Roll Up Your Sleeves
Roll Up Your Sleeves
To cite this article: Robin Means Coleman (2011) “Roll up your sleeves!”, Feminist Media Studies,
11:01, 35-41, DOI: 10.1080/14680777.2011.537023
At the 2009 BET Awards, its host, Academy Award winning actor/comedian Jamie
Foxx, previewed for the live in-house and television audience a film project that he was
developing with actor/comedian Martin Lawrence entitled Skank Robbers. The two-minute
clip showed Foxx reprising his role of Wanda, a character from his In Living Color
(1991 –1994) television variety show days. The “joke” that is Wanda is that she is a
grotesquely ugly Black woman—cross-eyed, protruding lips, an enormous rear end—who
not only does not know she is freakish and undesirable, but has the audacity to be a
hypersexual flirt. The clip also featured Lawrence in a co-starring role as Shenenah, a
character he popularized in his TV sitcom Martin (1992– 1997). Shenenah is a hot-tempered,
quick to “whoop ‘dat ass” kind of gal whose ridiculous clothes are as loud as her mouth.
Together, the two “skanks” form a trashy, ghetto-fabulous bank-robbing team. The clip
concludes by claiming the film was brought to viewers by the makers of Godzilla and by the
producers of Planet of the Apes.
The high-quality film preview was a prank, something Foxx and Lawrence created just
for the BET Awards show. In the aftermath of the show, however, Internet buzz revealed
that there were a great number of people who, wishing the film project was real, would be
excited to see Foxx and Lawrence portray Black women with demeaning comic effect.
The swell of interest was so great that a few months after the Skank Robbers preview aired,
Foxx and Lawrence’s imagination proved prescient as it was announced that Screen Gems
Studios, a subsidiary of Sony, would make the film. With backing from Screen Gems Studios
secured, Lawrence began promoting the coming of the film on the talk show circuit; on
10 April, 2010, for example, he appeared on The Ellen DeGeneres show discussing the film’s
production. In all of the hype, no one asked “Just because you can, does that mean you
should?” Few were speaking up for the Sisters.1
This essay is a bit about silence—that lack of speaking up—and how, through
feminist media criticism, we can become more communicative on some key issues and
debates as it pertains to Black women and their relationship to media. For example, none
can benefit (that is, except Screen Gems, Foxx, and Lawrence) from a silence around one of
the most symbolically devastating treatments of Black womanhood. The film project recalls
nineteenth- and early twentieth-century blackface of stage and film in which White men
stereotypically portrayed Black women (e.g., as mammies). Such depictions have (barely)
been reformulated in the twenty-first century into a sort of “Black woman face” with Black
male performers distorting both Black women and the rituals of drag. Black women are cast
as intellectually inferior and physically repulsive for entertainment, while drag becomes a
punch line, thereby denying any understanding of the cultural significance of a practice
which serves to broaden definitions of and reconfigure manhood. Feminist scholarship
could, and should, speak up far more loudly about the trends and implications of these
performances.
However, this is also an essay about what does get talked about in feminist media
studies. My goal is to also celebrate the great contributions that feminist criticism has made
as it pertains to Black women and media through Feminist Media Studies. These two
threads—silence and presence—may shed some light on what issues we speak up on, as
well as new directions our scholarship can take in the coming years to break silences.
Jade Boyd (2004), whose essay, “Dance, culture, and popular film,” attends to the
racialization of dance in teen films. Boyd (2004) examines the representational treatment of
women’s bodies in dance films such as Save the Last Dance (2001), while delving into the
sort of fetishistic fascination with Black bodies in rhythmic movement that media has
relentlessly exploited. Janell Hobson’s (2008) “Digital whiteness, primitive blackness” also
attends to imagery and content by innovatively theorizing how the spectacle of Black-
women-as-primitive is no longer the purview of colonialist-themed jungle adventure films
in which Black women are cast as savage and pre-modern. Media has simply updated the
primitive, placing her in the “Africanist space of the inner-city” (read: a housing project) in
the Matrix or in opposition to technology in Strange Days (Hobson 2008).
Both Boyd’s and Hobson’s articles make key contributions to feminist media
scholarship. That is to say, both fit the bill of scholarship attending to media content and
women’s images and deal substantively with Black womanhood. Over the last decade in
Feminist Media Studies others have also commented on issues pertaining to Black women,
albeit with varying degrees of attention. These scholars, therefore, contribute to the many
hits that come up when searching identity terms related to Blackness in the journal.
However, this wealth of research should not be given short shrift as it reveals the great
range of topics which are relevant to Black women—a range that can be explored from the
vantage point of Blackness with focused attention. Without completely enlisting these
discussions, a few of them include: tokenism, style among celebrities, and beauty and the
body image; black women as unwed mothers or as excessively emotional (or “angry”) also
have been subjects of focused attention.3 Of course, as it should be, there have been, and
will continue to be, articles in Feminist Media Studies which address the needs of all women.
