Technologies of Monstrosity: Bram Stoker's "Dracula"

Author(s): Judith Halberstam

Source: Victorian Studies , Spring, 1993, Vol. 36, No. 3, Victorian Sexualities (Spring,
1993), pp. 333-352
Published by: Indiana University Press

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3828327

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Indiana University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Victorian Studies

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Judith Halberstam

TECHNOLOGIES OF
MONSTROSITY:
BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA

I. Once Bitten Twice Shy

BY WAY OF AN INTRODUCTION TO BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA, I WANT TO TELL MY OWN STORY

about being consumed and drained by the vampire. Reading Dracula for the
first time years ago, I thought I noticed something about vampirism that had
been strangely overlooked by critics and readers. Dracula, I thought, with hi
peculiar physique, his parasitical desires, his aversion to the cross and to al
the trappings of Christianity, his blood-sucking attacks, and his avaricious
relation to money, resembled stereotypical anti-Semitic nineteenth-century
representations of the Jew. Subsequent readings of the novel with attention
to the connections in the narrative between blood and gold, race and sex,
sexuality and ethnicity, confirmed my sense that the anti-Semite's Jew and
Stoker's vampire bore more than a family resemblance. The connection I had
made began to haunt me; I uncovered biographical material and discovered
that Stoker was good friends with, and inspired by, Richard Burton, the author
of a tract reviving the blood libel against Jews in Damascus. I read essays by
Stoker in which he railed against degenerate writers for not being goo
Christians. My conclusions seemed sound, the vampire and the Jew wer
related, and monstrosity in the Gothic novel had much to do with th
discourse of modem anti-Semitism.1
Toward the end of my preliminary research, I came across a fantastic
contemporary news piece which reported that General Mills Cereal Company
was being sued by the anti-defamation league because Count Chocula, the
children's cereal character, was depicted on one of their cereal boxes wearing
a Star of David ("General Mills").2 While I felt that this incident vindicated
my comparison of Jew and vampire, doubts began to creep in about stabilizin
this relationship. By the time my doubts had been fully expressed and con
firmed by other readers, I discovered that, rather than revealing a hidden
agenda in Stoker's novel, I had unwittingly essentialized Jewishness. By equat
ing Jew and vampire in a linear way, I had simply stabilized the relationship
between the two as a mirroring, but I had left many questions unanswered

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
334 Judith Halberstam

indeed unasked, about the production of monstrosity, whether it be monstrous

race, monstrous class, or monstrous sex.

II. Technologies of Monstrosity

Attempts to consume Dracula and vampirism within one interpretive

model inevitably produce vampirism. They reproduce, in other words, the
very model they claim to have discovered. So, an analysis of the vampire as
perverse sexuality runs the risk of merely stabilizing the identity of perversity,
its relation to a particular set of traits. The comparison between Jew and
vampire still seems interesting and important to me but for different reasons.
I am still fascinated by the occlusion of race or ethnicity in critical interpre-
tations of the novel but I am not simply attempting now to bring those hidden
facets to light. Instead I want to ask how the Gothic novel and Gothic
monsters in particular produce monstrosity as never unitary, but always as an
aggregate of race, class, and gender. I also want to suggest that the nineteenth-
century discourse of anti-Semitism and the myth of the vampire share a kind
of Gothic economy in their ability to condense many monstrous traits into
one body. In the context of this novel, Dracula is otheress itself, a distilled
version of all others produced by and within fictional texts, sexual science,
and psychopathology. He is monster and man, feminine and powerful, para-
sitical and wealthy; he is repulsive and fascinating, he exerts the consummate
gaze but is scrutinized in all things, he lives forever but can be killed. Dracula
is indeed not simply a monster, but a technology of monstrosity.
Technologies of monstrosity are always also technologies of sex. I want
to plug monstrosity and gothicization into Foucault's "great surface network"
of sexuality "in which the stimulation of bodies, the intensification of plea-
sures, the incitement to discourse, the formation of special knowledges, the
strengthening of controls and resistances, are linked to one another, in
accordance with a few major strategies of knowledge and power" (History
105-06). Although Foucault does not talk about the novel as one of these
"major strategies of knowledge and power," the Gothic novel in my discussion
will represent a privileged field in the network of sexuality. The novel, indeed,
is the discursive arena in which identity is constructed as sexual identity; the
novel transforms metaphors of otheress into technologies of sex, into machi-
nic texts, in other words, that produce perverse identities (see Armstrong).
Foucault identifies the figures of "the hysterical woman, the mastur-
bating child, the Malthusian couple and the perverse adult" (105) as inven-
tions of sex's technology. The vampire Dracula represents all of these figures,
economically condensing their sexual threat into one noticeably feminized,
wildly fertile, and seductively perverse body. He is the deviant or the criminal,

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA 335

the other against whom the normal and the lawful, the marriageable an
heterosexual can be known and quantified. Dracula creeps "facedown"
the wall of the very "fortress of identity"; he is the boundary, he is th
who crosses, and the one who knows the other side.
But the otheress that Dracula embodies is not timeless or univer
not the opposite of some commonly understood meaning of "the human
others Dracula has absorbed and who live on in him take on the histor
specific contours of race, class, gender, and sexuality. They are the oth
of a national identity that in the 1890s coincided with a hegemonic id
bourgeois Victorian womanhood. Mina and Lucy, the dark and th
heroines of Stoker's novel make Englishness a function of quiet femin
and maternal domesticity. Dracula, accordingly, threatens the stabilit
the naturalness of this equation between middle-class womanhood and
tional pride by seducing both women with his particularly foreign sexu
To claim that Dracula's sexuality is foreign, however, is already
obscure the specific construction of a native sexuality. Lucy, as many c
have noted, is violently punished for her desire for three men, and all
eventually participate in a ritual staking of her vampiric body. Mina rep
a maternal sexuality as she nurtures and caters to the brave Englishmen
are fighting for her honor and body. The foreign sexuality that confronts
women is defined in opposition to "normal" sexual functions; this force
reader to annex "natural" and native sexuality. It is part of the power
Dracula that Stoker merges pathological sexuality with foreign aspect a
we shall see with reference to the insane Renfield, psychopathology.
vampire Dracula, in other words, is a composite of otherness that mani
itself as the horror essential to dark, foreign, and perverse bodies.
Dracula the text, like Dracula the monster, is multi-valenced
generates a myriad of interpretive narratives: narratives which attem
classify the threat of the vampire as sexual or psychological, as class-
or gendered. The technology of the vampire's monstrosity, indeed, is
mately connected to the mode of the novel's production. As Jennifer W
has argued, Dracula is a veritable writing machine constructed out of d
letters, newspaper clippings, and medical case notes: "Dracula, draped
its feudalism and medieval gore, is textually completely au courant. N
teenth-century diaristic and epistolary effusion is invaded by cutting
technology... " (470). The process of compilation is similarly complex:
Harker, as secretary, makes a narrative of the various documents by c
logically ordering them and, where necessary, transcribing notes from a
itive dictaphone. There is a marked sexual energy to the reading and w
of all the contributions to the narrative. Reading, for instance, unite
men and Mina in a safe and mutual bond of disclosure and confidence.
Mina listens to Dr. Seward's phonograph recording of his account of

