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Social Skills

of Children and Adolescents:

Conceptualization, Assessment,
Treatment
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Social Skills
of
Children and Adolescents
Conceptualization,
Assessment,
Treatment
Kenneth W. Merrell
The University of Iowa
Gretchen A. Gimpel
Utah State University

~~I~~~~~i?G~XP Press
NEW YORK AND LONDON
First published 1998 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Published 2014 by Psychology Press
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Psychology Press

27 Church Road, Hove, East Sussex, BN3 2FA
Psychology Press is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
Copyright © 1998 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or

utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from
the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or

registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication-Data

Merrell, Kenneth W.
Social skills of children and adolescents: conceptualization,
assessment, treatment / Kenneth W. Merrell and Gretchen A. Gimpel.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8058-2655-6 (c : alk. paper).
ISBN 978-0-805-82655-5 (hpk)
I. Social skills in children-Study and teaching. 2. Social interaction in

children. 3. Social skills-Study and teaching. 4. Socialization. I. Gimpel,
Gretchen A. II. Title.
BF723.S62M47 1997
303.3'2--dc21 97-8974
CIP
Publisher's Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint
but points out that some imperfections in the original may be apparent.
Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
1 The Nature and Value of Social Skills 1

2 Developmental Issues in the Acquisition and 29
Performance of Social Skills
3 Assessment of Social Skills: Best Practices and 59
New Directions
4 Designing, Implementing, and Evaluating Social 100
Skills Interventions
5 Social Skills Training as an Intervention for Specific 133
Problems, Populations, and Settings
6 A Review of Selected Social Skills Training Programs 156
References 182
Author Index 197
Subject Index . 203
v
Preface
The scientific study and clinical applications of child and adolescent social
skills became important and well-established endeavors in the behavioral sci-
ences as well as in the educational and human services arenas during the
1980s and 1990s. The increasing prominence of these applications of child
and adolescent social skills is partly because the field has finally matured to
the point that there is now an extensive literature base, making it possible to
identify the most important scientific and applied components. Another rea-
son for the surge of interest and popularity in this area has resulted from the
increasing recognition of the critical importance of social-emotional devel-
opment to individuals and society in general. In his 1994 best-selling popular
book, Emotional Intelligence, Daniel Goleman persuasively argued that the
social-emotional aspects of human functioning have a tremendous impact on
individual lives and society and perhaps may be more important to our happi-
ness and success in the long run than intelligence or IQ as it is traditionally
defined.
Evidence of this critical impact can be found virtually anywhere in the ru-
ined relationships, academic and occupational failure, and violence and de-
spair that so often characterize the lives of individuals who have serious
deficits in social competence or social skills. Knowing that the roots of these
social-emotional problems are usually planted firmly in childhood is both
troubling and promising: troubling because it underscores the failure of our
institutions and families to ensure that all children will realize our hopes for
vii
viii PREFACE
them and promising because childhood provides a tremendous window of op-

portunity for effective assessment and intervention techniques to make an im-
portant and lasting difference in the lives of those who encounter serious ob-
stacles to their social and emotional success.
Consequently, many books and other professional materials on the social
competence of children and adolescents are available. Given that so much in
this area is now available, one might ask why there should be another book on
social skills. The answer to this question is twofold.
First, it is important to recognize that our knowledge regarding child and
adolescent social skills is expanding rapidly, and there is a tremendous need
to keep current. This book helps to meet this need not only by synthesizing a
great deal of recent work in the field, but also by providing some new infor-
mation and evidence that has not yet been published.
Second, with this book we have aimed to bridge an important gap that
sometimes exists between research and practice. Some discussions on child
and adolescent social skills are clearly written for the academician or re-
searcher and may have little apparent application for the clinician or practi-
tioner. Other materials are written as practical assessment or intervention
guides for the clinician-practitioner but sometimes seem to be lacking in sup-
porting scientific evidence and rationale. This volume is aimed at both arenas,
and in writing it, the authors have sought to provide a solid foundation of sci-
entific knowledge written in a manner that is accessible to nonscientists, but
that also includes ample practical implications and examples for educational
and clinical practice.
This volume essentially is divided into two parts. Chapters 1 to 3 provide a
foundation for conceptualizing and assessing child and adolescent social
skills. Chapter 1 provides a detailed introduction to the nature and impor-
tance of social skills, whereas chapter 2 is focused on developmental issues in
child and adolescent social skills, including the process of social skill devel-
opment, gender, and ethnocultural factors, as well as the relationship of social
skills to common childhood disabilities. Chapter 3 provides an in-depth over-
view of methods and instruments for assessing social skills, including several
new developments in this area. This chapter is intended to be not only a prac-
tical guide to assessment, but a critical survey of the current state of the art in
the field. Chapters 4 to 6 are clearly focused on the arena of intervention.
Chapter 4 provides a detailed basic framework for designing, implementing,
and evaluating social skills interventions and includes many practical exam-
ples and suggestions that will be especially useful to clinicians and educators.
Chapter 5 takes the intervention foundation of chapter 4 one step further,
focusing on social skills training issues with specific problems, populations,
and settings. Finally, chapter 6 provides a comprehensive overview of several
widely available commercially packaged social skills training programs, pro-
PREFACE ix
viding evaluative detail aimed at being useful in the selection of intervention

programs for specific needs.
The authors acknowledge the support and confidence of the editorial staff
at Lawrence Erlbaum Associates in making this volume a reality and in help-
ing them to create a product that will reach the desired end. It is hoped that
this volume will achieve the goals set for it and that it will result in a valuable
and unique contribution to the field. There is still much work to be done in the
area of child and adolescent social skills, and this volume is intended to be a
small but important step in that direction.
ONE
The Nature and Value

of Social Skills
BRANDON, SARAH, AND CASEY:

AN INTRODUCTION
Brandon, a 7-year-old boy in the first grade, was referred to the school child
study team. Brandon's teacher reported that he had extreme difficulty getting
along with peers and that he was often physically aggressive. The first author
of this book, a member of the team, was asked to observe Brandon in the class-
room and on the playground. The classroom observation took place during an
academic activity in which the students were writing spelling words from the
chalkboard onto their papers. Brandon quickly lost interest in the activity and
tried to get the attention of a student sitting behind him. Cupping his hands to
his mouth and making a strange face, Brandon repeatedly whispered "hey
you!" to his neighbor. When this ploy failed to get the attention of the other
student, Brandon poked him in the shoulder with a sharpened pencil, which
resulted in a loud cry of "stop it!" and a warning from the teacher. The play-
ground observation took place during morning recess on a very frigid January
day. Most of the 60 or so students simply stood near the building, huddled with
their hands in their pockets. Brandon and about 10 others elected to play on
the jungle gym and tunnel slide. During the 10-minute observation period, it
was noted that Brandon engaged in 24 different acts of physical aggression
(hitting, shoving, kicking, and the like) while continually making verbal
threats or insults to his peers. Within a few weeks, a full-blown special educa-
tion eligibility assessment was in process. During an interview and testing ses-
1
2 NATURE AND VALUE OF SOCIAL SKILLS
sion when Brandon was asked how he got along with other kids, he became
stoic, appeared to hold back tears, and tersely stated, "They all hate me."
Sarah, a lO-year-old girl in the fourth grade, had been a primary concern of
her homeroom teacher for most of the school year. A classic wallflower, Sarah
was always on the sidelines of social activity and was described by her teach-
ers during lunchroom discussions as being painfully shy. She seldom initiated
any social interactions, and although she was never in trouble for inappropri-
ate or antisocial behavior, she appeared to have no close friends. During the
spring parent-teacher conferences, Sarah's teacher discussed her concerns
with Sarah's mother, who looked as reserved and quiet as Sarah. Stating that
this was Sarah's typical mode of behavior, her mother noted that Sarah had
few friends, and usually became involved in solitary play activities at home,
even though she seemed to want friends desperately. A few sessions with the
school counselor were recommended and, with some initial hesitation, Sarah
cooperated. During the third session, Sarah stated that the prospect of ap-
proaching children or initiating a conversation often resulted in such thoughts
as "I don't know how to do this and I'm going to look like an idiot!"
Casey, a 16-year-old boy in the tenth grade, was referred to a clinical psy-
chologist for treatment of depression after admission to a hospital emergency
room for an unsuccessful suicide attempt. (He became unconscious after he
drank several glasses of wine and took a number of his mother's tranquiliz-
ers.) During the course of treatment, some facts about Casey emerged. He
had been depressed for nearly 4 months, and the depression appeared to be
precipitated by two events: the death of his grandfather and failure to make
the junior varsity basketball team. The course of treatment focused on two pri-
mary areas: getting Casey involved in positive or enjoyable activities again and
helping him to change the way he was thinking about things. Casey reported
that he seldom did things with friends anymore and that when he was around
people, he often avoided conversation and usually failed to make eye contact
in his reply when spoken to.
These three cases appear to have little in common, but they share a collec-
tive thread: Brandon, Sarah, and Casey all exhibited deficits in basic social
skills, and as a result they all are suffering. These cases also serve as a starting
point for this introductory chapter aimed at providing a basic definition and
understanding of social skills, showing why they are important, and explain-
ing how their presence, absence, or adequacy during childhood and adoles-
cence may have powerful and far-reaching implications, not only during the
formative years but throughout the course of the life span.
DEFINING SOCIAL SKILLS
Like many psychological or behavioral constructs, social skills has been

