramler's poem the
Biickeburg composer chose a text that had been made famous through the
1
setting by Carl Heinrich Graun in 175 5- Ramler's libretto was 'far re-

moved in spirit and insight from the Bible. It depicted the Passion of the
Lord in a series of touching, tearful, and lamenting pictures equipped with
edifying running comments.' 2 The music Graun wrote to these words
included a number of solid fugues, yet it was basically conceived in an
1
Also among the composers of the text was Telemann. Cf. Hans Horner, 'G. Ph.
Telemanns Passionsmusiken,' Leipzig, 1933.
2
Paul H. Lang, 'Music in Western Civilization,' New York, 1941, p. 502.
400 THE BACH FAMILY
operatic manner. Friedrich Bach, owing to his lack of experience in this
field, took the Berlin composer's work as a model, but at the same time
made ample use of the paternal heritage. Graun's cantata has no overture
but begins with the Passion chorale. The Biickeburg concert-master
followed his example and presented the hymn in the same key of c. Most
of the harmonic progressions, however, were taken from Sebastian's St.
Matthew Passion (No. 72). A
similar attitude is revealed in the remainder
of the cantata. In corresponding sections Friedrich often adopted Graun's
tempo markings, keys, and time signatures, including the very changes in
these devices. Even direct melodic resemblances are to be found, as for
instance in the bass recitative Jerusalem voll Mordlust ruft ('Jerusalem for
slaughter thirsting') and in the ensuing bass aria So steht ein Berg Gottes
('As stands a lofty mountain'). In the harmonization of the chorales, how-
ever, Friedrich keeps looking to his father for guidance. Wen hah ich
sonst ('Whom have I, Lord') has a certain resemblance to No. 16 in the St.
Matthew Passion, and the chorale Ich werde dir iu Ehren ('I will in Thine
honour') is practically identical with No. 3 in Sebastian's work.
But Friedrich does not content himself with mere imitation. His text
is not quite the same as that used by Graun. Several numbers of the earlier

work are either replaced by other pieces or completely omitted in the

Biickeburg composer's Fugues and polyphonic texture play a
cantata.

much smaller part, and there is more warmth and tenderness in Friedrich's
work. It is characteristic that a duet for which Graun prescribes gra^ioso
bears in the later cantata the indication amoroso. Friedrich's work
occasionally displays an expressive strength (Ex. 107) quite foreign to the

tx.ny
djssvir so qe . sun.di. get , so ge sun. dt
. . gel hihen.,

dm wir So ge sun.di. gtt l

so gt . sun .
di . get (
So ge. sun. di. get 7w ..ben,

shallow brilliance of the earlier composition. Real force and imagination

are to be found in the chorus, Herr, ho're die Stimme ('Lord, hearken to the
voice') using a text missing in Graun's cantata, and when Friedrich re-

places the sentimental words of his time by the powerful language of the
Revelation ('Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord from henceforth'),
he feels inspired to write a fugue of real strength and dignity.
Some of Friedrich's finest choral works were composed on texts by
xvm. Johann Christian Bach by Thomas Gainsborough
xix. Autograph of J. Christian Bach's Clavier Concerto in B flat major. In the
lower right corner Christian wrote: 'I, I made this concerto; isn't that beautiful?'
J.
C. FRIEDRICH S CANTATAS 4OI

the great writer and theologian, Johann Gottfried Herder (cf. p. 383).
The cantata Michaels Sieg. Der Streit des Guten und Bosen in der Welt
('Michael's victory. The struggle between good and bad in the world'; Sii
II/8) dealsonce more with a subject dear to the Bachs. Both Johann
Christoph (13) and Sebastian had treated it in immortal cantatas. Herder,
who had a deep insight into the possibilities of vocal composition, pre-
scribed at the beginning a rondolike construction in which stanzas of a
hymn alternate with choruses on Bible words. He demanded the first
chorus to be presented 'like a distant thunderstorm,' the second 'stronger
and more violently,' the third in a 'most powerful manner.' And like

Joseph Haydn working on his 'Creation' and 'Seasons,' Friedrich Bach

allowed himself to be guided by the shrewd suggestions of his librettist,
thus building up towards an effective climax. The following accompa-
gnato recitative and coloratura aria come close to the fashionable Italian
style, while the end of the work reverts to the technique of the beginning.
In the concluding section, the melody to 'A mighty fortress' separates
different choruses of praise and triumph. Unfortunately the tune which
Friedrich gave to the words of the 'loud voice in heaven' does not do
justice to the powerful language of the Revelation. A comparison with
Sebastian's melody to the same text makes the inadequacy of the later
version still more apparent (Ex. 108).

Triedrieh Bach-. Michaels Sieg

linn ist das tfeiJ, und die lCrafl,und das JfeicTi und die Machi un . sers Got . ies

Sehastian Ba.ch-- Cant. So

Jiun ist das Keill und die Kraft und das

t
Ttiich uiid die Machi un . Strs <joi ies sci ..

A curious instance of co-operation between different Bachs is to be

found in another Michaelis-Cantata {Sii H/9). 1 This interesting manu-
script, which was found among the music left by Emanuel, bears the
initials of two of its authors 'J. C. F. B. C. P. E. B.' (Johann Christoph &
Friedrich Bach and Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach) and the remark 'the bass
accompaniment is by C. P. E. Bach.' Obviously the Biickeburg composer
wanted to help out his brother and supplied him with a cantata he had
arranged for St. Michael's Day. It consists of three numbers of Friedrich's
cantata Michaels Sieg and an equal number of pieces which he seems to

1
Wq (246) lists it with a different beginning to the text. The date, 1772, which he gives
is obviously wrong. According to the list of Emanuel's estate the work belongs to the year
1785.
402 THE BACH FAMILY
have written especially for this work. Emanuel's contribution was prob-
ably not confined to revising the bass accompaniment. Near the end, a
chorus Heilig is mentioned in all parts, but no music for it is given. It
seems most likely that at this place the Hamburg Bach inserted the short
Heilig for a single chorus (Wq 218), which has the same orchestration for
strings, 2 oboes, 3 trumpets and kettledrums as the Michaelis Cantata, and,
moreover, was preserved among Emanuel's property in the same package
of music. But even in this Heilig the aged composer did not unduly exert
himself, for he chose his father as a collaborator. After 15 measures of
introduction written by the Hamburg Bach, the fugue Sicut locutus est
from Sebastian's Magnificat is employed furnished with a new text (111.
373). Since the words of this composite cantata were in all likelihood
written by Herder, four great minds seem to have contributed to the
Michaelis Cantata.
Among Friedrich's chief works are included the two oratorios Die
Kindheit Jesu ('The childhood of Jesus'; Sii II/3) and Die Auferstehung
Lazarus ('The raising from the dead of Lazarus'; Sillily), both composed
in 1773. Herder, who wrote the texts for these two works, follows on the
whole the ideas of Ramler and Gerstenberg. His poems are not meant as
dramatic accounts of soul-stirring events, but rather as lyric descriptions
of sentiments and feelings evoked by those events. Although the poet
keeps closely to the original text of the Bible, the person of the historicus,

telling the story, is abolished and wherever there is a chance the poem
turns from the specific narrative to general observations. As in the cantata,
Michaels Sieg, Herder attempts to build up larger units out of individual
numbers, achieving rondo-like forms, and he guides the composer with
the help of minute instructions. In the Kindheit Jesu, for instance, after
the annunciation by the angel he demands: 'Celestial music in the distance,
without words.' Exclamations by one of the shepherds are followed by the
direction: 'Celestial music closer, still without words.' A second and a
third episode between the shepherds is inserted before 'the full chorus of
the angels sets in with words.' Friedrich responded by scoring the same
tune first for muted strings, then for strings without mutes, a third time
for strings reinforced by flutes and bassoons, and finally for full chorus
and orchestra, this time including horns. Herder's libretti are not to be
considered as poetical works in their own right. A characteristic feature of
his texts is the occasional use of incomplete sentences, which he called
'hieroglyphs.' They are meant to inspire the composer and to create a
certain atmosphere, but not to express a clear meaning. For instance, one
of the shepherds in the 'Childhood of Jesus' stammers: 'O brethren, are
J.
C. FRIEDRICH S ORATORIOS 403

we? imagine? hear? see?' which apparently stands for: 'O brethren, are we
in heaven? Did we imagine the celestial vision or did we hear and see it?'

To these texts written at the height of the era of sensibility Friedrich

composed music faithfully reflecting the character of the libretti. His
models are the cantatas of Graun, Emanuel's vocal compositions, and
possibly, to some extent, the oratorios of the Neapolitan school. A gentle,
folksonglike character prevails in the melodies and the da capo form is

employed not only in arias but also in choruses. The architecture of the
oratorios is clear and convincing. Friedrich uses his resources economi-
cally and builds up effective climaxes. The first half of 'Lazarus,' for
instance, is scored for strings only; flutes join in later and, near the end,
oboes and horns. It is characteristic of the composer's attitude, however,
that the last number of the oratorio is not a jubilant chorus but a deeply
felt aria in f, ending in a pianissimo. Nor do the two oratorios start with a
chorus or with an instrumental overture. Ariosolike introductory numbers
enhance their more intimate chamber music character. In both composi-
tions ample useis made of chorales, the harmonizations of which Fried-

rich liked to borrow from his father's works. In the 'Childhood' the
beautiful visionary recitative of Simon 'The spirit moves me I see, I see' !

is both preceded and followed by a stanza from the chorale 'In Peace and

Joy I go my way,' taken from Sebastian's Cantata No. 83. In 'Lazarus'

the hymn 'When comfort and salvation fade away,' originates with Can-
tata No. 86. However, the Baroque grandeur of Sebastian's chord-
progressions seems somewhat incongruous in these works, conceived as
they are on a much smaller scale. The highlights of Friedrich's scores are
such artless and deeply felt pieces as the folksonglike shepherds' song, the
jubilant final chorus of the 'Childhood,' or the dialogue between grieving
Mary and Martha who tries to console her, in 'Lazarus.' We can well
imagine that works of this kind filled a real need for sentimental souls.
When Countess Maria first heard the 'Childhood,' she was, as she wrote,
'transported by this heavenly music' And even to-day the gentle charm
of Friedrich's oratorios captivates our hearts.
THE MILAN AND LONDON BACH 1
(JOHANN CHRISTIAN BACH)

johann christian, youngest son of Sebastian Bach, born in Leipzig

on September 5, 1735, spent his childhood and adolescence in not too
cheerful an atmosphere. The glorious music making at home that Sebas-
tian's elder children so much enjoyed had diminished since Friedemann,
Emanuel and Bernhard left Leipzig, for now the household was made up
of half-witted Gottfried, little Friedrich and Christian, as well as their

sisters and the parents. Moreover, shortly after Christian's birth, Sebas-
tian went through a phase disturbed by violent conflict. For years a feud
with Christian's godfather, rector J. August Ernesti, raged with unabated
vehemence at the Thomas school, casting a gloom on everybody. Al-
though not defeated, Sebastian emerged from the controversy a greatly
embittered man who took less and less interest in his official work, and
withdrew as much as possible into a world of his own. When Christian
was still a young boy, his father's health began to decline, and the family
had to watch helplessly the agony suffered by a highly active man who
was losing his sight.
As a child, Christian was naturally unable to understand all that was
going on at home, but he could not help being affected by the prevailing
tension and bitterness. From such experiences was born a firm resolve not
to lead a life like that of his father. Naturally he intended to be a musician;
there was no doubt about that in his or in his father's mind. But he would
not be tied to a church, be poorly paid, and even less appreciated by a
straight-laced and inartistic city council. Surely there must be a way to
win fame and wealth as a musician. Vague dreams of that kind were
further strengthened when Christian, before he reached his 15 th birthday,
lost his father. It was shocking what little material wealth had been
to see
accumulated in a life of ceaseless industry and most rigid economy. When
Sebastian's entire property had been divided between the widow and the
children, Christian's worldly goods amounted to 3 claviers his father had
given him personally, a few of Sebastian's linen shirts, 38 thalers, and the
prospect of a share in the proceeds from the sale of some valuables which
his mother was to undertake. Staying on in Leipzig with his sisters was

1
For Genealogical Table see p. 464.

404
J.
CHRISTIAN S ADOLESCENCE 405

out of the question; he needed expert training to achieve the mastery

which alone could fit him for the career of which he dreamed. Fortunately
Emanuel offered to take the young half-brother, whom he hardly knew,
into his home in Berlin. Thus Christian was privileged to work with one
of the foremost clavier players of the time, who was beginning to win
equal fame as a teacher too. Eagerly Christian threw himself into his
studies and under Emanuel's guidance he developed into a virtuoso of the
first which he had received in
rank. Instruction in musical composition,
Leipzig, was continued and he wrote various works, mainly clavier con-
certos, which made the warmth of the reception Christian was already
accorded in Berlin quite understandable. But Emanuel's training, out-
standing though it was, did not prove the most decisive influence on his
young charge. In Berlin, operatic performances, which the King had in-
augurated on the most brilliant scale, were at that time reaching a peak.
Admission to the opera was free to any person decently dressed; Christian
naturally made the most of this opportunity, and became thoroughly
familiar with operas in the Italian style written successful German
by such
composers as Hasse, Graun, and Agricola. A new world opened to the
youth, into which he entered with the utmost delight. Emanuel also had
been greatly influenced by Italian operatic music, which had stimulated
him make bold experiments in keyboard composition, leading to an
to
entirely new pianistic idiom. In Christian, however, the effect of Italian
art reached far deeper. For him there was no question of adapting the
operatic style to a new medium, for he did not feel that distrust of opera
which Sebastian's elder sons owed to their upbringing, and could never
quite overcome. Christian had naturally not been as strongly influenced
by his ailing father; he had not the slightest prejudice against opera, and
the conviction grew in him that this was the field in which he could win
laurels. But first it was imperative to study Italian opera in its homeland.

So, while Emanuel was trying to find a good position for his brother as an
organist or cembalist, Christian investigated every conceivable means of
going to Italy. It was no easy task, for he had no material resources and
depended on his brother, who certainly did not take too sympathetic a
view of so fantastic a project which defied the good old Bach tradition.
But Christian did not give up. He had inherited from his father a dogged
determination to carry out what he thought best, and this, combined
with resourcefulness, talent and charm, made him eventually succeed.
It is not known with any certainty how he achieved it, but according
to the reports of several writers he joined an Italian prima donna returning
to her country. Anyway, in 1754 or 1755, at the age of 20, he left his
406 THE BACH FAMILY
brother, severing all ties with the Bach family, and with his country as
well; he was to revisit it only for short appearances as a guest. Henceforth
it was entirely up to him whether success or failure would come his way.
When the French scholar, J. J. L. de Lalande, visited Italy at about
that time, he wrote: 1 'It seems that in this country the very skins of the
timpani are more tender, harmonious and sonorous than in the rest of
Europe; the nation itself is a singing one. The gestures, the inflection of
the voice, the rhythm of the syllables, the conversation — all breathes
music there.' Christian Bach, accustomed to the harsh sounds of the Ger-
man language as spoken in Prussia, and to the formality of Prussian
manners, may have been even more delighted than the Frenchman. He
absorbed it all with the greatest ease, and in a surprisingly short time the
offspring of Thuringian musicians, who through generations had kept
so loyally to this small section of Germany, had become thoroughly
Italianized. He called himself Giovanni Bach; he spoke and wrote Italian
quite fluently; and not long after his arrival he even gave up the faith of
his fathers and became a member of the Roman Catholic church. This
latter step, deeply resented by his brothers, was due not so much to a
spiritual conversion as to practical considerations. He was eager to adapt
himself in all respects to the prevailing attitude; moreover adherence to
the Roman Catholic faith was, as his friends pointed out, the conditio sine
qua non for any good appointment. Giovanni, to whom religion did not
mean much, had no qualms in following such advice, and the fact that he
thus cut himself off completely from what had been the pivot of his
father's work, did not matter to the youth in the least.

This desire to take root in Italy could not fail to bear results. Giovanni
had the good fortune to become the protege of a wealthy Italian nobleman,
Count Litta of Milan, who not only engaged the promising musician for
his private orchestra, but enabled him to continue extensive studies. The
relationship between the two men was of the friendliest nature, which
speaks as much for the generous young Count as for the recipient of such
favours. It seems that neither Sebastian nor any other of his sons ever
received as much affection and help from an employer as that which fell
to Giovanni. He certainly had the gift of making friends, and there was in
his nature an adaptability and easy charm not often to be found among the
Bachs that was probably inherited from his mother. Thus we see him
establish a second highly important connection in the person of Padre
Giovanni Battista Martini of Bologna. Studying with this outstanding
scholar and foremost authority on musical theory seemed imperative to
1
'Voyages en Italie,' Venice, 1769.
J.
CHRISTIAN IN ITALY (1755-1762) 407

Count Litta, and Giovanni gladly availed himself of the Count's intro-
duction and frequently stayed in Bologna for long periods of instruction.
During the interludes he sent Martini his compositions for correction,
corresponding with him about minute details of contrapuntal technique
with an assiduity and zeal that reminds us strongly of young Sebastian
Bach. This fruitful intercourse lasted for several years and the Count
showed by sending the Padre various gifts ranging from a
his gratitude
consignment of 28 of home-made chocolate to rare books, which the
lbs.

scholar acknowledged with the remark that 'Bach himself was his highest
reward.' Under Martini's guidance the young composer wrote various
works of church music for Milan, and on August 13, 1757, for instance,
the Count could write exultantly that the leading critics had praised his
'beloved Giovannino's' Officio and Messa di Requiem as 'correct, im-
pressive, clear, eloquent, and deliciously harmonious.'
It seems strange young Giovanni, who had shunned
at first sight that

a church position in Germany, should now give so much time to com-

posing for an Italian church. This was due to Count Litta's plan of estab-
lishinghim as organist of the Milan Cathedral, a 'nice little post,' as he put
it,and 'an excellent support in old age.' It was therefore important
for Giovanni to show himself fully conversant with liturgical composi-
tion, and make a name for himself in influential clerical circles. Bach
followed the Count's lead with the best of grace, throwing himself into
the work with the greatest vigour, for any composition he undertook
seemed valuable to him from the standpoint of new experience. Litta's
prestige eventually brought him the coveted goal. In June 1760 the aged
organist of the Duomo agreed to surrender his position to Bach, and the
authorities gave their consent to this transaction. A good and by no
means strenuous post bringing an income of 800 lire had thus fallen into
Giovanni's lap, and as he continued to work and compose for Count Litta,
he was not at all badly off. The gain of such financial security, however,
made no difference to Bach's attitude, and he had no intention whatever
of peacefully settling down in Milan. He never lost sight of his real ambi-
tion, and even when engaged in serious studies with Martini, he had
always left a path free towards satisfying this deeply-rooted desire. As
early as January 1757 we see him writing to the Padre from Naples, where
at Easter; and it seems likely that such
he stayed until rejoining his master
most important operatic centre of the country were repeated
visits to the

on various occasions. What he did in Naples is unknown; maybe he

wanted to study opera at its source by attending the performances at the
Teatro di San Carlo, revelling in its orchestra of 80 musicians, and its
408 THE BACH FAMILY
world-famous singers. But whatever was his method of learning, it proved
truly fruitful. In 1758 he submitted to Martini an Aria cantabile of his
composition, which an from Bologna had to sing every night at the
altist

Milan opera house. Similar efforts no doubt continued (although no trace

of this music has been preserved), and gradually Giovanni won a reputa-
tion as a dramatic composer. Thuscame about that in the very month
it

he assumed his duties at the Cathedral, he had to leave Milan in order

to test two singers engaged for the Teatro Regio of Turin. This he did
because he had been commissioned to write a composition for this distin-
guished opera house to be performed in the coming Carnival. The opera,
Artaserse, was duly presented in 1761 and the success must have been
great, for Giovanni was now honoured with an invitation to compose
another work for the Teatro di San Carlo in Naples. Catone in Utica was
performed in the same year and pleased so well that in spite of the Italians'
'rage of novelty' (Burney), it was played again in 1764. Moreover, San
Carlo, impressed by Bach's brilliant success, commissioned another work
from him and in January 1762 his Akssandro nelV Indie earned similar
applause. 1
Familiar though Bach was with Naples from former visits, he must
have experienced a peculiar thrill in having his own work played in this
immense theatre, which a very critical visitor, Samuel Sharp, with typical
British reserve described as 'perhaps almost as remarkable an object as
any man sees in his travels.' 2 By that time Bach had probably become
inured to the outrageous behaviour of the audience, the description of
which any present-day opera lover cannot read without shuddering.
During the performance, constant visiting and loud conversation in the
boxes, which served the impoverished Italian aristocracy as a substitute
for parties at home, were just as common as applause to favourite singers
during the whole time they sang, with the men in the pit increasing the
effect of their shouts by striking the benches with long sticks. How any

music could be heard and appreciated in this pandemonium is beyond our

understanding.
Nevertheless Giovanni spent glorious months in Naples, basking in
his success, and he was extremely reluctant to return to the organ-loft. He
had been absent for a whole year, leaving the discharge of his duties to a
substitute, and Count Litta, who had to hear various not unjustified criti-

1
In it appeared the great tenor, Anton Raaf, for whom Bach wrote one of his most
beautiful arias, 'Non so d'onde viene.' Raaf subsequently sang the title role in the first
performance of Mozart's 'Idomeneo.'
2
Cf. Samuel Sharp, 'Letters from Italy,' London, 1767.
J.
CHRISTIAN IN LONDON (1762-1782) 409

cisms of his protege's behaviour, was getting restive. Martini was so fine
a musician and so observant a man that he realized the irresistible force
drawing his pupil away from church music. But his attempts to intercede
with the Count failed; finally Bachhe had to comply with
realized that
his benefactor's wish, and he returned to Milan in April 1762. He was
not fated to stay there too long. Reports of his outstanding success on
the musical stage had travelled beyond Italy. In London Colomba Mattei,
impresaria of the King's Theatre, was in urgent need of a maestro who
would add glamour to the institute and thus ease her great financial diffi-
culties. Bach seemed the very man for her, and she offered him a position

as official composer to the King's Theatre for the season from November
1762 to June 1763. This was indeed a tempting proposition. The maxim
put forth by Samuel Sharp, 1 'An excellent performer, if he is well advised,
will certainly set out for England, where talents of every kind are rewarded
tenfold above what they are at Naples,' reflected the prevailing opinion.
Bach was no exception and felt most eager to try his luck with a British
audience. Even his protector could not deny the validity of Giovanni's
arguments, and thus the Milan church organist after serving for a few
months set out for England. 2
Although engaged for a theatre devoted exclusively to Italian opera,
Bach did not attempt to appear as an Italian in England; he was announced
in the programmes as Mr. John Bach, a 'Saxon Master of Music' or a 'Saxon
Professor.' This is significant of the conditions then prevailing in England.
The reigning house had come from Hanover only 48 years previously;
King George Ill's own grandfather had been born in Germany; and there
1
I.e.
2
Terry's report in his Biography of the composer that Christian first travelled from
Milan to the court of Strelitz in North-Eastern Germany, where he was handed a travelling
stipend of 100 dialers for his journey to London, is based on the assumption that a
receipt for thisamount bearing the signature of Bach, which was found in the Mecklenburg-
Strelitz archivesbut not actually seen by Terry, was signed by Christian. Miesner in BJ,
1937, contends that the signature is that of Emanuel Bach, a point which has much in its
favour. It seems very unlikely that Christian would have made this tremendous detour
on his journey from Milan to London, especially as he would have had to go through
territory in which the war was still raging. Emanuel, on the other hand, like other prominent
Berlin musicians, was in close contact with Joh. Wilhelm Ludwig Hertel, conductor of
the Strelitz court, and had a standing invitation to play there. In 1762 he seems to have
done so. Maybe his visit was in some way connected with Christian Bach. The latter was
to be appointed music master to Sophie Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, who had
recently married King George III of England, and was anxious to secure a German music
teacher. The purpose of the payment is, however, as yet quite unclear. It may have been
paid to Emanuel with the instruction to pass it on to his brother, or it may have been
meant for Emanuel himself in remuneration for his services. The latter theory seems more
likely, as Christian's appointment to the English court was not made until the end of 1763.
4IO THE BACH FAMILY
was still a close contact with that country, where the English King retained
influence in his capacity as Elector of Hanover. The emotional ties with
Germany were even stronger for the Queen, who in 176 1, at the age of 18,
had left the small court of Mecklenburg-Strelitz to marry George III, and
was only gradually adapting herself to English ways. To be a German
musician was, in her eyes, a definite asset and one which John Bach was
glad to possess. Yet his situation was an ambiguous one. At the King's
Theatre the Italian musicians had long reigned supreme; some of them
were apt to watch with misgivings and jealousy the success of a German
composer in their very own field, and would fight him with any weapons
they could get hold of. If we add to this conflict the maze of intrigue
through which anyone connected with the theatre has to find his way, we
can well imagine that John Bach had not chosen an easy life when he
accepted Signora Mattel's call. Sometimes he may have thought with
longing of the peaceful organ-loft he had abandoned in Milan.
He planned to compose a serious opera for the theatre, but when he
became acquainted with the singers at his disposal, he was dismayed by
their mediocrity. So much depended on the first impression he would
make in London that he was loath to entrust his reputation to such a cast.
Thus he first presented various pasticcios made up of music by different
composers, pondering meanwhile how to solve his own problem. Finally
he found a way out. An Italian singer, Anna Lucia de Amicis, had done
extremely well in comedy roles, and he decided to try her out in a serious
part. The experiment proved highly successful, and when in February

1763 Bach performed his new drama Orione, it created a veritable sensa-
tion. 'Every judge of music perceived,' as Burney reports, 'the emanations
of genius throughout the whole performance.' The royal couple, who had
honoured the premiere with their presence, liked Orione so much that
they attended the second performance as well, although this took place
on a Tuesday, a day on which the society snobs considered it unfashion-
able to visit the King's Theatre. But be Tuesday or Saturday, the house
it

was crowded whenever Bach's opera was played, and a collection of

'Favourite Songs' from Orione, which the enterprising firm of Walsh
published a few weeks after the premiere, had excellent sales. In May of
this year, after Orione had been performed 13 times, Bach presented his

Zanaida, with the same outstanding prima donna, and the response of
the audience was just as enthusiastic.
In spite of all this John Bach's contract with the King's Theatre was
not renewed for the coming year. Signora Mattei, weary of the countless
problems besetting an impresaria, decided to return to Italy, and in her
J.
CHRISTIAN IN LONDON (1762-1782) 411

stead two other Italians, the singer Mingotti and the violinist Giardini,
took over. Having no liking for the Saxon master, they engaged an
Italian composer. Giardini especially was anti-German, and it is known

that as an old man he refused to meet Haydn, 'that German dog'; which
feelings Haydn reciprocated by noting in his diary that 'Giardini played
like a pig.'

But John Bach could not be kept away for good from the domain of
opera, and in 1765 and 1767 two new dramatic works of his were presented
at the King's Theatre. The royal couple fully supported 'their trusty and
well-beloved Bach,' as he is called in a royal decree granting him certain
printing privileges, to safeguard him against unauthorized publications of
his works; indeed they were responsible for his not returning to Italy at
the end of the first London season. In the same year he was appointed
Music Master to the Queen at a salaryof £300, a position he retained
until his death. Bach's duties at court were manifold. He gave regu-
lar lessons to theQueen, whose genuine love of music is proved by the
report that on the voyage to England she bravely bore the horrors of a
terrible storm by playing constantly on her beloved harpsichord. 1 Con-
temporaries praised her 'sweet and correct singing,' while Haydn in 1791
found her achievements on the clavier 'quite good for a queen.' —
Occasionally John Bach was also required to accompany the King's flute-
playing, and will have remembered his brother Emanuel's similar
experiences in Potsdam. Then
there were the royal children to be taught
too, which, as the yearswent by, meant a good deal of work, as Queen
Charlotte by the time she was 30 had borne her husband ten children.
Still, the music master may have rather enjoyed working with these

princes and princesses who made the great Gainsborough, when he

painted their portraits, 'all but raving mad with ecstasy in beholding such
2
a constellation of youthful beauty.' Some of them had real talent,
especially the Prince of Wales, whose 'extraordinary love of music' was
later so favourably to impress Haydn.
In the first year of his service at court John Bach had the pleasure of
arranging for the appearance at Buckingham House of that unique youth-
ful prodigy, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, aged 8, and his sister, Nannerl,
who in April 1764 arrived in London. John Bach was fascinated by Wolf-
gang; they became great friends and liked doing stunts together before an
enraptured audience. He would, for instance, have Wolfgang on his lap

1
Cf. John Heneage Jesse, 'Memoirs of the Life and Reign of King George III,'

London, 1867.
2
Cf. Henry Angelo, 'Reminiscences,' London, 1828-30.
412 THE BACH FAMILY
while they played the harpsichord together, alternating after every bar; or
they would compose a fugue, Bach starting, Mozart completing it. For
John Bach was of the greatest artistic
the child genius, the association with
significance,and his compositions clearly show the tremendous influence
the mature composer exercised on him.
Naturally the Queen's music master was in great demand for the
instruction of the high nobility, and before long he established many
lucrative and pleasant connections with the British aristocracy, who even
admitted him to their social life. London was then a gay and stimulating
place to live in, at least if one belonged to the privileged class. Countless
amusements, routs, and masked balls followed each other with hardly a
pause. The centres of diversions were 'sweet, charming, elegant, delicious'
Ranelagh Gardens, to which, in the opinion of the Londoners, 'Paradise
itself could hardly be equal,' 1 and Vauxhall, a veritable fairyland with its

myriads of coloured lights, lovely flowers, and the splendid music hall

decorated by Hogarth. Persons interested in the cultivation of the mind

could find in the London of the late 18th century plenty of parties where

intelligent discussions were the main feature. Into this society, 'hooped and
caparisoned, plumed, powdered, pigtailed, fruit and pompons piled on
huge coiffures, knee-breeched, snuff-boxed, incomparably conversing', 2
John Bach fitted perfectly. His gaiety, charm, and poise were spiced by a
keen wit, a talent for Sons mots, and thus he was at home in fashionable
assemblies as well as in the new Blue Stocking Clubs or among the promi-
nent artists of his time, such as Gainsborough, Cipriani, Zoffany. He
became accustomed to a rather luxurious way of living, and, not unmind-
ful of the rigid economy he had watched in his father's house, he derived
satisfactionfrom spending money freely. John Bach was most elegantly
dressed, as we see from the beautiful portraits Gainsborough painted of
him, 3 and he had his own fine carriage to take him from one high-born
pupil to the other. An indication of his amiable disposition is the fact that
he had the same coachman through all the years in London, and that this
faithful servant, out of loyalty to his deceased master, followed Bach's
widow 4
Italy.to
In spite of a whirl of social engagements, Bach was prodigiously active

1
Cf. Henry Fielding, 'The History of Amelia,' London, 1752.
2
Cf. Rose Macaulay, 'Life Among the English,' 2nd. impr., London, 1946.
3
One he sent, following his former teacher's request, 'as a small token of his heavy
debt' to Padre Martini, who owned a collection of pictures of famous musicians. It is still

preserved in the Liceo Musicale, Bologna.

4
Cf. 'Court and Private Life in the Time of Queen Charlotte, being the Journals of
Mrs. Papendiek,' London, 1887.
J.
CHRISTIAN IN LONDON (1762-1782) 413

in various fields. He not only composed serious operas, but contributed

to comic works performed Covent Garden, and supplied the Vauxhall
at
concerts with many delightful arias, which brought laurels to his favourite
pupil, Mrs. Weichsell. 1 Instrumental music was constantly composed and
published by him, including clavier works, chamber music and sym-
phonies; Burney, for instance, found the latter his most outstanding com-
positions. In spite of all his creative and instructive activity, he was still
able to devote a great deal of energy to his work as a performing artist

and concert manager. In the second year of his stay in London he in-
augurated, together with Carl Friedrich Abel, a subscription series of
concerts that was continued up to his death. The connection between the
Bachs and Abels dated back to Sebastian's stay at Cothen, when Christian
Ferdinand Abel worked under him as an excellent violinist and violist.

The elder Abel's son, Carl Friedrich, studied with Sebastian at Leipzig, if
we may believe contemporary reports, 2 and was subsequently engaged as
viola da gamba player to the Dresden court orchestra. Ten years later he
went to London, where his admirable playing won him general acclaim
and an appointment as chamber musician to Queen Charlotte. Burney
in his 'General History of Music' wrote of Abel: 'He had a hand which no
difficulties could embarrass, a taste most refined and delicate, and a judg-

ment so correct and certain as never to let a single note escape him without
meaning.' An intimate friendship developed between John Bach and Fried-
rich Abel. For many years they shared an apartment and frequented the
same circle of friends. The artistic fruit of this most congenial association
was the institution of the Bach-Abel concerts, fifteen of which were
offered every season; for many years they ranked among the chief enter-
tainments in the field of music. Both Bach and Abel appeared in them as
composers, soloists and conductors, adding as further attractions eminent
guest artists such as the singers Mrs. Weichsell and Cecilia Grassi, the
great oboist, J. C. Fischer (son-in-law of Gainsborough), and the
Wilhelm Cramer, from Mannheim. Another German
excellent violinist,
guest, J. B. Wendling,
first flutist of Mannheim's famous orchestra,

was probably responsible for an invitation to Bach which the latter may
well have considered the peak of his achievements. In 1772, ten years after
London, John Bach's success in the field of serious opera was
his arrival in
given full when he was asked to compose a music drama for
recognition
Mannheim, capital of the Palatinate, to be given at a gala performance in
1
She was the mother of the great singer, Elisabeth Billington, model of Reynolds'
St. Cecilia, who was so greatly admired by Haydn.
2
No evidence to this effect has been found in the records of the Thomas school.
414 THE BACH FAMILY
honour of the Elector's birthday. It was not the first time that one of the
composer's dramatic works was played in Germany. In 1766 and 1768 his
Catone in Utica had been presented at the court of Braunschweig (cf. p. 467)
and Prince Ferdinand had been so deeply impressed that he granted
the composer a pension for life. 1 Yet the call from Mannheim was of quite
a different order. At that time, this German city was considered one of the
most important musical centres as the Elector Karl Theodor had spared
no expense or effort to secure first-class singers, and to build up an
orchestra of the finest players (an 'army of generals,' as Burney termed it),
which was generally considered the best in Europe. To compose for so
outstanding a group of artists seemed like the fulfilment of the dreams that
had made young Christian escape from Germany to Italy. Now he could
triumphantly return to his native country, with the prestige of having won
any accorded to his brothers. In November 1772
a distinction greater than
his opera, Temistocle,was performed by a brilliant cast, including the
great tenor, Anton Raaf, who ten years earlier had won laurels in Naples
with Bach's opera Alessandro nelV Indie. The artistic glamour was
matched by the outward pomp necessitated by the presence of a great
number of exalted personages, and the evening constituted an unforget-
table event inJohn Bach's career. Altogether the time spent in Mannheim
was a most exciting one. Something in the atmosphere of the town, where
music reigned supreme, must have been conducive to romance. Mozart,
when he visited it in 1777, trying to gain a position in the Elector's
orchestra, fell in love twice, his first infatuation for Rose Cannabich being
superseded by the deeper and more lasting emotion for Aloysia Weber.
Bach, who had so far been a confirmed bachelor, unresponsive to the
lovely prima donnas with whom he was working, was captivated by
beautiful Augusta Wendling, the young daughter of his host, and he
proposed to her. She refused to marry a man 20 years her senior, but later
did not mind becoming the mistress of the Elector, who was even 9 years
older than Bach. Her contemporaries describe her as a very cold character,
so one need not pity Bach too much for not winning her hand. But, when
living with the Wendling family, he felt that a home of one's own had
definite advantages, and so, after his return to London, he looked around
for a suitable wife, and found her in the Italian singer, Cecilia Grassi,
whom he had known for years. They were married in 1773, the bride-
groom being 38, the bride 27. Cecilia was not beautiful, but she was a fine
musician, whose 'truth of intonation, plaintive sweetness of voice, and
1
Cf. Miesner in BJ, 1936. Miesner also points out that Bach's Trio op. 2 was dedicated
to Princess Augusta of Braunschweig-Luneburg.
J.
CHRISTIAN IN LONDON (1762-I782) 415

innocence of expression' Burney praised; and she could help her husband
a good deal with his voice pupils.
Bach's success was not forgotten in Mannheim, and the next year his
Temistocle was performed there again, the composer, however, being
too busy in London was only four years later, in 1776, that
to attend. It
he was able to town again, and for this occasion he wrote a new
visit the

opera Lucio Silla. Although the cast was almost identical with that of
Temistocle, the reception was less enthusiastic. New trends towards
establishing a national German opera had been steadily gaining in strength,
and Bach's work belonged to the very last Italian operas performed in
Mannheim. Soon after Lucio Silla, Holzbauer's German opera Giinther
von Schwar^burg had a brilliant success there. It is noteworthy that
Holzbauer, who was born in 171 1 and had up to then only composed
Italian libretti, responded to the new national feeling, while Bach,
although much younger, did not consider such a move.
A great challenge was set him, when he was commissioned in 1778 to
war between the adherents of Gluck
write an opera for Paris, where the
and Piccini was raging with furious vehemence. According to Baron
Grimm both camps in Paris were disappointed by the new opera Amadis
des Gaules; the Piccinists found Bach's work too heavy and not charming
enough, while the Gluckists felt it to be as outdated as Piccini's products.
For a considerable time Bach had had no connection with the King's
Theatre in London, probably because he was tired of the Italian clique's
intrigues against him. As long as he was extremely successful as organizer
of concerts, performer and teacher, he held himself aloof, seeing no
reason why he should put up with his colleagues' cabals. In 1778, however,
he felt it necessary to return to the scene of his former triumphs and to
present a new opera, La Clemen^a di Scipione, for at that time he was
sincerely anxious to improve his standing in London. Various events had
contributed to a decrease in his popularity there. In the field of teaching,
his position at the very top of the profession had been undermined by the
great Italian singer, Venanzio Rauzzini, who came to London in 1774 and
drew fashionable pupils like a magnet; a still more serious rival was the
German pianist, Johann Samuel Schroeter, 1 whom Bach himself had
introduced to the London public in 1772 and afterwards advanced in every

1
He was the son of an oboist, and the brother of the great singer and actress, Corona
Schroeter, who from 1776 worked at Weimar in close co-operation with Goethe, creating
the part of Iphigenia and others. Schroeter's aristocratic widow, a few years after her
husband's death, fell in love with Haydn, who declared he would have married her, had
he been free.
416 THE BACH FAMILY
conceivable way, even helping him with his compositions. Schroeter, 15
years younger than his benefactor, was before long considered the fore-
most pianoforte player what was worse, 'this fasci-
in the capital, and,
nating, fawning, suave teacher for the belles' 1 was in the greatest demand
for instruction. Bach's income dwindled, and he suffered a terrible blow
to his pride. Retrospectively, it seems tragic that what hurt Bach so
deeply was to stop of its own accord a few years later; for Schroeter
married a high-born pupil and had to promise his new relatives not to
appear in public any more. Besides, his health was undermined and he
was to die in 1788, at the age of 38. But all this Bach could not foresee, and
the eclipse of his fame through Schroeter brought him great suffering.
Moreover, he had to bear the consequences of too ambitious a scheme.
In 1775 the Bach-Abel concerts, which had formerly taken place in Carlisle
House and subsequently in Almack's Assembly rooms, moved to
extremely stylish quarters. A new building had been erected in Hanover
Square, the freehold of which was bought jointly by Bach, Abel, and Sir
John Gallini, a wealthy dancing master. The beautiful concert hall,

adorned with pictures by Gainsborough and Cipriani, represented a ne

plus ultra in splendour, and an aristocratic lady describing it to her son
wrote approvingly: "Tis a great stroke of Bach's to entertain the town
so elegantly.' It was indeed a bold stroke, too bold for John Bach's re-
sources. He found it pay back the loans he had contracted for
difficult to

the project, and after two years of struggle he had to dissolve the partner-
ship with Gallini, who remained sole owner and merely rented the hall
to Bach. Even then his former financial security was not regained. The
London music lovers, who had attended the Bach-Abel concerts for so
many years, were eager to hear something different, and when the novelty
of the Hanover Square rooms wore off, they preferred other attractions.
Thus the revenues from these concerts dwindled to only a fraction of
their former size, and the Earl of Abingdon, a patron of music, had to
give financial assistance to keep the series going.
All these were great setbacks, to be sure; yet the situation was one that
a man of only 46, endowed with talent, ambition, and diligence, could have
mastered in some way. A decisive break with the old routine was impera-
tive, both in Bach's artistic contributions and in his luxurious way of life.