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
336 Judith Halberstam

death, she assures him: "I have copied out the words on my typewriter, and
none other need now hear your heart beat as I did" (235). Seward, in his
turn, reads Harker's diary and remarks, "after reading his account ... I was
prepared to meet a good specimen of manhood" (237). Later, Seward passes
by the Harkers' bedroom and on hearing "the click of the typewriter" he
concluded, "they were hard at it" (237). Writing and reading, on some level,
appear to provide a safe textual alternative to the sexuality of the vampire.
But at the same time they produce the vampire as the "truth" of textual labor;
he is a threat which must be diffused by discourse.
The novel presents a body of work to which, it is important to note,
only certain characters contribute. The narrative episodes are recorded, tran-
scribed, addended, edited and compiled by four characters-Jonathan Harker,
Dr. Seward, Mina Harker, and Lucy Westenra. The control of the narrative
by these characters suggests that the textual body, for Stoker, like the bodies
of the women of England, must be protected from any corrupting or foreign
influence. Van Helsing, Lord Godalming, Quincey Morris, Renfield, and
Dracula have only recorded voices in the narrative; at no time do we read
their accounts of events. Three of these men are foreigners-Van Helsing is
Dutch, Quincey Morris is American, and Dracula is East European. Lord
Godalming, we assume, has English blood but as an aristocrat he is of a different
class than the novel's narrators. Renfield, of course, has been classified as insane
and his subjective existence is always re-presented by Dr. Seward.
The activities of reading and writing, then, are crucial in this novel
to the establishment of a kind of middle-class British hegemony and they are
annexed to the production of sexual subjectivities. Rather than being seen
as essential to only certain kinds of bodies, sexuality is revealed as the
completely controlled, mass-production of a group of professionals-doctors,
psychiatrists, lawyers. Writing, or at least who writes, must be controlled since
it represents the deployment of knowledge and power; similarly, reading must
be authorized and censored. When Mina falls under the vampire's influence
and he begins to read her mind, she is barred from reading the English group's
plans. Similarly, the English men eliminate Dracula's contaminated opinions
from the narrative; he has no voice but is read and written by all the other
characters in the novel.
By examining Stoker's novel as a machine-text, then, a text that
generates particular subjectivities, we can atomize the totality of the vampire's
monstrosity, examine the exact nature of his parasitism, and make an assault
upon the naturalness of the sexuality of his enemies. By reading Dracula as a
technology of monstrosity, I am claiming a kind of productivity for the text,
a productivity which leads to several avenues of interpretation. But this does
not mean that monstrosity in this novel is constantly in motion. Every now
and then it settles into a distinct form, a proper shape, and in those moments

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA 337

Dracula's features are eminently readable and suggestive. Dracula is likene

to "mist," to a "red cloud," to a ghost or a shadow until he is invited into t
home, at which point he becomes solid and fleshly. As flesh and blood, th
vampire embodies a particular ethnicity and a peculiar sexuality.

III. Gothic Anti-Semitism, 1: Degeneracy

Gothic anti-Semitism makes the Jew a monster with bad blood and
it defines monstrosity as a mixture of bad blood, unstable gender identit
sexual and economic parasitism, and degeneracy. In this section I want to
flesh out my premise that the vampire as represented by Bram Stoker bea
some relation to the anti-Semite's Jew. If this is so, it tells us nothing abo
Jews but everything about anti-Semitic discourse which seems able to tran
form all threat into the threat embodied by the Jew. The monster J
produced by nineteenth-century anti-Semitism represents fears about ra
class, gender, sexuality, and empire: this figure is gothicized or transform
into an all-purpose monster.
By making a connection between Stoker's Gothic fiction and late-
nineteenth-century anti-Semitism, I am not claiming a deliberate and unita
relation between fictional monster and real Jew; rather I am attempting
make an argument about the process 6f othering. Othering in Gothic fictio
scavenges from many discursive fields and makes monsters out of bits an
pieces of science and literature: Gothic monsters are over-determined, an
open therefore to numerous interpretations, precisely because they transfo
the fragments of otherness into one body. That body is not female, not Jewis
not homosexual, but it bears the marks of the constructions of feminini
race, and sexuality.4
Dracula, then, resembles the Jew of anti-Semitic discourse in several
ways: appearance, his relation to money and gold, his parasitism, his dege
eracy, his impermanency or lack of allegiance to a fatherland, and his fem
ninity. Dracula's physiognomy is a particularly clear cipher for the specific
of his ethnic monstrosity. When Jonathan Harker meets the Count at Cast
Dracula in Transylvania, he describes Dracula in terms of a "very marked
physiognomy": he notes an aquiline nose with "peculiarly arched nostrils,
massive eyebrows and "bushy hair," a cruel mouth and "peculiarly sharp wh
teeth," pale ears which were "extremely pointed at the top," and a gener
aspect of "extraordinary pallor" (18). This description of Dracula, however
changes at various points in the novel. When he is spotted in London
Jonathan and Mina, Dracula is "a tall thin man with a beaky nose and bla
moustache and pointed beard" (180); similarly, the zookeeper whose w
disappears after a visit by Dracula to the zoological gardens, describes the