defined in numerous ways. No single definition appears to enjoy widespread
DEFINING SOCIAL SKILLS 3
acceptance in the professional literature. Social skills is among the most

widely misunderstood and ill-defined of all psychological constructs. Even the
construct of human intelligence, which is notorious for lacking a unitary def-
inition and understanding in the professional literature, appears to have a
more cohesive and interrelated set of definitions and general agreement.
The difficulty in providing an adequate definition of social skills is partly be-
cause the construct is deceptively simple, yet relies heavily on a number of other
psychological constructs and basic human traits such as personality, intelli-
gence, language, perception, appraisal, attitude, and behavior-environment
interaction. The diversity of related traits, abilities, and behaviors that consti-
tute social skills, along with the complexity of the behavior-environment
interaction necessary for their acquisition and performance, has resulted in
numerous definitions.
Another definitional problem to consider is that professionals from a very
broad group of disciplines including social work, education, psychology, psy-
chiatry, special education, and psychiatric nursing have been interested in the
construct of social skills. Each discipline has its unique perspective or way of
looking at the construct, so it is not surprising that many different definitions
of social skills exist. Table 1.1 lists the key elements of 16 relatively recent and
influential definitions of social skills. Although this listing is certainly not ex-
haustive, it provides a solid general appraisal of current thinking regarding the
essential elements of the social skills construct.
In comparing these 16 different definitions of social skills, it becomes
obvious that although each is unique, there is a general familiarity or com-
monality among them. In other words, the definitions of social skills may
differ somewhat, but the similarity among them is probably greater than any
differences. Thus, recognizing that wording or terminology may vary among
different definitions, Michelson, Sugai, Wood, and Kazdin (1983) proposed
an integrated definition of social skills that includes the following seven com-
ponents:
1. Social skills are primarily acquired through learning (especially social
learning, including observation, modeling, rehearsal, and feedback).
2. Social skills contain specific and distinct verbal and nonverbal behaviors.
3. Social skills include both effective and appropriate initiations and re-
sponses.
4. Social skills optimize social reinforcement (e.g., beneficial responses from
the social environment).
5. Social skills are interactive by nature and include both effective and ap-
propriate responses (e.g., reciprocity and timing of specific behaviors).
6. Social skill performance is influenced by the attributes of the participants
and the environments in which it occurs (i.e., situational specificity). In-
fluences such as age, gender, and prestige status of the recipient affects
one's social performance.
TABLE 1.1
Key Elements of Modern Influential Definitions of Social Skills
Authors or Source Definitions
Argyle, 1981 Social behavior that is effective in realizing the goals of the inter-
actors
Combs & Slaby, 1977 The ability to interact with others in a given social context in
specific ways that are socially acceptable or valucd and at the
same time personally or mutually beneficial
Foster & Ritchey, 1979 Those responses that within a given situation maximize the proba-
bility of maintaining or enhancing positive effects for the inter-
actor
Gresham, 1981 Behaviors that maximize the probability of reinforcement and de-
crease the likelihood of punishment contingent on one's social
behavior
Gresham & Elliott, 1987 Behaviors that in given situations predict important social out-
comes
Hargie, Saunders, The skills employed when interacting at an interpersonal level
& Dickson, 1987 with other people, which are goal-directed, interrelated, appropri-
ate to the situation. identifiable units of behavior, and learned
behaviors
Kelly, 1982 Identifiable learned behaviors that individuals use in interpersonal
situations to obtain maximum reinforcement from their environ-
ment
Libet & Lewinsohn, 1973 The complex ability to emit behaviors that are positively or nega-
tively reinforced and not to emit behaviors that are punished or
extinguished by others
Matson, 1988 A socially skilled person, who is much more likely to receive the
types of reinforcers generally considered to be socially acceptable
or desirable
Mcguire & Priestley, 1981 Those kinds of behavior that are basic to effective face-to-face
communication between individuals
Shepherd, 1983 An individual's observed behavior during a social interaction,
characterized by the ability to sustain social roles and relation-
ships
Schlundt & McFall, 1985 The specific component processes that enable an individual to
behave in a manner that will be judged as competent
Schneider, Rubin, The nexus between the individual and the environment; the tools
& Ledingham, 1985 used to initiate and sustain the peer relations that are a vital part
of psychological well-being
Trower, 1979 Individual targets or goals sought to obtain rewards, and goal
attainment dependent on skilled behavior
Young & West, 1984 Specific positive interpersonal behaviors that lead to desirable
social outcomes
4
DEFINING SOCIAL SKILLS 5
7. Deficits and excesses in social performance can be designated and marked

for intervention.
Thus, given these common core elements, it may be said that social skills
are learned, composed of specific behaviors, include initiations and responses,
maximize social reinforcement, are interactive and situation-specific, and can
be specified as targets for intervention.
Aside from the specific similarities among definitions of social skills, it is
both interesting and useful to analyze the content of different definitions in
order to delineate major typologies. Gresham (1986) noted that the numer-
ous definitions of social skills can be divided into three general types: a peer-
acceptance, behavioral, and social validity.
Peer-acceptance definitions tend to rely heavily on peer acceptance or pop-
ularity indices (usually measured through sociometric assessment techniques)
in defining social skill. Thus using this definition, one might say that a child
who is well-liked by and has good relationships with other children is socially
skilled.
Behavioral definitions tend to explain social skills as situation-specific be-
haviors that maximize the chances of reinforcement and minimize the chances
of punishment based on one's social behavior. Many (if not most) of the defi-
nitions of social skills found in Table 1.1 use a behavioral definition frame-
work, thereby showing the popularity of this approach. This popularity is
probably because it is useful in specifying antecedents and consequences of
social behaviors that can easily be operationalized for assessment and inter-
vention purposes.
Social validity definitions depict social skills as behaviors that predict im-
portant social outcomes (such as good peer relations or positive social judg-
ments by others. Gresham (1986) noted that the social validity definition is a
kind of hybrid between the peer acceptance and behavioral definitions, is cri-
terion referenced, and has received increasing empirical support. Social va-
lidity definitions historically have been used with less frequency than the
other types, but have gained popularity in recent years.
EXAMPLES OF SOCIAL SKILLS
Regardless of how social skills are defined, a working definition of the con-
struct is only one aspect necessary for understanding. To get a better idea of
the tangible or practical aspects of social skills, it is important to look at the
concrete examples in this chapter, which provide tangible frameworks for
viewing social skills.
A good general framework of basic social skills categories and subcate-
gories was developed for a social skills training program produced by
Stephens (1978) and later detailed by Cartledge and Milburn (1986). By the
TABLE l.2
Four General Categories and 30 Subcategories of
Social Skills'"
Self-Related Behaviors Environmental Behaviors
Accepting consequences Care for the environment

Ethical behavior Dealing with emergencies
Expressing feelings Lunchroom behavior
Positive attitude toward self Movement around environment
Responsible behavior
Self-care
Task-Related Behaviors Interpersonal Behaviors
Asking and answering questions Accepting authority

Attending behavior Coping with conflict
Classroom discussion Gaining attention
Completing tasks Greeting others
Following directions Helping others
Group activities Making conversation
Independent work Organized play
On-task behavior Positive attitude toward others
Performing before others Playing informally
Quality of work Property: own and others
,', Identified in a social skills training program developed by