John Bach, however, lacked the will-power for such reforms. He had not
inherited his father's fighting power to any extent. While difficulties stimu-
lated Sebastian, they proved overpowering to his youngest son. The
constant worries had a serious effect on his health, and after he had
1
Cf. Papendiek, I.e.
J.
CHRISTIAN S MUSIC 417

appeared in May 1781 in his last concert of the season, he suffered a break-
down. A removal to the country did not bring the hoped-for improve-
ment; indeed in November he felt it necessary to make his will. He
steadilygrew weaker, and on New Year's Day, 1782, he breathed his last.
The funeral, which took place on January 6, proved the shockingly
short memory of the Londoners who, after only a few months, had all but
forgotten their former favourite. No more than four friends were present
to render the last honour to John Bach. Among his creditors pande-
monium reigned. It was found that he had left debts amounting to
£4000, and every bit of his property had to be sold. Thus, in spite of
distinguished successes and an income reaching figures his father had
never hoped for, John Bach left his widow even less than Sebastian had
bequeathed to Anna Magdalena. However, John Bach's royal patron
acted much more generously than the Leipzig city fathers. The Queen
paid for the funeral of her music master and allowed the widow £100
for the return trip to Italy, as well as a yearly pension of £200. On the
other hand, even before John Bach was buried, an official decree was
issued appointing Schroeter his successor at court.
The life of this youngest son of Sebastian differs in many respects from
that of his brothers; there was more adventure in it, more of acclaim and
dazzling success; a larger income and more debts, and also more enjoy-
ment of a luxurious life. For a top-ranking musician, existence in London
was brimful of stimulation, commotion, and tension; not for a moment
could one afford to relax. One had to watch out to avoid falling victim to
the intrigues of ambitious colleagues, and one had, through most
strenuous work, to satisfy the voracious novelty-hunger of the audience.
For over a decade John Bach succeeded in reigning supreme in the British
capital. With his early death he paid the price for a life of glamour and

excitement.

THE MUSIC OF JOHANN CHRISTIAN BACH

Like his brother Emanuel, Johann Christian offered a sizable contri-
bution to the growth of the Viennese classical style. The work of the Berlin
Bach made a deep impression on young Haydn, who learned from it
expressive subjectivity and the art to develop a theme until its possibilities
were exhausted. A similar "or even greater influence was exercised by
Christian Bach on young Mozart. 'Bach,' as Burney remarks, 1 'seems to
1
'General History of Music,' IV, 483.
418 THE BACH FAMILY
have been the composer who observed the law of contrast as a prin-
first

ciple. Before his time, contrast there frequently was in the work of others,

but it seems to have been accidental. Bach in his symphonies and other
incidental pieces as well as his songs, seldom failed, after a rapid and noisy
passage, to introduce one that was slow and soothing.' This principle, as
well as Christian's tendency to create graceful yet tender melodies, en-
couraged similar trends in Mozart's own creative output. There were few
contemporary artists for whom young master from Salzburg felt so
the
much love and admiration. From their first meeting in London in 1764,

when the boy of eight played duets with the music master to the British
Queen, to their reunion in Paris, fourteen years later, and finally to

the day in 1782 when Wolfgang wrote to his father: 'the English Bach is

dead ... a sad day for the world of music,' Mozart's loyalty to his elder
friend did not waver.
Not much is known about Christian's period of artistic preparation.
Like his brothers, he studied as a child under his father. But before he
reached an age when the instruction of the greatest teacher of the time
could be fully was ailing and finally died. Young
utilized, Sebastian

Christian then went as a kind of fosterchild to Emanuel in Berlin. There

is no doubt that he soon succumbed to his half-brother's personality. The

passionate subjectivism of Emanuel's clavier style is mirrored in the few

compositions by Christian which we know to have been written in Berlin.
But the youth was by no means a mere imitator of Emanuel's music. He
had not forgotten what his father showed him, and his own predilection
for the larger forms and ensembles asserted itself. Thus the earliest works
by Christian were written for the clavier but with the accompaniment of
strings. They are not sonatas for a single instrument, but concertos con-
ceived on a larger scale.
The period of transition in Christian's creative output started in 1755
with his sojourn in Italy. The romantic fervour of the earlier works is still

alive in the compositions he wrote after he left his brother's house. It is

characteristic that in particular the soulful and expressive music of Tartini

left its imprint on his work. The young man felt, however, that his
technical trainingwas still inadequate, and he gladly availed himself of the
opportunity to become a pupil of Italy's greatest music teacher, Padre
Martini. Giambattista Martini of Bologna was a fine violinist, an excellent
player of keyboard instruments, an accomplished mathematician, a
successful composer and music historian, and the undisputed authority in
the field of counterpoint. Under his guidance the descendant of stout
Protestant organists and cantors wrote numerous works of Latin church
J.
CHRISTIAN S CLAVIER WORKS 419

music and even became a member of the Catholic Church. The solid
technical training which the Padre gave him remained the firm foundation
on which his whole creative work of later years was built.
After a few years in Italy, Christian turned to a field of music which
the other Bachs had always held in contempt, while being secretly some-
what attracted by it. He became a successful opera composer who saw five
of his musical dramas performed within two years. The Neapolitan opera
brought young Bach into contact with light, carefree, uncomplicated and
melodious music, and it must be considered as his great achievement that
he succeeded in bringing to a complete fusion the different artistic
experiences he had had up to that time. Out of the solid earthiness of the
Bachs, the passionate expressiveness of Empfindsamkeit, the playful world
of make-believe of the stage, and the sweet tunefulness of Catholic church
music, the pupil of Padre Martini created a kind of music that was noble
and yet light, technically competent, yet free of ponderousness.
The full artistic maturity which Bach thus achieved at the age of 27
coincided with his call to England. It is not surprising that his specific
brand of what we might call early classicism, with its mixture of German
and Italian elements and equal accomplishments in the field of vocal and
instrumental music, made him one of the most successful composers of
his time. His works were performed all over Europe, and publishers of
different countries vied with each other in reprinting them.
It seems, however, that this last son of Sebastian's had neither the
moral nor the physical fibre to resist the contaminating effect of excessive
popularity. During the twenty years the composer spent in London (1762-
1782), his artistic growth almost came to a standstill. In many details the
works of the seventies were superior to those of the sixties, but a basic
change is not to be noticed. For this reason, quite gradually, the com-
positions of this favourite among musicians appeared to be outmoded.
Neither in form nor content, nor in power of expression did he reach the
supreme perfection of the classical style as developed by Haydn and
Mozart. It was the tragedy in the career of Christian Bach that at a com-
paratively early age he came almost to the threshold of the promised
land, stopped there, confused by the praise of his admirers, and died before
he had a chance to take the last and decisive step.

It is characteristic of the progressive attitude of the young composer

that he wrote hardly any works for clavier solo, as long as only the older
—

420 THE BACH FAMILY

forms of the keyboard instruments, harpsichord and clavichord, were
available to him. This attitude changed in London, where Bach had a
chance to try out the new fortepiano, with its flexible tone, on which not
only sudden dynamic contrasts, but even crescendi and decrescendi were
possible.
We must regret that Christian did not cultivate the keyboard instru-
ment to a greater extent during his two creative periods, for the
first

sonata in c, published as op. 5/6 (T

339), which we can attribute with
certainty to the Italian sojourn, belongs to his most significant composi-
tions. The passionate character of the impressive prelude in ternary form
which opens the sonata points to the influence of North Italian violin
music, proving at the same time how well Bach remembered, even in Italy,
his half-brother's artistic language. The force of this grief-stricken Grave
at times foreshadows Beethoven's music. The following fugue, with its

somewhat conventional subject, displays an imposing array of contra-

puntal devices; it shows that the pupil had put Padre Martini's instruction
to good use. The fine stretto near the end, in particular, reveals the com-
poser as a craftsman worthy of the name of Bach (Ex. 109). A gavotte-

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like Allegretto of somewhat stilted grace concludes this remarkable com-

position which was apparently written between 1757 and 1760, before the
composer adopted the Italian bel canto also for his instrumental style.

The remaining five sonatas in opus 5 (T 338-39), published around

the year 1768, are obviously products of the London years. They show
the sweetness and grace of expression, the warm melodious sensuousness
that fascinated little Mozart. In particular the gentle charm and noble
diction of the E flat Rondo finale in No. 4 deeply impressed the susceptible
boy. It is interesting to note that Wolfgang, who played the Sonatas while
they were still in manuscript, in 1765 arranged three of them (Nos. 2, 3, 4)
as concertos by adding an accompaniment for 2 violins and bass (K.
107).As Alfred Einstein points out, the young genius seems to have per-
formed these concertos not only on the way home from London, but also
in later years; the cadenzas he added are obviously in a more mature hand-
writing than the rest of the score.
J.
CHRISTIAN S CLAVIER WORKS 421

The title-page of the sonatas op. 5 bears the indication 'pour le clavecin
ou pianoforte,' but there can be no doubt that Bach had the modern
instrument primarily in mind. The Alberti basses, arpeggios, and
melodious passages of these compositions are conceived with a view
to performance on the pianoforte, and the beautiful Adagio of No. 5
could never unfold its ingratiating cantilena on the rigid and unbending
harpsichord.
John Bach's later clavier compositions, although possibly superior in
quality, reveal no change in style. The six sonatas op. 17 published around
1779 (7^ 341-42), are in two or three movements like those of the earlier
set. They display once more the typical mixture of brilliance and elegance

with the bel canto and the homophonic idiom of the Italian opera, which
was the trademark of his London music. Both the op. 5 and op. 17 have
as a first number a sonata which even a beginner could play; but whoever
bought the sets on the strength of these first compositions would soon
discover that in the following pieces the arpeggios in both hands, the fast
runs, and other ornaments could only be adequately performed by
trills

an expert. Christian is at his best in the noble Andantes in E flat (a key in

which he wrote some of his most beautiful slow movements) of his
sonatas op. 17 Nos. 2 and 6. The Prestissimo in c which concludes No. 2
shows a sense of humour and wit far superior to the frothy routine gaiety
in the London clavier music of the time.
In the course of his educational activities Bach may often have found

opportunities to accompany a pupil on the same instrument or on a second

clavier. Around 1774 he even played clavier duets in public, with an
infant prodigy only six years old who was later to become Mrs. Billington,
one of the greatest English singers. The success of this enterprise en-
couraged Bach to publish original compositions for two performers, and
he thus became one of the initiators of a new type of clavier music. Several
works a due cembali obbligati or 'for two performers on one pianoforte or
harpsichord' were published around 1779. The duet op. 15/5 for 2 harpsi-
chords {T 340) is probably an earlier work written during the first years
of Bach's stay in London. Here the performers have to be satisfied with
frequent echo effects or playing in parallel thirds or sixths. The piano duets
for a single instrument op. 15/6, op. 18/5 and 6 (T 340, 343, also 351-52)
seem to be of asomewhat later date. They ingeniously explore the possi-
bilities of the new genre. Although they are in two movements only, they

are conceived on a larger scale and sometimes achieve an almost sym-

phonic character. For once, these compositions display a new and
progressive trend which pointed the way to a younger generation.
422 THE BACH FAMILY
Two of these piano duets were included in a collection (published in
1780; J" 350-52) of a decidedly educational character. It contained, more-
over, a set of 4 'progressive lessons for the harpsichord or pianoforte,'
carefully graded compositions for the keyboard, none of which presents
great technical problems. To the same field belongs the Methode ouRecueil
le Forte-Piano ou Clavecin published by
de connoissances elementaires pour
Leduc, Paris, which Bach wrote together with Pasquale Ricci for pupils of
the Naples Conservatory (the exercises are therefore provided not only
with French but also with Italian annotations). The manual deals with the

elementary problems of piano playing in 12 chapters. Of special interest

are the sections treating tempo and ornaments, which reach even beyond
the information provided in Emanuel's 'Essay.' The second part contains

six music numbers, each in three movements, which also appeared

separately, one year after Christian's death, under the significant title of
'6 Progressive Lessons composed by Mr. Bach, master to the cele-
. . .

brated Mr. Schroeter' (T 349-50). The shrewd publisher ascribed them,

however, to the wrong Bach, for these numbers are the illustrations which
Emanuel provided for his 'Essay' {Wq 63); they were reprinted in the
1
Recueil without mention of the composer's name.
The numerous little exercises contained in the first part of Ricci's and
Christian Bach's manual are, for the convenience of the instructor, provided
'with the accompaniment of a flute or violin.' As some teachers preferred

to join their pupils in playing on the keyboard instrument itself, while

others chose to accompany them on the violin, it became a habit with
Christian Bach to combine, in a single set, piano duets and duets for
clavier and violin. Twenty-nine such duets for a keyboard and a melody
instrument were printed during the latter part of Christian's life or shortly
after his death. They were usually dedicated to society ladies, and the
absence of technical difficulties as well as the 'address' of their smoothly
flowing idiom is sure to have appealed to the fair dedicatees. How very
popular they were with musical amateurs can be seen from the fact that
no less than seven contemporary editions exist of the first set of sonatas for
clavier and violin published in 1773 as op. 10 (7^322-23), and printed not
only in London but also in Vienna, 2 Paris and Amsterdam. The composi-
tions are all in major keys, using not more than three sharps or flats. The
first movement is in a rudimentary sonata form with an energetic, some-

1
Terry, who even reprints a complete Menuet (pp. 136-7), considers them as com-
positions by Christian, overlooking their obvious stylistic relationship to other works of
Emanuel Bach.
2
The Viennese edition gives them the traditional tide 'Trio.'
j. christian's chamber music 423

what conservative first subject, a singing, rather Mozartian subsidiary theme,

and a whimsical, often folksonglike concluding subject. After occasional
half-hearted attempts to develop the first subject and to introduce remoter
keys, the incomplete recapitulation sets in with the subsidiary subject. The
second movement is usually an Allegretto or Tempo di Minuetto' in
simple da capo form, or in rondo form with two episodes.
As an acknowledgment of his indebtedness to the Bach family and
especially to his father, Christian based themain subject of the first Sonata
for clavier and violin that he published (op. 10/ 1), on the beginning of the
first partita in Sebastian's Clavier Ubung. The son somewhat changed the

rhythmic aspect of the tune and broke up the flow of the Baroque melody
into a clear-cut 4-measure phrase. Nevertheless, the whole first section, in

which the subject is even given to the left hand of the clavierist (a

procedure hardly ever used in Christian's later sonatas), discloses the

influence of the father's music. However, the character of the second
subject and the use of the violin as a filling middle part, being given lower
notes in passages of parallel thirds and sixths, point to a post-Baroque
composition.
It greatly contributes to the attraction of these sonatas that the violin
is not always condemned to a purely accompanying function. Little echo
effects or imitations are occasionally entrusted to it; in the finale of No. 2

ithas a long solo in which the clavier serves mainly as support, and in the
third sonata of the set it plays by itself temporarily while the piano takes a
rest.

Bach's later duets are basically similar to the compositions in op. 10.
However, a flute may be substituted for the violin, which makes the
melody instrument even less suitable to perform a low-pitched middle
part. Quite often the wind instrument dominates (cf. op. 16/2, T 325),

and occasionally a spontaneous dialogue develops between flute and

clavier. It would not seem impossible that these compositions reflect
a study of the fine violin sonatas by Christian's kinsman, Johann Ernst
(cf. p. 456).
Like his two brothers, Friedemann and Emanuel, Christian also wrote
works for two melody instruments without bass. Approximately in 1775
six duets for two violins were published in London without opus number

(7*335-36). These are suite-like little works of a casual character consisting

of two or three movements in a basically homophonic idiom. To the
violinist who is only a beginner they offer melodious and uncomplicated
exercises.
A number of trios in the traditional combination of 2 violins and bass
424 THE BACH FAMILY

( T 317-21) has been preserved in manuscripts which are sometimes in-

scribed Del Signore Bach in Milano.would seem that the majority of
It

these compositions were written before Bach came to London. In their

melodies as well as in the arrangement of movements the influence of the
Italian sinfonia may be detected; 1 they display the scattered polyphonic
elements characteristic of the phase of decline in the trio sonata, and such
headings as Affettuoso, Minuetto graiioso, or Allegrino pre^wso (J* 31 8/1)
point back to the model of Emanuel.
Probably belonging to the end of Bach's stay in Italy are six trios or

nocturnes op. 4 for and viola or Basse oblige (T 3 14-16), first

two violins
2
printed around 1765 in Paris, later reprinted in London and Amsterdam.
Although the use of a filling keyboard instrument is still left to the discre-
tion of the performer, these are actually string trios in the modern sense.
They make, as the preface to the new edition of the New York Public
Library aptly remarks; 'excellent diversion for quartet players when the
'cellist is late.' The viola is by no means used merely as a supporting bass.
Not infrequently solo passages are entrusted to it, and Bach does not hesi-
tate to let it cross parts with the violin. Each work starts with a slow move-
ment followed by a minuet with trio, while fast sections are missing
altogether. Owing to the peculiar combination of instruments, these com-
positions have an insubstantial and delicate character quite unusual in the
music of the time.
A third type of trio was published by the composer himself in 1763
as his op. 2 (T 313-14). These six compositions are for the harpsichord,
'accompanied' by violin or flute and 'cello. The role the violin plays in
these trios is very similar to that in the sonatas for clavier and violin. The
string instrument is not always allotted a subservient part; solos are
allowed it and occasionally there is a brisk exchange of questions and
answers between the harpsichord and the violin. The 'cello, however, is
inextricably bound which makes the need for its
to the harpsichord bass,
participation rather questionable. This may have induced Bach, in later
years, to write instead of trios, sonatas for clavier and violin, which
dispense altogether with a 'cello part.
In John Bach's quartets for flute, violin, viola and 'cello some of the
features of the old trio sonata may be detected. The two top parts gaily
alternate or join forces, the viola, which is not often allowed to share in
the^'thematic elaboration, serves as a filling middle voice, and the 'cello

1
In T 321/1, the only Trio sonata in more than 3 movements, the Andante in B is

obviously a foreign body which does not belong to the composition.

2
The first edition erroneously designates them as op. 2.
J.
CHRISTIAN S CHAMBER MUSIC 425

provides a kind of continuo bass as foundation. It would be easy to trans-

plant viola and 'cello to a harpsichord and thus to re-create the traditional
trio sonata. As a matter of fact the few compositions of this genre which
were published in Christian's lifetime — six quartets op. 8 printed around
1775 (T 306/7) and works by
three quartets issued in 1777 together with
—
Abel and Giardini (J" 309) seem to be comparatively early works written
shortly before or after the composer moved to London. They consist of
the typical two movements, the first either fast or slow, the second a
minuet or rondo of the kind to be found in so many of the chamber music
works of his maturity; however, a certain tenderness and subjectivity, a
romantic leaning towards an ardent sensibility, seems like an echo of
impressions Christian had gathered in earlier years. Four other quartets,
'two for Two Flutes, Tenor [viola] and Violoncello, one for Two Flutes,
Hoboy,
a Violin and Violoncello, and one for a Flute and or Two Flutes,
a Tenor and Violoncello,' published posthumously as op. 19 (T 307-8)
show the more polished elegance of John Bach's later works. They have
the three movements of his symphonies, and the intimate character of
chamber music gives way to more conventional forms conceived on a
larger scale.
The climax of Christian's chamber music is reached in his quintets op.
n (T 303-4) which were written and published in the seventies. In these
works, scored for flute, oboe, violin, viola and bass, the composer reveals
himself as a master at the peak of his creative power, overflowing with
inspiration. Well aware of their value he dedicated them to the Elector
Palatine, wishing to keep up friendly relations with this influential patron
of the arts for whom he wrote the operas Temistocle and Lucio Silla.

Mrs. Papendiek relates in her memoirs that Christian, one summer day,
had been in a great hurry to get a new piece of music ready for a forth-
coming rehearsal. He quickly went to work, and while he produced the
score, two copyists, standing behind him and looking over his shoulders,
wrote out the parts. The composition thus created was the 'enchanting
first movement' of the quintet in E flat (op. 1 1/4). If this anecdote, which

reminds us of similar stories connected with the name of Mozart, is based

on fact,Bach had the composition finished in his mind before he brought
the first note to paper. There is no fumbling or improvising in any of these
six quintets. They are finely chiselled gems, every delightful detail of
which is most carefully planned. Characteristically enough, Christian's
interest in the old trio is noticeable even here. He likes to subdivide his
instruments into two groups: a trio of two melody instruments and bass
which is presently opposed by another of the remaining two instruments
426 THE BACH FAMILY
plus bass {Ex. 1 10). Particularly intriguing effects result from the alter-
nation of wind and stringed instruments. As in the quartets, the bass does

I*.«0
Allegretto

not participate in the thematic elaboration, being a typical supporting

continuo. Its equipment with figures, however, may be a mere concession
to the wishes of the publisher, as a filling harpsichord part is not really
necessary, and may even produce an effect of thickness and heaviness fatal
to a work of so superbly transparent a texture. 1
The discussion of Christian's chamber music can most fittingly be
concluded with the remarks Leopold Mozart made in 1778 in a letter to
his son, who had just renewed the acquaintance with Bach while they were
both in Paris. 'Write something new —
short, light, and popular. Consult
with an engraver to find out what he would like best. Perhaps easy
quartets. . . . Do you you lower your standards by
believe perhaps that
writing such music? By no means! Did Bach in London ever publish any-
thing else? The small is great, when it is composed in a natural, fluent and
easy manner and is worked out soundly. Has Bach debased himself by
so doing? By no means The solid texture and structure, the continuity:
!

these distinguish the master from the bungler, even in trifles.'

The clavier concerto belongs to Christian's favourite forms. Like his

father and his brother, Emanuel, he was a born player of keyboard instru-
ments, but the brilliant and competitive concerto would appeal to his
sense of drama and showmanship more than the intimate sonata. Among
the very earliest works he wrote in Berlin are a number of clavier con-
certos, and when he moved to London the op. 1 with which he introduced

1
The Set Sinfonia [sic/] pour deux Clarinettes, deux Cors de chasse et Basson (T 285)
published by Longman & Broderip are of Their unusual combination
little artistic interest.

of instruments seems to indicate that they are arrangements. The Sextet op. 3 listed by
T (302) is not by Christian but by Friedrich Bach (cf. p. 392).
J.
CHRISTIAN S CLAVIER CONCERTOS 427

himself to the musical world in the British capital was a set of six con-
certos. In all, close to forty concertos for the clavier obbligato are known,
originating from every phase of Christian's creative activity.
At least six of the concertos preserved in manuscript in the West-
deutsche Bibliothek, Marburg, were composed while Christian lived in his
brother's house. The formal construction is similar to that in Sebastian's
Italian Concerto, and the clavier parts occasionally reveal a faithful
student of the father's Inventions {Ex. in). On the other hand, the

t-T «LJ *LJ £_J L-T LJ

Concerto in T, first movement

brother's work is unmistakably the model. The concerto in f (7*301/17)

bears the inscription riveduto dal Sign. C. P. E. Bach (revised by Mr.
C. P. E. Bach) and that in A {T 300/12) shows, in its middle movement,
the recitative sections so often used by Emanuel. The five works preserved
in Christian's own handwriting (T 298/1-4, 299/5) display emphasis on
homophony, passionate subjectivism, and a rather melancholy yearning
which point to the new artistic ideals. Two of these are in a minor mode
(which the mature composer employed but rarely) and the middle move-
ments bear such telltale inscriptions as Adagio affetuoso con sordini or
Andante e gra^ioso con sordini. On the much corrected manuscript of the
concerto in B flat (T 298/1) the youth scribbled with naive pleasure in
his own achievements: Ich habe ich dieses Cone, gemacht, ist das nicht
schon? ('I, I made this concerto; isn't that beautiful?') (111. XIX). He had
indeed every reason to be proud of these early creative attempts. They
reveal remarkable talent, and the most advanced pieces the concertos in —
E and G (Z" 298/4, 299/5) — already show, in their architecture, most of the
features of Christian's mature concertos.
Two concertos in E flat and A published around 1770 by G. F. Hart-
knoch in Riga {T 297) lead to Christian's Italian period. The frequent
unisons of the full orchestra, particularly at the end of phrases, give the
first an almost Baroque character. In its finale the initial motive of the main
theme is used throughout the movement to enrich the rhythmic and har-
monic structure. It is one of Sebastian's and Emanuel's devices which
was later to find its rebirth in a
Christian employs here, a device which
somewhat form in the quartets and symphonies of Haydn and
different
Mozart. The sudden contrasts in emotional content and the frequent
428 THE BACH FAMILY
dramatic fermatas show how close Christian still was to the world of

sensibility. At the same time, however, the warmth and splendour of his
broadly contoured melodic lines, particularly in the first movement of the
concerto in A, and the romantic sensuality of the beautiful slow middle
movements in vital influence which the Italian
both works, disclose the
scene exercised on the impressionable mind of the young artist.
A concerto in E (T 300/13), the manuscript of which is inscribed
delV Sign. Bach in Meiland, was probably written towards the end of the
composer's stay in Italy. The middle movement again introduces a lovely
cantilena such as only a composer familiar with the art of bel canto could
conceive, while beautiful modulations of the kind he had learned from his
brother Emanuel add depth to the harmonic language. In the tutti sections

of the first movement a thematic duality, merely implied in earlier works,

is fully developed. Two strongly contrasting subjects, an energetic and
vigorously rhythmic first theme and a sweetly singing second one, are now
in evidence, and the solo instrument adapts them to a more clavieristic

language. This work, which also belongs to the first compositions by

Christian to be presented in a modern edition, shows the 'Italian Bach' at
his best.
The six Concertos (T292-93) which Christian published in 1763,
op. 1

shortly after his arrival in London, are dedicated to the English Queen,
and they are typical of the works of a fashionable composer aiming to
please a wide circle of amateurs. In various ways he is limiting his re-
sources. The former accompanying body of a string quartet has shrunk
to two violins and 'cello; the three movements, hitherto the rule, are re-
placed in four works by two movements, with a minuet or dance-like
piece as finale. The spirit of competition between solo and tutti prevailing
in his previous concertos is replaced by a more symphonic handling of the
two factions, which, instead of fighting, gracefully relieve each other.
These concertos are easier to perform than the earlier works, and the more
ambitious devices such as crossing hands or big leaps are almost entirely
eliminated. The technical requirements always stay within the range of the
average amateur; more than two voices are rarely used, and the thinness
and transparency of the setting balances the equally light body of the
accompanying instruments. With regard to construction, these concertos
show a decisive change. Tartini's concerto form with its four tutti inter-
spersed by three soli, traditional in older works, is no longer predominant.
There is a clear advance towards the sonata-concerto form, with its three
main sections and thematic dualism in the exposition. The style is quite
homophonic and strongly melodic, avoiding deeper emotions. Yet these
J.
CHRISTIAN S CLAVIER CONCERTOS 429

works do not display the superficiality of the style galant. There is

warmth in their gaiety, and a streak of darker hue is intertwined with
their brilliance, that combination which exercised so irresistible an appeal
on young Mozart. No. 6 has, in honour of the august dedicatee, a set
of variations on 'God save the King,' and the variation form, in which
Christian never showed himself to best advantage, is treated here with
the utmost simplicity so as not to overtax the imagination of the royal
recipient.
The which were published around the year 1770 as op. 7
six concertos

opus 1. The set contains two concertos in

(Z" 293 -94) are closely related to
three, and four in two movements, and even the dedication to the Queen
of England is the same. Burney's words that Christian's clavier composi-
tions were 'such as ladies can execute with little trouble' may be applied
to the two sets of clavier concertos just as well as to his sonatas for violin
and clavier. The great innovation is mentioned in a brief remark in the
title: Sei Concern per il Cembalo o Piano e Forte. Bach, who in 1768 was

the first to play a solo on a pianoforte in public, meant these works not
so much for the old harpsichord, with its rigid tone quality, as for the
modern pianoforte on which a cantilena can be performed with all

necessary dynamic shadings. The gay, gentle, light, and singing music of
this set with the frequent Alberti basses {Ex. 112) is primarily written

Concerto op-'SKJ6 l Anda.nte

for a clavier instrument which shares its expressive qualities with the
old clavichord, without, however, suffering from the latter's extreme
weakness of tone. 'Mozartisms' are constantly to be found. When
arpeggios of the clavier accompany the leading voices in the strings, when
whimsical motives are gaily skipping back and forth between the two
little

contestants, we are reminded of later works by the Salzburg master. A

comparison of this kind is highly revealing, as it shows how much the
younger composer received from his model, and yet how tremendously
he outdistanced him. Although all the concertos of this set have merits, a
few deserve special mention.
In the Allegretto con spirito forming the first movement of No. 3 in
D, the teasing question and blustering answer of the subsidiary subject
43° THE BACH FAMILY
{Ex. 113) testify to the composer's delightful sense of humour. The
Allegretto in rondo form, serving as the second and last movement of this

Ex. 113
A]]e g ro con spmto
Kn m i -f- if,

concerto, is of a particularly transparent texture, displaying at the same

time a very solid construction. The middle movement in c of No. 5, with
its sweetly melancholic melodies and gently running passages, is genuine
pianoforte music; the brief and effervescent last movement achieves
brilliance, in spite of its few technical difficulties. Such pieces, perfectly
suited as they are to the student who has not yet reached full mastery of
the instrument, pieces that sound more difficult than they really are, make
us understand Bach's tremendous vogue as a piano teacher.
Even the third set of six concertos published in 1777 as op. 13 ( J295-

296) is, basically, not very different from his op. 1, printed 14 years earlier.
The same harmonic-homophonic style prevails, and the keyboard instru-
ment maintains the traditional role had held since the days of Sebastian
it

Bach: at one moment it serves as a member of the orchestra, for which it

provides the filling continuo, at the next it is the glamorous soloist to
whom all others bow. The old proportion of one to two is maintained;

two of the six works are in three movements, the four others in two move-
ments. Although the set is not dedicated to the Queen this time, it is
again inscribed to a lady, a Mrs. Pelham. Yet these compositions have
gained in breadth and depth of conception; they mark not only the con-
clusion but the climax of Bach's production in this field. It is noteworthy
that the use of oboes and horns 'ad libitum,' in addition to the previous
string trio, is suggested. The composer feels that a more powerful
orchestral body is desirable to give suitable expression to the more signi-
ficant content of the concertos. Possibly the finest works of the set are the
two concertos in three movements. In No. 2 in D, the Andante serving
as a middle movement is not free from operatic elements. Some of the
passages sound as if they were meant for a coloratura soprano rather than
for a keyboard instrument; but the healthy melodic invention inspired by
folksongs cannot but captivate the listener. The same folkloristic elements
are also noticeable in the melodies of the rondo finale of this concerto; and
in No. 4 in B flat even a real Scottish tune makes its appearance. The last

movement introduces variations on the popular folksong 'The Yellow-

Haired Laddie.' When Haydn came to England he was so interested in
J.
CHRISTIAN S SYMPHONIES 431

this concerto, which had quickly become a favourite with the English
public, that he transcribed it in 1792 for piano alone. 1 The Viennese
composer, who at that time started to arrange Scottish songs, seems to
have used Christian's composition as a kind of model when he wrote his
own variations on Scottish folksongs. 2 —John Bach's piano concertos
op. 13, with their superb craftsmanship and charm, seem to be like musical
counterparts to the delightful portraits of fashionable society ladies which
were produced simultaneously by Gainsborough and Reynolds.

Of numerous symphonies more than forty were printed in

Christian's
his lifetime. Basically the works belong to three categories: the overtures
originally written as introductions to operas, the symphonies meant
for concert performances, and the symphonies concertantes, which com-
bined elements of the concerto with those of the symphonies. Since
overture and symphony were structurally alike, and both closely re-
lated to the symphonie concertante, it seems best to discuss all three
types together.
In his symphonic output, as in all his works, John Bach combines
features of Italian and of German music. He paid regard to both the
Italian comic opera's loosely movement, and to
built overture in a single
the opera serias more movements which
solidly constructed overture in 3
contained, in embryonic form, all the elements of the future symphony.
Of equal importance, however, were the Mannheim symphony, with its
abrupt changes in emotional content and its striking orchestral effects,
and the Vienna symphony, which combined features of Tartini's concerto
form with those of the Italian overture, adding also folkloristic elements
out of its own native soil. 3 Christian allowed himself to be influenced by
each of these forms, alternately approaching one or the other more
closely, without showing a definite preference. It is also significant of his
artistic personality that no real stylistic evolution can be traced in his
symphonies. His most mature works in this field, although far superior
in quality to his youthful compositions, yet revert to them in some
respects.
His first two symphonies, the overtures to the operas Artaserse and

1
On the other hand, Christian made a piano arrangement of Haydn's Symphony
No. 62 of 1777 in D, which was published by Sieber in Paris (T 352).
2
Cf. Karl Geiringer, 'Haydn and the Folksong of the British Isles,' MQ,
1949.
3
Cf. Fritz Tutenberg, 'Die Sinfonik Joh. Christian Bachs,' Wolfenbiittel, 1928.
432 THE BACH FAMILY
1
Catone in Utica (T 272/3, 277/6) probably belong to the year 1761. The
formal aspect of these works, scored for 2 oboes, 2 horns and strings, is

typical of the overture to the Neapolitan opera seria. A fast movement,

with a slightly contrasting second subject, but lacking any real develop-
ment, is followed by a simple Andante for strings only. The finale,

approaching the rondo form, assumes the tempo, key and orchestration
of the first movement. Bach's own style comes to the fore in the sweet and
noble melodies of the Andantes with their carefully worked out accom-
panying parts, disclosing the thorough training Christian had received
from Padre Martini. Of equal significance is the 'Andante grazioso' for
strings and flutes, the second movement in the overture which Bach wrote
1
in 1763 to Galuppi's La Calamita. de Cuori (7 272/ 2b). The attractive and
unconventional harmonization gives this instrumental aria a subtle
flavour pointing almost beyond the classical period (Ex. 114).

Andante gr&zioso

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6 symphonies published in 1765 as op. 3 (T 262-63) were written
The
for the concert hall, probably for the composer's own subscription series.
While they reveal the typical aspects of the opera overture, and their use
of wind instruments as filling and reinforcing voices in the tutti sections
is a common feature of this form, the musical texture is on a somewhat

higher level. Chromaticism colours the voices, greater care is given to

musical phrasing, and features of German folklore occasionally appear in
the melodies. The music Hamburger Unterhaltungen
critic of the
apparently referred to this mixture of different elementswhen, in 1766, he
wrote of the symphonies: 'If the name of the composer were not expressly
mentioned, one would think that he is an Italian. The first movements are
fiery and good Italian pieces. However, certain episodes appear to us to
be hurried and rugged.' Particularly attractive are Nos. 3 and 4 of the set.
The former has as middle movement an Andantino of a delightfully
archaic, sarabande-like character. The latter uses as third movement a
Tempo di Minuetto in rondo form, a type of finale that was to become a
favourite with Christian. No. 1 is significant for another reason. George
1
The two operas were first performed in that year. Gerber's report in 'Lexicon der
Tonkunstler,' Leipzig, 1790, I/34, that Catone was produced as early as 1758 in Milan,
does not seem to be correct.
—
J.
CHRISTIAN S SYMPHONIES 433

de St. Foix pointed out that Mozart's Symphony in D (K. 19), com-
posed in 1765 in London, is completely fashioned after this work, and
is in the same key.

There is a strong resemblance between Bach's thirteen symphonies

1
op. 6, 8, and 9 (T 264-69/3). In fact, two of the symphonies of op. 6 were

reprinted in op. 8. The exact years of composition or publication of these

works are not known, but op. 6/1 exists in a manuscript dated 1764, while
may be considered as a product
op. 6/6, for reasons to be discussed later,
of the years 1771 or 1772. The other symphonies of this group may well
have originated in the intervening years. The general aspects of these
works are still those of the earlier symphonies and overtures. The basis
of the formal construction has not changed; unisons between the two
violins are not infrequent, and repeatedly the use of a continuo instrument
seems necessary to fill gaps between melody and bass. The inclusion of
two separate viola parts in the symphony in D, op. 6/2, which provides an
unusual timbre in the orchestration, may also be considered as a retro-
spective feature. On the other hand there is no lack of progressive trends
either. Interesting included in some of the
development sections are now
movements (cf. op. 6/1), and more regard is paid to the potentialities of
the wind instruments. In op. 9 a chorus of two oboes and two horns
frequently alternates with the string quartet, an antiphonal technique
which foreshadows the use of two orchestras in Bach's op. 18. At the same
time the musical content has gained considerably in significance. Op. 6/3
belongs to the composer's best symphonies. The unruly and whimsical
second subject of its delightful finale displays a rhythmical refinement but
rarely to be found in works of the time (Ex. 115). Equally dashing and

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high-spirited is the bourree-like last movement of op. 9/3, while the finale
of op. 8/4, a Tempo di Minuetto, shows a healthy earthiness to which the
nostalgic sweetness of the ensuing trio provides an effective contrast.
Somewhat similar in character is the last movement of op. 9/2, a sym-
phony which must have been very popular with 18th-century audiences,
since numerous old prints and manuscripts of the work have survived.
Its most attractive part is the middle movement, Andante con sordini in c,

in which a tender and melancholy song by the muted first violins is

1
Op. 9 was later republished as op. 21.
—

434 THE BACH FAMILY

delicately accompanied by plucked strings. Here, in a manner which is

Christian Bach's very own, sensuous Rococo music is pervaded by a

feeling of sadness and nostalgia.
Quite different from the rest of the symphonies is op. 6/6 in g. It
clearly shows the influence of the 'Storm and Stress' movement which
affected the leading musicians of Germany and Austria in 1771 and 1772.
Both Haydn and Mozart, besides composers of lesser significance, were
struck by this 'romantic crisis' as Th. de Wyzewa termed it. Christian's
symphony displays an unrestrained emotionalism and passionate subjec-
tivity well known to us from Haydn's 'Farewell' and 'La Passione'
symphonies. The first and last movements are stormy in character, with
harsh dissonances and sudden dynamic contrasts. In the Andante piu tosto
Adagio serving as a middle movement, noble melodies are supported by
expressive harmonies. Significant is the Beethovenian crescendo at the
end, leading into a piano, and fading away in a mysterious pianissimo
{Ex. 116).