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
338 Judith Halberstam

Count as "a tall thin chap with a 'ook nose and a pointed beard" (145). Most
descriptions include Dracula's hard cold look and his red eyes.
Visually, the connection between Dracula and other fictional Jews is
quite strong. For example, George Du Maurier's Svengali, the Jewish hypno-
tist, is depicted as "a stick, haunting, long, lean, uncanny, black spider-cat"
with brown teeth and matted hair and, of course, incredibly piercing eyes
(108). Fagin, the notorious villain of Charles Dickens's Oliver Twist, also has
matted hair and a "villainous-looking and repulsive face" (105). While
Dracula's hand has "hairs in the center of the palm" and long, pointed nails,
Fagin's hand is "a withered old claw." Eduard Drumont, a French National
Socialist who, during the 1880s, called for the expulsion of the Jews from
France in his newspaper Libre Parole, noted the identifying characteristics of
the Jew as "the hooked nose, shifty eyes, protruding ears, elongated body, flat
feet and moist hands" (qtd. in Mosse 156).
Faces and bodies mark the Other as evil so that he could be recognized
and ostracized. Furthermore, the face in the nineteenth century which sup-
posedly expressed Jewishness-"hooked nose, shifty eyes," etc.-was also seen
to express criminality and degeneration within the pseudo-sciences of phys-
iognomy and phrenology. "Nineteenth century science," writes Sander Gil-
man, "tried to explain the special quality of the Jew, as perceived by the
dominant European society, in terms of a medicalization of the Jew" ("Sex-
ology" 87). Degeneration and Jewishness, one could therefore conclude (or
indeed ratify scientifically), were not far apart. Stoker draws upon the relation
between degeneration and physiognomy as theorized by Cesare Lombroso and
Max Nordau for his portrayal of Dracula.
During the final pursuit of the vampire, Van Helsing, Seward, and Mina
carry on a discussion of criminal types. Van Helsing defines Dracula as a criminal
with "a child-brain ... predestinate to crime" (361). As Van Helsing struggles
to articulate his ideas in his broken English, he turns to Mina for help. Mina
translates for him succinctly and she even adds sources for the theory Van
Helsing has advanced: "the Count is a criminal and of criminal type. Nordau
and Lombroso would so classify him, and qua criminal he is of imperfectly
formed mind" (361). Since Mina the provincial school teacher mentions
Lombroso and Nordau, we may conclude that their ideas of criminality and
degeneracy were familiar to an educated readership and not merely a small
medical community. As Mina points out, Lombroso would attribute Dracula's
criminal disposition to "an imperfectly formed mind," or, in other words, to
what Van Helsing calls a "child-brain." Lombroso noted similarities between
the physiognomies of "criminals, savages and apes" and concluded that degen-
erates were a biological throwback to primitive man (xv).
As it developed in the nineteenth century, criminal anthropology
focussed quite obviously upon the visual aspects of pathology. Scientists would

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA 339

catalogue and demonstrate propensities for degenerative behavior by re

bodies and faces. These practices confirm that racial stereotyping dep
upon the visual. And racial degeneracy, with its close ties to a social Dar
conception of human development, also connects with sexual degenera
describing the medicalization of sex, Foucault describes a progressive lo
which "perversion-hereditary-degenerescence" (History 118) becam
basis of nineteenth-century scientific claims about the danger of undisc
sexuality. Sexual perversions, within this chain, arise out of inherited p
weaknesses and lead, potentially, to the decline of future generations
thermore, Foucault claims, theorizing degenerescence or degeneration a
result of hereditary perversion takes the "coherent form of a state-dir
racism" (119).
Elsewhere, Foucault argues that modem anti-Semitism developed
socialist milieus, out of the theory of degeneracy" (224). During an inte
with Alain Grosrichard, Guy Le Gaufey, and Jacques-Alain Miller, the
of vampires arises out of a discussion of the nobility and what Foucault
"the myth of blood" (222). In relating blood as symbolic object t
development of racial doctrines of degeneracy and heredity, Foucault su
that the scientific ideology of race was developed by the Left rather th
the Right. Lombroso, he points out, "was a man of the Left." Le Gaufey

LE GAUFEY: Couldn't one see a confirmation of what you are saying in the ninetee
century vogue for vampire novels, in which the aristocracy is always presented as
beast to be destroyed? The vampire is always the aristocrat and the savior a bourgeois
FOUCAULT: In the eighteenth century, rumors were already circulating that debauch
aristocrats abducted little children to slaughter them and regenerate themselves
bathing in their blood. The rumours even led to riots. (223)

When Le Gaufey again emphasizes that this theme develops as a bourg

myth of that class's overthrow of the aristocracy, Foucault responds, "M
antisemitism began in that form" (223).
I have described this discussion at length to show how one m
begin to theorize the shift within the Gothic novel from the threat
aristocrat to the threat of the degenerate foreigner, from the threat of m
to the threat of blood. The bad blood of family, in other words, is re
by the bad blood of race, and the scientific theory of degeneracy pro
and explains this transition. While neither Le Gaufey nor Foucault de
mines the role played by the Gothic novel in producing these new cate
of identity, I have been arguing that Gothic fiction creates the narra
structure for all kinds of gothicizations across disciplinary and ideolo
boundaries. "Gothic" describes a discursive strategy which produces mo
as a kind of temporary but influential response to social, political, and
problems. And yet, Gothic, as I have noted, always goes both ways. So
as Gothic style creates the monster, it calls attention to the plasticity

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
340 Judith Halberstam

constructed nature of its creation and thus calls into question all scientific
and rational attempts to classify and quantify agents of disorder. Such agents,
Gothic literature makes clear, are invented, not discovered, by science.

III. Gothic Anti-Semitism, 2: Jewish Bodies/Jewish Neuroses

I am calling modem anti-Semitism "Gothic" because in its various

forms-medical, political, psychological-it too unites and therefore repro-
duces the threat of capital and revolution, criminality and impotence, sexual
power and gender ambiguity, money and mind, within an identifiable form,
the body of the Jew. In The Jew's Body, Gilman demonstrates how nineteenth-
century anti-Semitism replaced religious anti-Judaism with this pseudoscien-
tific construction of an essentially criminalized and pathologized Jewish body:

The very analysis of the nature of the Jewish body, in the broader culture or within the
culture of medicine, has always been linked to establishing the difference (and danger-
ousness) of the Jew. This scientific vision of parallel and unequal "races" is part of the
polygenetic argument about the definition of "race" within the scientific culture of the
eighteenth century. In the nineteenth century it is more strongly linked to the idea
that some "races" are inherently weaker, "degenerate," more at risk for diseases than
others. (39)

In Dracula, vampires are precisely a race and a family that weakens the stock
of Englishness by passing on degeneracy and the disease of blood lust. Dracula
as a monster/master parasite feeds upon English wealth and health. He sucks
blood and drains resources; he always eats out. Jonathan Harker describes the
horror of finding the vampire sated in his coffin after a good night's feed:

the cheeks were fuller, and the white skin seemed ruby-red underneath; the mouth was
redder than ever, for on the lips were gouts of fresh blood, which trickled from the comers
of the mouth and ran over the chin and neck. Even the deep, burning eyes seemed set
amongst the swollen flesh, for the lids and pouches underneath were bloated. It seemed
as if the whole awful creature were simply gorged with blood. He lay like a filthy leech,
exhausted with his repletion. (54)