Stephens (1978).
use of a task analysis method, social skills were grouped into four major cate-
gories and further analyzed into 30 subcategories. These general categories
and subcategories are detailed in Table 1.2.
Obviously, even the 30 subcategories in this social skills breakdown could
be divided and broken down even further. Stephens (1978) actually identified
136 specific social skills that fit into these general categories and subcate-
gories. Using the major category of interpersonal behaviors and the subcat-
egory of coping with conflict as an example, we see that six specific social
skills can be identified:
1. Responds to teasing or name calling by ignoring, changing the subject, or
using some other constructive means
2. Responds to physical assault by leaving the situation, calling for help, or
using some other constructive means
3. Walks away from peer when angry to avoid hitting
4. Refuses the request of another politely
5. Expresses anger with nonaggressive words rather than physical action or
aggressive words
6. Constructively handles criticism or punishment perceived as undeserved.
EXAMPLES OF SOCIAL SKILLS 7
Of course, these six specific social skills do not exhaust the behaviors in-
volved in the skill of being able to cope with conflict in an appropriate man-
ner, but they serve to provide a good example of how social skills can be con-
ceptualized at different levels ranging from the macro- (wide) to the micro-
(narrow) spectrum.
The most likely places to find breakdowns of social skills categories and
their specific behaviors are in social skills training curriculums, which are typ-
ically developed through task analysis procedures. Later chapters on social
skills training in this volume provide more specific concrete examples of these
sorts of task-specific social skills. Another way of identifying specific compo-
nent behaviors or tasks within categories of social skills is through the use of
multivariate statistical techniques such as factor analysis, a procedure em-
ployed more often in developing social skills assessment instruments than in
the development of social skills training programs. More detail on the behav-
ioral dimensions approach to identification of social skills clusters or dimen-
sions is presented in later in this chapter.
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS
To understand modern conceptualizations of social skills, it is important to ex-

amine historical developments in this area. Although the years since the early
1970s have witnessed a tremendous proliferation of scholarly and practical
work related to children's social skills, interest in children's social skills, peer
relations, and social adjustment is really nothing new. In 1917, Beery, a promi-
nent educator of that time, published a series of books entitled Practical
Child Training, wherein he offered parental advice on childrearing. One of
his specific suggestions was directed to mothers of children who had few
friends and who experienced difficulties in approaching peers. Beery sug-
gested that mothers could help these children by creating opportunities for
peer interaction, such as picnics, that would include their children's class-
mates. He noted that activities such as these would help children to "have a
royal good time," and he also suggested that if a child showed fear in ap-
proaching other children, the mother should "not scold or make any scene,
but simply appear to pay no attention to him" (cited in Asher & Parker, 1989,
p.5).
This anecdote and early attempt at extinction training shows that for many
years adults have had a strong interest in understanding and facilitating chil-
dren's social adjustment. However, it is important to recognize that the con-
cept of childhood as a unique developmental period and related ideas regard-
ing the distinctiveness of child psychopathology are relatively new notions in
the history of psychological theory. As recently as the 17th century, prevailing
Western views tended to consider children as "miniature adults": property of
their parents and not differing from adults in terms of thought processes and
mental development. In the Western world, it was not until the late 18th and
early 19th centuries that childhood was viewed as a unique developmental pe-
riod and that individuals with severe behavioral and emotional problems were
given treatment that we would consider humane or even marginally effective.
In detailing some of the historical antecedents in the area of children's so-
cial skills, Rubin and Ross (1982) noted that the 1930s was a period of exten-
sive activity in the area of developmental psychology, and that much of this ac-
tivity was focused on children's social behavior. Important historical figures
such as Mead, Piaget, Parten, and Moreno all made important contributions
to the study of children's social behavior, and some of this work resulted in
practical efforts to implement assessment and intervention systems for child
social behavior. For example, Moreno's influential (and ominously titled)
book Who Shall Survive? (1934) is generally credited as the first systematic
published work on the use of sociometric assessment, and the journal So-
ciometry was first published in the 1930s.
It appears that the 1940s and 1950s were a period of retrenchment or hi-
bernation in this area. The pressures of World War II no doubt contributed to
the decline of work in the area of children's social behavior during the 1940s,
and the political climate of the Cold War and Sputnik era of the 1950s proba-
bly added further to this decline. A strong academic emphasis on the biologic
and physical sciences were the norm during this period.
The 1960s saw a resurgence of interest in children's social behavior, led in
part by the rediscovery of Piaget's work and spurred on by such sociopolitical
developments as the "War on Poverty," that resulted in the implementation of
the Head Start program. However, the focus of interest during this period was
most prominently on children's cognitive behavior. According to Rubin and
Ross (1982), it was not until the early 1970s that children's social behavior
again took the forefront in education and psychology. The publication of the
third edition of Carmichael's Manual of Child Psychology (Mussen, 1970)
and the appearance of highly influential research reports on the long-term
effects of children's social skills and peer relations (Cowen, Pederson, Babi-
gan, Izzo, & Trost, 1973; Roff, Sells, & Golden, 1972) were watershed events
in this area.
Since the 1980s, high-quality research on children's social behavior has
continued, but the most significant developments in this area may be the prac-
tical implementation or translation of this body of work into screening, as-
sessment, and intervention programs for use in the classroom and clinic. It is
unusual to attend large professional conferences in child/school psychology
or special education in which social skills assessment and training are not
prominently featured among conference topics. Any survey of professional
materials catalogs also reveals the prominent applied place that children's so-
cial behavior now occupies in the fields of education and psychology. We are
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS 9
currently in a period of rapid growth in this field. Among the issues yet to be
resolved and that still need attention are the development of a sound classifi-
cation taxonomy for children's social skills, the development of ecologically
valid assessment tools directly linked to intervention, and an increase in our
ability to conduct social skills training in an effective and generalizable man-
ner. These current issues are all specifically addressed in subsequent chapters
of this volume.
SOCIAL SKILLS AND SOCIAL COMPETENCE
Our discussion so far has provided some basic definitions of social skills, out-
lined some examples of specific social skills categories and tasks, and looked
at the historical antecedents of this field. We now move on to analyze the re-
lationship between social skills and a closely related construct: social compe-
tence. Although the terms social skills and social competence are often used
interchangeably, most experts in the field agree that they are independent, al-
beit related, constructs. The key differences between social skills and social
competence and how the two construct.'l are thought to be related has been ar-
ticulated in a frequently cited article by McFall (1982). According to McFall,
social skills are the specific behaviors that an individual must exhibit to per-
form competently on a given task. On the other hand, social competence is an
evaluative or summary term based on conclusions or judgments that the per-
son has performed the task adequately. These judgments are typically based
on the opinions of others (e.g., peers, parents, and teachers) or comparisons
to some explicit criteria or some normative group (Gresham, 1986). As Mc-
Fall explained, the presence of social competence does not necessarily imply
that there has been exceptional performance of social skills; it merely indi-
cates that social skills performance has been adequate. The evaluative or sum-
mary aspect of social competence has also been supported by Hops (1983),
who defined the construct as "a summary term which reflects social judgment
about the general quality of an individual's performance in a given situation"
(p.3).
Hops and Finch (1985) also wrote on the distinction between social skill
and social competence, producing an analysis that generally concurs with Mc-
Fall's (1982) conceptualization. They also pointed out that social competence
consists of both nonsocial and social skills. For example, motor skills behav-
iors (nonsocial skills) are generally not thought of as being within the domain
of social competence, yet they tend to be positively related to children's social
competence as measured by peer sociometric assessments. One study cited
to support this notion is that conducted by Broekhoff (1977), who demon-
strated that ball-throwing distance was the best predictor of social status in el-
ementary-age boys, and that this relationship remained quite stable over time.
A more recent study provided results indicating a similar conclusion: Motor

skills subscales on some adaptive behavior measures may actually correlate
with total scores on social competence measures to a greater degree than do
adaptive subscales that appear to measure social skills (Jentzsch, 1993). In
addition to motor skills, another nonsocial skill obviously important to social
competence is language ability, perhaps the main vehicle we use to interact so-
cially (Hops & Finch, 1985). To this list of nonsocial skills important to social
competence, we could also add perceptual skills, particularly as they relate to
the ability to perceive social situations. Cognitive skills must also be consid-
ered, because decisions regarding when and how to engage in various motor
and language behaviors that may have social repercussions or how a particu-
lar social situation should be appraised are obviously made as part of a com-
plex cognitive decision-making process (Meichenbaum, Butier, & Gruson,
1981).
In summary, there seems to be widespread professional agreement that
both social competence and social skills are multidimensional constructs, and
that social competence should be considered the superordinate of the two
concepts; it is a summary or evaluative term that reflects the notion of judg-
ment of one's social behaviors and adjustment by outside observers. At this
point, however, the widespread professional agreement regarding social com-
petence and social skills ends. Although the general definitions of these terms
are not really controversial, there is considerable variation in working models
or theories of these two constructs.
CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL SKILLS:

A BEHAVIORAL DIMENSIONS APPROACH
With so many historical developments and recent advances in our under-

standing of social skills, as well as their documented importance to a wide va-
riety of critical social and emotional outcomes for children and adolescents, it
might be expected that a valid, agreed-upon taxonomy for classifying social
skills would be available. However, such is not the case. Although many mea-
sures have been developed to measure social skills, relatively few have empir-
ically validated their classification system to arrive at a taxonomy of social
skills. It is also important to recognize that the most widely used classification
system in psychiatry and psychology, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
of Mental Disorders (4th ed.; DSM-IV; American Psychiatric Association,
1994), is built around the concept of classifying and taxonimizing psy-
chopathology. In this system the classification of adaptive functioning, which
includes social skills, is largely ignored.
One solution to this classification problem may lie in a behavioral dimen-
sions approach, which involves the use of multivariate techniques such as fac-
CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL SKILLS 11
tor analysis to derive empirically based clusters of highly intercorrelated be-

haviors. These clusters are then labeled by the researcher, based on the types
of specific behaviors in the cluster, to identify the underlying behavioral di-
mension. Whereas a relatively large body of research has been conducted
using a dimensional approach to classify childhood problem behaviors, rela-
tively few studies have used such an approach to classify child or adolescent
social skills (Merrell, 1994a).
Quay (1986) reviewed 61 studies, all of which used factor analysis to derive
empirically based dimensions of children's problem behavior. Quay matched
the results of these studies by examining both the factor labels and the actual
behaviors subsumed by the factors to develop a classification system of chil-
dren's problem behavior. Quay noted that this approach has some distinct ad-
vantages over other methods of classification: "First, empirical evidence is ob-
tained showing that the dimension in fact exists as an observable constellation
of behavior. Second ... the relatively objective nature of most of the con-
stituent behaviors utilized in the statistical analyses permits reliable measure-
ment of the degree to which a child manifests the dimension" (p. 10).
As an attempt both to account for the wide variety of social skill dimensions
reported in the literature and to collect data from these studies to derive an
empirically based taxonomy of childhood and adolescent positive social be-
haviors, the first author of this volume coauthored an investigation that sought
to replicate Quay's (1986) methodology on the construct of social skills. A
brief overview of this social skills meta-analysis review is presented in this sec-
tion. For more detail on the methodology or results of this investigation, the
reader is referred to the full report (Caldarella & Merrell, 1997).
After an exhaustive literature search and study elimination process, a total
of 21 studies were included that involved multivariate approaches to classify-
ing social skills with over 22,000 children and adolescents. The review and
synthesis of these studies was accomplished by examining both the name of
each social skill factor derived in the studies and the underlying behaviors
subsumed by the factor (the approach used by Quay, 1986). For example,
items comprising a factor labeled Peer Interaction were examined to ensure
that the majority of the items (at least 50%) were directly related to peers. If
so, that factor would be grouped with other peer-related factors under a com-
mon dimension. The most common social skill dimensions, those occurring
in one third or more of the studies reviewed, were then identified. This
method was used to eliminate outliers as well as study-specific findings. The
one third cutoff is the same as that used by Quay (1986) in his landmark meta-
analysis of problem behaviors. Using this methodology, five primary dimen-
sions of child and adolescent social skills were identified (Table 1.3).
After the identification phase, the five dimensions presented in Table 1.3
were more closely examined to determine the most common social skills as-
sociated with each. First, the specific social skill components constituting
each of the factors that comprised the dimension were listed (e.g., all of the
items comprising the first Peer Relations factor). Second, individual items of
the next Peer Relations factor were listed, with similar items grouped together.
This process was carried out for all five of the most common dimensions.
Third, similar social skills were grouped together to determine the principal
behavioral characteristics (those occurring in one third or more of the stud-
ies) associated with each dimension. Finally, these principal social skills were
rank ordered (based on frequency) as they appear in Table 1.3.
The peer relations dimension occurred in 11 (52.38%) of the studies. This
dimension appears to be dominated by social skills that reflect a child or
youth who is positive with his or her peers. Such skills as complimenting or
praising others, offering help or assistance, and inviting others to play or in-
teract appear to describe this dimension well.
The self-management dimension also occurred in 11 studies. This dimen-
sion reflects a child or youth who might be labeled by others as emotionally
well adjusted and able to control his or her temper, follow rules and limits, com-
promise with others, and receive criticism well.
The academic skills dimension occurred in 10 ( 47.62%) of the studies. This
dimension is dominated by social skills seen in a child or youth who might be
called an independent and productive worker by a teacher. Such skills as ac-
complishing tasks or assignments independently, completing individual as-
TABLE l.3
The Five Most Common Dimensions of Social Skills'"
Names of the Most Common Social Skill Dimensions Frequency

(in descending order offrequency) (Individual studies) Percentage
Peer relations (social interaction, prosocial, interpersonal, 11 52.38%

peer preferred social behavior, empathy, social partici- (1,2,4,6, 7c, 9,
pation, sociability-leadership, peer reinforcement, 10, 12, 13, 17, 18)
general, peer sociability)
Self-management (self-control! social convention, social 11 52.38%
independence, social competence, social responsi- (1,2,3,6, 7a, 7b,
bility, rules, frustration tolerance) 7c, 10, 11, 15, 18)
Academic (school adjustment, respect for social rules at 10 47.62%
school, task orientation, academic responsibility, (2.6,8,9, 10,
classroom compliance, good student) 11,12, 15, 17, 18)
Compliance (social cooperation, competence, 8 38.09%
cooperation-compliance) (1,5, 7a, 7b, 7c,
12, 15, 19)
Assertion (assertive social skills, social initiation. social 7 33.33%
activator, gutsy) (7a, 7b, 7c, 11,
12, 16, 18)
,', Developed from a review and analysis by Caldarella and Merrell (1997).
CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL SKILLS 13
signments, and carrying out teacher directions all appear to describe this di-
mension well.
The compliance dimension occurred in 8 (38.09%) of the studies. Pictured
here is a child who essentially gets along with others by following rules and ex-
pectations, appropriately using free time, and sharing things. Essentially, this
dimension involves complying with appropriate requests made by others.
The assertion dimension occurred in 7 (33.33%) of the studies reviewed.
This dimension is dominated by social skills evidenced by a child or youth who
might be called outgoing or extroverted by others. Such skills as initiating con-
versations with others, acknowledging compliments, and inviting others to in-
teract all appear to describe this dimension well.
These five most common dimensions of child and adolescent social skills
have a strong base of empirical support, being derived in more than one third
of the studies reviewed, with two derived in more than half of the studies. No
other known research has done such an extensive review of empirically de-
rived social skill dimensions of children and adolescents. Indeed, it could be
said that this review is breaking new ground by applying the influential research
method used by Quay (1986), which combines aspects of both meta-analysis
and qualitative review to an area of critical importance: child and adolescent
positive social behaviors.
Because these dimensions of social skills have been identified so frequently
over the past 20 years of research, practitioners and researchers should con-
sider focusing on these areas for assessment and intervention. Many of the so-
cial skills subsumed by these dimensions have already been incorporated into
excellent, well-validated assessment (Merrell, 1994a; Walker, Colvin, & Ram-
sey, 1995) and intervention (McGinnis & Goldstein, 1984) strategies. What
this study provides is further empirical support for the five essential social
skills dimensions comprising the taxonomy. Gesten (1976) noted that com-
petencies in clients must be identified and reinforced to maximize treatment
and research outcomes. Perhaps this review and the resulting taxonomy can
help to identify appropriate behaviors to reinforce and balance the scales be-
tween assessing for both positive and negative behaviors in children and ado-
lescents.
THEORIES AND MODELS OF SOCIAL SKILLS