8va ... .:
V v v V Y

In approximately the same years during which op. 6, 8, and 9 were

created, Bach wrote three symphonies showing certain influences of the

suite and the concerto. In these works, which appear like late offspring of
the Baroque concerto grosso, the composer was more concerned with the
colouristic possibilities offered by the alternation of soli and tutti than
with a real display of technical brilliance. The contemporary publishers
emphasized the mixed character of these works by calling some of them
Concert ou Symphonie (T 284/3) or Symphonie Concertante (T 284/1 and
2). The rich possibilities provided by the combination of from two to

four solo instruments (two violins — —

oboe and 'cello violin and 'cello
violin, viola, oboe, and 'cello) greatly stimulated the composer's imagina-
tion, and some of the finest instrumental music he wrote at that time is
to be found among these concerted symphonies.
The Symphonie Concertante in A with violin and 'cello solo (T 284/2)
belongs to the very small number of symphonic works by Christian Bach
in two movements only. The initial Andante di molto combines features of
an introductory movement with those of a centrally placed one. The
sensuous grace and beauty of sound in this enchanting idyllic scene make
J.
CHRISTIAN S SYMPHONIES 435

it a veritable gem among the composer's instrumental works, and it is not

surprising that it had a particular appeal to Mozart (cf. the Incarnatus in
theMass in c). The second movement is a kind of gavotte in the rondo
form so often used by the composer. Here Bach conjures a delicate Rococo
pastel complete with shepherds and shepherdesses dancing shyly to the
tune of a musette {Ex. 117).

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Compared with this composition, the Concert ou Symphonie in E flat

(T 284/3) ls more symphonic in character and more closely knit. Here the
initial Allegro, whose gentle sweetness seems to cover hidden fires, is the
most movement. The rapturous Andante using an oboe obbligato
striking
instead of two solo violins employed in the other movements, intones a
typical Italian tune of the time, somewhat reminiscent of Gluck's aria
Che faro sen^a Euridice 1 in Orfeo. In the robust concluding Tempo di

Minuetto the earthy spirit of Haydn's rustic dances may be found.

In the Symphonie Concertante in G (2" 284/1) all the instruments of the
orchestra are called upon in turns to serve as soloists and then again as
ripienists. The technique is not quite unlike that found in Vivaldi's and
Sebastian Bach's orchestral concertos. The scoring with its four violin 2
and two viola parts is rich and mellow, and the texture is loosened up
through interesting imitations. The spirit of the work is gay, optimistic,
and unsophisticated. Instead of the traditional rondo, a brisk menuetto in
simple da capo form serves as a finale.

The climax of Bach's output in the symphonic field was reached with
hisopus 18 (J" 269-71) published by William Forster in London shortly
before the composer's death. It comprises opera overtures as well as con-
cert symphonies probably composed between 1772 and 1777. Three
numbers of the set (Nos. 2, 4, 6) are for ordinary orchestra; the remaining
three for double orchestra. In the latter, the technique of the symphonie

1
A melody similar to the above-mentioned Gluck aria also occurs in the introductory
Adagio of Haydn's Symphony No. 11, composed in 1763. The Austrian composer wrote
numerous works in the sixties related to Christian's symphonies concertantes.
2
Not three violins, as the tide and, following it, Terry, erroneously state.
436 THE BACH FAMILY
concertante is resumed on a larger scale. The composer again reverts to the
concerto grosso type, using two different groups of instruments — strings,

oboes, bassoons, and horns in the first orchestra; merely strings and flutes
in the second. These forces compete with each other, and the resulting
Bach more than structural problems. In
colouristic possibilities concern
regard to the evolution of the classical symphony, these works do not
offer any new contribution. The development of the thematic material is
limited in scope, while in harmony and rhythm little progress is notice-
able. The melodic invention, however, is superb; the beauty, warmth and
sparkle of these broadly contoured tunes secure them a special place
within the realm of preclassical music. The solidity of Padre Martini's
training is still exercising its effect: in the first movement of No. i, for
instance, we find a striking combination of two ideas, the first orchestra
intoning the energetic main subject, while the second simultaneously sings
a caressing melody which forms part of the subsidiary theme (Ex. 118).

Ex.m
I ** orcTiesixi

I'iViol

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The spirit of the concerto is particularly evident in No. 3, the Over-

ture to Endimione, in which the competing violins force each other to
reach the highest registers. The viola, too, sheds its traditional stupor and
contributes vigorously to the thematic elaboration. Even 'cello and bass
are occasionally separated. In No. 5, striking contrasts may be observed
in the use of the instrumental groups. In the first movement the strings
aredominant and the wind instruments merely fill in, in the manner of the
earliersymphonies; the last movement, however, presents a concerto-like
interchange of ideas between flutes and oboes against the background of
accompanying strings.

While these three works clearly belong to a side-line in the field of

symphonic music, the remaining three come much closer to the average
symphony of the time. No. 2, the overture to Lucio Silla, scored for full
orchestra including clarinets (a remnant from the opera version) is one of
the finest orchestral works Bach composed. The light, entrancing charm
of the scintillating first movement is effectively contrastedby a solemn
Andante which, in spite of its lofty character, shows traces of the com-
poser's sensuous, mundane disposition. The rondo finale is irresistibly
J.
CHRISTIAN S CHURCH MUSIC 437

dashing, and the transparency of the 'broken work' employed serves to

prove how closely Bach at times approached the classical style.

Not quite on the same high Nos. 4 and 6, which reveal the
level are
composer's brilliant wit rather than emotional intensity. No. 6, for once,
is movements: Allegro-Andante-Allegretto-Allegro. It may be
in four
doubted whether the gavotte-like Allegretto originally formed part of the
composition; yet it fits in well, as it increases the gay and carefree
character of the work. Possibly the best movement is the finale with its

formally concise construction and transparent orchestration. No. 4 has a

particularly festive character, employing trumpets and timpani in addition
to the usual instruments. Its attractiveAndante was originally used in the
overture to the opera Temistocle (1772). However, Bach eliminated the
clarinetti d'amore from the concert version as these instruments were diffi-

cult to obtain in a symphony orchestra. In the first movement the rude

sforiando answers to the teasing questions played piano by the violins
(meas. 43-51) appear like an episode from an opera buffa. Yet, for all its

effervescence, there is solidity of texture in this work, and details such as

the spirited imitations in the finale reveal the hand of the master {Ex. 119).
2" x. 119

To conclude this survey of Bach's instrumental works, it ought to be

emphasized that there is always a fine balance between the means
employed and the significance of the music. The works for bigger en-
sembles display the most genuine inspiration and are worked out with
particular care. Thus Bach gives his best in the quintets, the largest among
the chamber music works, and in the great orchestral compositions.

Christian's church music1 consists almost exclusively of Latin com-

positions meant for the Catholic service. They belong to two completely
1
manuscripts are mainly preserved in the British Museum and in the Bene-
The
dictineMonastery of Einsiedeln. The valuable autographs dated 1757-60 which were owned
by the Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek Hamburg (MS. ND, VI, 540, vols. I-IV) were
sent during the war to the Eastern part of Germany. According to a letter dated February
8, 1952, received from the Hamburg library, they were seized by the Russian authorities
and their whereabouts is unknown.
438 THE BACH FAMILY
different groups. Some of them are arrangements of numbers from Bach's
operas and cantatas, often done in a more than superficial manner, and in
all likelihood not by the composer himself. The poet J. J. W. Heinse
apparently had such pieces in mind when he stated in his novel, 'Hilde-
gard von Hohenthal' (1795-96), that John Bach wrote them 'while drinking
champagne and burgundy and without a spark of faith.' Of much . . .

greater significance are the original compositions written in Italy between

1757 and 1762. They comprise among others the following works : a Dies
Irae, 2 Gloria in excelsis, 3 Le^ioni del officio per gli morti, 2 Magnificat, a
Miserere, a Salve Regina, 2 Tantum Ergo, and 2 Te Deum. They are
scored for solo voices with instruments or for full chorus and orchestra.
If texts of a particular force or splendour are interpreted, as in the Dies
Irae, Magnificat, or Te Deum, the composer employs a double chorus of
8 voices. The standard orchestra used in his church compositions consists
of strings, oboes, horns and organ, while in compositions of a more
brilliant nature trumpets replace the horns or are added to them.

Christian's technique of employing the different choruses of voices

and instruments in an antiphonal manner points to Venetian and Roman
models which had dominated Italian church music since the 17th century.
The texture of his works is as solid as may be expected from a son of
Sebastian who had studied with Italy's greatest teacher. Christian's simple
harmonic language assumes an almost Baroque impetus through the

!»«„ Te Deum (l?58)

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competent use of briskly moving parts (Ex. 120). At the same time the
inclusion of arias and duets, the vocal brilliance expected of the soloists,
;

J.
CHRISTIAN S OPERAS 439

and other operatic elements point to the strength of Neapolitan influences.

Although the composer considered himself by no means an accomplished
artist, and sent the works, accompanied by humble letters, to Padre
Martini for correction, these church compositions were liked and even
admired by his contemporaries. They helped Bach to obtain the coveted
position of organist at the Milan Cathedral, and the Te Deum of 1758
(T 210/2) was described by C. F. D. Schubart as 'one of the most
beautiful we have in Europe.'

In 1 76 1 Bach at last reached the artistic goal that had induced him to
leave Germany and to travel to Italy. His was per-
first opera, Artaserse,
formed at the Teatro Regio in Torino, and within a few months two more
of his works for the stage, Catone in Utica and Alessandro nell' Indie, were
given in one of Italy's foremost opera houses, the Teatro San Carlo in
Naples. Obviously the young organist of the Milan Cathedral was
attempting to follow in these compositions the style of his Neapolitan
colleagues as closely as possible. Ensemble numbers are infrequently used
the arias are primarily meant to please the ear and abound in luxurious
coloratura, while accompagnato recitatives presented against the back-
ground of a full orchestra are very rare. The only significant specimen of
the kind in the third act of 'Catone' is so extravagantly orchestrated that
its instrumental garb seems to have been borrowed from a concerto or
divertimento. On the other hand, the main exponents of the plot, the secco
recitatives,accompanied by basses and harpsichord, are executed in the
most perfunctory manner. Nevertheless the composer's human and en-
vironmental background is noticeable in these operas. As Hermann Abert,
in a fine article on Christian's operas, pointed out: 'In the robust, un-
affected sturdiness of his music, influences of the Thuringian Bachs sur-
vive.' A careful, always interesting orchestration reveals the German
artist, while the noble tenderness of the melodies, which are often
flavoured by chromatic passing notes, are remnants from Christian's
period of romantic subjectivity. These features, combined with the
buoyant and sanguinic style of the Neapolitan opera, produced a mixture
the attraction of which young Mozart found hard to resist. The tenor aria
'

from the third act of Alessandro' (T 214-19), which he heard in London,

was a favourite piece of the eight-year-old boy, and even as late as 1778
Mozart wrote to his father from Paris: 'As an exercise I set to music the
aria Non so d'onde viene, which Bach had composed so beautifully; my
440 THE BACH FAMILY
reason was that I know Bach's piece so well, like it so much and have it

always in my ears.' Christian himself was very much attached to this piece.
He used it in London twice for 'pasticcios' (operatic works employing
music by more than one composer), and many years later, possibly for
Anton Raaf's Paris debut in 1778, he took it up again, this time giving it

the smooth elegance of line characteristic of his mature works, while

reducing its emotional intensity {Ex. 121).

fiTrsimsian)

Nan so d'on.de vie.ne quel ie.ne .red/ fei.io, quel mo. to che i - gno.io

AndanUno

jfo so d'on.de vie . .ne quel te . nt .roaf . fel -tot qutl mo . to chei. qno to

Altogether the operas written in Italy display a warmth of feeling and

an almost romantic fervour — as revealed, for instance, in the entrancing
duet in E, Se mai turbo from Alessandro'
'l

(T 213/5) —such as only an

ardent young artist can muster.
The number of works for the stage that Bach wrote during his period
of maturity is comparatively small. In addition to his contributions to
several pasticcios, he composed 5 operas performed in London, 2 written
for Mannheim, and 1 for Paris, viz.:

Orione.London, 1763.
Zanaida. „ 1763.
Adriano in Siria. London, 1765.
Carattaco. „ 1767.
Temistocle. Mannheim, 1772.
Lucio Silla. „ 1776.
La Clemetv[a di Scipione. London, 1778.
Amadis des Gaules. Paris, 1779.

Again, there is no basic difference between these and Bach's earlier

works. They are all opere serie, clearly showing the limitations in the
composer's gifts for dramatic expression. His attempts to portray heroic
feeling or real tragedy seem hollow and artificial; violent emotions assume
an almost bombastic character, while he is singularly successful in his
endeavours to express delicate, sweet, sad, noble, and tender sentiments.
Christian's mature operas reveal an advance in technical refinement, but
romantic exuberance is not as strongly in evidence as in the earlier works.
The number of accompagnato recitatives gradually increases; they
J.
CHRISTIAN S OPERAS 441

are particularly frequent in the operas of the seventies, Lucio Silla and
'Amadis' providing the best examples. In the arias the element of contrast
is which is so significant a feature of his instrumental music. The
stressed,
variety of forms employed in these solo numbers is very great. Christian
uses not only different three-part but also rondo structures. The last
operas in particular contain a very attractive type of rondo consisting of
fast and slow sections that take up themes already used in the preceding

recitative (cf. the aria Nel partir in La Clemenia di Scipione, T 230/17).

In the works of the seventies, recitatives and arias are blended with great
skill into effective scenes of a homogeneous structure. The composer
frequently uses a concertizing flute, oboe, or bassoon in conjunction with
a solo voice and thus creates, as his father did, a kind of duet between the
singer and the instrumentalist. He writes completely idiomatic music for
either; the flutist or oboist, who is even provided with the opportunity for
inserting a cadenza into the introductory ritornel, finds his part as re-
warding as the singer does. A decidedly progressive feature of John
Bach's operas is the use of clarinets, which he introduced in 1763
(Orione). He employs them, for instance, to emphasize an other-worldly
atmosphere (such as in the ombra scene of Lucio Silla, 7*232/5), or even,
in the romantic way, to express longing. In Temistocle of 1772 he goes
one step further, prescribing clarinetti d'amore, whose tone, thanks to the
pear-shaped bell, was free from harshness.
In the operas of the seventies, ensemble numbers and choruses gain
more and more in importance. In the manner of the French opera, a kind
of large form is achieved by the repetition of choruses alternating with
solo numbers. Near the end of an act an uninterrupted sequence of
accompagnatos, solos and ensembles, and a gradual increase in the
number of performers, create a sort of opera finale. The predominantly
lyric character of such forms reveals, however, that Christian is more
concerned with musically rounding off the act than with building a
dramatic climax (cf. the end of Temistocle, T 241).
In a work of the seventies we observe a close affinity to operatic com-
positions by outstanding German masters. Lucio Silla, written for Mann-
heim, uses a libretto composed two years earlier by Mozart. Possibly the
traditional procedure was this time reversed, and Christian was some-
what influenced by his young friend. The love duet in the first act shows,
as Abert pointed out, a certain resemblance in architecture to that in
Mozart's opera. Bach's intimate knowledge of Gluck is apparent in the
Although in 1770 he had not hesitated to
tragic strains of the first act.
spoil Gluck's masterwork, Orfeo, through the addition of seven numbers
44 2 THE BACH FAMILY
of his own, he later showed himself impressed by the operatic reformer's
ideas. This attitude ismost evident in Christian's French opera, Amadis
des Gaules, especially so in the recitatives entrusted to the full chorus and
in the powerful scene of Oriane deploring the death of Amadis (miss-
ing in T after 216/12), in which the composer for once approaches an
expression of grandeur and pathos. 'Amadis' shows the London Bach
earnestly bent on pleasing a French audience. He employs a French
libretto adapted from a text Lully had set to music in 1684. The arias are

conceived on simple lines, using hardly any coloraturas. Moreover, the

composer includes numerous ballets in his score and, dispensing altogether
with secco recitatives, has the very large orchestra accompany the entire
work. 'Amadis' was performed seven times only, mainly on account of its
insipid libretto which had been awkwardly cut down from Lully's five
acts to three. Yet the work must have interested the Parisians, as the full
score presently appeared in print, and the composer was invited to write
another opera. But all such plans were thwarted by his premature death.
Looking at Bach's operatic output as a whole, we might find the key
to its evaluation in a remark by Burney. After the lukewarm reception of
the opera Adriano in Siria in London, the great historian remarked that
its songs were 'found, as detached airs, excellent, though they had been
unfortunate in their 1
totality.' It cannot be denied that Christian Bach's
dramatic works suffer from the weakness inherent in his Neapolitan
models. The individual numbers are not welded together by the dramatic
spirit that transforms a sequence of musical pieces into a real opera. Thus,
the only member of the Bach family to work consistently in the field of
opera was unable to make a contribution of lasting value to the form.
There is a remarkable resemblancebetween Christian's serious operas and
those of his contemporary, Joseph Haydn. They both produced beautiful
pieces of music, but no real drama.

It is significant that the London Bach was always willing to write

individual scenes of a dramatic character for the concert performances of
his friends. Ludwig LandshofF, who has greatly promoted our knowledge
of Christian's music by presenting some of his most important composi-
tions in modern editions, reprinted two such arias (T 250, 251/8) written
for the castrato Tenducci. One of them, Rinaldo ed Armida, has a delight-
ful oboe part destined for the famous oboist, Joh. Christian Fischer; the
1
l.c, IV, 487.
j. christian's cantatas 443

composition enjoyed a tremendous vogue during the 18th century and

was even transcribed for glass harmonica.
John Bach's various cantatas, and his only oratorio Gioas, might also
be considered as byproducts of his activity as an opera composer. They all

use Italian words, and the libretti are similar to those of Neapolitan operas,
though, in the case of the cantatas, on a much smaller scale. A good
example is offered by Cefalo e Procri, Cantata a tre voci, composed in
London, 1776 (not contained in T). 1 According to the testimony of the
autograph, preserved in the Library of Congress in Washington, the part
of Cefalo was written for the male soprano, Signore Savoi, who belonged
to the busiest singers of Italian opera in London. Procri was meant for
a woman soprano, Cecilia Grassi, Bach's wife, and the third character,
Aurora, was composed for Signora Sales, a contralto. Cefalo and Aurora
have one aria each, while the composer favoured his spouse with two.
In the first, her voice competing with a violino principale, treated so
is

brilliantly that the ritornel before the entrance of the singer assumes the
character of a violin concerto.The second aria has an obbligato bassoon,
and the coarse, somewhat humorous tone of the bass instrument provides
an admirable contrast to the light and sweet timbre of the soprano voice.
There is also a rather superficially constructed instrumental introduction
to the whole cantata, as well as a number of secco and accompagnato
recitatives, which are at times thematically connected with the following

aria; a terzetto of all three singers concludes the work. Christian Bach

here gives us frothy and colourful music providing ample opportunity for
the performers' fingers and larynx, music which the connoisseurs of
London's concert hall must have enjoyed as exquisite titbits, only to
forget them the next moment. Possibly the most remarkable piece of the
score is the accompagnato recitative of Aurora in e. Here Bach displays
all his gifts of orchestration to describe the spectacle of the sunrise. He
uses the method of the 'steamroller,' with which he had probably become
familiar in Mannheim: a motive is gradually carried upwards with a
simultaneous increase in volume, while a pedal point bass serves as an
immovable foundation. At first one violin enters, then a second; the flutes
join in with playful tunes, the clarinets follow with a comes little wail, then
the bassoon and finally the horns. The full orchestra is united in a mighty
crescendo and at the climax of the forte the voice of Aurora comes in.
Haydn may have had a chance to study Bach's score while he was in
1
Only the recitative and aria of Aurora from this cantata are listed by T (247-48)
in a manuscript of the British Museum and a contemporary print (transposed one whole
tone up).
444 THE BACH FAMILY
London. His own description of the sunrise in the 'Creation' and 'Seasons/
although far superior in expressive power, also makes use of a gradually
rising melodic line combined with a crescendo effect.
It is characteristic that Bach's 'Serenata a quattro' Endimione (1774;
T 248-49) and his only oratorio, Gioas, Re di Giuda (1770, J'226-27) are
both based on texts by Metastasio, the greatest librettist of the Neapolitan
opera. In spite of numerous choruses, this oratorio is, as Terry aptly
its

remarks, nothing but 'an unacted opera on a biblical subject.' Very little
in this score points to the fact that it was written for an audience familiar
with the works of Handel.
While Bach felt no need to adapt his style to that of the genius loci,
his attitude was different with a number of small songs for voice and
orchestra composed to English texts. For the popular outdoor evening
concerts at Vauxhall he wrote most successful compositions, three sets of
which, containing four songs each, were published in his life-time. Welsh,
Irish, and Scottish folksongs were often heard in these recitals, and the

numbers which Bach contributed show a curious blending of the music of

the British Isles with Italian virtuosity {Ex. 122). The rollicking tunes

In ihis Shadj Blest Retreat

the. love. lj charm.er nca.Tr itV Ihelervi.ly charm . erilthve-lj cjom-emaar.

which Bach offered at the Vauxhall concerts (in particular 'Ah seek to
know,' T 255/2) prove how thoroughly he enjoyed the atmosphere of
this unique amusement-park. Like Joseph Haydn he succumbed to the

delights of this garden, which Boswell described as 'a mixture of curious

show, gay exhibition, music . . . not too refined for the general ear and,
though last, not least, good eating and drinking.'
TWO
PAINTERS AT MEININGEN
(GOTTLIEB FRIEDRICH AND JOHANN PHILIPP BACH)

J. Ludwig Bach = Maria Johanna Rust

1677-173 i ]
?-i733

Samuel Anton Gottlieb Friedrich =Juliane Friederike Charlotte Anthing

1713-81 1714-85 1723-1794

Johann Philipp = Johanna Rosine Frankenberger

1752-1846 1769-1817

Friedrich Carl Eduard=Alma Wilhelmine Hilpert

1815-1903 ?-?

Paul Bach
h. 1878

when Ludwig Bach died two sons

in 1731 at Meiningen, neither of his
was able to succeed the father as court conductor. Both Samuel Anton
(b. 1713) and Gottlieb Friedrich (b. 1714) were too young for so respon-

sible a position; besides, although they were proficient organists, their

interest was not centred in music. The
went to Leipzig University,
elder
studying law simultaneously with his kinsman, Philipp Emanuel Bach,
and enjoying the hospitality so unstintingly offered by Sebastian and
Magdalena Bach. On his return to Meiningen in 1735, Samuel Anton was
employed in various capacities in the court offices until he rose, in 1777,
to the post of secretary, which he held up to his death in 178 1. For some
time he also acted as court organist. So did his brother, Gottlieb Friedrich,
for whom musical work was again but a sideline. Gottlieb's main profes-
sion was that of painter, and as such he was, in 1745, officially appointed
to the Meiningen court. Such dual interests had already been entertained
by an uncle, Nikolaus Ephraim Bach (cf. p. 108), who instructed the court
employees at Gandersheim in both painting and music. On the other
hand, Gottlieb's maternal grandfather was the architect, Samuel Rust, who,
together with J. Peter Rust (probably a brother), had played an important
part in the erection of the castle of Elisabethenburg. The mixture of such
strains from both sides produced a decided leaning towards the graphic
445
44<> THE BACH FAMILY
arts in Johann Ludwig Bach's second son, and it revealed itself also in
Samuel Anton, who painted miniatures too. On the other hand, Gottlieb
Friedrich did not quite disown the old Bach heritage; he was not only a
competent organist and pianist, but also tried his hand at composing. 1
Gottlieb, who died in 1785, left three sons, two of whom were
Protestant ministers, while the youngest, Johann Philipp (b. 1752), be-
came a highly successful painter. Philipp's portraits, especially his pastels,
won great acclaim, and it became the fashion for each member of the
princely houses of Saxe-Meiningen, Saxe-Coburg, Saxe-Hildburghausen,
etc., to engage his services. Philipp possessed the typical Bach industry;
he travelled from one little court to the other, producing likenesses of all

its important personalities, and once, while staying at Rudolstadt, he

painted no less than 23 portraits within 10 weeks. are well informed We
about his activities because for 50 years he kept detailed accounts of all

his commissions and the resulting income. These neat books remind us
definitely of the very business-like manner in which his godfather, Philipp
Emanuel Bach, handled all money matters. It would be quite in keeping
with the Hamburg Bach's character if he had urged his godson to adopt
this method when the young painter visited him in 1773 and painted
Emanuel's picture. The constant flow of orders did not make Philipp Bach
a wealthy man, as he charged very modest fees, but it kept him very happy
and active and was apparently just what he needed, for the painter lived
to the age of 94, generally admired as the oldest citizen of Meiningen.
Besides his painting, he still found time to hold the position of court
organist and to play an active part in the local rifle association. When he
had been its member for 60 years, the whole city joined in celebrations,
and a Meiningen newspaper published this verse in his praise: 2

Happy is indeed the artist

When he paints the fairest, smartest,

Sweetest women by his skill;

Draws the soul behind their features,
Making thus the lovely creatures
Smarter, fairer, sweeter still.

On that day Philipp was driven in state through the town, accompanied
by a music band and the members of his club resplendent in uniform;

1
Cf. Pusch, 'Meiningen und die Meininger Bach'schen Nebenlinien.' Thuringer
Fahnlein, 1935, and 'Neue Beitrage zur Geschichte des deutsches Altertums,' 19. Lief.
Meininger Pastellgemalde von E. Doebner und W. Simons, Meiningen, 1904. See also
Conrad Freyse, 'Unbekannte Jugendbildnisse Friedemann und Emanuel Bachs,' in
'
Wissenschaftliche Bachtagung,' Leipzig, 1950.
2
'Meininger Volksblatt,' 1835, No. 33, p. 141. English version by Henry S. Drinker.
GOTTLIEB FRIEDRICH S WORKS 447

young girls lined the streetsthrough which he passed, throwing flowers

at his feet, and cannon shots were fired before the festive dinner in his
honour started.
Philipp's robust vigour was handed on to the following generations.
At the age of 63 he had a son, Friedrich Carl Eduard, a ducal forester, who
reached the age of 88 and, again at the age of 63, produced a son. The
latter, Paul Bach (b. 1878), a fine musician and gifted painter, 1 is still

living at Eisenach, and owns an exquisite little gallery of paintings by his

grandfather and great-grandfather. His daughter, Annemarie, has inherited
the artistic talent so strong in this branch of the family.

THE WORKS OF GOTTLIEB FRIEDRICH AND JOHANN PHILIPP BACH

Of the two great painters produced by the Meiningen branch of the
family, the elder, Gottlieb Friedrich, in his work the main trends
shows
of Rococo As compared to the stately and pompous Baroque, it
art.

appears as lighter and more intimate. In painting, this new conception

often brought about a reduction in physical size. The monumental and
imposing canvases and frescoes which we have come to associate with
dynastic pretensions gave way to smaller and daintier renderings. The
ultimate result of this process of diminution was the miniature, a form of
art in which Gottlieb Friedrich produced some of his finest works. These

miniatures were done in pastel rather than in the traditional oil medium, a
change which again reflects Rococo tendencies towards airiness and
charm. The employment of this unstable, powderlike medium must be
considered as a symptom of the new mode of thinking, the artist's re-
action to the demands of his time.
Gottlieb Friedrich, who was primarily a portrait painter, seems to
have looked up in particular to the French artist, Quentin de la Tour,
whose example he followed with considerable fidelity. Like him, the
Meiningen artist observed his subjects closely, earnestly bent upon
rendering an honest, true likeness; he frequently produced remarkable
characterizations that are not devoid of decorative quality. Like de la
Tour, the German painter was adept at employing subtle colour and light
effects resulting in a pleasing and accomplished, if somewhat ephemeral
art.

1
The present author owns four delightful, tiny oil paintings of the Bach house
which Mr. Paul Bach made for him. (See 111. XII.)
44 8 THE BACH FAMILY
However, Gottlieb Friedrich was not satisfied merely to take over the
Rococo formula from his French model; he was anxious to adapt the inter-
national style to his own native background. He seems at his best in those

which he relinquishes the fashionable playfulness in favour of

portraits in
deeper penetration, a refusal to flatter, and a good measure of merciless
realism. An excellent example is offered by the triple portrait of the
Duchess Philippina Elisabeth Caesar of Saxe-Meiningen, her daughter,
and a lady-in-waiting, painted in 1759 anc^ preserved in the Meiningen
The haughty sulkiness of the three women is depicted with piti-
city hall.
less They look stiff, unapproachable, and somewhat un-
objectivity.
comfortable in their pompous attire, reproduced with scrupulous care by
the painter. It might be considered as a proof of the artist's subtle sense of
humour that there seems to be a certain resemblance between the august
lady and the undersized pug dog at her feet. The pastel of the Meiningen
kitchen clerk Weissenborn shows a man with a narrow head, pinched
mouth, and anxious mien scraping away on a 'cello. A scarf round the neck
and a cap seem to be intended to protect him from any breath of fresh air,
and the curiously flat technique employed in the little painting contributes
to create the likeness of a rather humdrum philistine.

Gottlieb Friedrich displayed his art to best advantage in the minia-

tures he painted of himself and the members of his family. The self-
portrait (111. XX)
shows a man immaculately dressed according to the
fashion of his time, with a sensitive face and tired, rather disillusioned
eyes. It is a noble and delicate painting of a wise, though not particularly
energetic man, who may have been not too happy in his role as son of a
great father and father of an outstanding son.
As Gottlieb was only 17 years old when Johann Ludwig died, the
fine pastel which the son painted of his father may have been created in

later years from memory, or from earlier portraits. This miniature (111. X)

formed part of Philipp Emanuel's extensive pictorial collection and later

became the property of the Berlin Library. It shows a handsome gentle-
man with large dark eyes, sensuous mouth, and the fleshy chin of the Bachs.
The highly intelligent face is that of a person who enjoys the luxuries of
life; looking at him we can well understand Johann Ludwig's artistic

leanings towards Italian music.

One of the finest and most significant portraits by Gottlieb Friedrich is
that of his kinsman, Johann Sebastian (Frontisp.). It is to be assumed that
this is the picture to which Emanuel referred in a letter of 1775 addressed

to Forkel as 'a beautiful original pastel, a good likeness.' According to a

tradition well established in the Meiningen branch of the Bach family,
xx. Gottlieb Friedrich Bach. Self-portrait. Pastel
xxi. Johann Philipp Bach. Self-portrait. Pastel
JOHANN PHILIPP S WORKS 449

Gottlieb Friedrich Bach, during a visit to Leipzig, made this portrait of

his eminent cousin and presented it to Sebastian, from whom Emanuel
inherited it. was exchanged by the owner, who possessed
Subsequently it

the large Haussmann painting of his father, against the pastel of Johann
Ludwig Bach; and thus it came about that Sebastian's portrait was
returned to the artist, in whose family it has remained up to the present
day. 1 Like other pastels by Gottlieb Friedrich Bach, this portrait is not
signed. However, its small size, the predominant use of the painter's
favourite colour, a brilliant cobalt blue, and in particular the realistic
conception of the picture, are distinctive characteristics of Friedrich's
art. The beautiful courtier's redingote Sebastian is wearing contrasts with
the sober garments depicted in theHaussmann portraits, and might supply
a clue to the time when was done. Sebastian received the title of
the pastel
Court Composer to the Elector of Saxony on November 28, 1736, and it
seems likely that the pastel was painted in celebration of this important
event, the new Electoral court composer being shown in his official
attire. If Gottlieb Friedrich had no other claims to fame, this highly

expressive likeness of the Thomas Cantor which greatly enriches our

extremely meagre stock of authentic Bach pictures would be sufficient to
establish the painter among the significant portraitists of the time.

Johann Philipp, Gottlieb's son, lived much longer and was far more
He was born in 1752, one year after Handel
successful than his father.
wrote his oratorio Jephtha; when he died 94 years later, Wagner was
already engaged in composing his Lohengrin. We know of numerous
drawings and oil paintings as well as nearly a thousand pastels which the
artist produced. Among them are more than a hundred portraits of
members of princely houses, and even one of a Meiningen Princess who
later became Queen of England.

As a young man Johann Philipp assisted his father. The works he

produced at that time are very similar to those of Gottlieb, and
it is not

surprising that the two he made in 1773 of his godfather Emanuel

pastels
Bach were for a long time considered as works of the older painter. The
very realistic reproduction of the composer's heavy features, the painter's
trick of using a dark background for the lighted side of the head and a
light background for the shadowed part of the face, the loving care with
1
Cf. Karl Geiringer, 'The Lost Portrait of J. S. Bach,' Oxford University Press,
New York, 1950.
450 THE BACH FAMILY
which the material of Emanuel's suit is painted: all these features might
equally well point to the father's authorship as to that of his young son.
It is only from an entry Emanuel made in the Genealogy he sent to Forkel
that we know who
the real author of the pastel is. Emanuel wrote: 'Both
and son are excellent portrait painters. The latter visited me last
father
summer and painted my portrait, catching the likeness extremely well.'
Apparently the young artist gave one copy to Emanuel, while he kept the
1
second one for himself.
Gradually Philipp's paintings began to differ from those of his father.
The first sign of emancipation may be found in the silver-grey hue he
gave to some of his portraits. His amazing technical virtuosity is revealed
in the portrait of a Freiin von Stein, where he succeeded in painting the
sheen of the skin and of a pearl-necklace as they appear through the
gauze draped around the lady's neck.
Before long he created portraits that clearly indicate the influence of
English painters; we find the same swift brushstrokes, the same mannered
elegance and aristocratic pretentiousness which was developed by Gains-
borough and Reynolds. Finally, in the painter's maturity, we observe a
distinct turn towards a classical mode of expression. Philipp assumed a
simplified and more severe idiom, supplanting the rhythmical animation
of his earlier works by and reducing the
a wider use of the straight line,
vivid colours of the past in favour of an enforced restraint. At the same
time he managed, better even than his father, to reveal the character of the
person he portrayed. A good example of this mature style is offered by his
self-portrait (111. XXI). Here all is understatement. The posture of the
simple and unaffected man soberly looking at us is rather stiff and awkward.
The artist scrupulously avoids any romantic self-glorification and goes out
of his way to achieve complete truthfulness. The painting on which he is
working in the self-portrait is a likeness of his second wife, Johanna
Rosine (b. 1769). This pastel and it shows a light, gay,
is also preserved
and affectionate treatment quite different from the pedantic and some-
what formalistic attitude the painter assumed in the former work. In
portraying his spouse Philipp does not restrain his emotions, and he
succeeds in producing a character-study of a sweet, warm-hearted, and
motherly woman. In spite of ceaselessly devoting himself to portraiture,
Philipp did not succumb to the danger of establishing a monotonous
routine; he found a fresh approach to every new task, which proves the
greatness of his artistic personality.
1
The former became the property of the Berlin Library, while the latter remained in
the family of the painter and belongs to-day to Mr. Paul Bach. (Cf. 111. XXII.)
BACHS AT EISENACH
(JOHANN ERNST AND JOHANN GEORG BACH)

J. Bernhard Bach (i 8)= Johanna Sophia Siefer

i 676- i 749 .'-1732

J. Ernst (34)=Florentina Katharina Malsch

1722-77 ?-?

J. Georg= Johanna Elisabetha Langius

?_?
1751-97

Philipp Ernst Christian

1 780- 1 840

the tradition started in 1665 was continued through the 18th century, and
again one of the Bachs was sitting on the organist's bench of the Georgen-
kirche in Eisenach. The great Johann Christoph (13) had been succeeded
by a cousin,Johann Bernhard (18), and when the latter died in 1749 the
position fell to Bernhard's eldest son, Johann Ernst (34), born in 1722.
The young organist, who had been trained by his father and by his kins-
man, Sebastian Bach (cf. p. 200), was highly qualified, not only for musical
work. He had also studied law at the University of Leipzig, and although
he probably did not finish the course, having been forced to return to
Eisenach at the age of 19, he was anxious to put his legal training, too, to
the best possible use. Duke Friedrich III of Gotha, who at that time ruled
Eisenach, granted him permission to establish himself as a barrister for
the so-called 'lower court,' but Ernst was not satisfied with this solution,
claiming that most clients preferred to engage the services of a 'court
counsel' (Hofadvokai), who had admission to all the courts. He made
applications to the Duke in 1749 and 1750, in which he forcefully ex-
plained that the rank of 'Court Counsel' was granted to other, newly
appointed barristers, while 'his humble self was more and more incurring
bad credit, scorn and oblivion.' The Duke, however, was not persuaded
and rejected Ernst's plea with the remark that the 'position of Court
Counsel was not well compatible with the functions of an organist.'
Various reasons may have been responsible for this decision, such as the
difference in social status between the two positions, Ernst's very brief
University training, and, on the other hand, the young man's decided
451
452 THE BACH FAMILY
which made the neglect of his musical duties for those of a
artistic gifts,

barrister at all desirable. Thus Ernst had to accustom himself to the

not
idea that his ambitions in the field of law practice would not be fulfilled
in Eisenach. Henceforth he abandoned work as a lawyer, giving all his
energy to musical activities. The result became apparent before long. In
Weimar a young prince, Ernst August Constantin, was growing up; by
the time he was of age he would rule Weimar and Eisenach. 1 Constantin
was interested in music, which he studied with Sebastian Bach's pupil,
J. Kaspar Vogler. Moreover, he was aware that his wife-to-be,
Princess
Anna Amalia, a niece of Friedrich 'the Great' of Prussia, and a composer
in her own right, would insist on first-rate musical performances at her
court. Thus a reform of musical conditions in Weimar seemed impera-
tive. The Prince's attention had been directed to Ernst Bach when the
latter dedicated to him, in 1749, a set of Fables charmingly set to music,
and he felt that the Eisenach organist might be the right man to reorganize
the music at Weimar. Ernst was requested to work out plans for an en-
larged and improved court orchestra which was not, however, to entail
an expenditure higher than 2500 thalers. As a precautionary measure the
renowned court conductor of Gotha, Georg Benda, 2 was asked for his
opinion also. Benda flatly declared that the establishment of a good
orchestra on such a budget was out of the question. But Ernst Bach, with
the typical thriftiness of the Bachs, found a solution and offered a budget
of 2410 thalers. Being familiar with the qualifications of all the musicians
in Weimar, he suggested how each could best be employed; and in his
plan he included the regular participation of court trumpeters, and various
lackeys and officials for whom no additional salary would have to be paid.
His plan was accepted, and when Prince Constantin took over the govern-
ment one of his first acts was to sign, on February 3, 1756, a decree
appointing Ernst Bach Princely Saxon Court Conductor — a position to
which his teacher and kinsman, Sebastian Bach, had vainly aspired forty
years earlier. Ernst received a salary of 400 thalers, as he had budgeted it

in his own plan, and he was allowed to retain his position as Eisenach's
town organist, being expected to provide a substitute whenever he was
absent from the city. A very busy time followed, for, according to Ernst's
remark in an application, 'there was always something new to compose for
His as well as for Her Grace.' Moreover, he was expected to provide

1
The principality of Eisenach had, owing to the lack of a male successor, been united
in 1741 with Weimar.
2
Georg Benda was, for several years, a colleague of Emanuel Bach at the court of
Friedrich 'the Great.'
JOHANN ERNST AND JOHANN GEORG 453

musical entertainment twice every day, and very often a third time for
special academies. Yet Ernst found time to attend to the needs of his sub-
ordinates, and in lengthy petitions he attempted to secure small additions
to their regular fee for special services, such as, for instance, a bottle of
wine to a player employed at dances.

This strenuous, though rewarding, work lasted for two years only. In
1758 Prince Constantin died suddenly, and his widow, at the age of 19,
was left with two infant sons, for whom she took over the government.
Ambitious musical schemes had to be dropped, as it was Princess Amalia's
main concern to rule with the greatest possible economy, in order to hand
over a financially stable Principality to her elder son when he came of age.
Thus the Weimar orchestra ceased to exist. To express her esteem for
Ernst Bach, however, the Princess allowed him to retain his title and paid
him a pension for the rest of his life.

Ernst mourned his patron deeply and wrote a fine cantata for his
funeral service. Henceforth he concentrated on his work in Eisenach,
where in 1765 he was appointed Kastenverwalter, a kind of book-keeper
to the church, receiving a third income from this source. As some of his
compositions also appeared in print, his financial position was a satis-

factory one, and Emanuel had reason to remark in the Genealogy that
Ernst 'was working very happily and quietly as an organist in Eisenach.'
The private life of the composer seems to have developed on tradi-
tional Bach lines. In 1750 he married the daughter of a pastor and had
8 children, among them 7 sons. While most of them showed no inclination
for the family's traditional profession, he had the joy of seeing the eldest,
Johann Georg (b. 175 1), follow in his footsteps, studying both music and
law, with the reasonable hope of succeeding him. This indeed happened
on Ernst's death in 1777, and Georg held the post for twenty years. 1 All
the ambitions which Ernst had entertained were fulfilled in this son, who
was appointed Court Counsel and eventually also Imperial Notary, yet
retained his father's office of organist and Kastenverwalter. When he
applied in 1793 f° r tne vacant post of Chamberlain in the Eisenach
Council, the authorities granted his request because he was 'a highly
experienced, active and honest man'; but they suggested that, as a member
of a Noble Council, it would be advisable for him to resign his post of
town organist. Georg, proud of his family's distinguished service in this
field through more than a hundred years, did not like to see anybody but

1
This refutes Emanuel Bach's remark in the Genealogy that 'Ernst's sons were
presumably unmusical.' Cf. H. Kiihn, 'Vier Organisten Eisenachs aus Bachischem
Geschlecht,' in 'Bach in Thuringen,' Berlin, 1950.
454 THE BACH FAMILY
a Bach hold this position. He suggested therefore that he be allowed to
retain the work and provide whenever necessary, until his
a substitute,
who showed 'an extraordinary
son, Philipp Ernst Christian, then aged 13,
leaning toward music,' would be ready to become organist. This plan was
adopted; but as Georg died in 1797, when his son was not yet 17, the posi-
tion fell to an older, more experienced man, and the name of Bach dis-
appeared from the musical annals of Eisenach. 1
We do not know whether there was any creative talent in the last of
the four Bach organists of Eisenach. There is no doubt, however, that
Georg's father, Johann Ernst, possessed such gifts to a very great extent
and was highly thought of by his contemporaries. In 1758 he was invited
to write a preface to an important work of musical theory, Adlung's
Anleitung %u der musikalischen Gelahrtheit; and when a collection of con-
temporary clavier sonatas was published in Nuremberg soon afterwards,
Ernst and his kinsman, Emanuel Bach, were the only composers repre-
sented by two works, while so well known an artist as Georg Benda
had to be satisfied with the inclusion of a single piece. On the other hand,
a church superintendent, by the name of Christian Kohler, in a preface to
an Eisenacher Gesangbuch ('Book of church hymns') he published in 1776,
mentioned that 'Conductor Bach had been granted by God a particular
gift for church music,' and that one expected from him 'with longing, a
delicate, moving, and expressive music for the whole church year, which
would displace the shouting, noiseand roaring in our temples.' This wish
could not be fulfilled, however, as Ernst Bach died one year later, at the
age of 55.

THE MUSIC OF JOHANN ERNST BACH

The number of his compositions known to-day is unfortunately
rather small. It seems that he wrote by no means as many works as his
kinsmen in Hamburg and London, and even this modest output was
apparently not preserved in its entirety. Nevertheless two significant facts
emerge from an analysis of the compositions which are still available.
Johann Ernst was one of the most talented men of the younger generation
of Bachs, and he belonged to the first artists who attempted to distinguish
between secular and sacred music, using a different approach to each of

1
Georg's son became an Oberamtskopist (a kind of city clerk), while one of his
daughters married Deacon Johann Wilhelm Victor Kiihn, from whom Hermann Kiihn,
author of the above-mentioned study, was descended.
JOHANN ERNST S MUSIC 455

them. In his sacred compositions Ernst started out as a follower of his

great teacher, Sebastian Bach. During the late thirties and forties of the
1 8th century he was under the spell of the Thomas Cantor's artistic
personality. The works of the fifties and early sixties show a somewhat
different character. While keeping up the artistic traditions of the Baroque
period, they make increasing use of the new idiom of Empfindsamkeit.
Henceforth he followed in his cantatas and in his oratorios the lead of Karl
Heinrich Graun, who was a master of sacred music, expert in the field of
contrapuntal art, butsame time a champion of the new 'language of
at the

the heart.' Quite different was the Eisenach composer's approach to secular
music. Here he adopted a progressive form of the style galant, light, grace-
ful and entertaining in character, worked out with solid craftsmanship,

and imbued with a warmth of feeling which reveals his familiarity with
the idiom of sensibility.
No trace can be found of the 'many symphonies' which, according to
Gerber, Ernst Bach wrote for the princely court. All the instrumental
compositions that survived are either for a keyboard instrument or for
clavier and violin.
The chorale prelude Valet will ich Dir geben and the fantasia and
fugue in d with its numerous references to 'manual' and 'pedal' are
obviously meant for the organ. The two fantasias and fugues in F 1 and
a are primarily conceived for the organ, but may also be performed on a
stringed keyboard instrument. On the other hand, the sonatas in F and G
which were published around 1760 in Nuremberg in the fifth part of
Ulrich Haffner's (Euvres melees, as well as the sonata in A, are written
for the harpsichord.
Ernst's fantasias reveal the inner bond between the Baroque toccata
styleand the expressive language of the age of sensibility. These preludes,
with their broken chords and runs, their frequent changes of rhythm and
tempo, their succession of recitative and arioso sections, point back to
similar pieces by Sebastian Bach and the Viennese masters, Fux and
Froberger, but there is also an undeniable kinship with the imaginative
idiom of Emanuel Bach. The four-part fugue in d is not equal in signifi-

cance to the high-spirited fantasia that precedes heavy and some-

it. Its

what monotonous ricercar theme and the absence of modulations seem to

indicate that Ernst wrote the work in his student years. The fine three-
part fugue in F of 1770 is on a completely different level. Its smooth

harmonic language, enriched by colourful chromaticism, and the well-

1
The Fantasia and Fugue in F was published by Emanuel Bach in 1770 in his
Musikalisches Viehrley.
456 THE BACH FAMILY
planned succession of keys contribute towards creating a movement that
is bound to hold the listener's attention, in spite of the fact that the contra-
puntal elaboration is not very impressive.
The texture in the sonatas for the clavier is completely homophonic,
and they explore the possibilities of the keyboard instrument with great
skill. A certain stylistic prolixity (the Sonata in G is in four movements)
points to the composer's lack of experience, and an occasional passage of
an improvisatory character, to the admiration he felt for the work of his
cousin, Emanuel. The compositions are light and gay in character, and in
their melodic language clearly influenced by Italian models; at the same
time the superficiality so often to be found in contemporary clavier music
is successfully avoided. Rhythmic diversity, a characteristic feature of
Ernst Bach's music, distinguishes the sonatas, and the composer en-
deavours to develop the different ideas thoroughly. The Minuetto con
Variaiioni of the Sonata in G so successfully avoids the purely ornamental
variations of the time that, from a technical point of view, the composition
almost seems to have been written two decades too late —or too early.
The sonatas for clavier and violin appear like a sequel to the harpsi-
chord sonatas. The first three were published by Griessbach in Eisenach
in 1770 and reprinted in 1780. A
second set of three appeared in 1772.
They all display the three movements, fast-slow-fast, of the Italian sin-
fonia, and, in accordance with Emanuel's tendencies towards stronger
unification, the second movement often ends with a half cadence leading
straight into the finale. These sonatas are altogether briefer and more
condensed, avoiding the youthful diffuseness of earlier works. The title-

page no longer bears the standard reference to the 'accompaniment' of the

violin. Keyboard and stringed instrument begin to emerge as equal
partners; mere doubling in unison of the right hand of the clavier by the
violin is hardly ever to be found; and violin and clavier often indulge
in spirited dialogues {Ex. 123). Ernst endeavours to write idiomatic music

Meqro Sonata. N°3

W0J1 a 1

fa wk 1 Ut
£=L w ^ ir —

% s. dlkSWd
for either partner, as the long-held violin notes which accompany
brisk figurations of the keyboard instrument testify. His clavier was prob-
xxii. C. P. E. Bach. Pastel by Johann Philipp Bach, 1773
JOHANN ERNST S FABELN 457

ably the harpsichord, but cantabile sections in the slow movements, and
an occasional use of Alberti basses, betray the interest he took in the possi-
bilities of the new pianoforte with its more flexible tone. These pieces
present merry, often humorous music, full of life and ingenuity, avoiding
the shallow gaiety which so often mars the products of the style galant.
Between Sebastian Bach and Mozart few violin sonatas of equal signifi-
cance were written.
The great success of these works was denied to another composition
by Ernst Bach, which to-day is considered one of his main achievements.
In 1749 Ulrich Haffner published the 'first part' of Sammlung auserlesener
Fabeln ('Anthology of selected fables') by the Eisenach composer. The
second part that was apparently to follow these eighteen songs never
appeared in print. To make up for this omission the Nuremberg firm
printed at a later date Ernst's two clavier sonatas. 1
It proves the sound judgment of Ulrich Haffner that he was
artistic

willing to publish this work by a young and unknown composer. But it

is not altogether surprising that the musical public was less enthusiastic

in its reaction to the composition. The cool reception was probably due
not to the fact that Ernst's songs were partly conceived along instru-
mental rhythm of the music often did not conform to that
lines, that the

of the and that awkward coloraturas as well as big skips were in

text,

evidence; all this was by no means unusual in the German lied of the time.
It seems far more likely that the almost revolutionary character which

Ernst's Fables showed in some was responsible for their lack of

respects
success. Instead of using the fashionable poems of the time, endowed with
French grace and wit, Ernst Bach chose the more substantial and solid
fables of Gellert and which had not yet won real acclaim. In
his followers,
setting them imbued them with genuine warmth and vitality.
to music, he
He attempted to depict nature in a manner which had been explored before
in Handel's oratorios, but was almost unknown in the German lied. The

AVeqro

singing of a nightingale, the hooting of an owl, or the buzzing of bees

(Ex. 124) were described through voice or keyboard instrument, and
1
In 1910 Hermann Kretzschmar presented the Fables with a comprehensive preface
in vol. 42 of DDT.
458 THE BACH FAMILY
under the composer's hands the stilted and pedantic texts were trans-

formed into genre paintings sparkling with life and humour. A further
breach with tradition was accomplished through Ernst's habit of altering
his composition should the same tune not be appropriate to all the verses
of a poem. If he felt, after a few strophes, that the original melody no
longer did justice to the changing mood of the text, he produced a second,
and possibly later, a third and a fourth setting, revising voice part and
accompaniment, key, rhythm and tempo as far as necessary. This pro-
cedure greatly added to the variety of the Fables and foreshadowed the
musical ballad of a later period which did away with the strophic form.
The most noteworthy innovation in the Fables concerned the treatment
of the figured bass. If the problems connected with the realization of the
continuo seemed too difficult, the composer provided the right hand of
the clavier part too, thus creating accompaniments which, in 1749,
appeared rather modern. On the whole, the Fables constitute an important
milestone in the evolution of the Rococo song, which had been shaped by
such composers as Telemann and Valentin Gorner. Whatever the
response of the general public, the princely patron to whom the Fables
were dedicated appreciated their merits; it was mainly on the strength of
this bold creative venture that the composer was awarded the post of

Weimar court conductor.

A fine cantata celebrating the birthday of Duke Friedrich III of
Gotha was probably written during the early fifties. Here, for once, a
secular work in its recitatives, arias and choruses, resembles Ernst's
church music, and the composer may have used it, with a slightly changed
text, also as a piece of sacred music. It should be noticed that in the exten-
sive first number the different stanzas of the chorus are interrupted by
recitatives; thus a rondo-like form is constructed such as Gluck liked to
use in his operas.
In the interesting preface which Ernst wrote in 1758 to Adlung's
Anleitung ^u der musikalischen Gelahrtheit, the composer expressed his
concern over the decline of church music in his time. Undoubtedly he
himself did his best to stop a further deterioration of the form, and Spitta
is right in considering Ernst as one of the foremost German composers of
sacred music in the generation following Johann Sebastian.
Only a handful of his vocal compositions for the church were pre-
served and, with a single exception, they all remained in manuscript.
There is a short Mass, consisting of Kyrie and Gloria only, a German
Magnificat, Meine Seek erhebet den Herren ('My soul doth magnify the
Lord'), several cantatas, among them the funeral cantata for Duke Ernst
JOHANN ERNST S CHURCH MUSIC 459

August Constantin written and the Passionsoratorium of 1764. 1

in 1758,
In these compositions conservative and progressive elements are united
in a significant whole. The chorale is the lifeblood of Ernst's church music,
as it was for his great kinsman. It is true that his harmonizations of the
hymn tunes display the simplicity of a later period and are lacking in the
expressive strength of Sebastian's chorales. But Ernst never forgot the
rich potentialities of the chorale cantata and its related forms, with which
he had become intimately acquainted during his stay in Leipzig. His Kyrie
and Gloria in D may have been fashioned after Sebastian's short Mass in
the key of F. The Thomas Cantor used as a cantus firmus the German
chorale Christe du Lamm Gottes (cf. p. 239), while the Eisenach composer
based his work on the hymn, Es woll uns Gott gnadig sein ('God have
mercy on us'). Strangely enough, the Mass of the younger composer is
stricter and more retrospective in character than Sebastian's work. It has

the character of a motet, dispensing with all instruments except those

needed for the realization of the figured bass. Each verse of the hymn is

presented in long notes by one of the four voices and surrounded by little

fugatos, a technique used in Pachelbel's organ chorales. The Kyrie is

based on the first half of the melody, the Gloria on the second. This
powerful and joyous work may be considered as one of Ernst's first larger
compositions for the church, and it was probably written during, or soon
after, his apprenticeship in Leipzig. 2
In the composer's Magnificat the procedure is reversed. Its text is in
German, but the tune of a Latin Magnificat is employed as a cantus firmus.
Short fugatos presented by soprano, alto, tenor, and bass voices are intro-
duced in the first number, while a second bass adds, in long notes, the
individual lines of the Virgin's song of praise. Once more Ernst Bach
demonstrates his admiration for Pachelbel's technique, although he
assumes a more progressive attitude by keeping the themes of the fugatos
independent of that of the cantus firmus.
Particularly important is the use of the chorale in Ernst's cantatas. It

is played by instruments alone, or used in versions for chorus and in-

dependent orchestra; it appears in antiphonal combinations with solo
voices, in recitatives, in arias, or in plain harmonization. There is hardly a
single form employed by the Thomas Cantor in his chorale cantatas of the
Leipzig period which was overlooked by his pupil. In Mein Odem ist

schwach ('My breath is corrupt'), for instance, Ernst creates a kind of rondo

1
It was reprinted in vol. 48 of DDT.
2
Ernst's copies of 12 of Sebastian's keyboard arrangements of various concertos
probably belong to this period too.
460 THE BACH FAMILY
form through the numbers based on the hymn tune with
alternations of
others that are freely invented. At first a solo bass and the chorus,
presenting the harmonized chorale, perform one of these deeply moving
dialogues well known to us from the cantatas of young Sebastian. After a
passionate da capo aria by the soprano, the chorale appears once more in
simple harmonization. A vigorous fugue of the four voices leads to the
third entrance of the hymn tune, in which soprano and bassoon in octaves
present the cantus firmus to the accompaniment of woodwind and plucked
basses; while a second fugue on the impressive subject {Ex. 125) con-

Wlr a. bcr s'mdqctniilundtia _ tenv1eJ.j7Kki11rfaus.str.de71I4i.iezu wl len

eludes the work. As this number ends with a half-close on the dominant
of the main key, it seems likely that, at the service, a verse of the hymn
was still attached.
In other respects too the composer's works for the church reveal the
influence of his great teacher. Ernst's Passionsoratorium reminds us of
Sebastian's St. Matthew Passion when, at the words of Christ, the dry
recitative is transformed into an arioso in which strings add solemn
beauty to the utterances of the Lord. And all through the Eisenach
composer's sacred music the same fervent longing for death finds
expression which represents so characteristic a trait in the work of his
kinsman.
Ernst revives a feature of the Baroque period in another small detail.

His setting of Psalm vi, Ach Herr, straf mich nicht in deinem Zorn ('0
Lord, rebuke me not in Thine anger') begins, like the works of previous
generations, with the reiterated first short exclamations: Ach, ach; Herr,
Herr, Herr, Herr. All through the first movement the exclamation Herr,
Herri is repeated, providing the invocation with an excited, almost
feverish urgency.
Fugues are frequent in Ernst's church music. They start with impres-
sive, broadly contoured themes, but before long they fall, as Hermann
Kretzschmar shrewdly remarks, 1 into 'a comfortable homophony,
occasionally spiced with suspensions; and when approaching the climax,
they resort to motivic repetition, to sequences, grand pauses and other
dramatic devices.' In such pieces the Janus nature of Ernst's art is parti-

1
DDT 42/XIII.
johann ernst's church music 461

cularly noticeable: his attempt to keep up with and yet to write

tradition,

compositions which fully belong to the time in which they were created.
Most of Ernst Bach's sacred cantatas clearly display the ardent

subjectivism characteristic of the period of Empfindsamkeit. In his Ger-

man Magnificat for instance, more than half the numbers are in the minor
mode, and a dark and impassioned mood seems to prevail. The Canticle

of the Virgin, with its jubilant praise of the Lord, does not offer any clue
would it seem justified to attribute it
to this attitude, nor to any tragic

experiences the composer underwent while writing the Magnificat. In

general, 18th-century compositions may not be regarded as 'confession-
music' of the kind the 19th century produced. Ernst Bach had discovered
the vast field of musical expression in darker hues and felt tempted to use
them even in this composition.
Syncopations are almost a trademark with this composer, imbuing his
church music with a feeling of restless excitement and impatience. Chro-
maticism plays a big part in his melodic language and progressions like
those in Ex. 126 from the cantata Mein Odem are very frequent in his

music. Ernst fond of bold modulations as well as of sudden changes of

is

tonality. The first arioso in the Passionsoratorium^or instance, begins in c,

turns with the help of enharmonic changes to f sharp {Ex. 127), proceeding
2 t. ?27

through g and d to the concluding key of F. In other movements too the

concluding key is often different from that used at the beginning. The
composer takes special care clearly to indicate the tempo he requests, and in
the cantata Kein Stiindlein geht dahin ('No hour passes') he even prescribes
the desired mood in a chorus with the word 'freudig' ('joyfully'), a German
translation of the conventional Italian 'Allegro.' Ernst's dynamic range
shows the greatest variety, and in certain pieces changes between f,p and
462 THE BACH FAMILY

pp occur almost from measure to measure. The expressive character of the

church music is increased through the almost inexhaustible colouristic
variety it offers. In the cantata, Der Herr ist nahe ('The Lord is nigh'),
which served as funeral music for Duke Ernst Constantin,1 the first chorus
is scored for flutes, strings con sordini, and plucked basses. With its strange
rhythm of 3/8 it assumes the weird character of a medieval dance of death.
The following da capo aria in Adagio tempo has an unusual tenderness,
with two solo violins accompanying the soprano voice besides the tradi-
end of the Passionsoratorium
tional string orchestra. In a chorus near the
the full muted strings is used piano
orchestra of flutes, oboes, horns and
and pianissimo in an unusual and exciting manner to prepare the listener
for the supreme tragedy of the Lord's passing. On the other hand, the
oboes and horns add brilliance to the powerful chorus No. 5, with the
following fugue, in the cantata Her^lich lieb hab ich dich ('Dearly do I love
thee'). The cantata Die Liebe Gottes ist ausgegossen ('The love of God is

shed abroad') begins with a 'Concerto,' in which a richly ornamented

obbligato organ part competes with horns and strings. Eventually the
chorus enters, but the instruments pursue their cheerful game in brisk
figuration, describing the unending flow of God's love throughout the
world. Even in the ensuing da capo aria for soprano the part of the 'organo
concertato' is carried on. Sebastian Bach had already written cantatas with
an organ obbligato part, but Ernst's composition is closer in technique
and spirit to younger works such as Joseph Haydn's 'Organ solo Mass'
of 1766.
The succession of the individual numbers in the Eisenach composer's
church music is both imaginative and unconventional. In a manner which
he may have copied from Italian models, secco and accompagnato recita-
tives are freely mixed, and he achieves most poetical effects by letting
ariosos or ariasmerge into choral numbers. In the cantata, Kein Stiindlein
geht dahin, the text of which uses several quotations from the Bible also
employed later by Brahms in his 'Requiem,' the contralto, for instance,
sings of pain, anguish and torment, while the chorus answers with the
words of Isaiah, 'As one whom his mother comforteth, so will I comfort
you.' Later, a single voice cries out to Jesus to help him in his hour of
need and death, whereupon a choral fugue replies: 'And the ransomed

1
Eitner, 'Quellenlexikon,' assumes that the cantata Kein Stiindlein geht dahin was written
for the Duke's funeral service. However, the MS. score (p. 403) of the Marburg (formerly
Berlin) Library indicates on the title-page of the cantata, Der Herr ist nahe, in the hand
of a 19th-century writer: 'aus der Trauermusik auf Herzog Ernst Constantin' (from the
funeral music for Duke Ernst Constantin).
JOHANN ERNST S CHURCH MUSIC 463

of the Lord shall return, and come to Zion with songs and everlasting joy
upon their heads: they shall obtain joy and gladness, and sorrow and
sighing shall flee away' (Ex. 128). In the German Magnificat, the Eisenach

Er _ _ Jo _ $e. t&n des Her.renwtT _ . . den vn'e. der Tcom frttn und gen Zi . . en

composer employs the alternation of solo voice and chorus in a manner

that points most significantly into the future. The last movement uses
four soloists in turns with the tutti of all the singers. Here the chorus is
confronted by the solo quartet in the same manner as that which was later
so successfully employed by Mozart, and especially by Haydn.
There has been a certain tendency to stress the contributions of pre-
classical composers to the instrumental field. It is hardly less important

to establish the links which connect the Baroque and the classical idiom
in the realm of vocal music. The compositions of Johann Ernst Bach will
have to be remembered in this connection.
SEBASTIAN'S CHILDREN AND THE BACH FAMILY

J. Sebastian Bach=Maria Barbara Bach

1685-1750 J
1684-1720

~ 1
1
i i

Catharina Dorothea Wilhelm Friedemann Carl Philipp Emanuel Joh. Gottf. Bernhard
1708-74 1710-84 1714-88 1715-39

J. Sebastian Bach=Anna Magdalena Wilcken

1685-1750 1701-60

Gottfried Heinrich J. Christ.

Friedrich Joh. Caroline
1724-63 1732-95 1737-81

Elisabeth Juliane Friederica J. Christian Regine Susanna

1726-81 1735-82 1 742- 1 809
(m. to J. Christoph Altnikol)

to obtain the proper perspective, we must once more return to the year

1750. After Sebastian's death his widow, aged 49, declared her firm inten-
tion not to marry again. We can well understand that after living for 29
years with Sebastian Bach and unceasingly giving him of her devotion and
loyalty, she felt emotionally unable to adapt herself to another husband.
Anna Magdalena made this decision although she must from the outset
have been aware of her insecure financial position. Thanks to rigid
economy, Sebastian had been able to leave an estate which was not in-
considerable according to the standards then prevailing for a church
musician, but there were nine children who each claimed part of the
property, and as no will had been left, one-third was allocated to the
widow, while the other two-thirds were evenly divided among the
progeny. Before the official evaluation and allocation by the curators was
undertaken, the two eldest sons took possession of that part of their
father's music, books, and pictures which seemed useful to them, and the
youngest, Christian, retained — against some opposition from his brothers

— three claviers his father had given him. The property to be divided was
valued, after the deduction of some debts, at 1007 thalers, and of it the
widow received a mining share, some bonds from debtors, who may
464
xxiii. Wilhelm Friedrich Ernst Bach. Oil-painting
xxiv. The painter J. S. Bach II, son of C. P. E. and grandson of Johann
Sebastian Bach
j. Sebastian's children 465

never have paid off, and various valuable instruments, silver and jewelry,
with a view to selling them. All the male members of the family moved
away. Half-witted Gottfried went to Naumburg with his brother-in-law,

J. C. Altnikol, while young Christian was taken by Friedemann to

Emanuel, who had offered to give him a home and further musical
training. Four female Bachs remained in Leipzig: the widow, her un-
married stepdaughter, Catharina, aged 42, and her two young daughters,
Caroline, aged 13, and Susanna, aged 8. To provide for them proved any-
thing but easy. The Leipzig authorities allowed Magdalena the traditional
half-year's salary, but as they deducted an excess payment her husband
had received 28 years before, she was only paid twice 21 th. 21 gr., plus
11 th. 12 gr. for candles, and a certain amount of grain. The apartment in
the school had to be vacated by February 175 1, and a desperate struggle
began to make ends meet; every saleable object had to be disposed of.
Magdalena managed, for instance, to sell what music of Sebastian's was
still in her hands to the Council, which paid her for it 40 th. 'in view of

her impoverished state.' Eventually all her resources were exhausted and
she had to subsist on the town's charity. When she passed away in 1760
at the age of 59, worn out from worries, the Thomas Cantor's widow was
as an 'alms-woman' given the lowest-class funeral.
Nobody can help feeling shocked by the fate of Sebastian's beloved
wife. The strict economy to which they had always adhered and the good
business sense that Bach possessed had been of no avail. Magdalena, who
had given up her own career and through many years of married life cease-
lessly toiled on behalf of her big family, did not have means enough for
even the most modest existence; and the sons, who owed her so much,
did not intervene to save her from the ignominy of depending on the
charity of the very same city officials against whom her husband, the
Royal Polish and Electoral Saxon Court composer, had stood up with so
much spirit. And this happened while three Bach sons were holding
adequate positions, and a fourth was beginning to win success in Italy.

Her own son, Friedrich, was particularly praised in a Necrologue for 'his
goodness of heart and uprightness of principles'; yet he let his mother
suffer like that.
To understand this perplexing behaviour of Sebastian's sons, we
should bear in mind the geographic dislocation of the family, which was
effecting a loosening of the old blood-ties. The Bachs of preceding
generations had lived in Thuringia close to each other. Travelling from
difficult, and if money was lacking,
Erfurt to Arnstadt or Eisenach was not
one could even walk from one Bach centre to the other. Thus there was
2G
466 THE BACH FAMILY
continuous intercourse between the kinsmen. Messages were transmitted
through visiting friends or colleagues, and in this way the Bachs were well
aware of what was happening to their relatives and could intervene when
necessity arose. Ambrosius Bach, for instance, felt compelled (in spite of
his modest income) to have his mother-in-law and his half-witted sister
stay with him. In Weimar Sebastian had a sister of his wife's as well as
two nephews in his home. They may have been more hospitable and more
family-minded than the later generation; but above all they were in close
contact with their kinsfolk.
For Sebastian's children conditions had greatly changed. There were
considerable distances between Halle, Biickeburg, Berlin, and Leipzig, not
to speak of Milan. The sons certainly had no opportunity to visit Mag-
dalena and her daughters, as pleasure trips were a luxury they could not
afford; on the other hand it is doubtful whether the women in Leipzig
attempted to carry on a correspondence with them. Thus the men were
not aware of the had to face, and, engrossed in
difficulties their relatives

their own problems, they did not give much thought to their womenfolk
in Leipzig. Soon after Sebastian's death Friedemann, at the age of 41,
started matrimonial life; young Friedrich had to establish himself in his
new position; and Emanuel felt he was doing his share by providing for
Christian. When the war broke out became enemy terri-
in 1756, Leipzig
tory to residents in Biickeburg, Halle, and Berlin, and communication
with it very difficult. It seems unlikely that Magdalena could have reached
Sebastian's sons with an appeal for help, and it would have been difficult for
them to send her money had they wished to do so. Thus various circum-
stances combined to make poor Magdalena's last years very tragic ones.
What happened to her daughters afterwards is not known. We learn
from Emanuel's letters to his publisher, Immanuel Breitkopf, that he
regularly sent money to his sister, Elisabeth Altnikol, a widow since 1759,
and it is possible that these payments were also meant for Catharina,
Caroline, and Susanna Bach. The other brothers may have helped too, but
no records to this effect have been found as yet. The darkness surrounding
the fate of Sebastian's daughters is only dispelled in 1800. By that time all
of the Thomas Cantor's children had died, except the youngest, Susanna,
then 58 years old and apparently ailing and unable to work. Friedrich
Rochlitz, editor of Breitkopf 's Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung, found out
about her desperate situation and published the following appeal,
interesting as the first public reference to the Bach family: 1 'Hardly did I
1
Forkel's Biography, which included all the information on the family he had
received from Emanuel, was published two years later.
j. Sebastian's children 467

ever seize my pen as gladly as now; for never before was I as firmly con-
vinced of doing something useful. The Bach family which for two
centuries has given to Germany (and not to her alone) masters and master-
works — the family from which descended Sebastian Bach, greatest
harmonist of our century . . .; Emanuel Bach, following his father in

teaching and composition, a master whose pupil in many important re-

spects every really fine pianist admits himself to be (as Mozart did);
Friedemann, renouncing everything, equipped and blessed with nothing
but a towering imagination, finding his whole life in the depths of his art;
Christian who cultivated the flowers of gracefulness and galanterie in the
classic soil — this family is extinct except for one daughter of the great
Sebastian. And this daughter is starving! Very few know it, for she cannot
—and she must not—beg for alms. ... If everyone who learned from the
Bachs gave just a trifle, how would the good woman's last years
carefree
be!' At first the response to Rochlitz's pleawas not too good. Sixteen
people sent contributions amounting to 96 thalers. For Susanna Bach this
was, however, a sizeable amount, and she expressed deeply-felt thanks to
the donors. When Beethoven read her acknowledgment in the magazine,
he was shocked by the small returns, and in his circle of friends a new
collection was started by the piano-builder, Andreas Streicher, which
yielded 256 thalers. Henceforth Sebastian's youngest daughter enjoyed a
modest security, until she closed her eyes in 1809.
Between Sebastian's sons the contact was not a very close one either,
owing to differences in temperament as well as in age. Friedemann seems
to have kept very much to himself. While they were all still at home, he
was generally considered as the most promising of Sebastian's sons, and
even later Emanuel declared that his elder brother was best qualified to
carry on the tradition established by their father. On the other hand,
Emanuel certainly had more success in life, and he therefore felt obliged
to help Friedemann financially. Eventually he became discouraged, how-
ever, by Friedemann's inability to solve his own problems and his
tendency to drift, traits which a man of Emanuel's practical sense and
purposefulness could not comprehend. The elder brother on the other
hand did not find Emanuel's music substantial enough, and condescend-
ingly spoke of these works as 'nice little things.' As to his half-brothers,
there is no evidence that Friedemann maintained contact with them.
Christian's success must have filled him with contempt, and he may have
resented the fact that shortly before he failed to secure the organist's posi-
tion in Braunschweig, Christian's opera Catone in Utica had given such
pleasure there that the Duke had rewarded the composer with a pension
— —

468 THE BACH FAMILY

for life. The remark regarding Christian which Friedemann ascribed to
own attitude. In a conversation with Cramer
Sebastian rather reflects his
he claimed that his father had paraphrased a line from a well-known
Gellert fable, saying: 'For Christl I am not afraid, he will succeed through
his stupidity.' 1 We don't know how he felt about Friedrich Bach, his other
half-brother, but may assume that he found him less offensive, if not very
interesting. Emanuel had a very different attitude. He kept up a regular
correspondence with Friedrich, had the Biickeburg conductor contribute
to his Musikalisches Vielerley, and performed Friedrich's cantata Ino.
They exchanged and tried to help one another by
their compositions
collecting subscribers for each other's publications. In one respect
Emanuel envied his half-brother. In the Genealogy of the Bach Family
which he sent to Forkel, he inserted this note about Friedrich: 'has a
musical wife and children who are musical'; we can read between the lines
Emanuel's sadness not to have been as fortunate himself. Regarding
Christian, his former pupil, Emanuel's feelings were rather mixed. In the
Genealogy he jotted down this remark for Forkel: 'Is now in England in
the service of the Queen inter nos he has acted differently from our
honest Veit.' The between him and their ancestor, the miller,
difference
Veit Bach was twofold: Christian had risen to a high social
(cf. p. 7),

status, a rise which filled the worldly Emanuel with pride; yet he resented
the fact that Christian, unlike Veit, had not stoutly adhered to Protestant-
ism and even suffered for it, but had become a Catholic when reasons of
expediency demanded it. In artistic matters also the 21 years that separated
the two brothers made themselves keenly felt (while they made very little
difference in Emanuel's relation with Friedrich, who was only 3 years
older than Christian). A conversation between Emanuel and the poet,
Mathias Claudius, reported in a letter to Gerstenberg, 2 shows this very
clearly. Claudius, when asked about music in Copenhagen, said: 'Schobert

and your brother [Christian] are the favourites; you don't please them
particularly,' whereupon Emanuel remarked: 'There is nothing behind my
brother's compositions. They leave the heart empty.' We don't know
Christian's attitude to his former teacher. The remark attributed to him:
'my brother lives to compose, while I compose to live,' if authentic at all,

1
Gellert's poem was published in 1748. Sebastian could therefore have made this
remark only in the two years preceding his death. At that time Friedemann was in Halle
and it is doubtful whether he had a chance to visit his father. The present author is inclined
same category Sebastian's alleged remark about Emanuel's music, that
to place into the
like Prussian blue
2
—
it would soon fade.

Cf. Bernhard Engelke, 'Gerstenberg und die Musik seiner Zeit,' in Zschr. d. Ges. f.

Schlewswig Holstein. Geschichte, 1927.

j. Sebastian's children 469

may have been made mainly for the sake of the bon mot. At all events, in
hisown treatise on the fortepiano Christian showed what a lasting
impression he had received from the 'Essay' written during his stay with
Emanuel in Berlin. The Buckeburg brother's artistic personality was not
sharply enough outlined to provoke friction. Like Emanuel, Christian got
on well with him. One of the highlights of modest Friedrich's existence
was the visit he paid to his famous London brother in 1778. Christian
showed himself very hospitable and he had his nephew, Wilhelm, stay
with him to be trained as a piano virtuoso.
The divergences in the brothers' relationships clearly reflect very
different individualities. Comparing Sebastian's sons of his first with those
of his second marriage, we see how great an influence was exercised by
the mothers. In Friedemann and Emanuel the Bach was much
heritage
more in evidence than in Friedrich and Christian. We may even go so far
as to see in a culmination of certain family traits one of the reasons for
Friedemann's tragic existence. Stubbornness, lack of tact, and a tendency
to choose the hard instead of the easy way characterize the majority of
the Bachs. Friedemann may have from
inherited this disposition not only
his father, but also from his mother. We are unfortunately without any
information about Barbara Bach's nature, but we know how unhappy
was the life of her uncle, the great Johann Christoph (13), because of these
very 'Bachian' traits. In Friedemann the double heritage appeared in
over-size proportions as an inability to gauge other people's reactions and
an ever increasing unwillingness to be conciliatory in minor matters, such
as teaching or performing to important personages who could greatly
have helped him.
In Emanuel these family traits are much less noticeable. 'Bachian,' how-
ever, are his inability sufficiently to flatter the Prussian King, and his in-
dependent spirit which made him prefer bourgeois Hamburg with its

mediocre performances to the glitter of the etiquette-bound Prussian

court. To his mother's line he probably owed a certain serene acceptance
of life as it is and a sense of humour, traits found in his maternal great-
grandfather, Heinrich,
Of Barbara's ill-fated third son, Gottfried Bernhard (47), we do not
know enough to obtain a clear picture. Yet the antagonism of his
superiors, together with the young man's inability to make ends meet,
which forced him into debt, sound like an echo of what happened to his
maternal great-uncle, Johann Christoph (13).
Sebastian's second wife, like his first, had three sons who survived
infancy. Again one of them (curiously enough also bearing the name of
470 THE BACH FAMILY
Gottfried), in spite of musical talent, was not destined to be successful.
Gottfried Heinrich, the first-born, was feeble-minded, as his great-aunt,
Dorothea, a sister of Ambrosius Bach, had been. As to the two others,
they certainly were of a much more pliable disposition than Barbara Bach's
offspring. Friedrich managed to retain the same position through his
whole professional life — a period —
of 45 years serving under three
different personalities, with all of whom he maintained harmonious rela-
tions, in this respect reminding us of Joseph Haydn, born in the same
year. His brother Christian, as a youth, gave up most of the tenets held
by the family. He left his fatherland, was converted to the Catholic faith,
and was the first of the Bachs to win fame on the operatic stage. Yet even
in thismundane darling of London society Sebastian's heritage was at
work, revealing itself in Christian's prodigious industry and in his
endeavours to give warmth and substance to frothy Rococo music. In
later years he too developed a certain stubbornness, for, not unlike his
father, he clung for almost 20 years to the same form of music, closing
his eyes to the victorious rise of new trends.
Thus in one way or another Bach family traits are noticeable in each
of Sebastian's sons, although they are far more pronounced in the
children from his first marriage.
TWO GRANDSONS OF SEBASTIAN
(JOHANN SEBASTIAN II AND WILHELM FRIEDRICH ERNST BACH)

when, on September 26, 1748, the third child of Emanuel Bach was
christened, no less than six aristocrats acted as godfathers or godmothers.

There were two margraves, Friedrich Heinrich,1 and Carl von Branden-
burg-Schwedt; two ministers of state, Count Keyserlingk and von Happe;
the widow of von Meyer, as well as her daughter, wife of
a General
Emanuel's Wilhelm von Printzen (cf. p. 342). This
friend, Friedrich
illustrious array of godparents proves Emanuel Bach's high prestige in
Berlin; it reveals, moreover, the great hopes Emanuel entertained for this
his second son. To promote the child's worldly success, the father secured
the patronage of high-born lovers of music; to lead him in the right direc-
tion, he had him christened Johann Sebastian, although none of the god-
fathers bore the latter name. As Emanuel explained at one time to Roch-
2
litz, it was his ambition to 'transmit through this son to the world all that
he had learned from his great father and what he had subsequently dis-
covered himself.' To be entrusted with a mission of such magnitude
proved no small burden for the youth, and Emanuel's son responded in
typical Bach fashion: he rebelled. He did not attempt to become another
Sebastian, and in order to proclaim his attitude to the world he discarded
the name of his grandfather, substituting 'Samuel' for 'Sebastian' in his
signature. Although his interests were dominated by the Muses, he did not
feel drawn to composition, but showed instead a passion for drawing and

painting. This, he decided, was to be his profession. Emanuel was shocked

and distressed and tried every conceivable method to bring Hans, as he
liked to call the boy, to his senses. It was of no avail. Though as a rule the
gentlest of persons, the youth could be as stubborn as his grandfather, and
nothing would shake his determination to become a painter. At last, at the
age of 22, he was allowed to go to Leipzig to work with Friedrich Oeser,

1
Margrave Friedrich Heinrich was the nephew of the recipient of Sebastian's
'Brandenburg Concertos.' Emanuel remained in contact with his son's godfather even
after he left Berlin. In 1780 the composer dedicated to Margrave Friedrich Heinrich his
second collection of Sonaten fiir Kenner und Liebhaber.
2
Cf. Allgemeine Musikal. Zeitung, II, p. 829.

47i
4?2 THE BACH FAMILY
director of the Academy, who had expressed to Emanuel a very favourable
verdict of the young man's talent. In Leipzig several aunts of Hans were
still living, but none of them was comfortably enough off to offer the art-

student a home. He therefore boarded with the engraver Stock, a young,

highly skilled craftsman, who had two years earlier taught young Goethe
how to cut in wood and copper. Hans Bach naturally received similar
instruction, and as Stock's modest rooms were located in the attic of the
'Silver Bear,' a dwelling that also housed J. Gottlob Immanuel Breitkopf
and his distinguished music publishing firm, the arrangement suited
Emanuel very well. He had for some time co-operated very pleasantly with
the publisher, whom he respected highly; now he could entrust him with
—
paying out his son's quarterly allowance amounting to 50 thalers and —
ask him to keep an eye on the young artist. At that time the portrait of the
painter may have been created which shows a delicate and dreamy youth
entirely absorbed in the book he is reading (111. XXIV). (The way he
strains his eyes and holds the book rather close to them seems to indicate
the affliction from which his grandfather also suffered.) While at Leipzig
Hans fell seriously ill (a further resemblance to Goethe's life in this city)
and was nursed with loving care by the Breitkopfs, who became his good
friends. A correspondence was conducted between them after Hans had
moved to Dresden for further studies, and it is significant that the painter
asked to have Breitkopfs lists of novelties mailed to him regularly.
Apparently he was not as uninterested in music as he pretended. But his
heart was in painting and his greatest desire was to visit the Mecca of
artists, Italy. His father apparently did not raise objections. He had by now

accepted the inevitable and wanted his Hans to enjoy the very best training
an artist could receive. Thus the painter was enabled to travel to Rome,
where, except for one visit to Hamburg, he stayed for several years. It was
a glorious time, overflowing with artistic stimulation and warmed by the
friendship of fellow artists, who fell under the spell of this 'calm, pure
soul, this man of rare nobility' (Rochlitz). Among them was the painter,
J. Friedrich Reifenstein, who, several years later, was to accompany
Goethe on sight-seeing expeditions. was Reifenstein who 'acted like
It
1
a father' when Hans was again attacked by grave illness. This time,
however, all the friend's efforts were in vain, and on September n,
1778, a few days before his 30th birthday, Johann 'Samuel' breathed
his last.
Nineteen years later a Hamburg writer by the name of Dr. F. J.

1
Letter of Emanuel to Oeser, dated August 11, 1777.
JOHANN SEBASTIAN II 473

Lorenz Meyer, who had been

with him in Rome, inserted a paragraph on
the painter into his book Darstellungen axis Italien, which reveals how
deeply the artist had impressed those who knew him. 'He died,' wrote
Meyer, 'from a disease neglected by himself and wrongly treated by the
ignorant Roman medicos. His friends lamented an eminent and spirited
artist as well as one of the finest of men, and they spoke with admiration
of his calm steadfastness when confronted with death in its most painful
form. 1 Well enough known are his merits as an accomplished landscape-
painter, the high flight of his poetic mind in his own composition, the
happy closeness and verity in his imitations of nature, the vigour and
decisiveness in elaboration, and his exquisite taste, especially in the com-
bination and drawing of groups of trees.'

The work of the young artist reflects the period of peaceful co-
existence of Rococo and Classicism, before the latter achieved undisputed
domination. Samuel's 'Ideal Landscape' in the Hamburg Museum illus-

trates this double allegiance. For in it a Roman aqueduct and a Corinthian

temple acknowledge the archaeological derivation of Winckelmann's age,
while leisurely and graceful personages lose themselves in the caressing
foliage of a cultivated park, much as Watteau's characters had done in the
early days of Rococo (111. XXV). At the same time, the 'Ideal Landscape'
bears witness to a third element which was destined to come to full
fruition in the 19th century. A romantic presentiment breathes from the
trees surrounding a lonely pond, beckons to us from the isolated height
of the temple structure, and is expressed in a total mood pregnant with
sentimental implications. Similarly Hans' drawing of a mill (in the Vienna
Albertina) shows a decrepit building, with broken walls and holes in the
roof, against a wild and desolate landscape and a strangely lighted sky
revealing nature —
on the verge of a storm a highly emotional composition
full of dramatic, even realistic accents (111. XXVI).
It is frequently maintained that Classicism, however propagated by
Winckelmann and Goethe, is truly comprehended only by the Latin
race, whereas the mystic largeness and the sentimental content of
Romanticism are grasped most readily by the Germans. If this be so,

Johann Sebastian Bach II surely serves as a case in point; for, like his
contemporaries, the German Oeser and the Swiss Gessner, he was able
to imbue his work with the subtle plastic gradation, the rich colouristic
and tonal quality, and above all with the obvious emotional implications

1
Emanuel, too, in a letter dated June 20, 1877, to Breitkopf, emphasizes the 'terribly
painful' nature of Hans' disease,from which he had been suffering for 5 months. This
agony was to continue for more than a year, until Hans was released by death.
474 THE BACH FAMILY
through which Romanticism reveals nature as a repository of human
sentiment.

Among the Thomas Cantor's sons the 'Biickeburg Bach' showed the
least ambition. He was the only one to keep the same position throughout
his and he seems to have been but little tempted by the fascination of
life,

life in a great musical centre. These character-traits occur even more

strongly in his eldest son, Wilhelm Friedrkh Ernst, born in 1759. Artis-
tically Wilhelm may have been well qualified for the career of a concert-
pianist, but he lacked the showmanship necessary to achieve real success.
As the eldest son in a family of which both father and mother were
professional musicians, he was as a matter of course trained for similar
work. When his father felt that he had taught the son everything within
his power, he took him in 1778 to London, where uncle Christian could
give Wilhelm's style the last polish and start him on a professional career.
For three years the youth stayed in London, and at that time, stimulated
by the British capital's teeming musical life and especially by his uncle's
brilliant art, he may have come as near to virtuosity as his nature would

allow. At the same time he must have gained teaching experience by

helping his uncle and aunt with their students. But on New Year's Day
1782, Christian was tragically felled by illness and disillusionment. The
creditors seized all his possessions, his home was broken up, his widow
moved to Italy, and there was no way for Wilhelm to stay on in London.
After attending the auction of all his uncle's belongings and buying with

his meagre savings a portrait bust of Christian, on his

Wilhelm started

way home, travelling through France and Holland and supporting him-
self as a pianist and organist. This kind of life did not suit him, however,
and when the opportunity presented itself, he settled down as music

director in the Westphalian town of Minden, near his native Biicke-

burg. Maybe his father had been instrumental in securing the position;
anyway it is significant that in Friedrich Bach's series Musikalische Neben-
stunden, consisting principally of his own works, a song by a titled lady
from Minden is included. But Wilhelm was not to remain at Minden for
long. Chance would have it that in 1786 Friedrich Wilhelm II, successor
to Friedrich 'the Great,' paid a visit to this town. A cantata by the music
director was performed in honour of this event, and the monarch was
most favourably impressed by the work. The name of Bach was of course
well known to him, and as recently as 1780 Emanuel had established a
WILHELM FRIEDRICH ERNST'S LIFE 475

connection by dedicating four symphonies to Friedrich Wilhelm, who was

at that time still Crown Prince. Now that the King had met the younger
Bach, he felt inclined to engage him for Berlin. On Julyn, 1789, Fried-
rich Bach could report to his publisher-friend, Breitkopf: 'My son is now
in Berlin and is doing quite nicely. He entertains hopes of being admitted
to the King's band. So far he has received from the Queen a monthly
salary of 40 th. for teaching.' The Queen, whom he served as conductor
and teacher, was Elisabeth Christine, widow of Friedrich 'the Great'; when
she died in 1797 Wilhelm Bach took over a similar office with young
Queen Luise, wife of Prussia's new ruler, Friedrich Wilhelm III (who
succeeded his father in the same year, 1797), serving also as an instructor
to the royal children.
Wilhelm Bach must have found life in the Prussian capital very
different from that in provincial Minden. Music played a great role there,
for King Friedrich Wilhelm was intensely interested in it, and was an
excellent 'cellist himself. In the very year Wilhelm Bach was appointed,
Mozart paid a visit to Berlin in order to attend performances of his opera
Die Entfiihrung aus dem Serail, and he expressed his admiration for the
Prussian King by dedicating to the monarch his last 3 quartets. Seven
years later Beethoven was received there with great enthusiasm and held
the Berlin music lovers spellbound with his fantasies on the pianoforte.
Most likely the royal music teacher, Wilhelm Bach, was able to hear the
young genius. One of the Princes, the highly gifted Louis Ferdinand,
became very friendly with Beethoven, who paid him this compliment:
'Louis Ferdinand played not royally nor princely, but like a genuinely
fine pianist.' If the Prince, like the other royal children, received instruc-
tion from Wilhelm Bach, the teacher will have been pleased by the
verdict, while feeling at the same time rather shocked at Beethoven's
unconventional way of expressing himself. Wilhelm, reared at the Biicke-
burg court, where the word of the Count was law to everybody, could
never have uttered any remark of this kind to his royal pupils. Yet in his
modest and unassuming way he obtained good results. After one of the
princesses, Friederike Charlotte Ulrike, was married to the Duke of York,
Haydn had occasion to make music with her and he praised her playing on
the piano and her singing. Another pupil, Prince Heinrich, became so
attached to his music master that on moving to Rome he arranged that a
yearly pension of 300 thalers should henceforth be paid to Wilhelm Bach.
This enabled the musician from court work when his royal
to retire
mistress died in 18 10. Teaching, combined with composing (which, how-
ever, rarely led to publication), seems to have fully satisfied him. No
47<$ THE BACH FAMILY
reports of any public appearance have been preserved and it may well be
that the tremendous impression made on him by Beethoven's playing had
discouraged Bach once and for all from ventures in this field. He was a

shy person, and, except for membership in a masonic lodge, he did not
take part in the social and intellectual life of the capital as his uncle had
done. That even as a young man he would have preferred a life like his
father's is revealed by the application for Friedrich's former position
which he sent on November 21, 1795, after the death of his
to Biickeburg
father's immediate successor. He was too late, however; for the duties had
already been conferred on concert-master Wagny. The ruling Countess
regretfully explained this, adding a remuneration for the composition he
had sent her, and remarking that she would never have assumed he was
willing to 'exchange his pleasant and favourable situation in Berlin for the
less lucrative one at Biickeburg/
Where matrimony was concerned, Wilhelm did not imitate his father's
example. He was 39 when he married in 1798; and his partner, the daughter
of a hairdresser, was 19. Their happiness did not last long. After giving
birth to two daughters, the young wife died of scarlet fever, before she
was 21 years old. The widower had to provide for the two infant girls,
and so nine months later he married again, choosing this time a woman of
28 who was to remain his faithful companion through his long life. The
Bach couple seems to have led a rather secluded but comfortable existence
with little to worry them. Both enjoyed excellent health. Wilhelm,
deviating in this respect from most of his kinsmen, was 86 when he died, 1
and his wife even reached the age of 88. Two years before his death Wil-
helm was granted a very wonderful experience. He was the only member
of the Bach musicians who was privileged to witness the rediscovery of
Sebastian Bach, leading to the solemn inauguration of the Leipzig monu-
ment on April 23, 1843. Robert Schumann reported this memorable event
in his Neue Zeitschrift fiir Musik with these words: 'The celebrated hero
of the day, apart from Bach, was his only surviving grandson, a very old
man, yet vigorous, with snow-white hair and expressive features. No one
had known of him, not even Mendelssohn, who had lived for so long in
Berlin and certainly would have eagerly followed up anything connected
—
with Bach and this man had been there for more than 40 years! About
his circumstances no particulars could be ascertained, except that he was
conductor to the wife of King Friedrich II, and later received a pension
assuring him a carefree existence. Let us honour the worthy head bearing
so sacred a name!' At the Leipzig celebration Wilhelm Bach was accom-
1
The date of 1846 on his tomb is not correct. He died in 1845. Cf. Hey in BJ, 1933.
WILHELM FRIEDRICH ERNST S MUSIC 477

panied by his aged wife and two daughters, but his only son had not
survived infancy, and so there was no one to carry on the name of which
he felt so proud. After his death in 1845 one of his daughters married, but
she had no children and thus Wilhelm's line of the family expired.

THE MUSIC OF WILHELM FRIEDRICH ERNST BACH

Outwardly, the lives of the two artistically-minded grandsons of
Sebastian seem diametrically opposed. Sebastian II never secured a posi-
tion in his field and died at the age of 30; Wilhelm received a good appoint-
ment at the Prussian court and lived to be an age not
86, thus reaching
attained by any other member of this branch of the Yet artistically
family.
their careers bear a certain resemblance. Wilhelm's style was formed
during the decisive years he spent in London with his uncle. There he
adopted an idiom of early classicism which had not yet entirely outgrown
the somewhat stiff grace of Rococo music. The Andante con moto in B
flat in his Grande Sonate pour le Pianoforte^ which he performed on

December 6, 1778, in the Hanover Square concert hall, shows the youth
of 19 to be a disciple of his brilliant uncle {Ex. 129). He maintained a

musical language of this type more or less throughout his long life.

Artistically he never fully matured; he ignored the tremendous changes

music was undergoing from the hands of Beethoven, Schubert, Schumann,
and Chopin, and he did not even follow the romantic trends revealed in
the later works of Mozart and Haydn. Although the exact dates of com-
position can be ascertained for only a few of his works, it appears that his
style underwent hardly any changes and that long before he died his
creative urge ran out. He gave his best while his father and his uncle were
still alive, but when he was the only Bach left to carry on the family tradi-
tion he felt this to be so crushing a responsibility that it stunted his
creative faculties.
Only a comparatively small number of his works was printed in his
47 8 THE BACH FAMILY
lifetime, such as the piano score of his successful cantata Westphalens
Freude ihren. . .geliebten Konig. . . ^u sehen (Bosendahl, Rinteln, 179 1), which
led to his appointment in Berlin; 6 trios for clavier, violin, and 'cello

(Preston, London, ca. 1785); 12 grandes variations pour piano (Schlesinger,

of German and French songs and ariettes dedicated to
Berlin); a selection
the Prussian Queen (published by the composer himself), and the Rhein-
weinlied (Werckmeister, Berlin). The majority of his compositions were
preserved in manuscript in Berlin and in the British Museum, which
in 1883 purchased from C. Zoeller a large amount of Wilhelm's music,
mostly in the composer's own hand.
Wilhelm Bach avoided the larger forms of composition. Unlike his
uncle Christian, he wrote no operas, 1 and his secular and sacred cantatas
are on a very modest scale. 2 His output includes works for piano solo,
all

various chamber music, a ballet, concertos for one and two pianos, sym-
phonies, songs, duets, choruses, and short cantatas. Many are brilliant
concert pieces meant to allow a soloist to exhibit a maximum of technical
virtuosity, such as the 2 rondos for soprano and orchestra, 'L'amour est
un bien supreme and Ninfe se liete, which in the solo part contains passages
of breath-taking difficulty (Ex. 130.) Others are simple educational pieces

'...11.

written for amateurs of very limited technical abilities. The Sonata in C

for violin and piano which the composer designates as 'Sinfonia' (prob-
ably to make more important) has four move-
the performing pupils feel
ments, but its naive and rather primitive language does not do justice to
the pompous title and the over-extended form. The work which starts as
follows (Ex. 131) bears a close resemblance to educational music by
Clementi, Kuhlau, and others, written around the turn of the century.
Even the orchestral Symphony in G composed in Berlin is of a similar
character. It is in 3 movements (without Minuet), the best of which is the
last Allegro in 6/8, a gay hunting scene. This work too is very easy to per-
form and was probably meant for an amateur group. A third category
comprises short pieces for mixed or male chorus with or without soloists,
1
Terry's assumption in Grove's 'Dictionary,' 3rd ed., I, p. 179, that his 'Columbus
or the discovery of America' was a scena from an opera, is erroneous. This is a ballad-like
short cantata complete in itself.
* The oratorio Die Kindheit Jesu attributed to him in the catalogue of MSS. of the
British Museum is the work of his father (cf. p. 402).
WILHELM FRIEDRICH ERNST S MUSIC 479
evidently intended for 'Liedertafeln' and other choral groups of untrained
music lovers. The range of emotions covered here is very wide. A good

WT
example of the serious works is offered by the Vater wiser ('Lord's Prayer')
for tenor and bass with chorus and orchestra. The soloists take turns in
praising the Lord, and each section is concluded by a
line from the Lord's

Prayer sung by the chorus. This work up towards a climax

is built
through the entrance of timpani and trumpets at the words 'for Thine is
the kingdom, and the power, and the glory'; it displays a pleasing warmth
and fervour. Conceived along similar lines is the ballad Columbus oder die
Entdeckungvon America ('Columbus or the discovery of America') for tenor
and a group of wind and string instruments; in it
solo, bass solo, chorus,
Wilhelm's favourite device of enhancing the expressiveness through added
trumpets and timpani occurs when land is sighted by the mutinous sailors.
Another work for solo voices and chorus, this time, however, with the
accompaniment of piano, is Erinnerung an Schillers Sterbetag ('In memory
of Friedrich Schiller's death in 1805'), the harmonic and melodic language
of which reveals a timid approach to Romanticism. On the other hand,
there is a multitude of humorous, even burlesque pieces, among them the
Concerto buffo, in which various toy instruments are presented. In the
'duetto comico' Der Dichter und der Komponist ('The poet and the com-
poser') for three voices and piano, a poet and a composer converse about
the creative process and are again and again rudely interrupted in their
big-sounding orations by a peddler advertising 'Limburg cheese,'
'apples,' 'berries,' and, as a final iniquity, 'sour pickles.' In a remark on the

score Wilhelm Bach stresses that the Berlin dialect should be used for the
peddler's utterances. The kind of entertainment which Wilhelm provides
here makes us think of the 'barbershop quartets' of a later time.
A similar sense of humour is revealed in the Dreyblatt ('Trefoil') for
piano six hands. In a note on the title-page of the composition Wilhelm
remarks: 'the gentleman playing the middle part should sit a little further
back than the two ladies on either side of him. Their arms must be held
above his own.' As a matter of fact, the piece is written in such a way that
4^0 THE BACH FAMILY
it is the man in the centre who plays, with his right hand, the highest and,
with his left, the lowest notes of the composition.
His Lieder show the simple, pre-romantic character of compositions
written in the seventeen-eighties.Wilhelm composed not only to Ger-
man, but also to French and Italian texts. For pieces in a more brilliant
idiom he preferred foreign languages, which he used with great ease.
While the scholastic education given him in Biickeburg bore good fruit
in this respect, the special training he received from his father left a
surprisingly weak imprint, and there is much of musical craftsmanship
not
to be noticed in the majority of his works. The Allegro fugato that con-
cludes a Divertimento for piano duet, for instance, uses a
weak and repeti-
tioustheme rather unsuitable for contrapuntal elaboration {Ex. 132) that
would not have seemed acceptable to the older Bachs.
Allegro Ttigaio

Q2K"
The British Museum
among Wilhelm's manuscript works
preserves
a Sextet in E flat The name
for clarinet, 2 horns, violin, viola, and 'cello.
of the composer is not mentioned, but as it is in his own hand and as the
collection of Wilhelm's music contains works of a similar character, we
are justified in assuming it to be a product of the same author. This is real

chamber music, affording good opportunities for each of the six players
and written in a transparent and highly effective style. In particular, the
rondo finale with its main subject in the character of a German peasant
dance {Ex. 133) shows vigour and spirit. Wilhelm's music, for once
X x. M3

^.^n j A-ffi i &A Jtfi ^ m j

neither fettered by the demands of exacting virtuosi nor by those of in-

competent amateurs, here assumes a solid and pleasing character, not too
often apparent in his works. 1 As a rule the artistic personality of Sebastian's
grandson shows but few of the characteristic features of the Bach
musicians.
1
Among his more attractive works of chamber music the little Trio in G for two
flutes and viola should be mentioned which was edited by Rolf Ermeler in the collection
'Hortus Musicus.'
O

PQ
bD
c

CQ
EPILOGUE

the two grandsons of Sebastian Bach may well be considered as typical

of the seventh generation counting from Veit, the miller. Physically and
artistically the strength of the family was ebbing away; the gifted Johann
Sebastian II died at the age of 30, before hewas able to create real master-
works, while Wilhelm Friedrich Ernst never developed artistic maturity
and wrote in a superficial style strangely unfit for a Bach. Nor was the
picture different with other grandsons of Sebastian, most of whom did not
survive infancy. What the Biickeburg Bach had felt so deeply was in a
certain sense true: the Bachs were dying out. However, in Friedrich
Bach's very own progeny some survival took place. His eldest daughter,
Anna Philippine Friederike, in 1776 married Lieutenant Ernst Carl
Colson.They had five children, who for the greater part showed typical
symptoms of degeneration. Indeed one of them, Wilhelm Friedrich (1781-
1809), was an epileptic who never held a profession; he had an illegitimate
son, Wilhelm Ernst, who at the age of 1 5 committed suicide by hanging
himself. The eldest of Friedrich Bach's grandsons, however, named
Johann Christoph Friedrich after his grandfather (1778-183 1), escaped
the lack of vitality prevalent in the others. As a young man he had to
leave Biickeburg because of some kind of trouble with the authorities;
this led to a quarrel with his mother as well, and hence he supported him-

self as tutor for mathematics (an interest he shared with some of his

greatest kinsmen) in aristocratic families of eastern Germany. At the age

of 35 he married Josepha Schiweck, had six children, all of whom had
numerous offspring too. This branch of the family began modestly,
earning their living as farmers or artisans, with some of the younger
generation rising to the position of teachers. In 1939 28 grandsons and
52 great-grandsons of Friedrich Colson could be traced, some of them
carrying Polish names. Thus the blood of Sebastian Bach is still alive in
1
various families of Silesia and Poland. They are all Roman Catholics, like
their ancestor, Ernst Carl Colson.
It is interesting to note that while the most prominent branch of the

1
Terry's statement 'since 13 May 1871 Bach's blood has ceased in mortal veins'
(cf. 'Bach. The Historical Approach,' 1930) can therefore no longer be upheld. See
Ulmenstein in ZfMw, 1939.
2H 481
482 THE BACH FAMILY
Bach tree was extinguished or degenerated in the seventh generation
other, less important lines continued to flourish for some time. This applies
to the Meiningen branch (cf. p. 447), which is still in existence to-day, and

to the Ohrdruf which supplies good examples of the unassuming,

line,

deeply religious, hard-working type of Bach musician.

Ambrosius' eldest son, Johann Christoph (22), came to Ohrdruf in
1690, and it was in this little town that the orphaned Sebastian went to
school for five years, receiving a thorough musical training from his
brother.When Johann Christoph died in 172 1, at the age of 50, his widow
was badly off. Her husband had not earned enough to be able to save any-
thing worth speaking of, and of her five sons, only the eldest, Tobias
Friedrich 1 (40; 1695-1768), was supporting himself as Cantor of Udestedt,
while the two youngest, aged 14 and 8, would still be financially depen-
dent for quite a while. There were also three daughters to take care of.
Frau Bach's problems were solved in the traditional manner. Her second
son, Johann Bernhard (41; 1700-43), who had been studying with his
uncle Sebastian at Weimar and Cothen, serving also as a copyist, was
appointed his father's successor as organist of St. Michael propter merita
defuncti patris; and as he did not marry until ten years later, he was able
to help his family. The third Johann Christoph (42; 1702-56),
son, another
applied, when an opening occurred, for the position of Cantor at Ohrdruf;
he stressed the benefit his mother would thus derive, who 'had been living
for eight years as a poor widow with so many children unprovided,' and
he got the post. The fourth son, Johann Heinrich (43; 1707-82), received
his uncle Sebastian's help, for shortly after the latter had moved to Leip-
zig the youth was enrolled in the Thomas school; subsequently he became
Cantor at Oehringen. (That he as well as his elder brother, J.
Christoph,
were active composers is revealed by a festive cantata which these two
brothers wrote together in celebration of the nuptials of a Count of
Hohenlohe and a Saxon Princess.) Johann Andreas (44; 1713-79), the
youngest offspring, first felt tempted to try a more adventurous life, and

joined the army as a musician; eventually he, too, returned to his native
town, serving as organist of the Trinitatis Church, and on the death of his
brother Johann Bernhard in 1743 as the latter's successor. Apparently he
rendered very satisfactory service; for it is significant that at his wife's
funeral the bells were rung for a quarter of an hour 'because of the hus-
band's special merits and outstanding artistic achievements.' In the

1
Tobias Friedrich Bach first served as Cantor at Gandersheim, co-operating with
his kinsman, Nikolaus Ephraim Bach (cf. p. 108); subsequently he was appointed in the
same capacity at Pferdingsleben, and from 1721 to his death in 1763 at Udestedt.
!

EPILOGUE 483

following generation the Ohrdruf Bachs continued holding the positions

of Organist and Cantor respectively, while other members served in schools
or churches. The Organist, Andreas, was succeeded by his son, Johann
Christoph Georg (1747-18 14); and strangely enough father and son had
the same tragic experience, when their church was destroyed by fire, first
in 1753 anc^ a ^ter * ts restoration, a second time in 1808. (St. Michael's was
finally hit by bombs in 1945, on which occasion a valuable library went up
in flames.) A
few years after Georg's appointment, his cousin, Philipp
Christian (173 4- 1809) became Cantor, because, as is mentioned in the
minutes of the Council, 'none of the other candidates had similar qualifica-
tions, especially with regard to music' However, Philipp' s interests were
primarily in the field of theology, which he had studied in Jena. In 1772 he
became pastor in a nearby town, whereupon his brother, Ernst Carl Gott-
fried (173 8- 1 801), succeeded him as Cantor in Ohrdruf. The latter's son,
Carl Christian (178 5-1 8 59), who —
incidentally, like his kinsman, Sebastian
—
Bach, married a cousin chose the ministry and became an outstanding
preacher and superintendent. Thus the Bach musicians proper ceased to
work in Ohrdruf in 18 14, but they continued to be active as teachers or
pastors in this district and the line is now in its twelfth generation.
The Ohrdruf branch was on the Bach
also instrumental in carrying
tradition in Erfurt, where the family had served since 1635. The last Bach
employed as director of the town band was Johann Christoph (19), born
in the same year as Sebastian. His sons all chose the teaching profession,
and moved away from Erfurt; so, on Johann Christoph's death in 1740,
a son-in-law, Christoph Miiller, was given the position. Moreover another
Bach, Johann Gunther (33; 1703-56), a great-grandson of Johann (4),
joined the band as viola player and tenor singer. At about the same time
a member of the Ohrdruf branch, Tobias Friedrich (b. 1723), worked as
Cantor in Erfurt. His robust, typically Bachian sense of humour is

expressed in a verse which the Cantor wrote at the age of 80 with a firm
hand into the 'friendship-book' of a young relative who was paying him a
visit:
A Bach am I, and love my beer,
But I must die, like others here
Yet while I live, a Cantor, I
Gain profit when the others die. 1

With Tobias who lived to be 90, the line of Bach musicians in

Friedrich,
Erfurt came to an end in 1813. Yet the name maintained its distinction in
the district, for in the nearby village of Bindersleben there worked at that

1
English translation by Henry S. Drinker.
484 THE BACH FAMILY
time another gifted man of this name, again a Johann Christoph Bach
(1782- 1 846), who was descended from a branch of the family that can be
traced back to the year 1650, although no relationship to Veit, the baker,
could be established. This Johann Christoph, who incidentally studied
music with Sebastian Bach's latest pupil, J. Christoph Kittel, was an out-
standing organist and choir director, and various compositions by him
were published in Erfurt. Musical talent remained apparent in his descen-
dants, and a grandson, Ernst Louis Heimann, enjoyed a fine reputation as
Organist and Regens chori.

The which genealogical research has exercised in recent

fascination
times on the minds of the German people was responsible for the un-
earthing of many more Bach branches not descending fromVeit, the baker. 1
Under the leadership of a retired teacher, Arthur Bach of Arnstadt, the
Bachs were organized into a kind of society. The old institution of the
annual family day, reported by Forkel (cf. p. 79), was revived, and thanks
to a Mitteilungsblatt (journal) published since 1937 by the Bach'scher
Familienverband fur Thuringen (Bach Family Association for Thuringia)
the Bachs kept each other informed of new genealogical discoveries as well
as of weddings, christenings, deaths, appointments, etc. occurring in the
clan. The Second World War put an end to the activities of this associa-
tion, and it seems that it lost its most active members partly through death,
partly through emigration. Yet those surviving in Germany still proudly
cherish their heritage, and it would not be surprising if the Bach Family
Association came to life again before long.
The 20th-century Bachs are, however, no longer professional musi-
cians. Making music or painting is for them merely a pleasant hobby, and
their activities therefore do not concern us here. Even such branches as
the 18th-century Ohrdruf Bachs are for us of minor interest, for it should
be borne in mind that carrying on a musical profession through several
generations was by no means a rarity. A historian has figured out 2 that
there are for instance 37 Thuringian families which produced two or more
good musicians. The question therefore arises how it came about that the
descendants of Veit, the baker, succeeded in surpassing those others not
only in quantity and length of their reign, but, most of all, in artistic
quality. In all these respects the Bachs may be termed unique and they
were far superior to as outstanding a family as the French Couperins, who
1
Quite a few Bachs were found in Bonn a.Rh., who worked as pianists, violinists, or
church musicians, among them Ferdinand Bach (b. 1837), who at the age of 20 became a
member of Joseph Joachim's quartet, but passed away a year later from typhus.
2
Wilhelm Greiner, 'Die Musik im Lande Bachs,' Eisenach, 1935.
EPILOGUE 485

from the 17th to the 19th century produced in an unbroken line distin-

guished organists and pianists as well as some fine composers.

While it would be difficult to give definite reasons for the singular
achievements of the Bachs, we might point to a few factors which worked
in their favour. Theirs was a fighting spirit that thrived on difficulties. The
was their determination to meet it nobly.
greater the challenge, the fiercer
Thus it happened that in the most tragic period of German history the
Bachs were able to establish a tradition of fine, in some cases even of out-
standing, musical accomplishments. Most helpful was also the family
solidarity among the Bachs. Their homes as well as their rich fund of
practical experience as musicians stood at the disposal of their kinspeople;
as a unity they were able to weather economic storms which would have
destroyed the single individual. They often married women who were
descendants of musical families, and thus the artistic talent from two
different sources was accumulated. It also seems that various national
strainswere combined in them to great advantage. Veit, the founder of the
musical dynasty, may have handed on a mixed German-Magyar inheri-
tance derived from his own or his wife's ancestry. While this is only con-
jectural, we on firmer ground looking at Sebastian Bach's direct fore-
are
bears. Only one of his grandparents was a Thuringian. His paternal grand-
mother came from a district in Saxony partly inhabited by Lower or
North Germans and brought him some characteristics of this people; to
her he may have owed his leanings towards Northern music which
caused him to choose Liineburg and Liibeck as places of study instead of
Italy. His mother's family, though of Thuringian origin, had lived for

several generations in Lower Silesia, which again has a mixed population.

This heritage of mingled nationalities was at work in the production of
the immortal genius. It should also not be forgotten that although among
Sebastian's near relatives were some very fine composers, his own father
did not exhibit any creative gifts, and probably this was true of his grand-
father, Christoph Bach, as well. The musical inheritance thus accumu-
lated in two generations triumphantly burst forth in Sebastian, who, on
the other hand, had received emotional depth and a trend towards mystic
ecstasy from the Lammerhirts. The importance of his mother's family is
also illuminated by another fact. His father, J. Ambrosius, had a twin
brother, J. Christoph (12); these twins were so much alike that even their
own wives could not distinguish them, and also as musicians they were
not to be told apart (cf. p. 65). Yet the descendants of these twins bore
no resemblance whatever, and while J. Christoph's son, J. Ernst (25), was
an organist of mediocre talent, J. Ambrosius was the father of J. Sebastian.
486 THE BACH FAMILY
While the achievements of this greatest Bach appear like the logical
climax to which thework of his ancestors had led, his children present a
baffling phenomenon indeed. As a rule genius does not produce progeny
endowed with outstanding creative gifts. But in spite of Sebastian's titanic
contributions to music, two of his sons were leaders in the music of their
time, while two others revealed substantial talent. We must just accept the
family's unique position in this respect, without attempting to produce
sufficient reasons for it. However, it should be remembered that excep-
tionally fortunate conditions were created by Sebastian's choice of
spouses, both wives being descendants of a long line of musicians and
singers in their own right.

It may also help if one tries to visualize these various composers within
the general artistic conditions of their time. In the 17th century Baroque
art slowly gathered momentum, carrying the Bach musicians on the crest
of this wave. The closer we approach Sebastian, the more significant we
find the artistic achievements of his kinsmen. The starting-point for the
greatest Bach was an extremely high one; not only his own relatives but
musicians all around him produced works of a very elevated standard.

From a general artistic level of such altitude Sebastian's genius carried him
to supreme achievements in the Baroque era.
were by no means endowed with similar creative gifts.
Sebastian's sons
But when they were at work, in that transitional phase between the Baroque
and Classical periods, the general musical standard had somewhat declined
and Emanuel's as well as Christian's talent, though vastly inferior to that
of their father, was sufficient to secure them leadership.
The chronicler investigating the history of the Bach family feels very
much like a mountain climber. Slowly he ascends to a high plateau
affording some enchanting views; proceeding across it he comes to a
tower of the most generous proportions, the highest gallery of which
seems to reach right into the sky and offers vistas of breath-taking splen-
dour. Henceforth he continues along the wide, pleasant expanse of the
plateau which discloses ever new attractions, and only after a long walk
he descends on a steep trail into the valley. Looking back from a greater
distance he might find the outlines of the mountainous plateau somewhat
blurred, but the tower will still stand out in all its glory.
1

GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE BACH MUSICIANS

(DESCENDANTS OF VEIT BACH, THE MILLER)

In the following list the unwieldy genealogical trees have been replaced by the space-saving
device of the decimal system to indicate the relationship between the different members of
the Bach family. Accordingly the name of Veit, the baker, is preceded by a i, that of his
brother Caspar by a 2. Veit's two sons, Johannes and Lips, are given 1 1 and 1 2 respectively,
and Caspar's five sons 21, 22, 23, 24, 25.
The three sons of 11 Johannes are m
Johann, 112 Christoph, and 113 Heinrich. Lips'
only son is 121 Wendel. The three sons of 1 1 1 Johann are shown by 1 1 1.1, 1 1 1.2 and 1 1 1.3,
those of 112 Christoph with 112.1, 112.2, and 112.3.
The number of digits in an italicized number indicates therefore how many generations
the person removed from the founder of the family (112.24 J. Sebastian, for instance,
is

belongs to the fifth generation counting from Veit). By omitting the last digit from an
italicized number we receive that assigned to the person's father, by removing the last two
digits that of his grandfather (112.24 J- Sebastian is the son of 112.2 J. Ambrosius and the
grandson of 1 1 2 Christoph).
If two numbers are identical except for the last digit, the two men referred to
italicized
are brothers; if the numbers are identical in all but the last two digits, the persons are
cousins. (112.24 J- Sebastian is a brother of 112.23 J. Jakob; the two men are cousins of
1 12.3 1 J. Ernst.) Other relationships can easily be worked out.

The name Johann preceding a middle name is abbreviated into J. Numbers in ( ) follow-
ing a name are those of J. Sebastian's Ursprung der musicalisch-Bachischen Familie. The
reader will notice that our system leads to a succession of names identical with that achieved
in J. Sebastian's Genealogy, although our list is naturally larger. There is one slight dis-
crepancy, however : No. 51 of J. Sebastian's list was omitted by us, as the J. Christoph
mentioned under this number did not exist.

No attempt towards completeness has been made. Those who died at an early age, the
female members of the family, and the non-musicians, were as a rule omitted.

1 Veit (1), the baker, Wechmar, ?-i6ic>.

2 Caspar, town musician, Gotha, Arnstadt, ca. 1570-ca. 1642.

3 Hans ('The jester'), Nurtingen, 1555-1615.

1 Johannes or Hans (2), musician, Wechmar, ?-i626.
12 Lips (3), carpetmaker, ?, ?-i620.
zi Caspar, musician, Arnstadt, ca. 1600-?.
22 Johannes, musician, Arnstadt, 1602-32.
23 Melchior, musician, Arnstadt, 1603-34.
24 Nicol, musician, Arnstadt, 1619-37.
25 Heinrich, blind, Arnstadt, ?-i635.
m Johann (4), town musician and organist, Erfurt, 1604-73.
112 Christoph (5), town and court musician, Arnstadt, 1613-61.
113 Heinrich (6), organist, Arnstadt, 1615-92.
121 Wendel, farmer, Wolfsbehringen, 1619-82.
1 1 1. 1 J. Christian (7), director of town band, Erfurt, 1640-82.
111.2 J. Egidius (8), director of town band, Erfurt, 1645-1716.
111.3 J. Nikolaus (9), town musician, Erfurt, 1653-82.
112.1 Georg Christoph (10), cantor, Schweinfurt, 1642-97.

487
1

488 THE BACH FAMILY

iiz.2 J. Ambrosius (n), town musician, Eisenach, 1645-95.
112.3 J- Christoph (12), town musician, Arnstadt, 1645-93.
113.1 J. Christoph (13), organist, Eisenach, 1642-1703.
1 13.2 J. Michael (14), organist, Gehren, 1648-94.
ii3~3 J- Giinther (15), organist, Arnstadt, 1653-83.
i2i.i Jakob, cantor, Ruhla, 1655-1718.
1 1 1. 1 J. Jakob (16), town musician's journeyman, Eisenach, 1668-92.
in.12 J. Christoph (17), cantor, Gehren, 1673-1727.
in.21 J. Bernhard (18), organist, Eisenach, 1676-1749.
111.22 J. Christoph (19), director of town band, Erfurt, 1685-1740.
1 1 1.31 J. Nikolaus (20), barber and surgeon, Konigsberg, 1682-after 1735.
1 1 2.1 J. Valentin (21), cantor, Schweinfurt, 1669-1720.
112.21 J. Christoph (22), organist, Ohrdruf, 1671-1721.
H2.22 J. Balthasar, trumpeter, Cothen, 1673-91.
122.23 ]• Jakob (23), court musician, Stockholm, 1682-1722.
112.24 J. Sebastian (24), 1685-1750.
112.31 J. Ernst (25), organist, Arnstadt, 1683-1739.
112.32 J. Christoph (26), organist, Blankenheim, 1689-1740.
113.11 J. Nicolaus (27), organist, Jena, 1669-1753.
113.12 J. Christoph (28), clavier teacher, England, 1676-?.
113-13 J«Friedrich (29), organist, Miihlhausen, 1682-1730.
1 13.14 J.Michael (30), organ builder, Stockholm ?, 1685-?.
1 13.21 Maria Barbara, m. J. Sebastian, 1684- 1720.
i2i.i i J. Ludwig, court conductor, Meiningen, 1 677-1731.
121.12 Nikolaus Ephraim, intendant and organist, Gandersheim, 1690- 1760.
121.13 Georg Michael, cantor, Halle, 1701-77.
ni.121 J. Samuel (31), musician, Sondershausen, 1694-1720.
in.122 J. Christian (32), musician, Sondershausen, 1696-?.
1 1 1.123 J- Giinther (33), teacher and musician, Erfurt, 1703-56.
m.211 J. Ernst (34), organist and conductor, Weimar, Eisenach, 1722-77.
in.221 J. Friedrich (35), schoolmaster, Andisleben, 1706-43.
m.222 J. Egidius (36), schoolmaster, Gross Munra, 1709-46.
1 1 1.223 Wilhelm Hieronymus (37), 1730-54.
ii2.ni J. Lorenz (38), organist and cantor, Lahm, 1695-1773.
H2.H2 J. Elias (39), cantor, Schweinfurt, 1705-55.
1 i2.2ii Tobias Friedrich (40), cantor, Udestedt, 1695-1768.
112.212 J. Bernhard (41), organist, Ohrdruf, 1700-43.
112.213 J- Christoph (42), cantor, Ohrdruf, 1702-56.
112.214 J.Heinrich (43), cantor, Oehringen, 1707-82.
112.215 J.Andreas (44), organist, Ohrdruf, 1713-79.
1 12.241 Wilhelm Friedemann (45), the 'Halle Bach,' 1710-84.
1 12.242 Carl Philipp Emanuel (46), the 'Berlin or Hamburg Bach,' 1714-88.
122.243 J.Gottfried Bernhard (47), organist, Miihlhausen, 1715-39.
1 12.244 Gottfried Heinrich (48), mentally deficient, 1724-63.
112.245 Elisabeth Juliane Friederica, m.J. Christoph Altnikol, 1726-81.
112.246 J. Christoph Friedrich (49), the 'Buckeburg Bach,' 1732-95.
112.243 J. Christian (50), the 'London Bach,' 1735-82.
112.248 Regine Susanna, J. Sebastian's youngest child, 1742-1809.
1 1 3.1 1 1 J. Christian (52), theologian, Jena, 1717-38.
113.121 J. Heinrich (53), clavierist, ?-after 1735.
i2i.ni Samuel Anton, organist and court official, Meiningen, 1713-81.
121.1 12 Gottlieb Friedrich, organist and painter, Meiningen, 1714-85.
GENEALOGICAL TABLE 489
121.131 J. Christian, clavierist, Halle, 1743-1814.
m.211.1 J. Georg, organist and lawyer, Eisenach, 1751-97.
1 1 i.22i.i J. Christoph, Andisleben, 1736-1808.
1 12.H2.1 J. Michael, music theoretician, composer, lawyer, Giistrow, travelled to U.S.,
1754-?.
H2.2H.I Tobias Friedrich, cantor, Erfurt, 1723-1813.
H2.212.1 J. Wilhelm, gold lace maker, Ohrdruf, 1732-1800.
1 12.213.1 Philipp Christian, cantor and minister, Werningshausen, 1734-1809.
112.213.2 Ernst Carl Gottfried, cantor, Ohrdruf, 1738-1801.
112.213.3 Ernst Christian, cantor, Wechmar, 1747-1822.
H2.2i5.i J. Christoph Georg, organist, Ohrdruf, 1747-1814.
112.241.1 Friederica Sophie, m. J. Schmidt in 1789, 1757-1801.
112.242.1 J. August, lawyer, Hamburg, 1745-89.
112.242.2 J. Sebastian(J. Samuel), painter, Rome, 1748-78.
112.245.1 Augusta Magdalena Altnikol, m. E. F. Ahlefeldt, sealing-wax maker, 175 1-
1809.
1 12.245.2 Juliane Wilhelmine Altnikol, m. F. A. Priifer, printer, 1754-1815.
112.246.1 Anna Philippine Friederike Bach, m. Lieut. W. E. Colson, 1755-1804.
112.246.2 Wilhelm Friedrich Ernst, court cembalist, Berlin, 1759-1845.
121.H2.1 J.Philipp, organist and painter, Meiningen, 1752-1846.
12Z.H2.2 Samuel Friedrich, minister, Neuhaus, 1755-1841.
in. 2 n. n Philipp Ernst Christian, city clerk, Eisenach, 1780- 1840.
121.112.11 Friedrich Carl Eduard, ducal forester, 181 5-1903.
121.112.111 Paul, post official Eisenach, b. 1878.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A Selection of Literature on Members of the Bach Family

{For list of abbreviations see p. xv)

Abert H.Joh. Christian Backs italienische Opern undihr Einfluss aufMozart, ZfMw, I, 1919.
Adlung Anleitung iu der musikalischen Gelahrtheit. Erfurt, 1758.
J.
Musica Mechanica Organoedi (1768). Reprint by Christhard Mahrenholz. Kassel,

Albrecht H. and Bach A. Die Bache in Arnstadt. Mitteilungsblatt des Bach'schen Familien-
verbandes fur Thiiringen. Arnstadt, 1938.
Aldrich P. Ornamentation in J. S. Bach's Organ Works. New York, 195 1.
Arnstadt. J. S. Bach und seine Verwandten in Arnstadt, ed. by F. Wiegand. Arnstadt, 1950.
Bach C. P. E. Versuch iiber die wahre Art, das Clavier %u spielen. Berlin, 1759, J 762. Reprint
by Walter Niemann, 5 th ed. Leipzig, 1925. English translation by William J. Mitchell,
New York, 1949.
Bach Gedenkschrift. Compiled by the 'International Bach Society,' ed. by K. Matthaei.
Zurich, 1950.
Bach Jahrbuch. Leipzig, 1904-50.
Bach in Thiiringen. Gabe der Thuringer Kirche an das Thiiringer Volk zum Bach Gedenk-
jahr 1950. Berlin, 1950.
Beaulieu-Marconnay C. von. Ernst August. Her%og v. Sachsen-Weimar. Leipzig, 1872.
Bechstein L. Aus dem Leben der Her^oge von Meiningen. Meiningen, 1856.
Bernhardt R. Das Schicksal der Familie Bach. Der Bar, 1929-30.
—
Berthold O. Das Leben in der Thomasschule %ur Bach^eit. J. S. Bach. Das Schaffen des
Meisters im Spiegel einer Stadt. Leipzig, 1950.
Besch H.y. S. Bach. Frommigkeit und Glaube. Band I. 'Deutung und Wirklichkeit,' 2nd ed.
Kassel, 1950.
Besseler H. and Kraft G.Johann Sebastian Bach in Thiiringen. Erfurt, 1950.
Bitter C. H. C. P. E. und W. Fr. Bach und deren Briider. Berlin, 1868.
Johann Sebastian Bach, 2nd ed. Berlin, 1881.
Die Sohne Sebastian Bach's in 'Haldersee: Sammlung Musikalischer Vortrage.'
Leipzig, 1884.
Blume F. Die evangelische Kirchenmusik. Berlin, 1931.
Two Centuries of Bach. An Account of Changing Taste, transl. by S. Godman. New
York, 1950.
J. S. Bach, article in 'Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart.' Kassel, 1949.
Bojanowski P. VON. Das Weimar J. S. Bachs. Weimar, 1903.
Borkowsky E. Das alte Jena und seine Universitdt. Jena, 1908.
Die Musikerfamilie Bach. Jena, 1930.
Boughton R. Bach, the Master. New York, 1930.
Brandts-Buys H. Het wohltemperirte Clavier. Arnhem, 1944.
Bucken E. Der galante Stil. ZfMw, VI. 1923-24.
Bukofzer M. Music in the Baroque Era. New York, 1947.
Burney Ch. Musical Tour, or Present State of Music in France and Italy. London, 1771.
The Present State of Music in Germany, the Netherlands and United Provinces.
London, 1773.
General History of Music. London, 1776-89.
Cart W. J. S. Bach i685-ij5o, etude. Lausanne, 1946.
490
BIBLIOGRAPHY 491
Cherbuliez A. E. Carl Philip Emanuel Bach. Zurich, 1940.
Johann Sebastian Bach, sein Leben und sein IVerk. Olten, 1946.
Chrysander F. Briefe von C. Ph. E. Bach undG. M. Telemann. Allg. Musikal. Ztg. IV, 1869.
Eine Klavierphantasie von C. Ph. E. Bach. Vierteljahrsschr. f. Musikwissensch. VII,
1891.
Cramer H. Die Violoncell-Kompositionen Ph. E. Bachs. Allg. Musikzeitg., 1930.
Danckert W. Beitrdge zur Bachkritik. Kassel, 1934.
David H. T. Kritischer Anhang m Bachs Kunst der Fuge. Jahrbuch Peters, 1927.
J. S. Bach, die Kunst der Fuge. Leipzig, 1928.
J. S. Bach's Musical Offering. History, Interpretation and
Analysis. New York, 1945
and Mendel A. The Bach Reader. New York, 1945.
Davison A. T. Bach and Handel. Cambridge, 1951.
Dehnert M. Das WeltbildJ. S. Bachs. Leipzig, 1948.
Dickinson A. E. F. The Art of Bach. London, 1936.
Dieck W. Die Beiiehungen der Familie Bach iu Erfurt. Thiiringer Allgem. Ztg., 1935.
Dietrich F.J. S. Bachs Orgelchoral und seine geschichtlichen Wurieln. BJ, 1929.
Analogieformen in Bachs Tokkaten und Praludien fur die Orgel. BJ, 1931.
Geschichte des deutschen Orgelchorals im 17. Jhdt. Kassel, 1932.
DlJRR A. Studien iiber diefruhen KantatenJ. S. Bachs. Leipzig, 195 1.
Ehrhardt P. Gisela Agnes-Bach; Bilder aus Kothens Vergangenheit. Kothen, 1935.
Ehricht K. Die lyklische Gestalt und die Auffuhrungsmoglichkeit des III. Teiles der
Klavierubung von Joh. Seb. Bach. BJ, 1949-50.
Engel H. J. S. Bach. Berlin, 1950.
Falck M. Wilhelm Friedemann Bach. Leipzig, 1913.
Field L. N. J. Bach. Minneapolis, 1943.
S.
Finlay J. J. S. Bachs weltliche Kantaten. Gottingen, 1950.
Fischer E. J. S. Bach. Bern, 1948.
Fischer K. Das Freundschaftsbuch des Apothekers F. Thomas Bach. BJ, 1938.
Fischer M. Die organistische Improvisation im 17. Jhdt. dargestellt an den 44 Choralen rfum
^

Praambulieren vonjoh. Christoph Bach. Kassel, 1929.

Fischer W. Zur Chronologie der Klaviersuiten J. S. Bachs, in Musikwissensch. Kongress-
bericht. Basel, 1925.
Florand F.Jean-Sebastien Bach; I'ceuvre d'orgue. Paris, 1947.
Flueler M. Die norddeutsche Sinfonie zur Zeit Friedrichs des Grossen und besonders die Werke
Phil. Em. Bachs. Berlin, 1908.
FoCK G. Die Wahrheit iiber Bachs Aufenthalt in Luneburg. Hamburg, 1949.
Derjunge Bach in Luneburg. Hamburg, 1950.
Forkel J. N. UeberJ. S. Bachs Leben, Kunst und Kunstwerke. Reprint of the edition of 1802.
Kassel, 1950.
Freyse C. Eisenacher Dokumente um Sebastian Bach. Leipzig, 1933.
Das Bach-Haus in Eisenach. BJ, 1939, 1940-48.
Friedlaender M. Das deutsche Lied im 18. Jahrhundert. Leipzig, 1902.
Frotscher G. Geschichte des Orgelspiels und der Orgelkomposition. Berlin, 1935.
J. S. Bach und die Musik des 17. Jhdts. Wadenswil, 1939.
Fuller-Maitland J. A. The Age of Bach and Handel (Oxf. Hist, of Music, IV). Oxford,
1902.
Furstenau M. Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters am Hof\u Dresden. Dresden,
1861-62.
Gebhardt H. Thiiringische Kirchengeschichte. Gotha, 1881.
Geiringer K. Die Familie Bach. Wien, 1936.
of the Bachs. MQ, 1950.
Artistic Interrelations
The Lost Portrait ofJ. S. Bach. New York, 1950.
492. THE BACH FAMILY
Grace H. The Organ Works of Bach. London, 1922.
Graeser W. Bach's Kunst der Fuge. BJ, 1924.
Greiner W. O. L. Die Musik im Lande Bachs. Thilringer Musikgeschlchte, Eisenach, 1935.
Erbbiologische Beobachtungen aus der thuringischen Geistesgeschichte. Thiiringer
Monatsblatter, 1935.
Gresky H. Ein unbekannter Arnstadter Bach. Beilage zum 'Arnstadter Anzeiger,' 1935.
Grew E. and S. Bach. London, 1947.
Grohmann, A. von. J. S. Bach. Heidelberg, 1948.
Gurlitt W. J. S. Bach. Der Meister und sein Werk. 3rd ed. Kassel, 1949.
Hamel F. Johann Sebastian Bach. Geistige Welt. Gottingen, 195 1.
Hartung O. Geschichte der Stadt Cothen. Cothen, 1900.
Hase H. von. C. P. E. Bach und J. G. I. Breitkopf. BJ, 191 1.
Hasse K.J. S. Bach. Leipzig, 1946.
Haym R. Herder nach seinem Leben und seinen Werken dargestellt. Berlin, 1877-85.
Helmbold H. Bilder aus Eisenachs Vergangenheit. Eisenach, 1928.
Hertel L. Neue Landeskunde des Her^ogtums Sachsen-Meiningen, Heft 9. Hildburg-
hausen, 1903-4.
Hertzberg G. F. Geschichte der Stadt Halle an der Saale, III. Halle, 1893.
Herz G. J. S. Bach im Zeitalter des Rationalismus und der Friihromantik. Bern, 1936.
A 'New' Bach Portrait. MQ, 1943.
Bach's Religion. Journal of Renaiss. and Baroque music, 1946.
Hey G. Zur Biographie J.Friedrich Bachs und seiner Familie. BJ, 1933.
Hindemith Johann Sebastian Bach. Heritage and Obligation. New Haven, 1952.
P.
Hoffmann H. J. K. Die norddeutsche Triosonate des Kreises um J. G. Graun und C. P. E.
Bach. Kiel, 1927.
Hughes R. D. The French Influence on Bach. Thesis, Harvard Univ., 1926.
Hull A. E. Bach's Organ Works. London, 1929.
Hulshoff L. G. De ^es suites voor violoncello solo van J. S. Bach. Arnhem, 1944.
JANSEN M. Bachs Zahlensymbolik an seinen Passionen untersucht. BJ, 1937.
JesseJ. H. Memoirs of the Life and Reign of King George III. London, 1867.
Keller H. Unechte Orgelwerke Bachs. BJ, 1937.
J. S. Bach. Der Kunstler und sein Werk. Lorch, 1947.
Die Orgelwerke Bachs. Leipzig, 1948.
Die Klavierwerke Bachs. Leipzig, 1950.
Kinsky G. Pedalklavier oder Orgel bei Bach. Acta Musicologica. Copenhagen, 1936.
Die Originalausgaben der Werke J. S. Bachs. Wien, 1937.
Kretzschmar A. F. H. Geschichte des neuen deutschen Liedes. Leipzig, 19 12.
E. Bachs und V. Herbings Lieder. In trod, to DDT, vol. 42.
KiJHN H. Aus der Eisenacher ZeitJ. Ambrosius Bachs. Thiiringer Fahnlein, 1935.
Kurth E. Grundlagen des linearen Kontrapunkts. Bern, 1916.
Lammerhirt H. Bachs Mutter und ihre Sippe. BJ, 1925.
Lang P. H. Music in Western Civilisation. New York, 1941.
Laux K. Der Thomaskantor und seine Sohne. Dresden, 1939.
Lindau M. B. Geschichte der kgl. Haupt- und Residen^stadt Dresden. Dresden, 1885.
Linnemann G. Celler Musikgeschichte. Celle, 1935.
Loffler H. Nachrichten uber die St. Georgen-Orgel in Eisenach. Zschr. f. evangel. Kirchen-
musik, IV, V, 1926-27.
Bache bei Seb. Bach. BJ, 1949-50.
Lunow A. Einfuhrung in die Kunst der Fuge. Hamburg, 1950.
Matthaei K. Cf. Bach Gedenkschrift.
Mendel A. See David H. T.
Menke W. History of the Trumpet of Bach and Handel. London, 1934.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 493
Mersmann H. Ein Programmtrio K. Phil. Em. Backs. BJ, 19 17.
MlESNER H. Philipp Emanuel Bach in Hamburg. Leipzig, 1929.
Mitteilungen Familie Friedrich Backs. BJ, 1931.
iiber die

Ungedruckte Briefe von Phil. Emanuel Bach. ZfMw, 1932.

Urkundliche Nachrichten iiber die Familie Bach in Berlin. BJ, 1932.
Be^iehungen \wischen den Familien Stahl und Bach. BJ, 1933.
Grafv. Keyserlingk und Minister v. Happe. BJ, 1934.
Aus derUmwelt Phil. Emanuel Bachs. BJ, 1937.
Phil. Emanuel Bachs musikalischer Nachlass. BJ, 1938, 1939, 1940-48.
Mitchell W. E. Bach's Essay. MQ, 1947.
J. C. P.
Moser A. ZuJ. S. Bachs Sonaten und Partiten fur Violine allein. BJ, 1920.
MoSER H. J. Johann Sebastian Bach. 2nd ed. Berlin, 1943.
Muhlfeld, C. Die heriogliche Hofkapelle in Meiningen. Meiningen, 19 10.
Muller v. Asow E. and H.J. S. Bach, Briefe. Gesamtausgabe. 2nd ed. Regensburg, 1950.
Muller-Blattau J. Genealogie der Musikalisch Bachischen Familie. Kassel, 1950.
Muller K. F. J. S. Bach. Eine Wilrdigung seines Lebens und Schaffens. Wien, 1950.
Neumann W.J. S. Bach's Chorfuge. Leipzig, 1938.
Handbuch der KantatenJ. S. Bachs. Leipzig, 1947.
Newman, W. S. The Keyboard Sonatas of Bach's Sons. Proceedings of Music Teachers
National Association, Pittsburgh, Pa., 195 1.
Nohl, K. F. L. Musikerbriefe. Leipzig, 1873.
Oertel A. Festschrift \um Bachjahr 1950 hg. vom Bach Ausschuss der Stadt Ohrdruf.
Ohrdruf, 1950.
Olearius J. G. Begrdbnispredigt auf Heinrich Bach, publ. by R. Eitner, Monatshefte f.

Musikgeschichte, 1875.
Papendiek. Court and Private Life in the Time of Queen Charlotte. London, 1887.
Parry C. H. H.J. S. Bach. London, 1909.
Paumgartner B.J. S. Bach. Leben und Werk, I. Zurich, 1950.
PlRRO A. L'orgue de Jean-Sebastien Bach. Paris, 1895.
J. S. Bach, Paris, 1907.
L'esthetique de Jean-Sebastien Bach. Paris, 1907.
PlTROU R. Jean-Sebastien Bach. Paris, 1941.
Plamenac D. New Light on the Last Years of Carl Phil. Eman. Bach. MQ, 1949.
Pohl C. F. Mozart in London. Wien, 1867.
Pottgiesser K. Die Briefentwiirfe des J. Elias Bach. 'Die Musik,' 1912-13.
Preuss H. Diirer und Bach. Giitersloh, 1935.
Pusch. Meiningen und die Meininger Bach'schen Nebenlinien. Thiiringer Fahnlein, 1935.
Raupach H. Das wahre Bildnis J. S. Bachs. Wolfenbtittel, 1950.
Rauschenberger W. Die Familien Bach. Frankfurt a. M., 1950.
Reeser E. The Sons of Bach. Amsterdam (no date).
Reichardt J. F. Briefe eines aufmerksamen Reisenden, die Musik betrejfend, 1774-76.
Riemann H. Die Sohne Bachs in 'Praludien und Studien,' 1 895-1 900.
Riemer O. Johann Sebastian II. Musica 7/8, 1950.
RlTTER A. G. Zur Geschichte des Orgelspiels im 14.-1S.Jhdt. Leipzig, 1884.
Rochlitz F. Fur Freunde der Tonkunst, IV. Leipzig, 1832.
Roethlisberger E. Le Clavecin dans I'ceuvre de J. S. Bach. Geneva, 1920-21.
Rolland R. Voyage musical au pays du passe" Paris, 1920. .

ROLLBERG F.J. Ambrosius Bach. BJ, 1927.

J. Christoph Bach. ZfMw, XI, 1928-29.
Wo stand J. S. Bachs Geburtshaus? Eisenacher Ztg. Oct. 10, 1929.
Von den Eisenacher Stadpfeifern, Verein f. Thiir. Geschichte und Altertumskunde.
Jena, 1932.
494 THE BACH FAMILY
Roljlberg F. Jakob Bach, Kantor und Knabenschulmeister in Ruhla. Thiiringer Fahnlein, 8,

1933-
Aus der Heimat und dem Familienkreis des Jenaischen Organisten J. Nikolaus Bach.
Jenaische Ztg., No. 88, 1933.
Die Geschichte der Eisenacher Kantoren. Aus Luthers lieber Stadt, 1936.
St. Foix, G. de. A propos de Jean-Chretien
Bach. Revue de Musicologie, X, 1926.
Schafer F. Der Organist J. Christoph Bach und die Eisenacher Mun^e. Luginsland, 1929.
Scheibe J. A. Critischer Musicus. Leipzig, 1745.
Schenker H. Ein Beitrag %ur Ornamentik als Einfiihrung %u Phil. Em. Bach's Klavier-
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ScHERING A. Bach und das Schemellische Gesangbuch. BJ, 1924.
Kleine Bachstudien. BJ, 1933.

J. S. Bachs Leipiiger Kirchenmusik. Leipzig, 1936.

'
Zur Markus- Passion und ^ur vierten' Passion. BJ, 1939.
Bach und das Musikleben Leip^igs im 18. Jhdt. Leipzig, 1941.
Das Symbol in der Musik. Leipzig, 1941.
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Schmitz A. Die Bildlichkeit der wortgebundenen Musik J. S. Bachs. Mainz, 1950.
Schneider M. Thematisches Ver\eichnis der musikalischen JVerke der Familie Bach. BJ, 1907.
Schokel H. P.J. Christian Bach und die Instrumentalmusik seiner Zeit. Wolfenbiittel, 1926.
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Schunemann G.J. Christ. Friedrich Bach. BJ, 19 14.
Friedrich Bachs Briefwechsel mit Gerstenberg und Breitkopf. BJ, 19 16.
Schwarz M. J. Christian Bach. Sein Leben und seine IVerke. Leipzig, 1901.
Schwebsch E. J. S. Bach und die Kunst der Fuge. Stuttgart, 1931.
Schweitzer A. J. S. Bach. Paris, 1905; Leipzig, 1908. English translation by E. Newman,
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1950.
Seiffert M. Geschichte der Klaviermusik. Leipzig, 1899.
Sebastian Bachs Bewerbung um die Organistenstelle an St. Jakobi in Hamburg 1320.
Archiv. f. Musikwissenschaft III, 1921.

Shanet H. Why did J. S. Bach transpose his arrangements? MQ, 1950.

Sharp S. Letters from Italy in the years ij65 and 1766, 2nd ed. London, 1767.
Sittard J. Geschichte des Musik- und Kon^ertwesens in Hamburg. Hamburg, 1890.
Smend F. Bachs H-moll Messe. BJ, 1937.
Neue Bach-Funde. AfMf, 1942.
Bachs Markus-Passion. BJ, 1940-48.
J. S. Bach: Kirchenkantaten. 6 vols. Berlin, 1948-49.
Johann Sebastian Bach bei seinem Namen gerufen. Kassel, 1950.
Bach in Kothen. Berlin, 195 1.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 495
Spitta P. Ueber die Be^iehungenJ. S. Backs \u C. F. Hunold und M. v. Ziegler. Historische
und philologische Aufsatze. Berlin, 1884.
Musikgeschichtliche Aufsatze. Berlin, 1894.
Steglich R. Karl Phil. Eman. Bach und der Dresdner Kreu\kantor G. A. Homilius. BJ
y

1915.
Johann Sebastian Bach. Potsdam, 1935.
Wege iu Bach. Regensburg, 1949.
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Szabolcsi B. Europai virradat. A klassicus ^ene kialakulasa Vivalditol Mo\artig. Budapest,
1949.
Terry C. S. The Orgelbiichlein. Musical Times, 1917.
J. S. Bach, Cantata texts. London, 1926.
Bach: a Biography. London, 1928.
John Christian Bach. London, 1929.
The Origin of the Family of Bach Musicians. London, 1929.
Bach: the Historical Approach. New York, 1930.
Bach's Orchestra. London, 1932.
Thiele E. Die Chorfugen J. S. Bachs. Bern, 1936.
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Tiersot J. J. S. Bach. Paris, 1934.
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TuTENBERG F. Die Sinfonik J. Christian Bachs. Wolfenbiittel, 1928.
Uldall H. Das Klavierkon\ert der Berliner Schule and ihres Fuhrers Philipp Emanuel Bach.
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Vrieslander O. C. P. E. Bach als Klavierkomponist. Dresden, 1922.

C. P. E. Bach. Munchen, 1923.
C. P. E. Bach als Theoretiker, in 'Von Neuer Musik.' Koln, 1925.
Wackernagel P. J. S. Bach, Brandenburgische Kon^erte. Berlin, 1938.
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Wenk A. Beitrage %ur Kenntnis des Opernschqjfens von J. Christian Bach. Unpublished
dissertation. Frankfurt/Main, 1932.
Wennig E. Chronik des musikalischen Lebens der Stadt Jena. Jena, 1937.
Werker W. Studien iiber die Symmetric im Bau der Fugen und die motivische Zusammen-
gehorigkeit der Praludien und Fugen des Wohltemperierten Klaviers von J. S. Bach.
Leipzig, 1922.
Wette G. A. Historische Nachrichten von der beruhmten Residen^stadt Weimar. Weimar,
1737.
Whittaker W. G. The Bachs and Eisenach in 'Collected Essays.' London, 1940.
Wiegand F. Cf. Arnstadt.
Wien-Claudi H. Zum Liedschaffen C. P. E. Bachs. Reichenberg, 1928.
Winkler H. A. Die um J. S. Bachs Geburtshaus. Flarch-
Bachstdtte in Eisenach; der Streit
heim, 193 1.
Winterfeld C. von. Der evangelische Kirchengesang und sein Verhaltnis %ur Kunst des
Tonsat^es. Leipzig, 1847.
Wustmann R. J. S. Bachs Kantatentexte. Leipzig, 19 13.
Zelter C. F. K. F. C. Fasch. Berlin, 1801.
Ziller E. Der Erfurter Organist J. Heinrich Buttstddt. Halle, 1935.
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES
Abbt, Thomas, 381 448-50, 452-6, 464-9, 471-4, 486, 488, 490,
Abel, Carl Friedrich, 384, 413, 416, 425 111. VI, XVI, XVII, XXII

Abel, Christian Ferdinand, 155, 413 Bach, Caroline, 378

Aber, Adolf, 288 Bach, Caspar, 6, 10-11, 20, 487
Abert, Hermann, 439, 441, 490 Bach, Caspar, Jr., 10-11, 487
Abingdon, Earl of, 416 Bach, Catharina Dorothea, 128, 191, 464-6
Adlung, Jacob, 36, 91-3, 454, 458, 490 Bach, Christine Louise, 378
Agricola, Johann Friedrich, 187, 189, 341-2, 405 Bach, Christoph, 6, 19-20, 63, 65, 68, 78, 87, 97,
Able, Johann George, 135, 137, 139 102, 128, 130, 163, 485, 487
Ahle, Johann Rudolph, 44, 59, 137 Bach, Dorothea Elisabeth (b. Georgi), 303, 315
Albinoni, Tommaso, 264 Bach, Dorothea Maria, 73, 470
Albrecht, H., 490 Bach, Elisabeth Juliane Friederica (m. Altnikol),
Aldrich, Putnam, 490 163, 350, 464, 466, 488
Almack's Assembly Rooms, 416 Bach, Ernst Carl Gottfried, 483, 489
Altenburg, Duke of, 14 Bach, Ferdinand, 484 n.i
Altenburg, Michael, 9 Bach, Florentina Katharina (b. Malsch), 451
Altnikol, Johann Christoph, 187, 199, 200, 242, Bach, Friederica Sophia (m. Schmidt), 168 n.i,
282, 465 303, 489
Amicis, Anna Lucia de, 410 Bach, Friedrich Carl Eduard, 445, 489
Andr£, publishing house, 392 n.i Bach, Georg Christoph, 63-5, 128, 149, 487,
Angelo, Henry, 411 n.2 111. VII
Anna Amalia, Duchess of Weimar, 452-3 Bach, Georg Michael, 102, 104, 312, 488
Anna Amalia, Princess of Prussia, 314, 318, 325, Bach, Gottfried Heinrich, 163, 197, 201, 464-5,
344, 358 488
Ansbacher, Luigi, 181 Bach, Gottlieb Friedrich, vii, 191, 445-9, 488,
Anthing, Juliane Friederike Charlotte, 445 Frontispiece, 111. xx
Anton Gunther II, Prince of Schwarzburg- Bach, Hans ('The Jester'), 6, 9-10, 351,487,111.1V
Arnstadt, 131 Bach, Hans (of Wechmar), 6, 7
Anton Ulrich, Duke of Wolfenbuttel, 67 Bach, Heinrich, 6, 11, 16, 19-23, 28-31, 38, 52,
Anton Ulrich, Prince of Saxe-Meiningen, 107 66-7, 69, 76-9, 87, 119, 124, 128, 131, 469, 487,
Arne, Thomas, 348 Bach, Jakob, 102-5, 488
Arnstadt, 8, 10, n, 16, 19, 23, 31, 32, 38, 66-7, Bach, Johann (4), 6, 13-20, 25-9, 38, 65, 70,
76-9, 130-6, 146, 194, 204, 244, 246, 296 78-9, 97, 149, l6 3, 2 9 6 , 483, 487
Asam, Cosmas and Egid, 84 Bach, Johann Ambrosius, 17, 19, 22, 25, 35, 54,
Augusta, Princess of Braunschweig-Liineburg, 63-7, 69, 77, 87, 97-8, 102, 103, 105, 119-22,
414 n.i 128, 130, 136, 154, 163, 351, 470, 485, 488,
Auguste Dorothea, Countess, 67 111. VIII, IX
Augustus "The Strong,' Elector of Saxony, 173, Bach, Andreas, 482-3, 488
Johann
239, 305 Bach, August, 188, 336, 350, 385, 489
Johann
Augustus III, Elector of Saxony, 184, 186, 227, Bach, Johann
Balthasar, 73
239, 241, 305 Bach, Bernhard (18), 13, 18, 37, 97-101,
Johann
Avenarius, Johann, 121 130, 148-9, 163, 242, 245, 296, 451, 488
Bach, Johann Bernhard (41), 128, 149, 482, 488
Bach, Anna Carolina Philippina, 188, 336, 345 Bach, Johann Christian (7), 13, 17-18, 69-70, 74,
Bach, Anna Magdalena (b. Wilcken), 160-3, ^5, 97, 487
188, 198, 201, 207, 218, 271, 277, 378, 417, Bach, Johann Christian (50), 163, 197, 201, 272,
464-6 309, 319 n.i, 360, 383-5, 387, 392 n.i, 398,
Bach, Anna Philippine Friederike (jn. Colson), 404-44, 4<54-5, 467-70, 474, 477, 486, 488,
378, 481, 489 111. XVIII, XIX
Bach, Arthur, 484, 490 Bach, Johann Christian ('Clavier-Bach') 102,
Bach, Auguste Wilhelmine, 378 104, 312, 489
Bach, Barbara Margaretha, 22, 76, 77 Bach, Johann Christoph (12), 63, 65, 70, 76-7,
Bach, Carl Philipp Emanuel, 6, 9, 19, 21, 23, 25, 119, 121, 132, 485, 488
27, 47-9, 52, 57, 62, 65, 69, 70, 78, 108-9, "3, Bach, Johann Christoph (13), 28, 30-8, 47-62,
121, 128, 146, 148-50, 157, 161, 187-9, i9i-5> 64, 67-8, 70-4, 87, 89, 92-3, 96, 98, 103, 115,
219, 260, 271, 285, 302, 306, 314-15, 322-3, 119-20, 124, 130-1, 136, 138-9, 142, 154, 196,
336-77, 379, 384-5, 387-9, 393-5, 398, 401-5, 217, 223, 225, 242, 244-5, 278, 296, 318, 401,
409 n.2, 411, 417-18, 420, 422-4, 426-8, 445-6, 469, 488
%l 497
498 THE BACH FAMILY
Bach, Johann Christoph (17), 6, 73, 97-8, 488 Bach, Johanna Maria (J>.
Dannemann), 336, 340,
Bach, Johann Christoph (19), 13, 22, 97-8, 483, 349
488 Bach, Johanna Sophia (b. Siefer), 451
Bach, Johann Christoph (22), 19, 63, 73-4, 76-7, Bach, Johannes (2), 6, 11, 13, 19, 78, 87, 97, 102,

108, 119, 121, 128, 131, 149, 191, 261, 482, 119, 128, 163, 487
488 Bach, Lips, 6, 11, 102, 487
Bach, Johann Christoph (28), 30, 37-8, 87, 89, Bach, Lucia Elisabeth (L Munchhausen), 378,
123, 488 380
Bach, Johann Christoph (42), 482, 488 Bach, Maria Barbara, 30, 39, 87, 92, 128, 132-7,
Bach, Johann Christoph of Bindersleben, 484 154, 158, 303, 336, 448, 469, 488
Bach, Johann Christoph Friedrich, 58, 163, 197, Bach, Maria Catharina {m. Herthum), 19, 22
200, 261, 319 n.i, 344, 378-404, 464-6, 468-70, Bach, Maria Magdalena (b. Grabler), 19
Bach, Maria Salome, 73, 76
474, 477, 481, 488
Bach, Johann Christoph Georg, 483, 489 Bach, Melchior, 11, 487
Bach, Johann Egidius, 13, 18, 75, 97-8, 149, 163, Bach-Museum, 72-3
487 Bach, Nicol, 11, 487
Bach, Johann Elias, 6, 63, 65, 128, 161, 187, 194, Bach, Nikolaus Ephraim, 102, 107-8, 445, 48a
197-200, 296, 488 n.i, 488
Bach, Johann Ernst (25), 63, 68, 119, 123, 127, Bach, Paul, viii, 6, 191, 336, 445, 447, 489, M-
132-3, 136, 189, 296, 485, 488 XII, XX, XXI, XXII

Bach, Johann Ernst (34), 97, 99, 163, 187, 200, Bach, Philipp Christian, 483, 489
296, 387,423,451-63,488 Bach, Philipp Ernst Christian, 451, 454, 489
Bach, Johann Friedrich, 30, 87, 92-3, 119-20, Bach, Regine Susanne, 163, 201, 464-7, 488
142, 296, 488 Bach, Samuel Anton, 445-6, 488
Bach, Johann Georg, 451, 453, 489 Bach, Tobias Friedrich (40), 108, 482, 488
Bach, Johann Gottfried Bernhard, 97, 99, 128, Bach, Tobias Friedrich II, 483, 489
148, 191, 194-7, 296, 404, 464, 469, 488 Bach, Veit, 7-9, 11, 17, 76, 102, 468, 481, 484,
Bach, Johann Giinther (15), 19, 22, 30, 39, 76, 487
488 Bach, Veit, of Frankfurt-on-the-Oder, 336
Bach, Johann Giinther (33), 97-8, 483, 488 Bach, Wendel, 102, 487
Bach, Johann Heinrich, 191, 482, 488 Bach, Wilhelm Friedemann, 22, 104, 128, 140,
Bach, Johann Jakob (16), 97, 488 148, 156, 158, 168, 188, 191-4, 200, 219, 246,
Bach, Johann Jakob (23), 63, 73, 77, 1 19-21, 254, 265, 285, 289, 303-37, 340, 342, 346, 348,
123, 261, 296, 304, 488 35°, 358, 3<5o, 369, 375, 381, 385, 3870.1,
Bach, Johann Jonas, 73 423, 464-7, 488, 111. xiv, xv
Bach, Johann Lorenz, 6, 128, 149, 488 Bach, Wilhelm Friedrich Ernst, 378, 383-6, 404,
Bach, Johann Ludwig, 93, 102-18, 191, 286, 312, 469, 471, 474-81, 489, 111. XXIII
x, XI Bach'scher Familienverband fur Thuringen, 484
445, 449, 488, 111.

Bach, Johann Michael (14), 19, 26-7, 30-1, 38- Baron, Ernst Gottlieb, 91
Beaulieu-Marconnay, C. von, 490
47, 67, 87, 91, 97, 115, 128, 132, 488
Bach, Johann Michael (30), 30, 38-9, 119-20, 488 Bechstein, L., 490
Bach, Johann Michael (son of J. Elias), 199 Becker, August, 306
Bach, Johann Nicolaus (27), 30, 39, 87-96, 117, Beckmann, Gustav, 280
123, 149-50,296,488 Beethoven, Ludwig van, 204, 220, 236, 278, 356,
Bach, Johann Nikolaus (brother of J. Sebastian), 361, 367-9, 371-2, 376-7, 420, 434, 467, 475-7
119-20 Beier, A., 96
Bach, Johann Nikolaus (9), 13, 18, 74, 487 Bellermann, Constantin, 145
Bach, Johann Philipp, 445-50, 489, 111. xxi, xxil Bellstedt, Johann, 92
Bach, Johann Sebastian, vii, 6-8, 16-17, !$>> 22-3, Bellstedt, J. Hermann, 135
6 5, Benda, Frantisek, 339
25, 3°, 37, 47-9, 5i-4, 57, 59, 6 °-h 6 3,
68-9, 73, 74, 77, 86-7, 89, 91-4, 97, 99,
7<5,
Benda, Georg, 339, 347, 45 2 , 454
100-2, 108-9, 12-13, II 5 _I 7, 119-298, 3 OI >
1 Benedikt, H., 205
Berlin, 9, 109, 114, 187-8, 198, 286, 309, 313,
303, 314, 316-21, 329 n.i, 331-2, 334, 337,
343, 345-7, 349, 35i"3, 35<5, 359,
3<Si, 3 6 4, 327 n.2, 329, 337, 353-4, 3 6 7-9, 405, 4i8, 4<56
Bernhard I, Prince of Saxe-Meiningen, 104-5
373-4, 378, 3 8 9, 4°4, 413, 4i8, 426-7, 43°,
Bernhardi, Christian G., 148
435, 438, 441, 445, 448-9, 451-2, 455, 457,
459-60, 464, 467-8, 471-2, 476, 484-5, 488, Bernhardt, Reinhold, 490
Frontispiece, 111. xi, XIII, Sketch 3 Berthold, Otto, 490
Bach, Johann Sebastian II, 188, 336, 349-50, 385, Bertuch, Georg von, 88
401, 471-4, 477, 481, HI- xxiv, xxvi Besch, Hans, 139, 490
Bach, Johann Stephan, 313 Besseler, Heinrich, 204, 490
Bach, Johann Valentin, 63, 65, 128, 488 Biggs, Power, 319 n.i
Bach, Johanna Caroline, 163, 201, 404-66 BilHngton, Elisabeth, 413 n.i, 421
Bach, Johanna Elisabetha (b. Langius), 451 Bitter, Carl Hermann, 38, 57, 175, 315 n.i, 49°

Bach, Johanna Juditha, 73 Blume, Friedrich, 279, 490

INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES 499
Bock, M. C, 389 Clementi, Muzio, 478
Boetius, August, 4 Colonna, Angelo, 380
Bohm, Georg, 103, 127-8, 133, 149, 208, 215, Colson, Ernst Carl, 378, 481
243, 245, 258, 271 Colson, Johann Christoph Friedrich, 378, 381
Bohmer, Mrs., 360 Colson, Wilhelm Ernst, 481
Bojanowski, P. von, 490 Colson, Wilhelm Friedrich, 481
Bologna, 406-7 Compenius, Ludwig, 16
Bonporti, Francesco Antonio, 267, 279 Corelli, Arcangelo, 86, 247-8, 264, 273, 283
Bordoni, Faustina, 304-5 Cothen, 152-4, 162, 167-9, 20 5, 22 ^, 2 33> 2 53>
Borkowsky, Ernst, 490 273, 279, 282-4, 287
Borner, Andreas, 133 Couperin Family, 484
Borstelmann, Heinrich, 73 Couperin, Francois, 271, 320
Bdsendahl, publishing firm, 478 Cramer, Carl Friedrich, 350, 372, 468
Boswell, James, 444 Cramer, Hermann, 491
Boughton, Rutland, 490 Cristofori Bartolommeo, 161
Brahms, Johannes, 42, 106, 112, 210, 243, 278,
321, 324, 327 ml, 371
Brandts-Buys, Hans, 260, 490 Danckert, Werner, 491
Braunschweig, 313 Dannreuther, Edward, 272
Breitkopf, Immanuel, 350, 376, 385, 466, 472-3, Darmstadt, 166, 311-12
475 David, Hans Theodor, 6, 175, 291, 491
Breitkopf & Hartel, 93 Davison, Archibald, viii, 491
Brinckhorst, 126 Dedekind, Andreas Christian, 72, 74, 105
Brockes, Barthold Heinrich, 233 Dehnert, Max, 491
Bruhl, Count, 189-90 Dickinson, A. E. F., 491
Brussels, 396 n.i, 399 Dieck, Walter, 70, 491
Buchholtz, Samuel, 342 Dieskau, Karl Heinrich von, 229
Buckeburg, 378, 380-1, 383-4, 466, 475-6 Dietrich, Fritz, 491
Biicken, Ernst, 490 Dieupart, Charles, 126, 272-3
Buffardin, P. G., 282, 304 Doebner, E., 446 n. 1
Bukofzer, Manfred, 250, 490 Doles, Johann Friedrich, 187, 339
Biilow, Hans von, 106, 355 Dornheim, 136
Burney, Charles, 337, 340, 346-7, 349, 351-2, Dresden, 152-3, 178-9, 182, 184, 187, 192-3, ic
35 8 , 374, 408, 410, 413-15, 4i7-i8, 429, 442, 304-6, 313, 321-3, 327-8, 472
490 Drese, Adam, 67
Biisch, J. Georg, 346 Drese, Johann Samuel, 147-8, 151
Biische, Johann, 125 Drese, Johann Wilhelm, 148, 151, 153
Busoni, Ferruccio, 295 Dressel, Georg, 72
Buttstadt, Johann Heinrich, 17, 28, 61 Drinker, Henry S., ix, 9, 209, 228, 446, 483
Buxtehude, Anna Margreta, 134 Drobs, Johann Andreas, 93
Buxtehude, Dietrich, 68, 89, 133-4, 137-8, 149, Durante, Fransesco, 115
208, 210, 215, 223, 243, 245, 249, 252, 258, 273 Diirer, Albrecht, 246
Diirr, Alfred, 491
Duttenhofer, Louis, 390-1
Caldara, Antonio, 94, 115
Cannabich, Rose, 414
Carl, Margrave of Brandenburg-Schwedt, 471 Ebeling, Christoph Daniel, 346
Carl August, Duke of Weimar, 143 Eberlin, Daniel, 30, 61, 75, 88
Carlisle House, 416 Effler, Johann, 38, 130, 141, 209
Carlsbad, 158, 160 Ehrhardt, Paul, 491
Cart, William, 490 Ehricht, Klaus, 257, 491
Celle, 126 Eilmar, Georg Christian, 140, 151, 209-10
Charles VI, German Emperor, 107 Einsiedeln, 437 n.i
Charles XII, King of Sweden, 261 Einstein, Alfred, 420
Cherbuliez, Antoine-Elisee, 336 Eisenach, 8, 18, 30-7, 69-79, 89, 97-9, 102-3,
Chopin, Frederic, 477 105-6, 1 19-21, 129-30, 136, 139, 149, 296,
Christ, Johann Friedrich, 182 451-3
Christian, Duke of Weissenfels, 174, 186, 226 Eisenach, Duke of, 30, 33-4, 71, 74, 75, 99
Christian Ludwig, Margrave of Brandenburg, Eisentraut, Martha Elisabeth, 67
160 Eitner, Robert, 462
Christiane Eberhardine, Electress of Saxony, Elisabeth Ernestine Antoinette, Princess of Saxe-
173. 239 Meiningen, Abbess of Gandersheim, 107-8
Chrysander, Friedrich, 490 Elisabeth of Thuringia, 120
Cipriani, Giovanni Battista, 412, 416 Engel, Hans, 491
Claudius, Mathias, 346, 468 Engelke, Bernhard, 468
500 THE BACH FAMILY
Epstein, Julius, 324 Gabrieli, Andrea, 243
Erdmann, Georg, 124, 162, 164-5, 180, 193 Gabrieli, Giovanni, 50
Erfurt, 8, 11, 14-20, 31, 38, 65-6, 69-70, 74-6, Gainsborough, Thomas, 411-13, 416, 431, 456
78-9, 97-8, 137, 296, 483 Galilei, Galileo, 301
Ermeler, Rolf, 480 Galliard, Johann Ernst, 126
Ernesti, Johann August, 185-7, 194, 404 Gallini, SirJohn, 416
Ernesti, Johann Heinrich, 169 Galuppi, Baldassare, 432
Ernst August, Prince of Saxe-Weimar, 150-2 Gandersheim, 107, 445
Ernst August Constantin, Prince of Saxe- Gassmann, Leopold, 353
Weimar, 452-3, 459, 462 Gebauer, J. J., 309, 312
Ernst Ludwig, Prince of Saxe-Meiningen, 104-7, Gebhardt, Hermann, 3, 491
109, 113 Gehren, 31, 38, 97-8, 132
Erselius, Johann Christoph, 263 Geiringer, Karl, 319 n.i, 373, 431 n.2, 449, 491
Eschenburg, Professor, 313-14 Geisthirte, Johann Konrad, 98
Gellert, Christian Furchtegott, 371, 395, 398,
Falck, Martin, 303 n.i, 315 n.i, 319, 326 n.2, 491 457, 468
Fasch, Johann Friedrich, 86, 340 George III, King of England, 409 n.2, 410
Fasch, Karl Friedrich Christian, 340 Georg Wilhelm, Duke of Brunswick-Luneburg,
Feldhaus, Martin, 39, 130, 132 126
Ferdinand, Prince of Braunschweig, 414 Gerber, Christian, 175
Field, Laurence N., 491 Gerber, Ernst Ludwig, 45, 432 n.i, 455
Fielding, Henry, 412 n.i Gerber, Johann Nikolaus, 92
Finlay, Jan, 491 Gerhard t, Paul, 161, 221
Fischer, Edwin, 491 Gerlach, Johann Gotthelf, 172, 174, 179
Fischer, Johann Christian, 413, 442 Gerstenberg, Heinrich Wilhelm von, 346-7, 357,
Fischer, Johann Kaspar Ferdinand, 86, 267-8 396-7, 402, 468
Fischer, Karl, 491 Gesner, Johann Mathias, 149, 181-3, 185
Fischer, Martin, 491 Gessner, Salomon, 473
Fischer, Wilhelm, 491 Geyersbach, 133
Flemming, Count, 152 Giardini, Felice de, 411, 425
Flintner, Johann, 4 Giovannini, 271
Florand, Francois, 491 Gleim, Johann Ludwig, 342, 370
Flueler, Max, 491 Gleim, Mrs., 360
Fock, Gustav, 125-8, 491 Gleitsmann, Paul, 131
Forkel, Johann Nicolaus, 6, 47, 57, 78, 121-2, Gluck, Christoph Willibald von, 275, 381, 397,
145, i5°> J 57, 171, i9h 208, 235, 255 n.i, 4i5,435,44i,458
260, 272, 282, 313, 318, 349, 351, 384 n.i, 387, Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 25, 143, 145,
448, 450, 466 n.i, 468, 484, 491 3*4, 35°, 379, 3 8l » 3 8 3, 472-3
Forster, William, 435 Goldberg, Johann Theophilus, 277, 303-4, 313
Franck, Johann, 224 Gorke, Manfred, 39, 88
Franck, Salomo, 131, 148, 212-14, 219, 22 6 Gorner, Johann Gottlieb, 172-4, 306
Francke, August Hermann, 307 Gorner, Valentin, 301, 458
Francke, Gotthilf August, 307, 308 n. 1 Gotha, 7-8, 10-11, 87, 103-4, 119, 121, 127
Frankenberger, Johanna Rosine (m. Bach), 445 Gottingen, 313
Frankfurt-on-the-Oder, 194, 336 Gottsched, Johann Christoph, 173
Frederick, Duke of Altenburg, 14 Grace, Harvey, 255, 492
Frescobaldi, Girolamo, 247 Graser, Heinrich, 66
Freyse, Conrad, viii, 36, 61, 69, 73, 120, 446 n.i, Graser, Wolfgang, 293, 492
491 Grassi, Cecilia (w. Bach), 413-14, 443
Friederike Charlotte Ulrike, Duchess of York, Graun, Johann Gottlieb, 192, 339-40, 342-3,
475 405
Friedlander, Max, 491 Graun, Karl Heinrich, 314, 339-40, 342, 374,
Friedrich 'the Great,' King of Prussia, 1 87, 1 89, 386, 399-400, 403, 455
194, 290, 306-9, 330 n.i, 330 n.2, 337-40, Graupner, Christoph, 86, 166, 311
34 2 -4, 353-4, 390,452 Greiner, Wilhelm, 30, 48, 492
Friedrich Heinrich, Margrave of Brandenburg- Gresky, Hermann, 67, 492
Schwedt, 471 Grew, Eva Mary and Sidney, 492
Friedrich III, Duke of Gotha, 451, 458 Griepenkerl, Friedrich, 255, 325
FriedrichWilhelm II, of Prussia, 368, 474-5 Griessbach, publisher, 456
Froberger Johann Jacob, 60, 264, 269, 455 Grigny, Nicolas de, 126
Frohne, J. A., 139-40 Grimm, Friedrich Melchior, 415
Frotscher, Gotthold, 100, 491 Grohmann, Adolf von, 492
Fuller-Maitland, John Alexander, 491 Grossmann, Burkhardt, 8
Fiirstenau, Moritz, 491 Grotthus, Ewald von, 360
Fux, Johann Joseph, 455 Gurlitt, Wilibald, viii, 138, 250, 492
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES 501

Haffner, Ulrich, 453, 457 Hoffmann, Zacharias H., 16

Hagedorn, Anna Dorothea, 140 Hogarth, William, 412
Halle, 146-7, 306, 313, 317-18, 324-5, 327, 346, Holzbauer, Ignaz, 415
466 Homilius, Gottfried August, 305-6
Halle, Heinrich Johann, 77, 98 Horner, Hans, 399 n.i
Hamann, Johann Georg, 301 Horstig, 385-6
Hamburg, 127, 132, 158, 252, 343-4, 350, 353, Hughes, Royal Delaney, 492
366-8, 372, 381, 384, 437 n.i Hull, Arthur Eaglefield, 243
Hamel, Fred, 492 Hulshoff, L. G., 492
Hammerschmidt, Andreas, 44, 57
Handel, George Frederick, 41, in, 117, 126, Ihle, Johann Jacob, 190
134, 146, 212, 232-3, 301, 307, 315, 320-1, Itzig, Sara, 315

33 6 , 348, 35i, 375-6, 444, 449, 457

Hanover Square concert hall, 416 Jackson, J. B., 289
Happe, Franz W. von, 337, 471 Jansen, Martin, 492
Harrer, Johann Gottlob, 189-90 Jauernig, Reinhold, 144, 148, 150-1, 207, 209,
Harris, Roy, 293 212
Hartnoch, G. F., 390 Jena, 87-92, 149, 196-7, 296
Hartung, Oskar, 492 John Heneage, 411 n.i, 492
Jesse,
Hase, Hermann von, 492 Johann Ernst, Prince of Saxe-Weimar, 130
Hasse, Johann Adolf, 304-6, 352, 367, 374, 396, Johann Ernst (the Younger), Prince of Saxe-
405 Weimar, 149-50, 246, 262
Hasse, Karl, 492 Johann Wilhelm, Prince of Eisenach, 89
Hassler, Hans Leo, 42 Jomelli, Nicola, 396
Hauptmann, Moritz, 294 Juliane, Countess of Schaumburg-Lippe, 385
Haussmann, Elias Gottlieb, 190-1, 351, 449
Haydn, Joseph, 125, 137, 204, 220, 226, 302, Karl Ludwig, Elector of the Palatinate, 84
33°, 348, 353 35 6 , 3 6 3, 365-71, 376, 381, Karl Theodor, Elector of the Palatinate, 414, 425
387-8, 392-5, 397, 401, 411, 413, 415 n.i, 417, Keiser, Reinhard, 127, 234
419, 427, 430-1, 434-5, 442-4, 462, 470, 475, Keller, Hermann, 243, 290, 492
477 Kepler, Hugo, 301
Haym, Rudolf, 379 n.i, 492 Kerll, Johann Kaspar, 261
Hebenstreit, Pantaleon, 31, 98 Kerner, Nicolaus, 87
Heermann, Johann, 41 Keula, 67
Heimann, Ernst Louis, 484 Keyserlingk, Count Hermann von, 188, 198,
Heine, Heinrich, 371 303, 313ml, 315, 471
Heinrich, Prince of Prussia, 475 Kinsky, Georg, 249, 492
Heinse, Johann Jacob Wilhelm, 438 Kirchbach, Hans Carl von, 173
Heitmann, Johann Joachim, 159 Kirchhoff, Gottfried, 306
Held, Johann Balthasar, 126-7 Kirkpatrick, Ralph, 257
Helmbold, Hermann, 34, 72, 492 Kirnherger, Johann Philipp, 187, 219, 286, 314,
Henking, B., 234 ml 326 ml, 341, 397
Henrici, Friedrich, 216-17, 2I 9> 22 7"9, 2 35, 2 38 Kittel, Johann Christoph, 484
Herda, Elias, 123-4 Klopstock, Friedrich Gottlieb, 346
Herder, Johann Gottfried, 379, 382-3, 398, 401-2 Kniipfer, Johann Magnus, 87
Herder, M. C. von, 396 n. 2 Kniipfer, Sebastian, 87
Herlicius, Johann David, 69 Kobelius, Johann Augustin, 129
Hertel, Johann Wilhelm, 409 n.2 Koch, Johann Georg, 120
Hertel, L., 492 Koch, Johann Wilhelm, 187
Herthum, Christoph, 19, 22-3, 31, 67, 132 Kohler, Christian, 454
Hertzberg, Gustav F., 492 Konigsberg, 327 n.2
Herz, Gerhard, 190, 492 Korabinsky, Johann Mathias, 7
Hess, Leo, 316 Kraft, Giinther, 121, 124, 490
Hey, Gotthold, 476, 492 Krebs, Johann Ludwig, 183, 194, 243
Hilgenfeldt, C. L., 174 Krebs, Johann Tobias, 149, 183
Hindemith, Paul, 492 Kretzschmar, Hermann, 457, 492
Hirsch, Paul, 288 Krieger, Johann, 353 n.i
Hof, Dorothea von (m. Bach), 74 Krieger, Johann Philipp, 53
Hoffmann, Barbara (m. Bach), 13, 20 Kromeyer, superintendent in Ohrdruf, 122
Hoffmann, Christoph, 72, 74, 130 Kropfgans, Johann, 194
Hoffmann, David, 130 Kuhlau, Friedrich, 478
Hoffmann, Eva (m. Bach), 19-20 Kuhn, Hermann, 72, 99, 453, 492
Hoffmann, Hans Joseph Karl, 492 Kuhnau, Johann, 15, 94, 147, 163-7, 172, 178,
Hoffmann, Johann Christoph, 13, 20, 63 214, 235, 260-1, 267, 274, 336, 353 n.i
Hoffmann, Johann Christoph, Jr., 16, 62, 64, 87 Kurth, Ernst, 492
502 THE BACH FAMILY
Lalande, Joseph Jerome L. de, 406 Mendelssohn, Felix, 228, 257, 315, 399, 476
Lammerhirt, Elisabeth {m. Bach), 63, 70, 73, Mendelssohn, Moses, 341, 381
75- 6 , 97, 99, "*, 148-9 Menke, Werner, 492
Lammerhirt, Eva Barbara, 73 Mersmann, Hugo, 492
Lammerhirt, Hedwig (m. Bach), 13, 16-18, 70, Merulo, Claudio, 243
97, 99, *49 Metastasio, Pietro, 444
Lammerhirt, Hugo, 70, 492 Meyer, Ernst Hermann, 495
Lammerhirt, Tobias, 70, 136, 209 Meyer, F. J. Lorenz, 472
Lammerhirt, Valentin, 17, 70, 149 Meyer, General von, 471
Landshoff, Ludwig, 442 Miesner, Heinrich, 188, 31511.1,2,3, 337, 351,
Lang, Paul Henry, viii, 399 n.2, 492 395, 409 n.2, 414, 493
Laux, Karl, 492 Milan, 406-9
Leduc, music publishers, 422 Minden, 474
Legrenzi, Giovanni, 247, 264 Mingotti, Regina, 411
Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm von, 85, 88 Mitchell, William J., 356, 490, 493
Leipzig, 109, 163, 190, 205-7, 226, 233, 235, Mizler, Lorenz Christoph, 39, 122, 190, 203, 358
2.53-4, 354, 395, 465-6, 472 Moller, Johann Heinrich, 90
Leopold I, German Emperor, 134 Monteverdi, Claudio, 60
Leopold, Prince of Anhalt-Cothen, 152, 154, Morelli, Andreas, 131
167-8, 235, 282, 339 Moser, Andreas, 280, 493
Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim, 341-2, 346, 383 Moser, Hans Joachim, 493
Limberg, Johann, 98 Moser, Rudolf, 114
Lindau, M. B., 492 Mozart, Leopold, 426
Linnemann, Georg, 492 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 1 37, 204, 224, 302,

Liszewski, G. F. R., 190 325, 347, 353, 35 6 , 3<>8, 374, 377, 3 8 4, 3 8 7-8,
Litta, Count, 406-9 392-3, 408 n.i, 411-12, 414, 417-20, 425-7,
Loffler, Hans, 36, 106, 492 429, 432-5, 439, 44i, 457, 467, 475, 477
London, 126 Muffat, Georg, 86, 264, 276 n. 1
Longman & Broderip, 426 n.i Muffat, Gottlieb, 320
Lotti, Antonio, 94, 117 Muhlfeld, Carl, 104-5, 493
Louis Ferdinand, Prince of Prussia, 475 Muhlhausen, 92-3, 103, 135, 137, 194-5, 204,
Louis IV, Landgrave of Thuringia, 120 209-10
Louis XIV, King of France, 83, 107 Miiller, Augustus, 227
Lowe, Johann Jakob, 127 Miiller, Christoph, 483
Liibeck, 68, 89, 133-4 Miiller, K. F., 493
Liibeck, Vincenz, 127 Miiller-Blattau, Joseph, 493
Lully, Jean-Baptiste, 86, 125, 213, 442 Miiller von Asow, Erich and Hedwig, 493
Liineburg, 103, 123, 243, 246 Miinchhausen, Ludolf A., 378
Lunow, Albert, 492 Miinter, Balthasar, 395, 398
Luther, Johann Christian, 392 n.i
Luther, Martin, 8, 99, 120, 214-15, 219-20, 239, Nagel, Sebastian, 119
255 Naples, 407-8, 439
Naue, Johann Friedrich, 25, 26-7
Macaulay, Rose, 412 n.2 Naumburg, 336
Magdeburg, 98 Neidhardt, Johann Georg, 91-2
Mahler, Gustav, 371 Neumann, Werner, 493
Mannheim, 384, 413-15, 443 Neumeister, Erdmann, 159, 211-14, 216
Marburg, 109, 427 New Haven, 265
Marcello, Benedetto, 262 Newton, Isaac, 301
Marchand, Louis, 152, 193, 265 New York, 327 n.2
Maria Antonia, Electress of Saxony, 313 n.i, 327 Nichelmann, Christoph, 183, 193, 340
Maria Eleonore, Countess of Schaumburg- Nicolai, Christian Friedrich, 341
Lippe, 382-3, 385 Nicolai, Philipp, 220, 259
Marpurg, Friedrich Wilhelm, 268-9, 34 1 345, ,
Niemann, Walter, 490
358 Nohl, K. Fr. Ludwig, 493
Martini, Giovanni Battista, 406-9, 412, 418-20, Nottebohm, Gustav, 294
432, 43 6 , 439
Martini, Wilhelm, 45 n.i Oehringen, 191
Mattei, Colomba, 409-10 Oertel, Alfred, 493
Matthaei, Karl, 490 Oeser, Adam Friedrich, 350, 471, 472 n.i, 473
Mattheson, Johann, 58, 134, 212, 234, 268, 301 Ohrdruf, 74, 76, 78, 121-4, 127, 149, 296, 482-
336 483
Meder, P., 17 Olearius, J. G., 11, 20, 23, 28, 134, 493
Meiningen, 93, 104-7, 192, 296, 445-6, 482 Ostwald, Wilhelm, 158
Mendel, Arthur, 6, 175, 492 Ovid, 227
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES 503
Pachelbel, Johann, 30, 46, 58, 74, 76, 86, 93, Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 397
121-2, 208, 215, 245, 260, 318, 459 Ruhla, 103
Pack, Jan, 126 Rust, Friedrich Wilhelm, 312
Papendiek, Mrs., 412-14, 416 n.i, 425, 493 Rust, Johann Peter, 445
Paris, 9, 131, 384, 415, 440, 442 Rust, Maria Johanna {in. Bach), 445
Parry, Charles Hubert H., 493 Rust, Samuel, 105, 445
Paumgartner, Bernhard, 493 Rust, Wilhelm, 220, 250, 279, 294, 312
Pelham, Mrs., 430
Pergolesi, Giovanni Battista, 320 Sachs, Curt, 281 n.i
Pessl, Yella, 329 n.i Sachs, Hans, 50
Petri, Johann Samuel, 313 Sales, Signora, 443
Philipp Ernst, Count of Schaumburg-Lippe, Salzungen, 104
384-5 Sangerhausen, 129, 195-6
Philippina Elisabeth Caesar, Duchess of Saxe- Savoi, Gasparo, 443
Meiningen, 448 Saxe-Weissenfels, Duke of, 129
Picander, see Henrici Scarlatti, Domenico, 275, 278
Piccini, Niccola, 415 Schafer, Friedrich, viii, 34, 494
Pirro, Andr<§, 126, 244, 493 Scheibe, Johann Adolf, 227, 297, 494
Pitrou, Robert, 493 Scheide, William H., 190, 351
Plamenac, Dragan, 351, 493 Scheidt, Samuel, 29, 46, 59-60, 206, 257, 307
Plumicke, C. M., 318 n.i Schein, Johann Hermann, 164
Poglietti, Alessandro, 260 Schelle, Johann, 178
Pohl, Carl Ferdinand, 493 Schemelli, Christian Friedrich, 183, 194, 207
Polchau, Georg, 25, 351 Schenker, Heinrich, 494
Postel, J. G., 234 Schering, Arnold, 166, 171, 184, 208, 230, 235
Pottgiesser, Karl, 161 n.i, 493 262, 280, 282, 285, 376, 494
Praetorius, Friedrich Emanuel, 53, 124-5 Schermberg, 67 n. 1
Praetorius, Michael, 21, 42 Schichard, Wilbelm, 9, 111. iv
Preston, publishing firm, 478 Schiefferdecker, Johann Christian, 134 n.i
Preuss, Hans, 493 Schiller, Friedrich von, 3, 143, 479
Printzen, Johanna Benedicte von, 342, 471 Schiorring, Niels, 349
Purcell, Henry, 222, 261 Schiweck, Josepha (m. Colson), 481
Pusch, 446 n.i, 493 Schlesinger, publishing firm .478
Andreas, 83
Schliiter,
Quantz, Johann Joachim, 338-41 Schmalz, Th., 494
Schmehling (Mara), Elisabeth, 340
Raaf, Anton, 408 n.i, 414, 440 Schmid, Ernst F., 343, 363 n.i, 494
Raison, Andre, 249 Schmidt, Anna Martha, 103
Rameau, Jean Philippe, 356 Schmidt, Christoffel, 18, 69-71
Ramler, Karl Wilhelm, 342, 376, 397-9, 402 Schmidt, Johann, 303
Raupach, Hans, 190, 493 Schmied, Anna {m. Bach), n, 13
Raupach, Hermann Friedrich, 344 Schmieder, Wolfgang, xv, 494
Rauschenberger, Walter, 7, 493 Schmitz, Arnold, 494
Rauzzini, Venanzio, 415 Schneider, Balthasar, 72
Reeser, Edward, 493 Schneider, Max, 26-7
Reichardt, Johann Friedrich, 315 n.4, 346, 348, Schokel, Heinrich Peter, 494
368, 493 Schorborn, G. F. E., 349
Reifenstein, Johann Friedrich, 472 Schott, Georg Balthasar, 172, 183
Reinhold, Ferdinand, 122 Schott, publishers, 326 n.i
Reinken, Jan Adam's, 127, 158-9, 252, 263 Schrade, Leo, 494
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 413 n.i, 431, 450 Schreck, Gustav, 288
Ricci, Pasquale, 422 Schreyer, Johannes, 494
Riemann, Hugo, 295, 324 n.i, 368 n.i, 388, 493 Schroeter, Corona, 415 n.i
Riemer, Johann Salomon, 189 Schroeter, Johann Samuel, 415-17
Riemer, Otto, 493 Schroeter, Mrs. Johann Samuel, 415 n.i, 416
Ritter, August Gottfried, 28, 493 Schubart, Christian Friedrich Daniel, 439
Rochlitz, Friedrich, 224, 375, 466-7, 471-2, 493 Schubart, Johann Martin, 138, 144, 149, 153
Roethlisberger, Edmond, 493 Schubert, Franz Peter, 477
Rolland, Romain, 493 Schubler, Johann Georg, 121-3, 258, 291
Rollberg, Fritz, viii, 69, 71-2, 89, 106, 493 Schubuk, H. G-, 344
Rolle, Christian Friedrich, 147, 344 Schumann Robert, 257, 476-7
Rolle, Johann Heinrich, 344 Schumm, Oskar, 494
Rollert, Otto, 14, 16, 65, 70 Schunemann, Georg, xv, 153, 326 n.i, 387-402,
Rome, 472 494
Rothlander, Hans, 14 Schiirmann, Georg Kaspar, 105
5°4 THE BACH FAMILY
Schiitz, Heinrich, 29, 41, 51-2, 204, 231, 336 Thiele, Georg, 194, 495
Schwarz, Max, 494 Tiersot, Julien, 495
Schwarzburg-Arnstadt, Count of, 10, 12, 20-2, Torelli, Giuseppe, 285
3i, 65-7, 77 Torino, 439
Schwebsch, Erich, 494 Tour, Quentin de la, 447
Schwedler, 390 n.i Tovey, Donald Francis, 295, 495
Schweinfurt, 14, 36, 64, 78, 149, 296 Trebs, Heinrich, 144
Schweitzer, Albert, vii, 210, 252, 257, 280-1, 494 Treiber, J. P., 268
Seemann, Anton, 230 Tubingen, 109, 373
Seiffert, Max, 53, 93, 494 Tunder, Franz, 245
Selle,Thomas de la, 125-6 Turin, 408
Semler, Johann Salomo, 309 Tutenberg, Fritz, 431 n.3, 495
Serini, Giovanni Battista, 380
Shanet, Howard, 288,494 Uldall,Hans, 495
Sharp, Samuel, 408-9, 494 Ulmenstein, C. U. von, 383 n.i, 495
Silbermann, Gottfried, 188, 193, 304, 348, 360 Uz, Johann Peter, 342
Simons, W., 446 n.i
Sittard, Josef, 348, 494 Varnhagen, Karl August von Ense, 378
Smend, Friedrich, 155, 168, 174-5, J 84, 203, 207, Vauxhall, 412-13, 444
218, 226, 230, 234-5, 240, 286, 494 Verdi, Giuseppe, 204
Sophia Charlotte, Queen of England, 409 n.2, Vetter, Andreas Nikolaus, 243
410-11, 413, 428, 429 Vetter, Walther, 495
Souchay, Marc Andre, 494 Virgil, 227
Spitta, Philipp, vii, 16, 52, 58, 62, 64, 94, 107, Vivaldi, Antonio, 150, 223, 246-7, 276, 283-4,
117, 125-7, 151, 2 55, 2 57, 281, 291, 294, 458, 289, 365-6, 435
494 Vogler, Johann Kaspar, 149, 452
Sporck, Count, 205, 230 Volbach, Fritz, 190
Stahl, Georg Ernst, 342 n.i Volpracht, Christoph, 14
Stahl, Mrs. Georg Ernst, 360 Voss, Johann Heinrich, 346, 370
Stapf, Oscar, 64 Vrieslander, Otto, 495
Stauber, Lorenz, 136 Vulpius, Melchior, 40
Steffani, Agostino, 240
Steglich, Rudolf, 495 Wackernagel, Peter, 495
Stein, Fritz, 88, 95 Wagenseil, Georg Christoph, 366
Steinbach, 103 Wagner, Richard, 449
Stertzing, Georg Christoph, 36, 89 Wallace, Lady G. M., 337
St. Foix, Georges de, 433, 494 Walsh, publishing house, 410
Stiefel, Esajas, 17 Walther, Johann Gottfried, 17, 99, 148-50, 153,
Stock (engraver), 472 189, 208, 243, 246, 285, 336
Stockhausen, Julius, 210 Washington, D.C., 329 n.i, 443
Stockholm, 297 Wasungen, 103, 107
Stolberg, Duke of, 65 Webb, Daniel, 302
Stottrup, August, 349 Weber, Aloysia, 414
Stravinsky, Igor, 204 Weber, Bernhard Christian, 269
Streicher, Andreas, 467 Wechmar, 7, 13-14, 20, 76
Studeny, Bruno, 495 Wecker, C. G., 174
Sturm, Christoph Christian, 346, 349, 372 Wedemann, Catharina {m. Bach), 30, 39, 87, 128
Suhl, 13, 20, 63, 72, 87 Wedemann, Maria Elisabeth (m.Bach), 30, 35, 87
Sulzer, Johann Georg, 341-2 Wedemann, Regina, 132, 136
Suppig, Friedrich, 268 Weichsell, Mrs., 413
Swieten, Gottfried van, 347, 368 Weigel, Erhard, 88
Szabolcsi, Bence, 262, 495 Weimar, 19, 67, 130-1, 140-6, 204-5, 207, 209,
211-15, 226, 244, 246-52, 276, 383, 452
Tartini, Giuseppe, 192, 428, 431 Weiss, Sylvanus, 194
Taylor, John, 189 Weissenfels, 151, 174
Telemann, Georg Philipp, 31, 61, 86, 94, 98-9, Weissmann, Adolf, 495
101, 149, t5i, i 6 5-7, 183, 234, 236, 262, 343-5, Wender, Johann Friedrich, 135
373, 375-6, 3 g i, 399 n -h 397, 458 Wendling, Augusta, 414
Tenducci, Ferdinando, 442 Wendling, Johann Baptist, 413
Terry, Charles Sanford, vii, 6, n, 107, 123, 127, Wenk, Alexander, 495
175, 190, 198, 39 2 n.i, 409 n 2 4 2 o-44, 478
-
>
Wennig, E., 495
n.i, 481 n.i, 495 Werckmeister, Andreas, 268
Thai, 103-4 Werckmeister, publishing firm, 478
Themar, 63 Werker, Wilhelm, 495
Thiele, Eugen, 495 Werner, Arno, 23
INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES 50)
Weston, George, viii, 319 n.i, 320 n.i, 324 n.2, Wolffheim, Werner, 36, 126
326 n.2 Wustmann, Rudolf, 495
Wette, Gottfried ALbin, 154, 207, 495 Wyzewa, Theodore de, 434
Whittaker, William Gillies, 30, 495
Wiegand, Fritz, viii, xiv, 6, 10, 20, 31, 39, 65,
y Edward
68, 97, 49°
Wien-Claudi, Hertha, 49$
Wilcken, see Bach, Anna Magdalena Zachau, Friedrich Wilhelm, 94, 146, 307
Wilhelm, Count of Schaumburg-Lippe, 200, Zellner, Leopold Alexander, 45
361, 379-83, 388-90 Zelter, Carl Friedrich, 25, 235, 314, 340, 342
Wilhelm Ernst, Duke of Weimar, 143-54 375"6> 495
Winckelmann, Johann Joachim, 350, 473 Ziegler, Johann Gotthelf, 250
Winkler, H. A., 73, 87, 93, 495 Ziegler, Marianne von, 183, 370
Winkler, Josef, 341 Ziller, E., 70, 495
Winterfeld, Carl Georg August Vivigens von, Zimmermann, Johann Georg, 379
50, 236, 374, 495 Zimmermann, publishing house, 390
Wittenbecher, 390 n.i Zimmermann's Coffee House, 183-4
Wolfenbuttel, 108 Zoeller, C, 478
Wolff, Christian, 308-9 Zoffany, John, 412
INDEX OF COMPOSITIONS
BY MEMBERS OF THE BACH FAMILY

Clavier, violin and violoncello, 362-3

Carl Philipp Emanuel Concertos, 364-7
'Auferstehung und Himmelfahrt Jesu' (Cantata), Clavier and orchestra, 364-7
376-7 2 Claviers (harpsichord and fortepiano) and
Bassoon, set Clavier, clarinet and bassoon orchestra, 366-7
Cantatas, 372-7 Flute and orchestra, 365 n.i
'Auferstehung und Himmelfahrt Jesu,' 376-7 Violoncello and orchestra, 365 n.i
'Der Gerechte' (J. Christoph Bach), 373, 'Der Gerechte,' see Cantatas
111. VI 'Die Israeliten in der Wiiste,' see Cantatas
'Die Israeliten in der Wiiste,' 375 'Essay on the True Art of Playing Keyboard
'Heilig' (for 1 chorus), 373, 402, 111. xvn Instruments,' 353, 355 n.i, 356-7, 422, 469
'Heilig' (for 2 choruses), 374-6 Flute and clavier, 361
^Magnificat,' 353, 375 Flute and continuo, 360-1
'Passion Cantata,' 374-5 Flute, violin and continuo, 360-1
'Singstiicke fur die Kirche,' 372-7 2 Flutes and clavier, 364
Cembalo, see Clavier 'Geisdiche Oden und Lieder,' see Sacred Songs
Clarinet, see Clavier, clarinet and bassoon Harp and continuo, 361
Clavier, clarinet and bassoon, 364 'Heilig,' see Cantatas
Clavier and flute, 361 'Israeliten in der Wiiste,' see Cantatas
Clavier, flute and viola, 363 'Magnificat,' see Cantatas, 353, 375
Clavier and 2 flutes, 364 'Musikalisches Vielerley,' 468
Clavier solo, 354-60 Oboe and continuo, 360-1
works written before 1738, 354 Odes, see Sacred Songs; Secular Songs
works written 1738-68, 354-8, 454 Oratorios, see Cantatas
works written 1768-88, 358-60 Organ:
'Abschied von meinem Silbermannischen 6 Fugues, 358 n.i
Claviere,' 360 Sonata for organ with pedal, 358 n.i
Concerto in C, 358 Sonatas for organ without pedal, 358
Fantasia in c (from 'Probestucke'), 357 Passion Cantata, see Cantatas
Fantasias, see Sonatas ('Kenner und Lieb- Passions, 372
haber') 'Phillis und Tirsis,' 370
'Farewell to my
Silbermann Clavichord,' 360 'Probestiicke,' see Clavier
'Kenner und Liebhaber,' see Sonatas Quartets, see Clavier, flute and viola
'La Bohmer,' 360 Sacred Songs, 371-2, 395
'La Capricieuse,' 360 'Bitten,'372
'La Complaisante,' 360 'Dancklied,' 398 n.i
'La Gleim,' 360 'Demuth,' 372
'La Journaliere,' 360 'Der Kampf der Tugend,' 372
'La Lott,' 360 'Der Tag des Weltgerichts,' 372
'La Stahl,' 360 'Der thatige Glaube,' 398 n.i
Minuets, 359 'Du klagst,' 371
Polaccas, 359 'Geistliche Gesange' (Sturm), 372
Portraits, musical, 360 'Geistliche Oden und Lieder' (Gellert), 371,
'Probestucke' ('Versuch uber die wahre 395
Art'), 357, 422 'Psalm 88,' 371
'Prussian Sonatas,' 354-5 'Ueber die Finsternisz,' 372
Solfeggii, 359 'Weynachtslied,' 398 n.i
Sonata in d (Wq 65/3), 354 'Wider den Uebermuth,' 372
Sonatas ('Kenner und Liebhaber'), 358-9, 'Sanguine and Melancholic,' see 2 Violins and
471 n.i continuo
Sonatas ('mit veranderten Reprisen'), 358 Secular Songs, 369-71
Sonatas, see also 'Probestucke'; 'Prussian 'Briider, unser Bruder,' 370
Sonatas'; 'Wurttemberg Sonatas' 'Der Morgen,' 370
Sonatinas, 359 'Die verliebte Verzweiflung,' 370
'Wurttemberg Sonatas,' 355 'Eilt ihr Schafer,' 370
Clavier and violin, 362-3 'Ich ging unter Erlen,' 370

506
—

INDEX OF COMPOSITIONS 507

Secular Songs continued 'Cefalo e Procri,' 398, 443-4
'Nonnelied,' 371 Chamber music, see respective instruments,422-<»
'Oden mit Melodien,' 369 Church music, 437-9
'Phillis und Tirsis,' 370 'Dies irae,' 438
'Selma,' 370 'Gloria in excelsis,' 438
'Trennung,' 370-1 'Lezioni,' 438
Selma,' see Secular Songs 'Magnificat,' 438
Sinfonia, see also Clavier and violin 'Messa di Requiem,' 407
'Singstiicke fur die Kirche,' 372-7 'Miserere,' 438
Solos, see Flute and bass; Violin and bass 'Officio per gli morti,' 407
Sonatas, see Clavier solo; Clavier, violin and 'Salve Regina,' 438
violoncello 'Tantum ergo,' 438
Sonatinas for 1 or 2 claviers and orchestra, 365-6 'Te Deum,' 438-9
Sonatinas (Clavier solo), 359 2 Clarinets, 2 horns, bassoon ('Sinfonia'), 426
Symphonies, 367-9 n.i
6 symphonies of 1773, 368-9 Clavier concertos, see Concertos for clavier,
4 symphonies of 1780, 368-9 426-31
Trios, see Clavier, violin and violoncello; Flute, Clavier duets, 421-2
violin and continuo; Violin and clavier; op- 15/5, 6, 421
2 Violins and continuo op. 18/5, 6, 421
'Versuch uber die wahre Art das Clavier zu Clavier and flute, 423
spielen,' 353, 355 n.i, 356-7, 422, 469 Clavier solo, 419-22
Viola da Gamba and continuo, 361 'Methode ou Recueil de connoissances
Violin and clavier, 360-3 elementaires,' 422, 469
Violin, flute and continuo, 360-1 4 Progressive lessons, 422
Violin, violoncello and clavier, 362-3 6 Progressive lessons ('Methode ou Recueil'),
2 Violins and clavier, 364 422
2 Violins and continuo, 361-2 6 Sonatas op. 5, 420-1
6 Sonatas op. 17, 421
Georg Christoph Clavier and violin (op. 10), 422-3
Clavier, violin (or flute) and violoncello, 414
Cantata 'Siehe, wie fein und lieblich,' 64-5, 111.
n.i, 424
VII
Concert ou Symphonie, see Symphonies concer-
tantes
Heinrich
Concertos for clavier, 426-31, 111. xix
Cantata Teh danke dir, Gott,' 28-9 op. 1, 428-9
op. 7, 429-3°
Johann op. 13, 430-1
'Endimione,' 444
Aria 'Weint nicht um meinen Tod,' 26, 69
Flute, oboe, viola and violoncello, 425
Motets, 26-8
Flute, oboe, violin, viola and continuo, 425-6
'Sei nun wieder zufrieden,' 26-7
Flute, violin, viola and violoncello, 424-5
'Unser Leben ist ein Schatten,' 27-8, 48
2 Flutes, viola and violoncello, 425
2 Flutes, violin and violoncello, 425
Johann Bernhard 'Gioas, Re di Giuda,' 444
Clavier works: Harpsichord, see Clavier
Chaconne in B flat, see Organ works Methode ou Recueil de connoissances elemen-
Fugues in D and F, see Organ works taires, 422, 469

Orchestral suites, 101, 287 n.i Nocturnes, see 2 Violins and viola
Suite for solo violin and strings in g, 101 Operas, 439-42
Suites for strings in D, e, G, ioi 'Adriano in Siria,' 440, 442
Organ works, 99-101, 242 'Alessandro nell' Indie,' 408, 414, 439-40
Chaconne in B flat, 100 'Non so d'onde viene,' 408 n.i, 439-40
Chorale partita ('Du Friedefiirst'), 100, 245 'Amadis des Gaules,' 384, 415, 440-2
Chorale preludes, 99-101 'Artaserse,' 408, 431, 439
'Jesus, Jesus, nichts als Jesus,' 101 n.i 'Carattaco,' 440
'Vom Himmel hoch,' 100 'Catone in Utica,' 408, 432, 439, 467
'Wir glauben all' an einen Gott,' 99 'Endimione,' 436
Fugues in D and F, 100 'La Calamita de' Cuori' (Galuppi), 432
'La Clemenza di Scipione,' 384, 415, 440-1
'Lucio Silla,' 415, 425, 436, 440-1
Johann Christian 'Orfeo' (Gluck), 441-2
Aria cantabile, 408 'Orione,' 410, 440-1
Arias ('Rinaldo ed Armida'), 442-3 'Temistocle,' 414-15, 425, 437, 440-1
Cantata, see 'Cefalo e Procri' 'Zanaida,' 410, 440
508 THE BACH FAMILY
Oratorio, see 'Gioas . .' .

Piano e Forte, see Clavier

JOHANN CHRISTOPH FrIEDRICH
Quartets, see Flute, oboe, viola, violoncello; 'Auferstehung Lazarus,' see Oratorios
Flute, violin, viola, violoncello; 2 Flutes, 'Brutus,' 394 n.i
viola, violoncello; 2 Flutes, violin, violon- Cantatas:
cello, 424-5 'Der Tod Jesu,' 399-400
Quintets op. 11 (Flute, oboe, violin, viola, 'Michaelis Cantata,' 401
continuo), 425-6 'Michaels Sieg,' 401-2
Quintets, see also 2 Clarinets, 2 horns, bassoon 'Prokris und Cephalus,' 398
'Rinaldo ed Armida,' 442-3 Cantatas, see also Monodramas
Serenata, see 'Endimione' Clavier duets, 388-9
Sonatas, see Clavier solo; Clavier and violin Clavier and flute, 389-90
Songs, 444 Clavier, flute and violin, 391-2
Symphonies, 431-7 Clavier solo, 387-8
op. 3, 432 'Ah vous dirais-je, Maman' (Variations), 388
op. 6, 8, 9, 433-4 'Alia Polacca' ('Musikalisches Vielerley'), 387
op. 18, 435-7 Allegro with variations, 388
Symphonies concertantes, 431, 434-6 Angloises ('Musikalische Nebenstunden'),388
Trios, see Clavier and violin; Clavier, violin (or Marches ('Musikalische Nebenstunden'), 388
flute) and violoncello; 2 Violins and 'Menuetten zum Tanz,' 387
continuo; 2 Violins and viola Scherzos ('Musikalische Nebenstunden'), 388
Vauxhall songs, 444 'Schwabische' ('Musikalische Nebenstunden')
'Ah seek to know,' 444 388
2 Violins, 423 Solfeggii ('Musikalische Nebenstunden'), 388
2 Violins and continuo, 423-4 Sonatas:
2 Violins and viola (Nocturnes), 424 3 easy, for clavier or pianoforte (1785),
387-8
JOHANN CHRISTOPH (12) 3 easy, for clavier or pianoforte (1789),
387-8
Aria 'Nun ist alles iiberwunden,' 69
3 Sonatas ('Musikalische Nebenstunden'),
387-8
JOHANN CHRISTOPH (13) 2 Sonatas ('Musikalisches Vielerley'), 387
5
Aria Eberliniana,' see Clavier solo Sonatina, 387
Arias, 48 Villanelle ('Musikalische Nebenstunden'), 388
'Es ist nun aus,' 48 Clavier and violin, 389-91
'Mit Weinen hebt sich's an,' 48 Clavier, violin and violoncello, 391
-Cantatas (sacred concertos, etc.), 52-8 Clavier, violin, violoncello, oboes, 2 horns, 392
'Ach, dass ich Wassers gnug hatte' (Lament), Concertos, 392-3
28,52 Clavier and orchestra, 392-3
'Die Furcht des Herren,' 56-7 Clavier, viola and orchestra (doubtful), 393 n. 1
'Es erhub sich ein Streit,' 57-8, 217, 401 'Die Auferstehung Lazarus' (Oratorio), 402-3
'Meine Freundin, du bist schon' (Wedding 'Die Kindheit Jesu' (Oratorio), 383, 402-3, 478
cantata), 53-6 n.2
'Wie bist du denn, o Gott' (Lament), 52-3 Flute and clavier, 389-90
Clavier solo, 60-2 Flute, violin and continuo, 389
'Aria Eberliniana variata,' 61-2
. . . Flute, violin, viola and continuo, 389-90
'Sarabande. Duodecies variat.,' 60-1, 278 'Geistliche Lieder,' see Sacred Songs
'Variations in a,' 62 n.i 'Kindheit Jesu,' see Oratorios
Laments, see Cantatas Monodramas, 396-8
Motets, 48-52 'Cassandra,' 396
'Der Gerechte,' 49-50, 373, 111. vi 'Die Amerikanerin,' 396-7
'Der Mensch vom Weibe geboren,' 48-9 'Ino,' 397, 468
'Fiirchte dich nicht,' 49, 223 'Prokris und Cephalus,' 398
'Herr, nun lassest du deinen Diener,' 51 'Pygmalion,' 398
'Ich lasse dich nicht,' 50-1, 225 n.i 'Mosis Mutter und ihre Tochter,' 394 n.i
'Lieber Herr Gott,' 51-2 Motets, 398-9
'Sei getreu bis an den Tod,' 48-9 'Ich lieg und schlafe,' 399
'Unseres Herzens Freude,' 52 'Wachet auf,' 398-9
Organ works, 58-60, 342 'Musikalische Nebenstunden,' 387-9, 395, 475
'Chorale zum praambulieren,' 58-60, 318 'Musikalisches Vielerley,' 387, 395, 468
'Aus meines Herzens Grunde,' 59 Oboe, 2 clarinets, 2 bassoons, 2 horns, 392
'Herr Jesu Christ,' 244 Oratorios, 402-3
'Warum betriibst du dich,' 59 'Der Tod Jesu' (Cantata), 399-400
'Wir glauben alle,' 59 'Die Auferstehung Lazarus,' 402-3
'Praludium und Fuge ex Dis,' 60 'Die Kindheit Jesu,' 383, 402-3, 478 n.2
7

INDEX OF COMPOSITIONS 509

Organ (Fughette), 388 Organ, 455-6
'Philoctetes,' 394 Chorale prelude 'Valet will ich dir geben,' 455
Pianoforte, see Clavier Fantasias and Fugues in a and F, 455-6
Quartets for transverse flute, violin, viola, Fugue in d, 455
continuo, 389-90 Passionsoratorium (1764), 459-62
Quartets for 2 violins, viola and violoncello, Secular Songs, see 'Fabeln'
390-1 Sonatas, see Clavier solo; Clavier and violin
Septet for oboe, 2 clarinets, 2 bassoons and 2 Songs, secular, see 'Fabeln'
horns, 392 Symphonies (lost), 455
Sextet for pianoforte, 2 horns, oboe, violin,
violoncello, 392, 426 n.i
Solo cantatas, see Monodramas Johann Ludwig
Sonatas, see Clavier duets; Clavier and flute; Cantatas, 109-14
Clavier solo; Clavier and violoncello; 'Die mit Thranen saen,' 112
Violoncello and continuo 'Gott ist unser Zuversicht,' 109 n. 2, m-12
Symphonies, 393-4 111. XI

Trios, see Clavier, flute and violin; Clavier and 'Ich aber ging,' no
violin; Clavier, violin and viola; Clavier, Teh will meinen Geist,' no
violin and violoncello; Flute, violin and 'Ja,mir hastu Arbeit gemacht,' no
continuo 'Mache dich auff, werde Licht,' in
Violin, flute and continuo, 389 'Trauermusik,' 107, 109 n.i, no, 112-13
2 Violins, viola and violoncello, 390-1 'Wie lieblich sind auf den Bergen,' no
Violoncello and clavier, 391 Funeral music, see 'Trauermusik' under heading
Violoncello and continuo ('Musikalisches 'Cantatas,' 107, 109 n.i, no, 112-13
Vielerley'), 389 Masses (not authentic), 117 n.i
Motets, 1 1 4- 1
'Die richtig fur sich gewandelt haben,' 114
'Gedenke meiner, mein Gott,' 114 n.3, 116
Johann Ernst 'Gott sey uns gnadig,' 114, 117
t
Ach Herr, straf mich nicht,' see Cantatas Teh will auf den Herren schauen,' 1 16-17
Anleitung zu der musikalischen Gelahrtheit' 'Sey nun wieder zufrieden,' 116
(Adlung), 454, 458 'Unser Trubsal,' 114 n.4
Birthday Cantata for Duke Friedrich HI o 'Uns ist ein Kind geboren,' 114 n.i, 115, 117
Gotha, 458 Orchestral suite for strings, 11 7- 18
Cantatas, 458-63 Overture and suite, see Orchestral suite, 1 17-18
'Ach Herr, straf mich nicht,' 460 Passion (lost), 117ml
'Birthday Cantata,' 458 Suite for strings, see Orchestral suite, 1 17-18
'Der Herr ist nahe,' 453, 458-9, 462
'Die Liebe Gottes,' 462
'Herzlich lieb,' 462 Johann Michael (14)
'Kein Stiindlein,' 461-2 Arias (Solo cantatas), see also under Cantatas,
'Mein Odem ist schwach,' 458-9, 461 43-4
'Meine Seele erhebet den Herren,' 45 5 -6, 45 8-9, 'Ach wie sehnlich wart ich,' 43-4
461, 463 'Auf! lasst uns den Herrn loben,' 43-4
Clavier solo, 455 Cantatas (Aria, Sacred concerto, Dialogue, etc.),
Fantasias and fugues in a and F, 455 43-5
Sonata in A, 45 5 'Ach, bleib bei uns, Herr Jesu Christ,' 44-5
Sonatas in F and G
(Haffher 'CEuvres 'Ach, wie sehnlich wart ich,' 43-4
melees'), 455 'Auf! lasst uns den Herrn loben,' 43-4
Clavier and violin (6 Sonatas), 456-7 'Es ist ein grosser Gewinn,' 44
'Der Herr ist nahe,' see Cantatas 'Liebster Jesu, hor mein Flehen,' 44, 45 n.i
'Die Liebe Gottes,' see Cantatas Clavier works, 45 n.2
'Fabeln, Sammlung auserlesener,' 457-8 Motets, 39-43
Fantasias and fugues, see Clavier solo 'Das Blut Jesu Christi,' 41
Funeral music, see Cantata 'Der Herr ist nahe,' 'Dem Menschen ist gesetzt einmal zu sterben,'
453, 458-9 42
Harpsichord, see Clavier 'Furchtet euch nicht,' 42
'Herzlich lieb,' see Cantatas 'Halt, was du hast,' 42
'Kein Stiindlein,' see Cantatas 'Herr, du lassest mich erfahren,' 42
Kyrie and Gloria, see Mass in D 'Herr, ich warte auf dein Heil,' 42-3
Magnificat, see Cantata 'Meine Seele erhebet den 'Herr, wenn ich nur dich habe,' 42
Herren' 'Ich weiss, dass mein Erloser lebt,' 41
Mass in D
(Kyrie and Gloria), 458 'Nun hab' ich iiberwunden,' 40
'Mein Odem ist schwach,' see Cantatas 'Sei lieber Tag willkommen,'
39-40
'Meine Seele erhebet den Herren,' see Cantatas 'Unser Leben wahret siebenzig Jahr,' 40-1
—

5io THE BACH FAMILY

Organ works, 45-7 Cantatas continued
Chorale preludes, 45-7 No. 76, 254
'Allein Gott in der Hoh',' 46 No. 78, 206, 220-2
'Dies sind die heil'gen zehn Gebot,' 46 No. 79, 239
'In dich hab' ich gehoffet, Herr,' 46 No. 80, 219-20
'Nun freut euch, lieben Christen G'mein,' No. 83, 403
46 No. 86, 403
'Von Gott will ich nicht lassen,' 46 No. 92, 220-1
'Wenn mein Stiindlein vorhanden ist,' 46 No. 93, 258 n.i
'Wenn wir in hochsten Noten sein,' 46-7 No. 106, 49, 209-11
No. 116, 188, 220
No. 120, 155 n.3, 240
Johann Michael (son of Elias?)
No. 1 20a, 280 n.2

'Friedenskantate,' 199 n.2 No. 131, 140 n.i, 209-10

'Kurze und systematische Anleitung zum No. 134, 155 n.3
Generalbass und der Tonkunst,' 199 n.2 No. 137, 258 n.i
No. 138, 239
No. 140, 220-1, 258-9, 398-9
Johann Nicolaus (27) No. 142, 211
Cantata (Singspiel) 'Der Jenaische Wein- und No. 149, 226
Bierrufer,' 95-6 No. 152, 207 n.2
Mass (Kyrie and Gloria), 93-5 No. 153, 373
Organ work. Chorale prelude (Bicinium) 'Nun No. 160, 211
freut euch,' 93 No. 161, 207 n.2, 214
Singspiel, see Cantata No. 162, 207 n.2
No. 169, 290 n.i
No. 173, 155 n.3
J. Sebastian No. 174, 290 n.i
Art of the Fugue, 206, 278 n.2, 293-5, 351 No. 179, 239
Brandenburg Concertos, 155, 160, 183, 205,232, No. 184, 155 n.3
284-6, 289, 290 n.i, 471 n.i No. 188, 290 n.i
Cantatas (Church cantatas, Sacred concertos, No. 196, 155 n.3
etc.), 206-23 No. 198, 238-9
written 1704-12, 208-11 'Actus Tragicus' (No. 106), 209-11
written 1712-17, 211-15 'Aus der Tiefe' (No. 131), 140 n.i, 209-10
written 1717-23, 155 n.3 'Christ lag in Todesbanden' (No. 4), 214-15
written 1723-45, 215-23 219
No. 4, 214-15, 219 'Denn du wirst meine Seele' (No. 1 5), 209
No. 6, 258 n.i 'Der Herr denket an uns' (No. 196), 136 n.3
No. 10, 258 n.i 'Der Himmel lacht, die Erde jubilieret' (No
No. 1 1 (Ascension Day Oratorio), 230 30, 213
No. 12, 203, 240 'Du (No. 116), 188, 220
Friedefiirst'
No. 15, 209 'Ein' feste Burg' (No. 80), 219-20
No. 17, 239 'Es erhub sich ein Streit' (No. 19), 58, 217-18
No. 18, 211 401, 111. XIII
No. 19, 58, 217-18, 401, 111. xiii 'Gottes Zeit' (No. 106), 209-11
No. 21, 212 'Gott ist mein Konig' (No. 71), 138, 140, 209-
No. 22, 166 210
No. 29, 280 n.2 'Ich hab in Gottes Herz und Sinn' (No. 92),
No. 31, 213 220-1
No. 32, 155 n.3 'Ich hatte vielBekummernis' (No. 21), 212
No. 36a, 168 'Ich will den Kreuzstab' (No. 56), 218-19
No. 39, 373 'Jesu, der du meine Seele' (No. 78), 206, 220-2
No. 46, 216 'Klagt, Kinder' (No. 244a; lost), 235
No. 49, 290 n.i 'Komm du susse Todesstunde' (No. 161),
No. 50, 58, 401 207 n.2, 214
No. 52, 290 n.i 'Nun komm der Heiden Heiland' (No. 61),
No. 56, 218-19 211, 213
No. 59, 211 'Schauet doch und sehet' (No. 46), 216
No. 61, 211, 213 'Sie werden aus Saba alle kommen' (No. 65),
No. 64, 171 216-17
No. 65, 216-17 Trauer Ode' (No. 198), 238-9
No. 66, 155 n.3 'Wachet auf (No. 140), 220-1
No. 68, 226 'Weinen, Klagen' (No. 12), 203, 240
No. 71. 138, 140, 209 Chaconne, see Violin solo
—

INDEX OF COMPOSITIONS 511

Chorales, four-part, 219 n.i Clavier solo continued
Chorales, arrangements for organ, see Organ Suites, English, 272-3
works Suites, French, 271, 273-4
Christmas Oratorio, see Oratorios Toccata in c {BWV
911), 264
Chromatic Fantasy and Fugue, see Clavier solo Toccatas in D, d, e {BWV 912-14), 263 n.2
Church Cantatas, see Cantatas Toccata in f sharp {BWV 910), 264
Clavier solo, 259-78 Toccatas in G, g {BWV916, 915), 263 n.2
works written before 1708, 260-2 Violin concertos (arrangements), 262-3
works written 1708-17, 262-5 Violin solo Sonatas (arrangements; BWV
works written 1717-50, 265-78 964, 968), 280 n.2
Aria variata alia maniera Italiana, 263 Well-Tempered Clavichord, see Well-
Aria with 30 Variations (Goldberg Varia- Tempered Clavier, 260, 268-71, 295
tions), 61, 259, 277-8, 303 Well-Tempered Clavier, part I, 156, 160, 205,
Capriccio in honorem J. Christoph Bachii, 260, 268-71, 295
261 Well-Tempered Clavier, part II, see 'New
Capriccio sopra la lontananza del fratello Preludes and Fugues,' 270-1
dilettissimo, 265 Wohltemperiertes Clavier, see Well-
Chromatic Fantasy and Fugue, 265 Tempered Clavier
Clavierbuchlein for Friedemann Bach, 156-7, Clavier Ubung, see Clavier solo; Organ
265-8, 312, 356 Coffee Cantata, see Secular cantatas
Clavierbuchlein, see also under Noten- Concertos, 283-6, 288-90
biichlein See also clavier solo
Clavier Ubung, part I (6 Partitas), 192, 271, Brandenburg Concertos, 205, 232, 284-6, 289,
423
274-<5, 320, 290 n.i
Clavier tjbung, part II (Italian Concerto, Clavier and orchestra, 288-9, 290 n.i
Ouverture), 276-7 2 Claviers and orchestra, 289-90
Clavier Ubung, part IV (Goldberg Varia- 3 Claviers and orchestra, 289-90
tions), 277-8 4 Claviers and orchestra, 289-90
Concerto in the Italian taste (Italian Con- Flute, violin, harpsichord and orchestra, in a,
certo), 259, 276-7, 321, 354, 358, 427 254, 263-4, 289
English Suites, 205, 272-3, 320 Violin and orchestra, 284-5, 39^
Fantasias (Sinfonie or Three-part inventions), 2 Violins and orchestra, 284-5
266-7 Dorian Toccata and Fugue, see Organ
Fantasy and fugue, chromatic, 265 English Suites, see Clavier solo
French Suites, 205, 271, 273-4, 313 Flute and continuo, 279
Fugue in A (Theme by Albinoni), 264 Flute and harpsichord, 101 n.2, 282
Fugue in b (Theme by Albinoni), 264 Flute, violin and continuo, 279, 281 n.2, 293
Fugue in B flat (after Erselius), 263 n.i French Suites, see Clavier solo
Fugue in e {BWV 945), 260 Fugues, see Clavier solo; Organ; Violin and
Goldberg Variations, 61, 188, 259, 277-8, 303, continuo
315 Goldberg Variations, see Clavier solo
Inventions (Two-part), 156, 205, 266-7, 295, Inventions, see Clavier solo, Violin and continuo
427 Italian Concerto, see Clavier solo
Inventions (Three-part, see Sinfonie), 205, John, St., see Passions
266-7, 295, 319 Kunst der Fuge, see Art of the Fugue
Italian Concerto, 259, 276-7, 321, 354, 358, Lute, 253 n.i, 280 n.2
427 Magnificat, 171, 205, 232-3, 353, 373, 402, 111.
Musical Offering, 206, 278 n.2, 290-3 XVII
New Preludes and Fugues (Well-Tempered Masses, 239-41
Clavier, part II), 270-1 Mass in b, 184-6, 203, 205, 222, 239-41,
Notenbuchlein of 1722, 271 261
Notenbiichlein for Anna Magdalena Bach of (short) Mass in F, 94, 239, 459
1725, 271, 277 (short) Mass in G, 239
Ouverture (Partita), 276 Sancti, 239 n.i
Partitas, 271, 274-6, 320, 423 Matdiew, St., see Passions
Praeambula (Two-part Inventions), 266-7 Motets, 223-5
Prelude and fugue in a {BWV
894), 263-4, 'Der Geist hilft unsrer Schwachheit auf, 5 223
289 'Fiirchte dich nicht,' 49, 223-4
Preludes and fugues (see Well-Tempered 'Jesu, meine Freude,' 171, 223-4, 232 n.i
Clavier, parts I and II), 260, 268-71 'Komm, Jesu, komm,' 223
Sinfonie (Three-part Inventions), 205, 266-7, 'Lobet den Herrn,' 223, 225 n.i
295, 3 J 9 'Singet dem Herrn,' 223-5
Sonata in a (after Reinken), 263 n.i Musical Offering, 188, 206, 278 n.2, 290-3
Sonata in C (after Reinken), 263 n. 1 Musikalisches Opfer, see Musical Offering
Sonata in D {BWV ^\ 260 Notenbuchlein, see Clavier solo
— —

512 THE BACH FAMILY

Oratorios: Organ works continued
Ascension Day Oratorio ('Himmelfahrts Chorale preludes continued
Oratorium,' Cantata No. u), 230 'O Mensch, bewein" (Orgelbuchlein;
Christmas Oratorio ('Weihnachts Orator- BWV 622), 251
ium'), 205, 225, 230-1, 373 'Schmiicke dich, o liebe Seele' (18 chorales
Easter Oratorio ('Oster Oratorium'), 230 BWV6->4), 257
Orchestral Suites (Ouvertures), 101, 155, 205 'Sei gegriisset' {BWV 768), 245
287-8 'Vater unser' (Clavier Ubung; BWV 682),
Organ works, 242-59 256
written before 1708, 244-6 'Vom Himmel hoch' {BWV 701), 244
written 1708-17, 246-52 'Vom Himmel hoch' (canonic variations;
written 1717-23, 252-3 BWV 769), 206, 258
written 1723-40, 253-7 'Vor deinen Thron' (18 chorales; BWV
written 1740-50, 257-9 668), 203, 258
Allabreve {BWV
589), 247 'Wachet auf (Schiibler Chorales; BWV
Art of the Fugue, 278 n.2, 293-5 6 45)> 258-9
Canonic variations on 'Vom Himmel hoch' 'Wenn wir' ('Vor deinen Thron,' 18
{BWV 769), 206, 258 chorales; BWV 66$), 203, 258
Canzona in d {BWV 588), 247 'Wir glauben all' (Clavier Ubung; BWV
Chorale partitas {BWV 766-68, 771), 245 681), 256
Chorale preludes: Clavier Ubung, vol. Ill {BWV 552, 669-89,
'Ach Gott und Herr' {BWV
693), 243 n.i 802-5), 255-7
'Alle Menschen' (Orgelbuchlein; BWV Concertos for violin (arrangements; BWV
643)^51 592-7), 246-7
'Allein Gott in der Hoh' (Clavier Ubung;
'
Dorian Toccata and Fugue {BWV 538), 248
BWV 675), 256 Duets (Clavier Ubung; BWV 802-5), 257 n.i
'Allein Gott in der Hoh' (Chorale partita;
'
Fantasy in G {BWV 571), 243
BWV 771), 243 n.i Fantasy and fugue in g {BWV 542), 252
'An Wasserfliissen Babylon' {BWV6^b), Fugue in b (Theme by BWV 579),
Corelli;
2 5* ml
247-8, 319
'Aus Not' (Clavier Ubung;
tiefer BWV Fugue in c (Thema Legrenzianum; BWV
686), 256-7
574), 247
'Christ, der du {BWV 766), 245
bist'
Fugue in d {BWV 539), 253
'Christ lag in Todesbanden' {BWV 718), Fugue in e {BWV 548), 253
245 Fugue, see also under Prelude and fugue
'Christus wir sollen loben' {BWV 696), Organ chorales, see Chorale preludes
244 n.3 Orgelbuchlein {BWV 599-644), 59, 62, 153,
'Das alte Jahr' (Orgelbuchlein; BWV 614), 156, 249-52, 255, 258
251 Partite diverse{BWV 766-6$), 245
'Dies sind die heil'gen zehn Gebot' (Orgel- Passacaglia in c{BWV 582), 249
buchlein; BWV
653), 251-2 Pastorale in F{BWV 590), 247
'Dies sind die heil'gen zehn Gebot' 8 Preludes and fugues {BWV 53-60), 243
(Clavier Ubung; BWV
678), 256 Prelude and fugue (Dorian;
5
BWV 538), 248
'Durch Adams Fall' (Orgelbuchlein; Prelude and fugue in a {BWV 551), 243
BWV 637), 251 Prelude (and fugue) in b {BWV 544), 254
'Gelobet seist du' {BWV
697), 244 n.3 Prelude (and fugue) in C {BWV ^4^), 254
'Gott der Vater' {BWV
748), 243 n.i Prelude and fugue in c {BWV 549), 243
'Gottes Sohn' {BWV
703), 244 n.3 (Prelude and) fugue in d {BWV 539), 253,
'Herr Christ' {BWV
698), 244 n.3 280 n.2
'Herr Jesu Christ' {BWV
749), 244 (Prelude and) fugue in e {BWV 548), 254
'Hilf, Gott' (Orgelbuchlein; BWV
624), Prelude and fugue in E flat (St. Anne from
251
(Orgelbuchlein; BWV
Clavier Ubung; BWV
552), 255
'In dulci jubilo' Prelude (Toccata) and fugue in F {BWV
608), 251 54o), 253
'Jesus Christus unser Heiland' (18 chorales Prelude (Fantasy) and fugue in g {BWV
BWV 665), 257 542), 252
'Lob sei' {BWV 704), 244 n.3 Schiibler Chorales {BWV 64^-^0), 258-9
'Mit Fried' und Freud" (Orgelbuchlein; Sonatas (Trios; BWV525-30), 254-5
BWV 616), 251 St. Anne fugue (Clavier Ubung; BWVfjz),
'Nun komm der Heiden Heiland' {BWV *55
699), 244 n.3 Toccata and fugue in C {BWV
564), 248
'O Gott, du frommer Gott' {BWV 767), Toccata and fugue in d {BWV
565), 244
Toccata and fugue in F {BWV
540), 253
'O Lamm Gottes' (Orgelbuchlein; BWV Trinity fugue (Clavier Ubung; BWV
552),
618), 251 255
—

INDEX OF COMPOSITIONS 513

Organ works continued Violin, flute and continuo, 279, 281 n.2, 293
Trios (Sonatas; BWV
525-30), 254-5, 289 Violin and harpsichord, 279, 282-3, 3 2 9 n>1
Trio in c (BWV ^X
243 n.i Violin solo (Sonatas, Partitas), 279-81
Violin concertos (arrangements; 592- BWV Violoncello solo (Suites), 279, 281
597), 246-7
'Wedge' (see Fugue in e; BWV 548), 254 WlLHELM FRIEDEMANN
Orgelbuchlein, see Organ
Ouvertures, see Clavier solo; Orchestral Suites Aria 'Zerbrecht, zerreisst,' 333 n.i
Partitas, see Clavier solo; Organ; Violin solo Cantatas, 331-5
Passacaglia, see Organ 'Der Herr wird mit Gerechtigkeit,' 331, 332
Passions, 233-9 n.i
according to St. John, 165-7, 171, 233-6, 373 'Der Himmel neigt sich,' 334
according to St. Luke (doubtful), 239 'Der Hochste erhoret,' 331
according to St. Mark, 230 n.3, 235 n.2, 238-9 'Dienet dem Herrn,' 332 n.i
according to St. Matthew, 113, 170-1, 174-5, 'Dies ist der Tag,' 331, 334
200, 214, 217-18, 235-8, 400 'Ertonet ihr seligen Volker,' 327 n.3, 331
Peasant Cantata, see Secular cantatas 'Erzittert und fallet,' 332 n.i, 334
Preludes and fugues, see Clavier solo; Organ 'Es eine Stimme,' 332 n.i, 334
ist

Schiibler Chorales, see Organ 'Gott fahret auf,' 332 n.i, 333
Secular cantatas ('Dramma per musica,' 'Cantate 'Heraus, verblendeter Hochmut,' 331
en burlesque'), 225-30 'Ihr Lichter,' 331
No. 201, 227-8 'Lasset uns ablegen,' 332 n.i, 333
No. 202, 226 'O Himmel, schone,' 330 n.i, 333 n.2
No. 205, 226-7 'O Wunder,' 332
No. 208, 226 'Verhangnis dein Wiiten,' 331
No. 209, 181 'Wer mich liebet,' 333
No. 211, 228-9 'Wir sind Gottes Werke,' 331
No. 212, 95, 206, 229-32 'Wo geht die Lebensreise,' 334
No. 213, 230 n.3 Cavata 'Herz, mein Herz,' 321 n.i, 332
No. 214, 230 n.3 Clavier solo, 320-6
No. 215, 230 n.3 works composed before 1733, 320-1
Coffee Cantata (No. 211), 228-9 works composed 1733-46, 321-4
Der Streit zwischen Phoebus und Pan' (No.
c
works composed 1746-70, 324-5
201), 183, 227-8 works composed 1771-84, 325-6
'Der zufriedengestellte Aeolus' (No. 205), 'Bourleska' ('LTmitation de la Chasse'), 320
226-7 Capri ccio, see Fantasias, 324
'Hercules auf dem Scheidewege' (No. 213), Concerto per il cembalo solo, 320, 358
229-32 Fantasias, 321 n.i, 323-6
'Mer hahn en neue Oberkeet' (Peasant Gigue, 320
Cantata No. 212), 206, 229-32 'La Reveille,' 320
'Peasant Cantata' (No. 212), 95, 206, 229-32 'LTmitation de la Chasse,' see 'Bourleska'
'Schweigt stille' (Coffee Cantata, No. 211), March, 324
228-9 Polonaises, 324-5
'Was mir behagt' (No. 208), 226 Preludio, 324
'Weichet nur betriibte Schatten' (No. 202), Sonatas, 322-3, 325
226 Suite, 320
Sonatas, see Clavier solo; Flute and continuo; Concerto a duoi cembali concertati (Sonata for
Flute and harpsichord; Flute, violin and clavier 4 hands), 321, 326 n.2
continuo; Organ; Viola da gamba and Concertos for one harpsichord and orchestra,
harpsichord; Violin solo; Violin and 326-8, 111. xv
harpsichord; 2 Violins and continuo Concerto for two harpsichords and orchestra,
Songs for solo voice and instrumental bass, 326-7
207 n.i 2 Flutes, 327-9
'Bist du bei mir,' 207 n.i 2 Flutes and continuo, 328-9
'Dir, dir, Jehova, will ich singen,' 207 n.i Fugues, see Organ
'Gib dich zufrieden,' 207 n.i Organ, 318-20
'Komm siisser Tod,' 207 n. 1 Chorale preludes, 318
'Vergiss mein 207 n.i
nicht,' Fugues, 314, 318-20
Suites, see Clavier solo; Orchestra; Violoncello Ouverture, see Symphony in d, 330
solo Siciliano from Symphony in A, 331 n.i
Viol, see Viola da gamba Sonatas, see Clavier solo; Concerto a duoi
Viola da gamba and harpsichord, 281-2 cembali; 2 Flutes; 2 Violas
Violin and continuo (Fugue; Inventions by Song 'Herz, mein Herz,' see Cavata
Bonporti; Sonatas), 279 Symphonies, 330-1
2 Violins and continuo, 279, 281 Viola and harpsichord (doubtful), 329 n.i
5M THE BACH FAMILY
2 Violas, 329 Lieder, see Songs
Violin and harpsichord, 329 Pianoforte solo:
2 Violins and continuo, 328-9 'Grande Sonate,' 477
'Grandes Variations,' 478
Pianoforte four hands, 480
Pianoforte six hands ('Dreyblatt'), 479-80
WlLHELM FRIEDRICH ERNST Pianoforte and violin, 478
Ballet, 478 Pianoforte, violin, violoncello, see Trios
Cantatas: Rondos for soprano and orchestra:
'Columbus oder die Entdeckung von 'L'amour est un bien supreme,' 478
America,' 478-9 'Ninfe se liete,' 478
'Der Dichter und der Komponist,' 479 Sextet for violin, viola, violoncello, clarinet, 2
'Erinnerung an Schillers Sterbetag,' 479 horns, 480
'Vater unser,' 479 'Sinfonia,' see Pianoforte and violin
'Westphalens Freude,' 478 Sonatas, see Pianoforte solo; Pianoforte and
Choruses, 478 violin
Clavier, see Pianoforte Songs, German, French, Italian, 478, 480
Columbus, see Cantatas Symphony, 478
Concerto buffo ('Der Dichter und der Trio for 2 flutes and viola, 480 n.i
Komponist'), see Cantatas Trios: Pianoforte, violin, violoncello, 478
Concertos, 478 'Vater unser,' see Cantatas
'Dreyblatt,' see Pianoforte six hands Violin, viola, violoncello, clarinet, 2 horns, see
Duets, 478 Sextet, 480
2 Flutes and viola, see Trio 'Westphalens Freude,' see Cantatas
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the music, to which ample space is devoted.' New Statesman and Nation

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study of Brahms as man and musician.' Manchester Guardian

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little doubt that it will become the standard life in English ... Dr. Geiringer happily
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the master. It not only introduces new material, but arranges it in such a way as to
produce a picture of the unconventional and eternally young personality of the man
who is so deceptively known
Papa Haydn.' The composer is seen to be not the
as '

simple-minded peasant but a man who, although earth-bound in his healthy humour
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the Stone Age to the Present Day
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Library Bureat Cat. No. 1137

3 5002 00393 2113
Gciringer, Karl
The Bach family; seven generations of cr

ML
410
Bl G397