The health of the vampire, his full cheeks and glowing skin, of course, comes
at the expense of the women and children he has vamped. Harker is disgusted
not simply by the spectacle of the vampire but also by the thought that when
the Count arrives in England he will want to "satiate his lust for blood, and
create a new and ever-widening circle of semi-demons to batten on the
helpless" (54). At this juncture, Harker picks up a shovel and attempts to beat
the vampire-monster into pulp. The fear of a mob of parasites feeding upon
the social body drives Harker to violence because the parasite represents the
idle and dependent other, an organism that lives to feed and feeds to live.5

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA 341

Dracula is surrounded by the smell or odor of awful decay as though

as Harker puts it, "corruption had become itself corrupt" (265). When Hark
and his band of friends break into Carfax, Dracula's London home, they
all nauseated by a smell "composed of all the ills of mortality and with t
pungent, acrid smell of blood" (265). Similarly, a worker who deliver
Dracula's coffins to Carfax tells Seward, "That 'ere 'ouse guvnor is the ru
miest I ever was in. Blyme! ... the place was that neglected that yer migh
'ave smelled ole Jerusalem in it" (240). The worker is quite specific: to him
the smell is a Jewish smell. Like the diseases attributed to the Jews as a ra
bodily odors, people assumed, clung to them and marked them out as differ
and indeed repugnant objects of pollution.6
Parasitism was linked specifically to Jewishness in the 1890s via a
number of discourses. In business practices in London's East End, Jews w
vilified as "middlemen" who lived off the physical labor of English workin
class bodies. In a Spectator essay entitled "The Dread of the Jew" we find
contemporary references to Jews as "a parasitical race with no ideals beyon
the precious metals" (see also Jones). Jews were also linked to the spread
syphilis, to the pseudoscientific discourse of degeneration, and to an inher
criminality that could be verified by phrenological experiments. The Jewi
body, in other words, was constructed as parasite, as the difference within
unhealthy dependence, as a corruption of spirit that reveals itself upon t
flesh. Obviously, the horror generated by the repugnant, disease-riddled bo
of the vampire bears great resemblance to the anti-Semite's "Jewish bod
described by Gilman as a construction of the nineteenth-century culture
medicine. But the Jewish body does not only bear the burden of a scientif
discussion of "race." In its incarnations as vampire and madman, the Jew a
produces race as a psychological category. Race, in other words, may manif
itself as an inherent tendency toward neurosis, hysteria, or other so-call
psychological disturbances. While this may seem completely in keeping wit
the larger motives of nineteenth-century race ideology-the division of h
manity into distinct groups-in fact the psychologization of race has part
ularly insidious effects. It obscures the political agenda of racism
masquerading as objective description and by essentializing Jewishness w
relation to particular kinds of bodies, behaviors, and sexualities.
Dracula's blood bond with the insane Renfield provides a particular
powerful link between his character, the racial and psychological stereotyp
of Jews, and Gothic anti-Semitism. Seward's interactions with the insane
Renfield fulfill a strange function in the novel; while, one assumes, Renfi
should further demarcate the distance between normal and pathological,
fact, Seward constantly compares himself to his patient. "Am I to take i
ponders Seward, "that I have anything in common with him, so that we ar
as it were, to stand togetherr' (114). Renfield's frequent violent outbursts

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
342 Judith Halberstam

his habit of eating insects convinces Seward, temporarily at least, that

Renfield's insanity resembles rationality only by chance. Renfield's obsessive
behavior involves trapping flies to feed to spiders and spiders to feed to birds
which he then consumes. "I shall have to invent a new classification for him,"
Seward decides, "and call him a zoophagous (life-eating) maniac; what he
desires is to absorb as many lives as he can, and he has laid himself out to
achieve it in a cumulative way" (75). "Zoophagous," of course is a term that
may just as easily be applied to Dracula, and so the diagnosis made by Seward
on Renfield connects the pathology of one to the other.
Gilman shows how nineteenth-century sexologists marked the Jews
as particularly prone to insanity. Arguing that the race was inherently degen-
erate and that degeneration was perpetuated by inbreeding, Krafft-Ebing and
Theodore Kirchhof, among others, suggested that, in Gilman's words, "Jews
go crazy because they act like Jews" ("Mad Man" 590). We may apply this
dictum to Dracula with interesting results: Renfield is viewed as crazy when
he acts like Dracula (when he feeds upon other lives), and Dracula is im-
plicitly insane because his actions are identical to those that keep Renfield
in the asylum. In Stoker's novel, vampirism and its psychotic form of zoophagy
both make a pathology out of the threats posed to rationality by excessive
consumption and its relation to particular social and sexual habits. The
asylum and Carfax, therefore, the homes of madman and vampire, sit in the
heart of London as disciplinary icons, reminders to the reader of the conse-
quences of over-consumption.
In several of his famous Tuesday lessons at Salpatriere, Dr. Jean-Mar-
tin Charcot remarked upon the hereditary disposition of the Jews to certain
nervous diseases like hysteria. "Jewish families," he remarked during a study
of facial paralysis, "furnish us with the finest subjects for the study of hered-
itary nervous disease" (qtd. in Goldstein 536). In an article on psychiatric
anti-Semitism in France at the turn of the century, Jan Goldstein has
analysed interpretations of the Jews within the human sciences to show how
supposedly disinterested and objective studies fed upon and into anti-Semi-
tism. Charcot's pronouncements on the Jews and hereditary nervous disease,
for example, were often used by anti-Semites to prove the degeneracy of
that race. Similarly, Charcot's work on "ambulatory automatism" was used
by his student Henry Meige to connect the Jews, via the myth of the
Wandering Jew, with a particular form of epilepsy which induced prolonged
somnambulism in the subject.