AND SOCIAL COMPETENCE
As defined in this chapter, theories or models of social skills and social com-
petence refer to how these concepts look or they way they are constructed.
Theories and models of how social skills and competence develop and are
demonstrated are discussed separately in chapter 2. For the purposes of this
discussion, the term model is used, which can be thought of as a paradigm of
....
"'"
Social Competence
Peer
Adaptive Behavior Social Skills
Acceptance
I I I
Independent Interpersonal Self-related Task-related
Physical Language Academic
Functioning Behaviors Behaviors Berlaviors
Development Development Competencies
Skills
I I I
FIG. l.l. A working model of social competence originally conceptualized by Reschly and
Gresham (1981) and expanded by Gresham (1986) and by Gresham and Reschly (1987a).
THEORIES AND MODELS 15
how social skills and social competence appear and what constitutes their es-
sential components. However, before exploring these ideas further, it is im-
portant to recognize that all the models we explore are hypothetical and thus
somewhat speculative in nature. As already stated, psychological constructs
are notoriously difficult demonstrate empirically. Thus, the ideas postulated
herein must be considered as good working models based on the best evidence
currently available, but not the definitive models hoped for in the future.
One of the most influential models of social competence in the school psy-
chology, special education, and child development literature is that proposed
by Reschly and Gresham (1981) and expanded further by Gresham (1986)
and by Gresham and Reschly (1987a). According to the original model, social
competence is considered to be the superordinate construct composed of two
subordinate constructs: adaptive behavior and social skills. As the visual rep-
resentation of this model indicates (Fig. 1.1), adaptive behavior for children is
thought to consist of independent functioning skills, physical development,
language development, and academic competencies. Social skills, however,
are thought to consist of three major subcomponents: interpersonal behav-
iors (e.g., acceptance of authority, conversation skills, cooperative behaviors,
and play behaviors), self-related behaviors (e.g., expression of feelings, ethi-
cal behavior, and a positive attitude toward self), and task-related behaviors
(e.g., attending behaviors, completing tasks, following directions, and work-
ing independently). To the original model conceptualized by Reschly and
Gresham (1981), Gresham (1986) added a third subordinate component of
social competence: peer acceptance. As proposed in this model, the peer ac-
ceptance component is considered to be a part, but also an outcome or result,
of socially competent behavior (Gresham & Elliott, 1987; Gresham & Reschly,
1987a). Thus, peer acceptance is seen as something separate from adaptive
behavior and social skills under the broad model of social competence, but
also as something that results from the adequate performance of these two
other components.
Although this notion of social competence has been quite influential and
appears to be based on a sound theoretical and empirical rationale, it is by no
means definitive or universally accepted. Some potential problems inherent
in the effort to identify the best model for a theory of social competence and
social skills can be explored by looking at literature defining adaptive behav-
ior, which already has been hypothesized as the second subordinate construct
in the social competence model. Early in the 20th century, Edgar Doll (1935)
discussed what we now refer to as the construct of adaptive behavior in widely
influential writings that included references to factors known today as social
competence and social skills. The construct of adaptive behavior eventually
became a keystone in the definition of mental retardation, with the most
widely accepted definitions considering deficits in adaptive behavior to be
among its central defining components (American Association on Mental Re-
tardation, 1992; Grossman, 1983).
As the interest in adaptive behavior grew, so did the technologies available

for assessing this construct. Interestingly, most of the adaptive behavior scales
currently in wide use, (e.g., Scales of Independent Behavior by Bruininks,
Woodcock, Weatherman, & Hill, 1984, and the AAMD Adaptive Behavior
Scales, School Version by Lambert & Windmiller, 1981) include subscales or
components wherein the central behavioral constructs appear quite similar in
name or content to social competence or social skills, thus raising the possi-
bility that adaptive behavior actually may be the superordinate construct. The
most recent definition of mental retardation (American Association on Men-
tal Retardation, 1992) also seems to suggest this conclusion. However, empir-
ical efforts to clearly define the essential components and hierarchical rela-
tionships of adaptive behavior have raised as many questions as they have an-
swered (McCarver & Campbell, 1987).
Compounding this conceptual problem is the historic link between adaptive
behavior and the human intelligence. Thorndike (1920) originally proposed
that there were three types of intelligence, one of which was social intelligence
or social competence. In summary, this excursion into the conceptual models
relating to adaptive behavior, social competence, and social skills suggests
that our best modern definitions lack the desired degree of perfect scientific
precision.
In light of the complexities just discussed, the model of social competence
articulated by Gresham and his colleagues and illustrated in Fig. 1.1 is ac-
cepted throughout this volume, but it also is acknowledged that there may
be differing points of view in this area that are equally convincing. Further-
more, the term social skills is used primarily throughout this book, but in
some cases it is used interchangeably with what has already been articulated
as social competence (a summary judgment term) to facilitate simplicity of
understanding.
OUTCOMES OF SOCIAL SKILLS
Now that we have looked at some definitional, classification, and conceptual

issues relating to social skills, it is time to ask the following question: "What is
so important about social skills?" In this section, we first look at the positive
consequences known to stem from adequate social skills, then analyze the
more disturbing consequences that seem to spring from inadequate social
skills development and performance.
Positive Outcomes of Adequate Social Skills

A relatively large professional literature exists on the topic of social skills, but
interestingly, most of the research and writing on outcomes of social skills are
OUTCOMES OF SOCIAL SKILLS 17
focused on the negative consequences that arise from inadequate develop-

ment and performance of these skills. By comparison, much less has been
documented on the positive outcomes of adequate social skills development
and performance. It seems as though researching the possible negative con-
sequences of poor social skills is not only easier, but it also holds a greater de-
gree of interest among professionals. The exceptional and abnormal arouses
more concern than the usual. Nonetheless, to fully understand abnormal per-
formance, it is important at least to get some glimpse of what constitutes the
adequate, typical, or normal.
Like most other human traits, social skills can be viewed as existing along
a continuum within the population that probably represents a normal or bell-
shaped distribution. For the most part, people acquire and perform social
skills in a manner that serves them adequately. They have interpersonal suc-
cesses and failures along the way, but can usually deal with the social situa-
tions and problems that face them.
A minority of individuals are exceptionally well-endowed in the inter-
personal-social domain of life. Their outstanding social skills enable them to
develop and maintain friendships easily (thus providing them with a strong
network of social support), to resolve difficult social problems tactfully, and
essentially to breeze their way through the social thicket of life, gathering the
benefits that accrue to them along the way. A small percentage of persons are
so deficient in either the development or performance of social skills that they
are plagued throughout their lives with significant interpersonal, occupa-
tional, academic, and emotional-behavioral problems.
As indicated already, there is substantially more empirical evidence on the
results of social skills problems than on the outcomes of positive social skills.
However, there is also some pragmatic evidence to bolster these assertions. In
a frequently cited source on this topic, Hartup (1983) reviewed a plethora of
evidence suggesting that the ability to relate well to others is a critical con-
tributor to the positive growth and development of children. Walker and Hops
(1976) found that students who were more socially skilled had developed an
important foundation for achieving academic success in the classroom envi-
ronment. Asher and Taylor (1981) showed that adequate social skills tended
to interpersonal successes and social acceptance with peers. Years ago, Wolpe
and Lazarus (1966) discussed clinical findings showing that individuals with
high levels of "commendatory skill" (being able to warmly and convincingly
compliment the positive attributes or actions of other people) tended to see a
reciprocation of their positive responses. In commenting on the relationship
between social skills and emotional or mental health, Kelly (1982) noted that
favorable global self-evaluation (such as selfesteem and self-confidence) usu-
ally was a result of a person's successful interpersonal repertoire of skills that
leads to outcomes the client deems reinforcing. Finally, social-psychodynamic
theorist Horney (1945), posited that interpersonal functioning (social skills)
was a central component of emotional adjustment and mental health and that
a child who developed the ability to interact successfully with others early in
life was likely to develop a personality style characterized by highly adaptive
and successful social behaviors. In summary, the amount of theoretical and
empirical work focusing on the positive outcomes of good social skills pales
beside the literature on deficits and problems, but it still lays an important
foundation of understanding.
Negative Outcomes of Inadequate Social Skills

After demonstrating that the adequate or successful development of social
skills is likely to lead to desirable outcomes, it is time to analyze the other side
of the coin: What happens when children fail to develop or perform social
skills adequately? In contrast to the relatively sparse amount of empirical evi-
dence documented in the previous section, there has been substantially more
work done to show the negative effects of social skills problems. Most of this
research literature accrued during the last three decades of the 20th century.
After a general discussion of samples from this evidence, the following dis-
cussion turns to this body of work as a whole.
Social Skills and Psychiatric Disorders. One of the most commonly

identified negative outcomes in the social skills literature is a link between
social skills problems or deficits and the broad category psychiatric disorders.
In our context psychiatric disorders comprise a broad general category that
reflects a variety of emotional[ and psychiatric problems ranging from major
mental illness (e.g., schizophrenia) to what once was called "neurotic" symp-
toms. It was established long ago that high rates of admission to psychiatric
facilities were strongly associated with social isolation and disintegration
(Bloom, 1968). Goldberg and Huxley (1980) identified a strong inverse rela-
tionship between the presence of positive social supports and various psychi-
atric symptoms. Bryant, Trower, Yardley, Urbieta, and Letemendia (1976)
showed that among a sample of persons receiving outpatient psychiatric treat-
ment, those who were judged according to various independent criteria as be-
ing socially unskilled showed some distinct differences from other patients:
They tended to make poor eye contact, smile less, and use inappropriate
speech volume in comparison with their more socially skilled counterparts. In
a similar study, Rime, Bouvy, Leborgne, and Rouillon (1978) identified some
of the common core social skills problems of "psychopaths" as including be-
havioral intrusiveness (e.g., inappropriate assertive behaviors), lower rates of
smiling, and inappropriate eye contact. Wing (1978) identified some com-
mon social skills problems of individuals with schizophrenia as including
poverty of speech, poor eye contact, and a lack of appropriate verbal and non-
verbal communication cues.
A most intriguing and widely cited study in this area was conducted by
Cowen, Pederson, Babigan, Izzo, and Trost (1973). These researchers con-
ducted an 11- to 13-year follow-up of Grade 3 children identified as "vulnera-
ble" or at "clinical risk," based largely on peer problems, social isolation, and
social rejection from peers. At follow-up, these children were found to have
disproportionate rates of appearances in a community-wide psychiatric regis-
ter (e.g., they were diagnosed and received services for psychiatric disorders
at a substantially higher rate than their control peers who were not identified
as vulnerable or at risk due to the social behavior criteria). Interestingly, the
single best predictor of later psychiatric difficulty in this study was negative
peer judgment using sociometric assessment techniques from a method re-
ferred to as the "class play" (discussed in detail in chapter 3). The assignment
of negative roles in a hypothetical class play included such things as being
nominated to play the role of someone who is too bossy, not liked by other
people, in trouble, and so forth.
In summary, it has been well established that poor social adjustment and
acceptance during childhood is a reasonably strong predictor of psychiatric or
mental health problems later in life, and that individuals who exhibit psychi-
atric problems often are notably lacking or deficient in basic social skills.
Although this link has been empirically established for some time, under-
standing the true nature or direction of this relationship is a somewhat more
complex matter.
Social Skills and Externalizing Problems. Perhaps the most strongly es-
tablished link between social skills problems and poor outcomes has been
found in the area of externalizing disorders, which by definition include a
broad array of acting out and other-directed problems such as aggressive and
antisocial behavior, hyperactivity, and the range of specific problems that are
part of the conduct disorder syndrome (Quay, 1986). This syndrome and other
externalizing disorders are worth a special note because of their immensity
and expense. Matson and Ollendick (1988) cited a variety of evidence sug-
gesting that externalizing conduct problems are the most common reason for
behavior therapy referral, represent about one third to one half of all family
and school referrals for mental health services, and probably cost society
more than any other type of social-emotional problems.
Some of the most widely influential research on the link between social
skills problems in childhood and later externalizing conduct problems was
conducted by Roff (1961) and his colleagues during the 1960s and 1970s.
These researchers found that high rates of delinquency during adolescence
were strongly associated with social skills deficits and peer relationship prob-
lems, and that individuals discharged from military service because of bad
conduct were likely to show a similar pattern of deficits and problems (Roff,
Sells, & Golden, 1972). Ullman (1975) also demonstrated that teacher and
peer ratings of social problems were a relatively strong predictor of school

dropout, a common problem for adolescents who exhibit conduct disorders.
More recently, Wahler and colleagues (Wahler & Dumas, 1986; Wahler &
Fox, 1982; Wahler, Hughey, & Gordon, 1981) have conducted research and
written extensively on the development of antisocial behavior patterns in chil-
dren and have developed a convincing theory of coercion tmining. This the-
ory contends that patterns of antisocial and aggressive behavior tend to de-
velop early in life, are learned within the family setting through various social
learning processes, and have a cross-generational effect. As Wahler and Du-
mas (1986) stated, antisocial, aggressive children are usually "a chip off the
old block" (p. 49). One interesting aspect of this theory relates specifically to
social skills deficits in children: Individuals with stable antisocial and aggres-
sive behavior patterns may not learn to achieve their social goals in positive
ways (i.e., they lack certain positive social skills). Instead, they learn early in
life to rely on painful, manipulative, and controlling behaviors to achieve their
social goals, and the realization of these goals is often at the expense of other
people.
Following up on this theory of how antisocial behavior develops, Wahler
and Dumas (1986) reviewed a substantial body of evidence showing that de-
linquent youths tend to have a number of observable social skills deficits in-
cluding deficiencies in eye contact, verbal acknowledgment of others' direc-
tives to them, use of questions, appropriate head nods, as well as deviant facial
and body cues. These researchers also noted that antisocial and delinquent
youths tend to have deviant patterns of interpreting social cues and the in-
tentions of others, a finding that has been corroborated by Dodge and col-
leagues (Dodge, 1980, 1985; Dodge & Frame, 1982). In other words, anti-
social, aggressive, and delinquent youths are not only likely to have basic
deficits in social skills, they are also prone to inappropriately interpret hostile
intent in routine social initiations made by others and follow these interpreta-
tions to further antisocial and aggressive acts.
The broad category of externalizing disorders not only includes conduct
disorder and the patterns of antisocial and aggressive behavior that typically
accompany it but a related disorder as well: attention-deficit hyperactivity dis-
order (ADHD). Although less attention has been paid to the social skills cor-
relates of children with ADHD than to other externalizing problems, some
compelling evidence has accrued suggesting that deficits in social perfor-
mance may be a central characteristic of this disorder (Landau & Moore,
1991). Although the peers of children with ADHD may consider them to be de-
ficient in social skills (Whalen, Henker, Collins, & Granger, 1987), it may be
that many of these perceived deficits are performance deficits rather than
skill deficits (a topic pursued later in this volume). For example, it has been
demonstrated that children with ADHD may have an adequate knowledge of
how to initiate and maintain friendships, but tend to exhibit behavioral re-
sponses perceived as unfriendly (Grenell, Glass, & Katz, 1987).
An interesting study in this area was conducted by Landau and Milich
(1988), who developed a semistructured TV talk show game in which each
child was given the opportunity to play the roles of both host and guest. In con-
trast to the non-ADHD children, those with ADHD were more likely to ask too
many questions when they were in the role of the guest, and to ask too few
questions when they were in the role of the host. In commenting on this study
and similar studies, Landau and Moore (1991) suggested that youngsters with
ADHD may be deficient in the skill of modulating their social communications
and thus, may have production or performance deficiencies rather than skill
deficits. In summary, youngsters with ADHD are also likely to have problems
in performing appropriate social behaviors, but these problems may be more
related to performance deficits than to social skill acquisition deficits.
Social Skills and Internalizing Problems. By definition, the broad band

of social-emotional problems referred to as internalizing disorders includes
such syndromes as depression, anxiety, social withdrawal, and somatic (phys-
ical) problems which appear to have an emotional or psychological compo-
nent. Although numerous researchers have hypothesized that internalizing
problems are more transient and less costly to society than externalizing dis-
orders (Merrell, 1994a), they still represent a tremendous burden to those
who experience them. Not surprisingly, it has been found that deficits in social
skills are a component of many internalizing problems.
One of the best established links between internalizing problems and social
skills problems is the syndrome of depression, which can include severe cases
of clinical depression as well as varieties and combinations of depressive
symptomatology that do not involve full-blown clinical diagnoses. Many stud-
ies have documented that children who experience social relationship prob-
lems, such as rejection by peers, unpopularity, and social withdrawal, are
more likely than their typical peers to experience depression and isolated
loneliness (Asher & Wheeler, 1985; Cole & Carpentieri, 1990; Vosk, Fore-
hand, Parker, & Rickard, 1982). These social skills deficits may take specific
patterns when associated with depression. For example, Libet and Lewinsohn
(1973) described the unusually low rates of verbal and nonverbal behavior
among individuals with significant depressive disorders. This report was sig-
nificant because it was one of the early major articles stemming from Lewin-
sohn's behavioral theory of depression, which was the first comprehensive
theory of depression that postulated social skills deficits as a major compo-
nent of depression. This theory led to the development of successful social
skills-based behavioral interventions for treating depression and related inter-
nalizing problems (Lewinsohn, 1974).
A more recent study conducted by Bell-Dolan, Reaven, and Peterson (1993)

illuminated some interesting new aspects of the relationship between depres-
sion and social functioning. Attempting to go beyond previous investigations
that had identified simple negative correlations between measures of depres-
sion and social skills, these researchers examined the relationship between
social functioning and depression from a multidimensional perspective.
Teacher, peer, and self-reports of both depression and social functioning
for a large group of fourth- to sixth-grade students were obtained. The social
functioning data were factor analyzed to reveal six different social functioning
factors: negative social behavior, social withdrawal, other-rated social com-
petence, self-rated social competence, social activity, and accuracy of self-
evaluated social competence. These social functioning factors were then used
to predict depression through a multiple regression analysis. Negative social
behavior and the social competence measures were all predictive of depres-
sion. Social withdrawal predicted peer- and teacher-reported depression, and
low social activity predicted self-rated depression. Composite depression
scores (based on teacher, peer, and self-ratings), were all predicted by nega-
tive social behavior, social withdrawal, and low other-rated social competence.
These findings are interesting in that they show specific relationship direc-
tions between components or dimensions of social functioning and different
methods of gauging depressive symptomatology.
Although the internalizing disorders are often part of an overlapping syn-
drome of characteristics that exist simultaneously, most research exploring
the link between social skills and internalizing problems have focused on de-
pression (often with social withdrawal as part of the same syndrome). Less re-
search emphasis has been placed on the relationship between social skills and
anxiety or somatic problems, and most of the influential theories regarding
these problems do not include social skills deficits as a major theoretical com-
ponent. However, a few researchers have explored the link between anxiety
and social skills in childhood. After analyzing some of the findings in this area,
Kauffman (1989) hypothesized that children who are anxious and excessively
shy may have some deficits in social skills, but they tend to distort their nega-
tive views of themselves, thinking that they have worse skills than they actu-
ally do, a cognitive distortion pattern that tends to further social isolation and
loneliness. In another investigation of this topic, the first author of this volume
(Merrell, 1995a) examined parent and teacher social skills ratings of children
ages 3 to 6 who were rated as high for internalizing problems on various prob-
lem behavior measures. These internalizers were found to have significant
social skills deficits in three different dimensions of social behavior: social
cooperation, social interaction, and social independence. As a group, their
social skills ratings ranged from more than one to nearly two standard devi-
ations lower than those of a comparison group of noninternalizing children.
Interestingly, a discriminant function analysis applied to the ratings of inter-
nalizing problems found that problem items indicative of depressive sympto-

matology were better able to predict social skills deficits than were problem
items indicative of anxiety or somatic problems.
In summary, the relationship between internalizing problems and social
skills has been explored less frequently than the role of externalizing prob-
lems, and the overall relationship appears to be somewhat weaker as well. How-
ever, the best evidence to date does suggest that social skills deficits are at least
a moderate component of internalizing problems, particularly depression.
What Causes What? This section focused on the negative outcomes asso-
ciated with inadequate social skills and placed a particular emphasis on psychi-
atric, externalizing, and internalizing disorders. With each of these problem
areas it was demonstrated that social skills deficits are often a component of
the syndrome. These findings lead to an unavoidable question: Do social skills
deficits cause these various behavioral and emotional problems or are social
skills deficits caused by these problems. Some theories (particularly the ear-
lier and one-dimensional theories) postulate a definitive answer using either
one of these two possible connections. For example, Lewinsohn's (1974) highly
influential behavioral model of depression (particularly in its earlier forms)
relies strongly on the notion that a disruption of pleasurable or positive events
(i.e., a lack of social reinforcement due to a lack of or decrement in social
skills) causes the syndrome of behaviors we refer to as depression.
The position most in favor currently, which the authors also advocate, is the
notion that social skills deficits both cause and are caused by various behav-
ioral and emotional problems. This notion is based on a model of mutual in-
fluence that is very consistent with Bandura's (1978) theory of reciprocal de-
terminism. To visualize how this model of causation actually works, recall the
case of Brandon, the 7 -year-old boy with social skills deficits and significant
antisocial and aggressive behaviors described at the beginning of this chapter.
Brandon's early development may have been characterized by inadequate
social skills acquisition coupled with his learning through coercive processes
that aggressive behavior sometimes gets him what he wants. In the school set-
ting, Brandon's inept attempts to approach peers and develop friendships re-
sults in some preliminary rejection from peers. Brandon responds to this pre-
liminary rejection through a mechanism that in this case is maladaptive: ag-
gressive and antisocial behavior directed toward his peers partially to get their
attention and partially to punish them for rejecting him. These antisocial and
aggressive behaviors lead to further alienation from the peer group, which in
turn leads to an escalating pattern of hostility and aggression directed out-
ward toward other children. The resulting isolation from peers, who might oth-
erwise serve as positive social role models for Brandon, further inhibits his ac-
quisition of social skills because he seldom observes positive social behavior
directed toward him by his peers, who have learned to fear and avoid him.
Thus, the escalating and insidious cycle continues to perpetuate itself. Bran-
don's deficits in social skills, in a sense, have caused an increase in his exter-
nalizing problem behaviors, which also serve as a causal factor in Brandon's
continuing pattern of social isolation and poor skills acquisition.
SOCIAL SKILLS AS A FORM

OF PRACTICAL INTELLIGENCE
This discussion would not be complete without a brief excursion into an area
of current thought regarding social skills that has captured the imagination of
the public in recent years, namely, the notion that social skills may reflect a
specific type of practical human intelligence. For many years theoreticians,
researchers, and clinicians working in the area of human intelligence have
given at least peripheral attention to the idea that social-behavioral function-
ing may comprise a distinct form of what has been referred to as practical in-
telligence (Sternberg, 1986). For example, consider the administration of the
Comprehension subtest on the various versions of the Wechsler Intelligence
Scale for Children. A hallmark task on this subtest involves asking the child in
effect: "What is the thing to do if someone who is younger than you wants to
fight with you?" To receive full credit for answering this question, the child
must in some way display self-restraint in his or her answer, recognizing the
unfairness of a fight with a younger child. Obviously, the traits and skills in-
volved in formulating such an answer (and in enacting it in the real world) are
things already discussed as major features of social skills or social compe-
tence: interpersonal empathy, adequate self-control, and the ability to ap-
praise a situation in terms of commonly accepted social mores and rules. In
addition to this particular task, several other components of standardized IQ
tests require the ability to make effective social judgments.
However, the inability to measure adequately the practical-social forms of
intelligence has been one of the major criticisms of standardized IQ tests
(Goleman, 1994), and most of the theorizing regarding social-behavioral
skills as a form of practical intelligence has been proposed by those searching
for better alternatives to standardized IQ tests, which tend to differentiate be-
tween academic and social forms of intelligence. This problem was summa-
rized by Mercer, Gomez-Palacio, and Padilla (1986), who stated:
We recognize that there is some overlap (between academic and social forms of
intelligence), especially in infancy, when the two cannot be differentiated em-
pirically. "Intelligence" tests for very young children contain many items relat-
ing to social behaviors, such as smiling, recognizing the mother's face, and rec-
ognizing a stranger. As the child develops, social-behavioral intelligence and
academic intelligence gradually become differentiated, and traditional "intelli-
gence" tests progressively eliminate items involving social competencies as the
SOCIAL SKILLS AS PRACTICAL INTELLIGENCE 25
age of the subject increases. By school age, traditional tests focus almost exclu-
sively on academic intelligence." (p. 308)
As a response to critics who have contended that social-behavioral forms of

intelligence cannot be reliably measured and are not related strongly to acad-
emic forms of intelligence, Mercer et al. (1986) presented some very impres-
sive empirical evidence from a large cross-cultural data set in the United
States and Mexico, in which both traditional IQ scores and adaptive social be-
havior scores were obtained. The adaptive social behavior scores were found
to be highly reliable across cultural samples, and to comprise a stable under-
lying trait that the authors simultaneously referred to as practical intelligence
and social intelligence.
Interestingly, some of the most influential recent work related to social
skills as a practical form of human intelligence has been conducted by writers
and researchers working outside the traditional areas of scholarly work in
social skills and social competence. One of the best known recent popular
books addressing this area has been Gardner's (1983) Frames of Mind, a book
detailing his theory of multiple intelligences. Gardner is a Harvard University
educator well known for his scholarly work related to creativity, art, and hu-
man development, and for his participation in The Project on Human Poten-
tial at Harvard. A more recent work in this general area is New York Times
journalist and former Psychology Today editor Daniel Goleman's (1995) pop-
ular book Emotional Intelligence. This book deals with the problem that tra-
ditional notions of IQ fail to take into account some of the most important
aspects of success: interpersonal relationships, altruism, compassion, and im-
pulse control. Some of the main concepts from these two influential books are
addressed in this section.
In Frames of Mind, Gardner (1983) contended that human intellectual
functioning is best viewed in terms of multiple intelligences rather than as a
single unidimensional construct. In Gardner's theory, there are seven distinct
forms of human intelligence: linguistic, musical, logical-mathematical, spa-
tial, bodily-kinesthetic, and two types of personal intelligence, interpersonal
and intrapersonal. In this theory, it is the interpersonal form of intelligence
that has a striking similarity to the definitions and conceptualizations of social
skills presented earlier in this chapter:
The core capacity (of interpersonal intelligence) is the ability to notice and
make distinctions among individuals, and, in particular, among their moods,
temperament, motivations, and intentions. Examined in its most elementary
form, the interpersonal intelligence entails the capacity of the young child to
discriminate among the individuals around him and to detect their various
moods. In an advanced form, interpersonal knowledge permits a skilled adult to
read the intentions and desires-even when these have been hidden-of many
other individuals, and potentially to act upon this knowledge-for example, by
influencing a group of disparate individuals to act along desired lines. (Gardner,

1983,p.239)
Although too comprehensive to fully detail in this book, Gardner's (1983)

theory of multiple intelligences, and more particularly, his notions of inter-
personal intelligence, are both convincing and compelling. There is no ques-
tion that these notions share many important similarities with the constructs
of social skills and interpersonal intelligence as they have been detailed in
this volume. Perhaps interpersonal intelligence refers to specific areas or do-
mains of social skills, most likely the areas of peer relationships, assertion,
and empathy.
Like Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences including interpersonal in-
telligence, Goleman's (1994) popular book, Emotional Intelligence, created
no small stir in circles where the relationship between social-emotional be-
havior and intelligence is considered. Unlike the construct of interpersonal in-
telligence, Goleman's conceptualization of emotional intelligence is not rooted
in an overriding theory of human intelligence nor discussed in terms of sta-
tistical relationships with IQ tests, as in the work of Mercer and colleagues.
Rather, the notion of emotional intelligence is developed and considered in
terms of what maladaptive social-emotional functioning costs individuals,
families, and society. The book's subtitle, Why It Can Matter More Than IQ,
suggests one of the basic premises: When people of high IQ flounder in life
while people of modest ability achieve great successes, the key variable is
emotional intelligence. This concept is defined as comprised of self-aware-
ness, impulse control, persistence, zeal and self-motivation, empathy, and
social deftness. Like the idea of interpersonal intelligence, emotional intelli-
gence is described in terms that bear a striking resemblance to many aspects
of social skills and social competence discussed earlier in this chapter. In
Goleman's (1994) own words:
These are times when the fabric of society seems to unravel at ever-greater speed,
when selfishness, violence, and a meanness of spirit seem to be rotting the good-
ness of our communal lives. Here the argument for the importance of emotional
intelligence hinges on the link between sentiment, character, and moral in-
stincts. There is growing evidence that fundamental ethical stances in life stem
from underlying emotional capacities. For one, impulse is the medium of emo-
tion; the seed of all impulse is a feeling bursting to express itself in action. Those
who are at the mercy of impulse-who lack self-control-suffer a moral defi-
ciency. The ability to control impulse is the base of will and character. By the
same token, the root of altruism lies in empathy, the ability to read emotions in
others; lacking a sense of another's need or despair, there is no caring. And if
there are any two moral stances that our times call for, they are precisely these,
self-restraint and compassion. (p. xii)
We can therefore relate the idea of emotional empathy directly to certain as-
pects of social skills: peer relationships, self-management, and empathy.
SOCIAL SKILLS AS PRACTICAL INTELLIGENCE 27
In summary, at the end of the 20th century there were several prominent
attempt·., to publicly redefine the concept of intelligence or IQ to include and
recognize the importance of social-emotional behavior. In this regard, social
skills may be considered as either a key component or a major mediating vari-
able in intelligence, but most experts in the area of human intelligence are
now at least recognizing their critical importance.
SUMMARY
This chapter introduces the topic of child and adolescent social skills. Chil-
dren and adolescents who have deficits in social skills tend to exhibit these
deficits in differing ways, as is expressed by the three case studies that intro-
duce this chapter.
Like a number of other behavioral or psychological constructs, social skills
have been defined in the professional literature several different ways, and no
single generally agreed upon definition of social skills exists. However, the cur-
rent influential definitions of social skills seem to have some common core
elements, and these definitions thus may be divided into three types: behav-
ioral, peer acceptance, and social validity.
In the literature on assessment and treatment of social skills, specific cate-
gories and subcategories of social skills are identified, and each subcategory
may contain numerous specific component behaviors. Specific examples of
appropriate child and adolescent social skills are generally included in social
skills training programs.
Although the study of children's social behavior has been prominent since
at least the 1930s, only since the 1970s have the fields of psychology and edu-
cation experienced that dramatic upsurge of interest in this area that exists to-
day. Scholarly efforts in the area of child and adolescent social skills since the
1980s have been focused to a great extent on the development of clinically
useful assessment instruments and intervention programs.
Social skills comprise part of a superordinate construct: social competence.
Whereas social skills are generally viewed as being specific behaviors or ac-
tivities that lead to desired social outcomes, social competence is a summary
term based on judgment from others reflecting how a person's implementa-
tion of social skills is viewed in terms of adequacy.
A behavioral dimensions approach to classifying child and adolescent so-
cial skills was presented, wherein the same type of methodology used by Quay
(1986) to develop his influential taxonomy of child and adolescent problem
behaviors was utilized. A taxonomy of five dimensions of social skills resulted
from this meta-analysis: peer relations, self-management, academic, compli-
ance, and assertion skills. These dimensions may have important implications
for future developments in a classification taxonomy for child and adolescent
social skills.
Several models picturing the structure of social skills and social compe-
tence have been proposed, and although all of these models view both social
skills and social competence as multidimensional constructs, there are some
differences between these models that are both obvious and subtle. The model
followed generally in this volume considers both social skills and adaptive be-
havior to be components of the superordinate construct of social competence.
Findings show that positive or adequate social skills development during
childhood is an important foundation for good social, occupational, and per-
sonal adjustment throughout life. Conversely, it has been found that inade-
quate social skill development during childhood is associated with a number
of negative outcomes including psychiatric problems; externalizing problems
such as antisocial! aggressive behavior attention-deficit hyperactivity behav-
iors; and internalizing problems such as depression, social withdrawal, and
anxiety. There have been differing perspectives on the causal relationship be-
tween social skills deficits and various social-emotional problems, but the
position emphasized in this volume contends that this relationship is both mu-
tual and reciprocal. In other words, social skills deficits may be caused by var-
ious social-emotional problems, and they may also serve as a causal factor in
the development of such problems.
Several recent conceptualizations of human intelligence have directly or
indirectly acknowledged the importance of social skills for adaptive goal-
oriented behavior. Hence, the concepts of practical intelligence, social intelli-
gence, and interpersonal intelligence have appeared within larger theories of
human intelligence. Some recent widely read books in this area have placed
the importance of social-emotional behavior in the public eye, and it seems
likely that future research and public policy efforts concerning intelligence
and its measurement may include social skills in some important way.
References
Table of Contents
Author Index
Subject Index . vii 1 29 59 100 133 156 182 197

203 v This page intentionally left blank
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Social Skills

of Children and Adolescents:

and by Psychology Press

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication-Data

I. Social skills in children-Study and teaching. 2. Social interaction in

1 The Nature and Value of Social Skills 1

them and promising because childhood provides a tremendous window of op-

viding evaluative detail aimed at being useful in the selection of intervention

The Nature and Value

BRANDON, SARAH, AND CASEY:

DEFINING SOCIAL SKILLS

Like many psychological or behavioral constructs, social skills has been

acceptance in the professional literature. Social skills is among the most

Authors or Source Definitions

7. Deficits and excesses in social performance can be designated and marked

EXAMPLES OF SOCIAL SKILLS

Self-Related Behaviors Environmental Behaviors

Accepting consequences Care for the environment

Task-Related Behaviors Interpersonal Behaviors

Asking and answering questions Accepting authority

,', Identified in a social skills training program developed by

To understand modern conceptualizations of social skills, it is important to ex-

SOCIAL SKILLS AND SOCIAL COMPETENCE

A more recent study provided results indicating a similar conclusion: Motor

CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL SKILLS:

With so many historical developments and recent advances in our under-

tor analysis to derive empirically based clusters of highly intercorrelated be-

Names of the Most Common Social Skill Dimensions Frequency

Peer relations (social interaction, prosocial, interpersonal, 11 52.38%

THEORIES AND MODELS OF SOCIAL SKILLS

As the interest in adaptive behavior grew, so did the technologies available

OUTCOMES OF SOCIAL SKILLS

Now that we have looked at some definitional, classification, and conceptual

Positive Outcomes of Adequate Social Skills

focused on the negative consequences that arise from inadequate develop-

Negative Outcomes of Inadequate Social Skills

Social Skills and Psychiatric Disorders. One of the most commonly

peer ratings of social problems were a relatively strong predictor of school

Social Skills and Internalizing Problems. By definition, the broad band

A more recent study conducted by Bell-Dolan, Reaven, and Peterson (1993)

nalizing problems found that problem items indicative of depressive sympto-

SOCIAL SKILLS AS A FORM

As a response to critics who have contended that social-behavioral forms of

influencing a group of disparate individuals to act along desired lines. (Gardner,

Although too comprehensive to fully detail in this book, Gardner's (1983)

Subject Index . vii 1 29 59 100 133 156 182 197

P. S. Strain, M. J. Guralnick, and H. M. Walker (Eds.), Children's social behavior: De'"oe/op-

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