It might be worth reiterating, however, that research which does not take Black
womanhood as its principle subject provides an opportunity for us to complicate or deepen
our analyses by considering how Black women are unique (or mundane!) users, developers,
and monitors of media, or are unique or mundane in content and imagery.
and (3) Martin Lawrence’s “Big Momma,” with Lawrence in a fat suit in the 2000 and 2006
versions of the films. The 2011 film, Big Mommas: Like Father, Like Son, boasts not one, but
two such characterizations with actor Brandon Jackson joining in on the making-sport-of-
women mania. Perry’s silence, and subsequent self-exclusion, is clearly not a satisfactory or
sufficient mode of protest, if it can be interpreted as such. And yet for some, Perry’s absence
from the project is speaking most loudly and sparking debate. Certainly Perry, whose
Madea is presented as a role model for empowered Black women, should not be the arbiter
of our thinking, particularly when giving advice such as:
Cheat with your husband or your wife. If you’re wondering how do you cheat with your
spouse—a wig, a pair of high heels, and a street corner can sure make a difference in your
relationship. . . . My husband and I used to play this game called Pimps Up, Ho’s Down,
where I was the ho and he was the pimp. We meet out on the corner . . . (Perry 2006,
pp. 62– 63)
Leave silence to Perry, as we scholars are the ones that must get “loud” about Black
women’s participation in media; silence in our scholarship is an ineffective strategy.
However, such speaking up is not going to be easy for some. Simply, to properly
attend to such debasements means that we first have to be consumers of them. This is
quite the dilemma for some of us who find Perry’s Madea portrayals plebian and
scandalous, and Murphy’s Rasputia nothing short of revolting. But, if we turn our backs to
such portrayals they will not go away (just as Skank Robbers did not). In fact, our silence may
contribute to such images thriving unchecked. Indeed, these (few) presentations of Black
women in mainstream media are popular and dominant. Interestingly, our scholarship
gives few hints of such phenomena. Black women must become more than part of a string
of key terms in our work. Clearly, too much is at stake and our Sisters cannot afford the
silence. This means that we are faced with, not one, but two challenges. The first challenge
is making Black women a key part of our research whenever appropriate. The second
challenge is for us to ask ourselves if our feminism includes a libratory message for those
whose tastes and cultural investments may run counter to ours (e.g., those fans of “skanks”).
As Patricia Hill Collins (2000, p. 38) implores, “education need not mean alienation from [a]
dialogic relationship” with a diversity of women and their issues. It is easy to indict these
men for their annihilation of women, but we, as feminist scholars, have to be careful not to
add to the problem by also rendering Black women invisible in our scholarship. Our
research methodology—how we proceed with data collection and analysis—and our
modes of inquiry—how we craft our discussion questions—must attend to the pitfalls of
erasure. Certainly, to write of that which may be outside of, or distant from, our experiences
is a tough undertaking. To do so we run the risk of “parachuting in,” writing top-down, or
even writing with a colonizing eye—acting as savior. But there is far more at stake for our
Sisters if silence prevails and inclusion eludes us. Audre Lorde (2007, p. 43) understood what
this all means: “And it is never without fear—of visibility, of the harsh light of scrutiny and
perhaps judgment . . . ”
Feminist Media Studies, one of our discipline’s leading journals, must be given the
opportunity to deliver scholarship that can bring complexity and nuance to debates. We
know now that Black women in media have been doubly denied their “representative”
womanhood by being portrayed by men who portray woman as “skanks.” According to
Helene A. Shugart and Catherine Egley Waggoner (2005), Black women can be implicated
in their own denial of womanhood by portraying themselves as “mac daddys” putting
“ROLL UP YOUR SLEEVES!” 39
research questions about imagery or femininity. And so, I will end this essay similarly to how
Opoku-Mensah ended hers ten years ago: “Now, My Pro-Feminist Sisters and Brothers, roll
up your sleeves—we’ve work to do!!!”
NOTES
1. I found hundreds of press releases about the film. However, it was surprisingly difficult to
find any head-shaking over the project in the press. I found two fairly notable websites—a
blog and a news portal—that were dismissive of the film (Cruz 2009; Kyles 2009).
2. Here I use Blackness to describe racial location and social formation, as well as the cultural
practices and tropes that make up a Black lived experience, to include histories, rituals,
identity investment, power relationships, and even rituals. The literature in the journal over
the last decade talks across the range of these definitions and issues.
3. Pamela Thoma (2009) addresses tokenism. Shugart and Waggoner (2005) talk about style
among celebrities. Einat Lachover and Sigal Barak Brandes (2009), Rebecca Coleman (2008),
Sujata Moorti and Karen Ross (2005), and Marc de Leeuw and Sonja van Wichelen (2005)
attend to beauty and/or body image. Black women are also commented on when Ruby
Tapia (2005) takes on unwed mothers and when Rachel Dubrofsky (2009) writes about
excessively emotional (“angry”) women on talk shows. Stacy Takacs (2005), Deborah Cohler
(2006), and Allison Perlman (2007) all explore issues of bias.
4. The question I pose here is based on a similar question raised by Norma Manatu (2003,
pp. 52– 53).
5. To this I would add Black women never get to be a “lady.” No, not the historical discourses of
a “lady” associated with Southern White womanhood, or even some bourgeoisie attempt to
appropriate the optics and performance of that kind of lady. I would like to see Black
women viewed as a “lady”—a value independent of such an association and one that stands
outside of and in opposition to the skanks, hoochies, tragic mulattos, and the like. There
must be a new variable for Black women. The question is, how can feminist media studies
get us there?
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“ROLL UP YOUR SLEEVES!” 41
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