The restless wanderings of the Jews, [Meige] seemed to say, had not been caused super-
naturally, as punishment for their role as Christ-killers, but rather naturally, by their
strong propensity to nervous illness. The Jews were not so much an impious people as a
constitutionally defective one. (Goldstein 543)

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA 343

The pathology of the Jews, according to anti-Semitism, involved an a

of allegiance to a Fatherland, a propensity for economic opportunism
therefore a lack of social morality and, in general, a kind of morbid nar
or selfishness.
Dracula's need to "consume as many lives as he can," his feminiz
because non-phallic sexuality, and his ambulism that causes him to wa
far from home in search of new blood marks him with all the signs of a J
neurosis. As the prototype of the wanderer, the "stranger in a strange
Dracula also exhibits the way that homelessness or rootlessness was se
undermine the nation. The threat posed by the wanderer, furthermo
clearly identified by Stoker within the novel as a sexual threat. The nos
is not simply a standard reincarnation of Gothic's Wandering Jew, but
an undead body, a body that will not rest until it has feasted upon the
fluids of women and children, drained them of health, seduced them
transformed them into a growing legion of perverts and parasites.
In "The Uncanny," Freud writes about the roots of the uncanny
the lack of place (148). He goes on to reveal the mother's genitalia as a
uncanny place, a place of lack, a site that generates fear and familiarity
buried alive, Freud suggests, appears in fiction as "the most uncanny th
all" but this fear simply transforms a more pleasurable and familiar fa
that of "intra-uterine existence" (151). The uncanny aspect of the vam
however, is not reducible to an oedipal scene because "home" in the 18
was precisely an issue resonating with cultural and political implicatio
Coming or going home, finding a home, was not simply a compulsive r
to the womb; it involved nationalist, imperialist, and colonialist enterp
"Homelessness" in relation to the Jews became an issue with particular
nance in England in the 1890s when approximately 10,000 Eastern Eu
Jews fled the Tsar's violence and arrived in England (see Holmes). Dra
of course, has no home and wants no home; he carries his coffins (hi
permanent resting place) with him and nests briefly but fruitfully in pop
areas. Home, with its connotations of marriage, monogamy, and comm
is precisely what Dracula is in exile from, and precisely what would an
kill him in the end.
His enemies seek to entrap and confine him, to keep him in one
separate from the native population. Mina Harker, the epitome in th
of all that is good in woman, tells Seward that they must "rid the ea
this terrible monster" (235) and Van Helsing pronounces Dracula "abh
by all, a blot in the face of God's sunshine; an arrow in the side of Him
died for man" (251). Dracula like the Jew and the Jew like the vampir
only parasitical upon the community's health and wealth, he is sick, n
a representation of the way that an unbalanced mind was supposed to p
behavior at cross-purposes with nation, home, and healthful reprodu

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
344 Judith Halberstam

The relation between Renfield and the vampire suggests that vampirism is
itself a psychological disorder, an addictive activity which in Renfield's case
can be corrected in the asylum but in Dracula's case requires permanent exile,
or the permanent confinement of the grave. The equation of vampirism with
insanity implies an essential connection between progressive degeneracy,
hereditary perversion, and a Gothic science fiction of race.

IV. Gothic Sexuality: The Vampire Sex

Dracula's racial markings are difficult to distinguish from his sexual

markings. Critics have either excluded race from their discussion of his
vampire sexuality or have discussed it merely as a function of his strange
sexuality.7 One critic, Sue Ellen Case, has attempted to locate the vampire
within the tangle of race and sexuality. She is interested in the vampire in
the nineteenth century as a lesbian vampire and as a markedly queer and
outlawed body. She also connects the blood lust of the vampire to the history
of anti-Semitism and she opposes both lesbian and Jew within the vampiric
form to a reproductive or maternal sexuality. Case describes the vampire as
"the double 'she' in combination with the queer fanged creature.... The
vampire is the queer in its lesbian mode" (9).
Of course, vampiric sexuality as it appears in Dracula has also been
described as homoerotic (Craft) and as heterosexual exogamy (see Steven-
son). So which is it? It is all of these and more: the vampire is not lesbian,
homosexual, or heterosexual; the vampire represents the productions of sex-
uality itself. The vampire, after all, creates more vampires by engaging in a
sexual relation with his victims, and he reproduces vampires who share his
specific sexual predilections. So the point really is not to figure out which
so-called perverse sexuality Dracula embodies; rather we should identify the
mechanism by which the consuming monster who reproduces his own image
comes to represent the construction of sexuality itself.
Vampire sexuality blends power and femininity within the same body
and then marks that body as distinctly alien. Dracula is a perverse and
multiple figure because he transforms pure and virginal women into seduc-
tresses, produces sexuality through their willing bodies. The transformations
of Lucy and Mina stress an urgent sexual appetite; the three women who
ambush Harker in Castle Dracula display similar voracity. Both Lucy and
Dracula's women feed upon children: as nosferatu, buried and yet undead,
Lucy walks the heath as the "Bloofer Lady" who lures children to her and
then sucks their blood. This act represents the exact reversal of a mother's
nurturance. Crouching outside her tomb, Harker and his friends watch hor-
rified as Lucy arrives fresh from the hunt. "With a careless motion," notes
Seward, "she flung to the ground, callous as a devil, the child that up to now

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA 345

she had clutched strenuously to her breast, growling over it as a dog g

over a bone" (223). Lucy is now no longer recognizable as the virginal E
woman who had been engaged to marry Lord Godalming and the group
a certain sexual delight in staking her body, decapitating her, and stuffi
mouth with garlic.
When Mina Harker falls under Dracula's spell, he inverts her mat
impulse. The woman who, by day, nurtures all the men around her, by
drinks blood from the bosom of the King Vampire himself: "Her
nightdress was smeared with blood and a thin stream trickled down the
bare breast which was shown by his tor-open dress" (298). Apart from
obvious reversal of Mina's maternal role, this powerful image fem
Dracula in relation to his sexuality. It is eminently notable, then, tha
but not female vampires reproduce; Lucy and the three female vampi
Transylvania feed from children but do not create vampire children. D
alone reproduces his form.
Dracula, of course, also produces male sexuality in this nove
composite of virility, good blood, and the desire to reproduce one's ow
Male sexuality in this respect is a vampiric sexuality (and here I diverg
Case's claim for vampirism as lesbianism). As critics have noted, the bir
an heir at the novel's conclusion, a baby boy named after all the men
fought for his mother's virtue, signifies a culmination of the transfusion
when all the men give blood to Lucy's depleted body. Dracula has drunk
Lucy and Mina has drunk from Dracula, so paternity by implication is
and multiple. Little Quincey's many fathers are the happy alternative t
threat of many mothers, all the Bloofer Ladies who might descen
children at night and suck from them instead of suckling them. Men
women, reproduce within this system; the female body is rendered no
ductive by its sexuality and the vampire body is distinguished from the E
male bodies by its femininity.
Blood circulates throughout vampiric sexuality as a substitute or
aphor for other bodily fluids (milk, semen); the leap between bad blo
perverse sexuality, as Case points out, is not hard to make. Dracula's se
makes sexuality itself a construction within a signifying chain of class
and gender. Gothic sexuality, furthermore, manifests itself as a kind o
nology, a productive force which transforms the blood of the native i
lust of the other-as an economy which unites the threat of the foreig
perverse within a single monstrous body.

V. Gothic Economies

A Gothic economy may be described as a thrifty metaphoricity, one

which, rather than simply scapegoating, constructs a monster out of the traits

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
346 Judith Halberstam

which ideologies of race, class, gender, sexuality, and capital want to disavow.
A Gothic economy also complies with what we might call the logic of capital-
ism, a logic which rationalizes even the most supernatural of images into
material images of capitalism itself. To take a remarkable image from Dracula
as an example, readers may recall the scene in Transylvania at Castle Dracula
when Jonathan Harker, searching for a way out, stumbles upon a pile of gold:

The only thing I found was a great heap of gold in one comer-gold of all kinds, Roman,
and British, and Austrian, and Hungarian, and Greek and Turkish money, covered with
a film of dust, as though it had lain long in the ground. None of it that I noticed was
less than three hundred years old. There were also chains and ornaments, some jewelled,
but all of them old and stained. (49)

This image of dusty and unused gold, coins from many nations and old unwor
jewels, immediately connects Dracula to the old money of a corrupt class, to
a kind of piracy of nations and to the worst excesses of the aristocracy. Dracula
lets his plundered wealth rot, he does not circulate his capital, he takes but
never spends. Of course, this is exactly the method of his vampirism: Dracula
drains but it is the band of English men and Van Helsing who must restore.
I call this an instance of a Gothic economy because the pile of gold both
makes Dracula monstrous in his relation to money and produces an image of
monstrous anti-capitalism, one distinctly associated with vampirism. Money,
the novel suggests, should be used and circulated; vampirism somehow inter-
feres with the natural ebb and flow of currency, just as it literally intervenes
in the ebbing and flowing of blood.
Marx himself emphasized the Gothic nature of capitalism, its invest-
ment in Gothic economies of signification, by deploying the metaphor of the
vampire to characterize the capitalist: "British industry... vampire-like, could
but live by sucking blood, and children's blood too" (First International 79).
The modem world for Marx is peopled with the undead; it is, indeed, a Gothic
world haunted by specters and ruled by the mystical nature of capital:

Capital posits the permanence of value (to a certain degree) by incarnating itself in
fleeting commodities and taking on their form, but at the same time changing them just
as constantly. . . . But capital obtains this ability only by constantly sucking in living
labour as its soul, vampire-like. (Grundrisse 646)

While it is fascinating to note the coincidence here between Marx's descrip-

tion of capital and the power of the vampire, it is not enough to say that
Marx uses Gothic metaphors. Marx, in fact, is describing an economic system,
capitalism, which is positively Gothic in its ability to transform matter into
commodity, commodity into value, and value into capitalism. And, Gothic
capitalism, like the vampire, functions through many different, even contra-
dictory, technologies. Indeed, as Terry Lovell points out in Consuming Fiction,
capitalism demands contradiction and it predicates a radically split self-con-

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA 347

tradictory subject. The capitalist subject is both "a unified subject wh

habits a sober, predictable world and has a stable self-identity," and a
"open to infatuation with the wares of the capitalist market place" (1
The nineteenth-century novel, Lovell claims, "is deeply implicated in
fracture within capitalism's imaginary selves" (16). Obviously, the "ima
selves" of the vampire and his victims exemplify fractured and contrad
subjectivities: both vampire and victim are figured repeatedly in desi
relations to both production (as writers and breeders) and consumptio
readers and as prey).
Vampirism, Franco Moretti claims, is "an excellent example of t
identity of fear and desire" (100). He too points to the radical ambival
embodied within the Gothic novel and to the economy of methaphori
within Gothic monstrosity. For Moretti, Frankenstein's monster and D
are "totalizing" monsters who embody the worker and capital respect
Dracula is gold brought to life and animated within monopoly capitalism
is, as we have discussed, dead labor as described by Marx. While Morett
Dracula's metaphoric force to be inextricably bound to capital, he ack
edges that desire unravels and then confuses the neat analogy. The va
represents money, old and new, but he also releases a sexual response
threatens bourgeois culture from below.
Like Frankenstein's monster, Dracula's designs upon civilization
read by his enemies as the desire to father a new race. Harker fears t
Dracula will "create a new and ever-widening circle of semi-demons to
on the helpless" (54). More than simply an economic threat, then, Dra
attack seems to come from all sides, from above and below; he is mone
is vermin, he is the triumph of capital, and the threat of revolution. H
and his cronies create in Dracula an image of aristocratic tyranny, of c
power and privilege, and of foreign threat in order to characterize the
cause as just, patriotic, and even revolutionary.
In one interaction between Harker's band of men and the vampire
Gothic economy that Dracula embodies is forcefully literalized. Having b
into Dracula's house, the men are surprised by Dracula's return. In the in
tion that follows, the vampire is tured into the criminal or interloper
own home. Harker slashes at him with a knife: "A second less and the b
had shorn through his heart. As it was, the point just cut the cloth of his
making a wide gap whence a bundle of bank-notes and a stream of go
out" (323-24). Dracula is driven back by Harker who holds up a crucifi
then forced out of the window, but not before "he swept under Harker'
in order to grasp "a handful of the money from the floor." Dracula now
his escape: "Amid the crash and glitter of the falling glass, he tumbled int
flagged area below. Through the sound of the shivering glass I could he
'ting' of the gold, as some of the sovereigns fell on the flagging" (324).

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
348 Judith Halberstam

This incident is overdetermined to say the least. The creature who

lives on a diet of blood, bleeds gold when wounded; at a time of critical
danger, the vampire grovels upon the floor for money, and then his departure
is tracked by the "ting" of the coins that he drops during his flight. Obviously,
the metaphoric import of this incident is to make literal the connection
between blood and money, and to identify Harker's band with a different and
more mediated relation to gold. Harker and his cronies use money and they
use it to protect their women and their country: Dracula hoards gold and he
uses it only to attack and seduce.
But there is still more at stake in this scene. A Gothic economy, I
suggested, may be identified by the thriftiness of metaphor and so the image
of the vampire bleeding gold connects not only to Dracula's abuses of capital,
his avarice with money, and his excessive sexuality, but it also identifies
Dracula within the racial chain of signification that links vampirism to
anti-Semitic representations of Jewishness. The scene vividly resonates with
Shylock's famous speech in The Merchant of Venice:

I am a Jew. Hath not a Jew eyes? hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimensions, senses,
affections, passions? fed with the same food, hurt with the same weapons, subject to the
same diseases ... if you prick us do we not bleed? if you tickle us do we not laugh? if you
poison us do we not die? and if you wrong us shall we not revenge? (3.1.55-63).

Bram Stoker was stage manager for the 250 performances of The Merchant of
Venice in which Henry Irving, his employer, played Shylock and so it is not
so strange to find echoes of Shakespeare's quintessential outsider in Stoker's
Dracula. But Stoker epitomizes the differences between Dracula and his
persecutors in the very terms that Shylock claims as common ground.
Dracula's eyes and hands, his sense and passions are patently alien; he does
not eat the same food, he is not hurt by the same weapons or infected by the
same diseases, and when he is wounded, "pricked," he does not bleed, he
sheds gold. In the character of Dracula, Stoker has inverted the Jew's defense
into a damning testimony of otherness.8
The traditional portrayal of the Jew as usurer or banker, as a parasite
who uses money to make money, suggests the economic base of anti-Semitism,
and the relation between the anti-Semite's monster Jew and Dracula. I have
shown that within a certain politics of monstrosity the Jew and the vampire
are both degenerate, that they both represent parasitical sexuality and econ-
omy, that they both unite blood and gold in what is feared to be a conspiracy
against nationhood.
We might interpret Moretti's claim that the vampire is "a totalizing
monster" in light of the Gothic economy which allows Dracula to literalize
an anti-capitalist, an exemplary consumer and the anti-Semite's Jew. With
regard to the latter category, Dracula is foreignness itself. Like the Jew, his

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA 349

function within a Gothic economy is to be all difference to all people

horror cannot and must not be pinned down exactly.
Marx's equation of vampire and capital and Moretti's analys
Dracula and gold must be questioned in terms of the metaphoricity o
monster. As Moretti rightly points out, in the literature of terror "the
phor is no longer a metaphor: it is a character as real as the others" (
The Gothic, indeed, charts the transformation of metaphor into body, o
into form, of narrative into currency. Dracula is (rather than represent
his body bleeds gold, it stinks of corruption, and it circulates within
discourses as a currency of monstrosity. The vampire's sexuality and his
his erotic and economic attraction are Gothic in their ability to trans
multiple modes of signification into one image, one body, one monste
totality of horror.

VI. Biting Back

The technology of Dracula gothicizes certain bodies by making

strosity an essential component of a race, a class, a gender, or some hyb
all of these. I have tried to show that gothicization, while it emerges
most multiple and overt form in the Gothic novel, is a generic featu
many nineteenth-century human sciences and ideologies. Gothic econ
produce monstrous capitalist practice, Gothic anti-Semitism fixes all di
ence in the body of the Jew, and Gothic fiction produces monstrosit
technology of sexuality, identity, and narrative. But, I have also tried t
the case for the productivity of Gothic fiction. Rather than simply demon
and making monstrous a unitary other, Gothic is constantly in motio
appeal of the Gothic text then partly lies in its uncanny power to reve
mechanisms of monster production. The monster, in its otherworldly
its superatural shape, wears the traces of its own construction. Like th
through the neck of Frankenstein's monster in the modem horror film
technology of monstrosity is written upon the body. And the artificia
the monster denaturalizes in turn the humanness of his enemies.9
Dracula in particular concerns itself with modes of production
consumption, with the proximity of the normal and the pathological
native and the foreign. Even though by the end of the novel the vam
finally staked, the monster is driven out of England and laid to rest,
though monogamous heterosexuality appears to triumph in the bi
Quincey Harker, the boy is as much the son of Dracula as he is of the
band of men" (400) after whom he is named. Blood has been mixed af
and, like the "mass of material" which tells the story of the vampire
contains "hardly one authentic document," Quincey is hardly the aut

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
350 Judith Halberstam

reproduction of his parents. Monster, in fact, merges with man by the novel's
end, and the boy reincarnates the dead American, Quincey Morris, and the
dead vampire, Dracula, as if to ensure that, from now on, Englishness, rather
than a purity of heritage and lineage, or a symbol for national power, will
become nothing more than a lost moment in Gothic history.

University of California, San Diego

Notes

The writing and rewriting of this essay has consumed the attention of many helpful readers. I
need to thank Nancy Armstrong for reading more versions of it than she'd care to remember. I
also want to thank Barbara Cruikshank, Heini Halberstam, Roddy Reid, Marty Roth and Leonard
Tennenhouse for suggestions and criticism.
lIn her generally sympathetic biography of Burton, Fawn Brodie notes that Burton backed
up his accusations against the Jewish population of Damascus with no historical evidence
whatsoever, and he simply "listed a score or so of such murders attributed to Jews from 1010 to
1840" (266)! Burton was unable to find a publisher for his book because the subject matter was
considered too inflammatory and libellous. When the book did finally appear (posthumously)
in 1898, thanks to the efforts of Burton's biographer and friend W. H. Wilkins, an appendix
entitled "Human Sacrifice amongst the Sephardim or Eastern Jews" had been edited out. Wilkins,
in addition to editing Burton's work, was very involved in the debate about Jewish immigration
to England in the 1890s. See Wilkins, "Immigration of Destitute Foreigners," "Immigration
Troubles," "Italian," Alien. See also Stoker, "Censorship," for the claim that degenerate writers
have "in their selfish greed tried to deprave where others had striven to elevate. In the language
of the pulpit, they have 'crucified Christ afresh"' (485).
2The caption notes that the offensive picture of Dracula on the cereal box came from Bela
Lugosi's 1931 portrayal of him in The House of Dracula. General Mills responded to the protest
by saying that "it had no intention of being antisemitic and would redesign the covers im-
mediately."
3In an excellent essay on the way in which "foreignness merges with monstrosity" in Dracula,
John Stevenson claims that the threat of the vampire is the threat of exogamy, a threat of
interracial competition.
4In "The Other Question: Difference, Discrimination and the Discourse of Colonialism,"
Homi Bhabha describes the way that colonial discourse creates stereotypes as fetishes. This
equation between stereotype and fetish allows Bhabha to discuss colonialism as a discipline, as,
in other words, a "non-repressive form of knowledge" which can sustain opposing views and
contradictions. I find Bhabha's formulation to be very helpful in thinking through the productive
nature of othering and the way othering always also constructs selves.
5In an anti-Semitic tract called England Under the Jews, Joseph Banister, a journalist, voiced
some of the most paranoid fears directed against an immigrant Jewish population, a population
steadily growing in the 1880s and 1890s due to an exodus from East Europe. Banister feared that
the Jews would spread "blood and skin diseases" among the general population and he likened
them to "rodents, reptiles and insects." Banister, whose book went through several editions, made
pointed reference to Jews as parasites calling them "Yiddish bloodsuckers" (qtd. in Holmes 39-42).
6On blood accusation and its long history, see Albert S. Lindemann.
7On vampire sexuality see Senf, but also Demetrakopoulos, Phyllis Roth; and Wasserman.
8The "pound of flesh" scene in The Merchant of Venice also connects suggestively with Stoker's
Dracula. Shylock, after all, is denied his pound of flesh by Portia's stipulation that "in the cutting

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BRAM STOKER'S DRACULA 351

it, if thou dost shed/ One drop of Christian blood, thy lands and goods/ Are (by the
Venice) confiscate/ Unto the state of Venice" (4.1.305-08).
9In the recent film by Francis Ford Coppola, Bram Stoker's Dracula, it must be observe
this Dracula was precisely not Stoker's, not the nineteenth-century vampire, because
turned this equation of humanness and monstrosity around. While I am claiming that Dr
monstrosity challenges the naturalness of the "human," Coppola tried to illustrate how D
"humanity" (his ability to love and to grieve) always outweighs his monstrous propensiti

Works Cited

Armstrong, Nancy. Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel. New York: Oxford
UP, 1987.
Bhabha, Homi. "The Other Question: Difference, Discrimination and the Discourse of Colo-
nialism." Literature, Politics, Theory. Ed. Francis Barker. London: Methuen, 1986.
Brodie, Fawn. The Devil Drives: A Life of Sir Richard Burton. New York: Norton, 1967.
Burton, Richard. The Jew, the Gypsy and El Islam. Ed. W. H. Wilkins. London, 1898.
Case, Sue Ellen. "Tracking the Vampire." differences 3.2 (Summer 1991): 1-20.
Charcot, Jean-Martin. Le,ons du Mardi. 1889. Paris, 1889.
Craft, Christopher. "'Kiss Me With Those Red Lips': Gender and Inversion in Bram Stoker's
Dracula." Speaking of Gender. Ed. Elaine Showalter. New York: Routledge, 1989.
Demetrakopoulos, Stephanie. "Feminism, Sex Role Exchanges, and Other Subliminal Fantasies
in Bram Stoker's Dracula." Frontiers: A Journal of Women's Studies 3 (1977): 104-13.
Dickens, Charles. Oliver Twist. 1837. New York: Penguin, 1985.
Du Maurier, George. Trilby. New York: Harper Brothers, 1894.
Foucault, Michel. "The Confession of the Flesh." Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other
Writings 1972-1977. Ed. Colin Gordon. Trans. Gordon, Leo Marshall, John Mepham, and
Kate Soper. New York: Pantheon, 1980. 194-228.
.The History of Sexuality Volume 1: An Introduction. Trans. Robert Hurley. New York:
Vintage, 1978.
Freud, Sigmund. "The Uncanny." On Creativity and the Unconscious: Papers on the Psychology of
Art, Literature, Love, Religion. Trans. Joan Riviere. New York: Harper, 1958. 122-161.
"General Mills Puts Bite on Dracula's Neckpiece." Minneapolis Star and Tribune 17 Oct. 1987:
5B.
Gilman, Sander L. The Jew's Body. New York: Routledge, 1991.
. "The Mad Man as Artist: Medicine, History and Degenerate Art." Journal of Contem-
porary History 20 (1985): 575-97.
."Sexology, Psychoanalysis, and Degeneration: From a Theory of Race to a Race to
Theory." Degeneration: The Dark Side of Progress. New York: Columbia UP, 1985. 72-96.
Goldstein, Jan. "The Wandering Jew and the Problem of Psychiatric Anti-Semitism in Fin-de-
Siecle France." Journal of Contemporary History 20 (1985): 521-52.
Holmes, Colin. Anti-Semitism in British Society, 1876-1939. New York: Holmes, 1979.
Jones, Henry Arthur. "The Dread of the Jew." Spectator 83 (1899): 338-39.
."Middlemen and Parasites." The New Review 8 (1983): 645-54.
Kirchhof, Theodore. Handbook of Insanity for Practioners and Students. New York, 1983.
Krafft-Ebing, Richard von. Psychopathia Sexualis: A Medico-Forensic Study. New York: Pioneer
Publications, 1950.
Lindemann, Albert S. The Jew Accused: Three Anti-Semitic Affairs (Dreyfus, Beilis, Frank) 1894-
1915. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge UP, 1991.
Lombroso, Cesare. Introduction. Criminal Man According to the Classifications of Cesare Lombroso.
Ed. Gina Lombroso Ferrero. Science Series. 27. Eds. Edward Lee Thordike and F. E.
Beddard. New York: G. P. Putman's Sons, 1911.

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
352 Judith Halberstam

Lovell, Terry. Consuming Fiction. London and New York: Verso, 1987.
Marx, Karl. Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy. Trans. Martin Nicolaus.
Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973.
.The First Intenational and After. 1864-70. Ed. and Intro. David Ferbach. New York:
Random House, 1976.
Moretti, Franco. Signs Taken For Wonders: Essays in the Sociology of Literary Forms. Trans. Susan
Fischer, David Forgacs, and David Miller. London: Verso, 1983.
Mosse, George L. Toward the Final Solution: A History of European Racism. New York: Fertig,
1978.
Nordau, Max. Degeneration. 1892. New York: D. Appleton, 1895.
Roth, Phyllis. "Suddenly Sexual Women in Bram Stoker's Dracula." Literature and Psychology 27
(1977): 113-21.
Senf, Carol A. "Dracula: Stoker's Response to the New Woman." Victorian Studies 26 (1982):
33-49.
Stevenson, John. "A Vampire in the Mirror: The Sexuality of Dracula." PMLA 103 (1988):
139-49.
Stoker, Bram. "The Censorship of Fiction." The Nineteenth Century 47 (1908): 479-87.
.Dracula. 1897. New York: Bantam, 1981.
Wasserman, Judith. "Women and Vampires: Dracula as a Victorian Novel." Midwest Quarterly
18 (1977): 392-405.
Wicke, Jennifer. "Vampiric Typewriting: Dracula and its Media." ELH 59 (1992): 469-93.
Wilkins, W. H. The Alien Invasion. London, 1892.
"The Immigration of Destitute Foreigners." National Review 16 (1890-91): 114-24.
"Immigration Troubles of the United States." The Nineteenth Century 30 (1891): 583-95.
. "The Italian Aspect." The Destitute Alien in Great Britain. Ed. Arnold White. London,
1892. 146-67.

This content downloaded from

91.120.106.244 on Tue, 13 Sep 2022 18:41:27 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms