Pakistan Studies

Class XI-XII

1
Pakistan Studies
Class XI-XII

Topic Units SLOs Teachers’ Resource Students’ Assessments

Resource
History
Reformati https://www.history.com/topics/ref https://www.youtu https://www.duckst
Major on, -Discuss the effects ormation/reformation be.com/watch?v=1 ers.com/history/ren
events renaissan of reformation on https://www.gutenberg.org/files/40 o8oIELbNxE aissance_reformati
ce, Modern world 615/40615-pdf.pdf on_questions.php
World - Critically analyse https://www.edb.gov.hk/attachment https://study.com/
Wars, the cause, course /en/curriculum- academy/lesson/th https://www.duckst
Dark and consequence of development/kla/pshe/references- e-dark-ages- ers.com/history/mi
Ages, renaissance and- definition-history- ddle_ages_timeline
Revolutio -Evaluate the effects resources/history/cater_for_learnin timeline.html _questions.php
ns of World War 1 and g_diversity_in_hist_class/e3.pdf
2 on socio-economic https://www.ducks https://www.propro
state of the world https://www.boone.kyschools.us/do ters.com/history/m fs.com/quiz-
-examine the effects cs/building/9/unit%205%20chapter iddle_ages_timelin school/topic/middl
of industrial %2017.pdf e.php e-ages
revolution on the https://www.histor
course of world https://www.cusd200.org/cms/lib/I yforkids.net/middl https://www.histor
history L01001538/Centricity/Domain/267 e-ages.html yextra.com/period/
/_files/World_Civ_Chapter_17.pdf medieval/medieval
https://images.history.com/images/ https://kids.britann -quiz/
media/pdf/DarkAges_Study_Guide ica.com/students/a
.pdf rticle/Renaissance/ https://play.howstu
https://westernreservepublicmedia. 276692/207257- ffworks.com/quiz/
org/middleages/images/middleages. toc world-war-two-
pdf https://www.youtu quiz
be.com/watch?v=f
https://worldhistory.mrdonn.org/re I1OeMmwYjU http://definition.org
naissance.html https://www.youtu /world-war-ii-quiz/
be.com/watch?v=
https://www.history.com/topics/wo Xh_Lk7kDrUI https://www.britan
rld-war-i/world-war-i-history https://www.ducks nica.com/quiz/worl
ters.com/history/w d-war-i-quiz
https://kidskonnect.com/history/wo orld_war_i/
rld-war-i/ https://quizizz.com
https://www.ducks /admin/quiz/56d88
http://www.loc.gov/teachers/classr ters.com/history/w 8466f8a760f2746d
oommaterials/lessons/great- orld_war_ii/ fa1/the-industrial-
war/studentproc.html revolution
https://www.ducks
http://www.historiasiglo20.org/4ES ters.com/history/u https://play.howstu
O/WWI.pdf s_1800s/industrial ffworks.com/quiz/t
_revolution.php est-your-
https://learning.blogs.nytimes.com/ knowledge-of-the-
2011/02/08/revolt-comparing- industrial-
historical-revolutions/ revolution
https://www.funtri
https://www.lcps.org/cms/lib4/VA0 via.com/playquiz/q
1000195/Centricity/Domain/10599/

2
Social%20Effects%20of%20the%2 uiz3869672c4c3d0.
0Industrial%20Revolution.pdf html

https://kidskonnect.com/history/ind
ustrial-revolution/

https://kids.kiddle.co/Industrial_Re
volution

https://kids.britannica.com/students
/article/Industrial-
Revolution/275053
Early -Slave -Critically analyse https://courses.lumenlearning.com/ https://quizizz.com
and dynasty (1 the dynasties and atd-westhillscc- https://www.youtu /admin/quiz/58e9e
Mediev 206–90), their contribution to worldhistory/chapter/ancient-and- be.com/watch?v= 04c5faa9d643b89a
al India -Khalji Indian subcontinent early-medieval-india/ GVQ3bm3JB2E 6e7/the-delhi-
dynasty (1 sultanate
Dynasti 290– https://www.jagranjosh.com/genera
es 1320), l-knowledge/history-of-medieval- https://www.youtu https://www.propro
-Tughlaq india-a-complete-study-material- be.com/watch?v= fs.com/quiz-
dynasty (1 1464934631-1 EPPjWrNCC-U school/story.php?ti
320– tle=nzmxmzm33m
1413), https://courses.lumenlearning.com/ https://www.youtu n2
-Sayyid boundless- be.com/watch?v=
dynasty (1 worldhistory/chapter/the-umayyad- QN41DJLQmPk
414–51), and-abbasid-empires/
Lodi https://www.youtu
dynasty (1 https://www.indianmirror.com/dyn be.com/watch?v=I
451–1526) asty/dynasty-home.html hd3uh6jUqo&list=
PL81DcwlVW2tY
thoughtco.com/early-muslim-rule- x-
in-india-195511 wNjlvZiPkpSS7A
DmDGz (history
https://human.libretexts.org/Books of South Asia)
helves/History/World_History/Map
%3A_World_History_-
_Cultures%2C_States%2C_and_So
cieties_to_1500_(Berger_et_al.)/03
%3A_Ancient_and_Medieval_Indi
a/3.12%3A_India's_Early_Medieva
l_Age_and_the_Development_of_I
slamic_States_in_India%2C_600-
1300

History -Abbasids - Discuss the https://courses.lumenlearning.com/ https://www.youtu https://quizizz.com

of - Abbasid movement boundless- be.com/watch?v= /admin/quiz/5bd32
Abbasid Ummayad which led to the worldhistory/chapter/the-umayyad- BUFeZrqSUFM 80e0b948f001a149
s and s establishment of and-abbasid-empires/ b9a/umayyad-and-
Ummay -Fatimids Abbasid caliphate https://www.youtu abbasid
ads http://www.bu.edu/mzank/Jerusale be.com/watch?v=k
-Describe main m/p/period4-3.htm EFTMfuqzCU
features of the later
Abbasid rule http://www.bu.edu/mzank/Jerusale
m/p/period4-3.htm

3
- Discuss relations http://www.middleeastpdx.org/reso
between Abbasids urces/original/the-golden-age-of-
and Ghaznavides. islamic-achievement/lesson-4- https://www.youtu
house-of-wisdom-scholarship-in- be.com/watch?v=
- Explain main the-abbasid-dynasty/ (lesson plan) CS9hFgkeirE
features of Fatimid
rule.
- Describe the main
causes for the
downfall of Abbasid
rule.

-Highlight the
contributions of
Umayyads dynasty.

The - -Outline salient https://www.youtu

Delhi Ghaznavid features of Muslim https://courses.lumenlearning.com/ be.com/watch?v=
Sultanat s society as it boundless- L4E6tT85JWU
e and developed under the arthistory/chapter/sultanate-of-
Mughal Ghaznavids delhi/ https://www.youtu
s especially with be.com/watch?v=
reference to the MZdeHvoROL4
areas presently https://www.ancient-
forming Pakistan. origins.net/history-important- https://www.youtu
-Sultanate events/delhi-sultanate-muslim- be.com/watch?v=z
of Delhi -Describe the power-indian-subcontinent- e85JW9kaOo
pattern of 0010244
government and https://www.youtu
politics under the be.com/watch?v=h
Delhi Sultan. https://storyofpakistan.com/events/t 3CzIyX_52U
he-delhi-sultanate
- Highlight the https://www.youtu
contributions of the https://www.jagranjosh.com/genera be.com/watch?v=i
Sultanate of Delhi l-knowledge/timeline-of-delhi- T9ShT0HfAM
with reference to the sultanate-1491285979-1
building of Roads,
Safavids Caravan sarais, Art https://www.britannica.com/topic/
and Architecture, Ghaznavid-dynasty
society and culture.
- Outline the pattern http://www.iranicaonline.org/articl
of government and es/ghaznavids
politics under the
Safavid rulers. https://courses.lumenlearning.com/ https://quizizz.com
boundless- /admin/quiz/5ca22e
arthistory/chapter/sultanate-of- 3738b5f2001bed66
delhi/ 11/safavid-empire-
quiz
https://www.davidmus.dk/en/collec
tions/islamic/dynasties/ghaznavids-
and-ghurids

http://www.iranchamber.com/histor
y/ghaznavids/ghaznavids.php

4
https://www.newworldencyclopedi
a.org/entry/Ghaznavid_Empire

http://materiaislamica.com/index.p
hp/The_Great_Ghaznavid_Dynasty
_(c._962%E2%80%94c._1186)
Decline -Mughals https://www.britannica.com/topic/ https://www.youtu https://quizizz.com
of - Discuss the Mughal-dynasty be.com/watch?v=b /admin/quiz/5bcea3
Mughal structure of jlIJPm3puc 6d951337001aa8af
s government and https://www.britannica.com/place/I d7/the-mughal-
politics of the ndia/The-Mughal-Empire-1526- https://www.youtu empire
Mughal Empire. 1761 be.com/watch?v=n
buM0aJjVgE https://www.propro
- Describe the https://storyofpakistan.com/events/t fs.com/quiz-
developments in the he-mughal-empire https://www.youtu school/story.php?ti
field of Art, be.com/watch?v= tle=otm1mzkw2izq
Architecture and https://www.newworldencyclopedi NtO3xll9Fqg
Literature during the a.org/entry/Mughal_Empire
Mughals.
https://www.thoughtco.com/the-
mughal-empire-in-india-195498

http://www.annmajercik.com/uploa
ds/7/8/9/8/78980988/mughalempire
worldcultures27.pdf
Colonial Features o -Analyse the effects https://www.britannica.com/event/ https://15minutehi https://history.quiz
ism in f Compan of British British-raj story.org/podcast/ gun.com/east-
South y Rule and Colonialism on episode-9-the-end- india-company-
Asia Social Re South Asia https://gouldguides.carleton.edu/his of-colonialism-in- rule-and-its-
sponses tory/southasia south-asia/ impact-on-india-3/
-Examine the
From Com developments made https://aeon.co/essays/europeans- https://www.youtu http://mcqsworld.c
pany to Cr by British in India came-to-asia-not-as-conquerors- be.com/watch?v=h om/2016/04/11/mc
own -Critique on the but-as-customers cN-bNvXzNk qs-of-history-war-
political movement of-independence/
The “Nati of Pakistan http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/artic https://study.com/
on” in the les/t/the-british-in-south-asia/ academy/lesson/eu
Making – -Evaluate the ropean-
I struggle for Pakistan http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/britis exploration-in-
Movement h/modern/independence1947_01.sh india-southeast-
The “Nati tml asia.html
on” in the
Making – -Discuss the initial https://historypak.com/causes-of- https://www.youtu
II Govern problems faced by the-war-of-independence-2/ be.com/watch?v=h
ment and Pakistan pIegGu-5tI
Politics un https://historypak.com/war-of-
der Coloni -Critique on the independence-1857/ https://www.youtu
al Rule government and be.com/watch?v=c
politics under https://storyofpakistan.com/war-of- zBJYiuF0tY
Colonial Rule independence
https://www.youtu
-Critique on the https://www.britannica.com/event/I be.com/watch?v=g
government and ndian-Mutiny _5guJ5EOJg
constitutions on
Pakistan

5
https://www.shahidhussainraja.com https://www.youtu
/causes-of-1857-war-of- be.com/watch?v=y
independence D0dt_f8DIc

https://www.britannica.com/place/I https://www.youtu
ndia/The-Mughal-Empire-1526- be.com/watch?v=
1761 wyUetXOmjug

https://www.pbs.org/thestoryofindi
a/teachers/lessons/6/

Partition Major -Critique on the https://pctb.punjab.gov.pk/system/f https://www.nam.a https://quizizz.com

Movem Events political movement iles/2018-G12- c.uk/explore/indep /admin/quiz/5888e
ent of India between Pakistan%20Studies-E.pdf endence-and- a67d0eb81a35d3cb
1868- 1868-1900 partition-1947 83e/partition-of-
1947 https://storyofpakistan.com/categor india
-Analyse the y/timeline/1857-1905/1857-1867-
constitutional events https://www.youtu https://www.slides
development during be.com/watch?v= hare.net/kavita_gro
1900-1930’s period https://storyofpakistan.com/events/ H6DajWUTbe8 ver/freedom-
british-colonization-and-muslim- struggle-of-india-
-Evaluate the Indian reform-movements https://www.youtu revision-
struggle for be.com/watch?v= worksheet-
independence from https://www.culturalindia.net/india NWNCO3xruJQ 22557368
1930-1947 n-history/modern-history/indian-
independence.html https://www.youtu
https://www.hilal.gov.pk/eng- be.com/watch?v=_
article/struggle-for-pakistan:-a- Ry6yESsO1g
chronological-timeline-(1857-
1947)-part-1/MzE1NQ==.html https://www.youtu
be.com/watch?v=1
http://www.sanipanhwar.com/India' 2i7_TxsfTc
s%20Struggle%20for%20Independ
ence,%201857-1947.pdf

https://theculturetrip.com/asia/india
/articles/a-brief-history-of-india-
and-pakistan/

https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/ind
ependence-and-partition-1947

https://storyofpakistan.com/events/t
he-pakistan-movement

https://storyofpakistan.com/events/t
he-struggle-for-independence

https://edition.cnn.com/2017/08/08/
asia/india-pakistan-independence-
timeline/index.html

https://hamariweb.com/articles/418
37

6
https://cmc.vic.au.libguides.com/H
umanities/india

https://study.com/academy/lesson/b
ritish-raj-lesson-for-kids-summary-
timeline.html
Post Major -Discuss the causes https://www.theguardian.com/worl https://www.youtu https://www.funtri
Partition Events of delay in d/2017/aug/05/partition-70-years- be.com/watch?v= via.com/playquiz/q
till date constitution making on-india-pakistan-denial Eiwxa1fuoxw uiz7892990bb00.ht
in Pakistan ml
https://www.bbc.com/news/world- https://www.youtu
-Analyse the south-asia-12966786 be.com/watch?v=l https://mcqsforum.
political unrest in Pu42RGceGM com/general-
the 50’s period https://asiasociety.org/education/pa knowledge/pakista
kistan-political-history https://www.reuter n-politics-mcqs/
-Discuss the reasons s.com/article/us-
of three martial laws http://www.cssforum.com.pk/css- pakistan-
in Pakistan compulsory-subjects/pakistan- independence-
affairs/12015-pakistans-history- 1/timeline-main-
-Critically examine 1947-till-present.html events-in-
the governments of pakistan-since-
Bhutto, Zia, Nawaz, https://uca.edu/politicalscience/dad independence-
Benazir, Musharraf m-project/asiapacific- idUSKUA433844
and Imran. region/pakistan-1947-present/ 20070814

https://hostnezt.com/cssfiles/pakist https://www.slides
anaffairs/Pakistan%20at%20the%2 hare.net/afrinish/p
0Crosscurrent%20of%20History% olitical-history-of-
20By%20Lawrence%20Ziring.pdf pakistan

https://roseannayerslayl.files.wordp
ress.com/2017/05/pakistan-in-the-
twentieth-century-a-political-
history-jubilee-series-by-lawrence-
ziring.pdf

http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/His
toryPStudies/PDF_Files/15_V-31-
No1-Jan18.pdf

https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/72
03072.pdf
Geography

Physical Landscape -Interpret the https://insider.pk/national/pakistans https://www.ducks https://gotest.pk/ge

geograp , features, political, -geography-climate-and- ters.com/geograph neral-
hy climate, physical, environment/ y/country/pakistan knowledge/pakista
minerals topographic, .php n/weather-climate-
climatic, https://www.britannica.com/place/ information-quiz-
economic and Pakistan https://www.youtu online/
digital maps of be.com/watch?v=p
Pakistan. http://countrystudies.us/pakistan/23 qfopMCLqFg https://gotest.pk/ge
-Compare and .htm neral-
contrast the lifestyle https://www.youtu knowledge/pakista
of people living in be.com/watch?v= n/minerals-info-
WN7mNEQ7s58

7
valleys with those of https://www.cia.gov/library/publica quiz-online-mcqs-
a desert and plain. tions/the-world- https://www.cia.go test/
-Identify the factbook/geos/pk.html v/library/publicati
significance of ons/the-world-
area and location http://countrystudies.us/pakistan/25 factbook/geos/pk.
of Pakistan. .htm html
-Describe the
water https://www.climatestotravel.com/c https://www.world
composition, limate/pakistan atlas.com/webima
land and ge/countrys/asia/p
vegetation of https://www.worldtravelguide.net/g akistan/pkland.ht
delta uides/asia/pakistan/weather- m
-Evaluate the climate-geography/
life and https://www.slides
economy of the https://www.youtube.com/watch?v hare.net/zainabsa
people living in =E8Bt3pNBpOo mi5/geo-physical-
the deltaic importance-of-
region. http://www.ndmc.pmd.gov.pk/repo pakistan
-Propose remedies rt2017.pdf
for the protection of https://www.slides
mangrove forests https://www.globalsecurity.org/mili hare.net/Thecitysc
and coastal erosion. tary/world/pakistan/climate.htm hool12/climate-of-
-Distinguishing pakistan-
characteristics of https://insider.pk/national/natural- 28742488
natural regions resources-of-pakistan/ https://www.youtu
of Pakistan. be.com/watch?v=
-Discuss major http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/geo LBqfVSWgzVY
contrasts and graphy/pdf/Pakistan%20Geographi
potentials of the cal%20Review%201967%20Vol.% https://www.youtu
natural regions 2022%20No.%202.pdf be.com/watch?v=2
of Pakistan. ikaZrf1JsY
https://info.publicintelligence.net/
MCIA-PakistanHandbook.pdf https://www.youtu
be.com/watch?v=
E8Bt3pNBpOo

https://www.slides
hare.net/nomanma
rri/mineral-
resources-of-
pakistan-
66890750
Human urban geo -Examine the https://teamcfa.school/app/uploads/ https://www.youtu http://www.ezgolea
geograp graphy, importance and sites/8/2015/08/Introduction-to- be.com/watch?v=k rning.com/geograp
hy economic types of Human-Geography.pdf _P99_azNXY hy-of-pakistan-
geography infrastructure. questions-and-
, -Evaluate the http://www.physicalgeography.net/ https://www.ibgeo answers/geography
cultural ge role of transport fundamentals/1b.html graphypods.org/1- -of-pakistan/
ography, and the-variety-of-
political g communication https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/15929 urban- https://sheir.org/ed
eography, in boosting 6/4c5b5fa0ebc5684da2b9f2440905 environments.html u/geography-of-
social geo country’s 93bc.pdf pakistan-mcqs/
graphy, economy. https://www.world
and -Describe the https://www.theigc.org/wp- bank.org/en/region https://www.softsc
population importance of content/uploads/2016/12/Hasan- /sar/publication/ur hools.com/quizzes/
2016-Academic-Paper.pdf geography/pakistan

8
geograph (port, railways, banization-south- _geography/quiz55
y. seaport and https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pd asia-cities 80.html
highways/motor f/10.1177/0956247809356180
ways) in
developing the http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default The Pakistan Story
economy of a /files//tables/AREA%20POPULAT https://nation.com.
country. ION%20DENSITY%20AND%20 pk/23-Jul-
-Identify the URBAN%20RURAL%20PROPO 2016/the-pakistan-
similarities of RTION.pdf story
Silk Route and
CPEC. https://www.slideshare.net/waqasar https://historypak.
-Predict the role /geographical-location-of-pakistan com/
of technology
and https://www.weareteachers.com/fu https://historypak.
communication n-geography-lessons/ com/
in boosting
country’s https://nation.com.
economy. pk/23-Jul-
-Analyse the 2016/the-pakistan-
importance of story
digital
communication
in country’s
progress.
Physical Agricultur -Identify the http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/geo http://emergingpak https://gotest.pk/ge
and e and location of graphy/pdf/Pakistan%20Geographi istan.gov.pk/oppor neral-
human livestock, major glaciers of cal%20Review%201967%20Vol.% tunities/sindh/agri knowledge/pakista
activitie forest, Pakistan and 2022%20No.%202.pdf culture-livestock- n/agriculture-test-
s fishing, highlight their fisheries/ online-mcqs-
mining, importance. http://www.pakistaneconomist.com practice-questions-
industries, -Describe the /issue2004/issue49/i&e2.php https://www.pakis and-answers/
trade pattern of san.com/english/al
drainage system https://dailytimes.com.pk/234269/p labout/livestockfis https://www.asked
of Pakistan. akistans-livestock-potential/ heries/index.shtml on.com/pakistan-
-Discuss the industrial-sector-
major forest http://www.finance.gov.pk/survey/ https://www.slides mcqs/
types and their chapters_18/02-Agriculture.pdf hare.net/RIZWAN
distribution. ABBAS3/fisheries
-Identify the http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default -in-pakistan
wild life of /files/national_accounts/publication
Pakistan and s/rebase_na_2005- http://www.fao.or
their habitat on 06/agriculture_forestry_and_fishin g/fishery/facp/PA
map. g.pdf K/en

https://www.nationsencyclopedia.c http://www.fisheri
om/economies/Asia-and-the- esjournal.com/arc
Pacific/Pakistan- hives/2018/vol6iss
AGRICULTURE.html ue2/PartG/6-2-25-
120.pdf
https://www.pakissan.com/english/
allabout/fisheries/a.brief.on.fisherie http://www.pakiss
s.shtml an.com/category/c
rops/

9
https://www.pakistanfishing.com/fi https://www.slides
shing-info/fishing-industry-in- hare.net/FaseehAh
pakistan med6/industries-
of-pakistan-
http://www.fao.org/fishery/docs/D 69710186
OCUMENT/fcp/en/FI_CP_PK.pdf https://www.world
atlas.com/articles/
https://www.britishcouncil.pk/sites/ what-are-the-
default/files/cultural_and_creative_ biggest-industries-
industries_in_pakistan.pdf in-pakistan.html

http://depo.gov.pk/publicSector.ph https://www.studo
p cu.com/row/docu
ment/comsats-
https://www.punjab.gov.pk/sialkot university-
_key_industry islamabad/pakista
n-
https://www.intechopen.com/books studies/mandatory
/agricultural-value-chain/citrus- -
value-chain-s-a-survey-of-pakistan- assignments/curre
citrus-industry nt-social-
economic-and-
http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/pes political-
r/PDF- challenges-related-
FILES/1%20AKHTAR%20Proble to-industrial-
ms%20of%20Industrialization- sector-of-pakistan-
1955.pdf since-
partition/4876731/
view

http://ahsankhanec
o.blogspot.com/20
12/04/causes-and-
removal-of-
industrial.html
Populati Migration, - Competently http://www.researchcollective.org/ https://www.dawn. https://quizizz.com
on settlement analyse the Documents/A_Review_of_Migrati com/news/137592 /admin/quiz/57fe58
geograp s, nature and on_Issues_in_Pakistan.pdf 5 f2f0d465f70ed8f20
hy character of https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pd 1/human-migration
problems f/10.1177/0956247809356180 https://www.britan
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migrants and
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circumstances. ation-causes-and- XzNowDQPizA
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migrants and be.com/watch?v=
national https://www.ukessays.com/essays/e Yd2eO8ZFibM
minorities in conomics/migration-causes-and-
different regions effects-in-pakistan-economics-
and countries. - essay.php
Competently

10
define priorities https://esa.un.org/miggmgprofiles/i
in resolving the ndicators/files/Pakistan.pdf
problems of http://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default
migrants and /files//tables/MIGRANT%20POPU
national LATION%20BY%20REASON%2
0OF%20MIGRATION.pdf
minorities and
problems
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pd
connected with f/10.1177/0956247806069626
them.
- Apply the http://www.ndma.gov.pk/Publicati
latest ons/A%20Guide%20on%20Land%
theoretical 20and%20Property%20Rights%20i
approaches to n%20Pakistan%202012.pdf
practical
resolution of the http://jsswnet.com/journals/jssw/V
problems of ol_2_No_2_December_2014/6.pdf
migrants and
national
minorities.
- Define legal
norms which
apply to
concrete
situations
connected with
problems of
migrants and
national
minorities.
- Offer
competent and
realistic ways of
ameliorating
problems of
migrants and
national
minorities
Practica Pollution, -Explain the https://www.conserve-energy- https://www.youtu https://www.mcqbi
l environme human future.com/causes-and-effects-of- be.com/watch?v=j ology.com/2012/12
geograp ntal environment of environmental-degradation.php SmmmYfO7pU /mcq-on-
hy degradatio these Regions. environmental-
n, hazards, -Discuss the https://thefrontierpost.com/the- https://www.youtu pollution.html#.Xl
risks nature and environmental-issues-in-pakistan/ be.com/watch?v=7 2plGgzbIU
importance of mctgGkmdSA
major https://dailytimes.com.pk/105630/e https://www.mcqle
environmental nvironmental-degradation-in- https://www.slides arn.com/chemistry/
Hazards. pakistan/ hare.net/liaquatrah g10/environmental-
-Describe the oo23/enviromental pollution-mcqs.php
problems http://environment.gov.pk/images/e -issues-in-pakistan
associated with nvironmentalissues/Environmental
the use and ConcernsPakistanScenario.pdf
conservation
strategies for

11
water, land, https://study.com/academy/topic/po
natural llution-lesson-plans.html
vegetation and
wildlife.

Economics
Major Resources https://geniusimpex.org/imports- https://www.youtu http://www.moalim
economi in Pakistan -Discuss the and-exports-of-pakistan/ be.com/watch?v= s.com/mcqs/252/1/i
c -imports importance of as the CbGVhoTnKAg mport-and-export-
resource and basis of Pakistan http://emergingpakistan.gov.pk/sect of-pakistan/who-is-
s exports life. ors/tourism/ https://www.youtu who
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challenges that 2019/benefits-of-cpec
confronted Pakistan https://www.youtu
at its birth http://iep.com.pk/wp- be.com/watch?v=g
content/themes/accesspress- _rVqxHQmoE
-Analyse lite/Papers%20On%20CEPC/08.pd
importance of f
natural and human
resources of https://oup.com.pk/downloadable/d
Pakistan ownload/sample/sample_id/308/
Imbalan https://energypedia.info/wiki/Pakist https://www.youtu https://gotest.pk/ge
ce in -Evaluate the an_Energy_Situation be.com/watch?v=7 neral-
utilisati imbalance in e1JNwxHd48 knowledge/pakista
on of utilisation of https://www.indexmundi.com/pakis n/power-resources-
resource resources and their tan/resource-usage.html test-online-mcqs-
s effects of Pakistan’s practice-questions-
economy https://www.slideshare.net/Ayesha and-answers/
Shoukat99/resources-of-pakistan
Econom Economic http://www.paecon.net/PAEReview https://www.youtu https://www.pkmc
ic sectors of -Discuss the five /issue80/AnjumSgro80.pdf be.com/watch?v= qs.com/mcqs-
develop Pakistan year plans of MC9ggZuLwmg question/css/group-
ment Pakistan https://dailytimes.com.pk/465645/p a/economics-
-Analyze the akistans-it-sector-to-become-the- https://www.youtu 1/economy-of-
-IT achievements and largest-export-industry-of-the- be.com/watch?v=l pakistan
industry failures of five year county/ LN1B75uWvU
and e- plans
commerce -Compare the http://www.pakistaneconomist.com https://www.youtu
objectives of first /2019/10/14/booming-it-sector-can- be.com/watch?v=k
five year plan and be-the-top-export-industry-of- GGNzuS6Yc0
eighth five year plan pakistan/
(group activity)
-Analyse the http://www.commerce.gov.pk/wp-
importance of IT content/uploads/2019/08/Draft-E-
industry in Commerce-Policy-Framework-
Pakistan’s economy Final-23-8-19.pdf
-Predict the future
of IT industry and e- https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/
commerce in 2019/10/09/e-commerce-in-
Pakistan. pakistan/
Industri -Discuss the https://sites.google.com/site/maeco https://www.slides https://pakmcqs.co
al importance of nomicsku/home/industrial- hare.net/FaseehAh m/category/econo
develop industries in development-in-pakistan med6/industrial- mics-
ment Pakistan’s economy

12
-Suggest ways to https://dailytimes.com.pk/399066/i development-in- mcqs/industrial-
improve the ndustrial-development/ pakistan-2 development
industrial sector of
Pakistan https://www.youtu
-Analyse the be.com/watch?v=
potential of OIQAOvgPTnw
establishing new
industries for
Pakistan
Political Science
Citizens -Analyze the role of http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/c https://www.youtu https://www.pkmc
hip Citizen’s state institutions in onstitution/part2.ch1.html be.com/watch?v= qs.com/mcqs-
Educati Rights the protection of YXkqbW_j4go question/sindh/9th-
on and Acts Fundamental Rights. https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/ class-3/english-
and -Explain and analyze 2017/02/03/know-your- 16/responsibilities-
Responsi the Fundamental fundamental-rights/ of-a-good-citizen
bilities Rights of all the
citizens. https://nation.com.pk/13-Nov-
-Examine the 2017/responsibilities-of-a-good-
importance of citizens
Fundamental Rights.
-Describe the Right
to Safeguards as to
arrest and
detention.
-Describe the
Fundamental Right
(Security of person).
-Describe the
prohibition of
slavery and forced
labor under the
constitution of
Pakistan.
Constitu -Explain the http://sindhlaws.gov.pk/setup/publi https://www.youtu
tional -The term Gender cations/PUB-13-000734.pdf be.com/watch?v=5
develop Sindh equality JPpo8N_rHk
ment Child -Identify https://www.loc.gov/law/foreign-
Marriage challenges faced news/article/pakistan-sindh- https://www.youtu
s by women and provincial-assembly-passes-child- be.com/watch?v=f
Restraint gender marriage-restraint-bill/ 1UkXDf9N3o
Act 2013 minorities in
Pakistan https://sahsol.lums.edu.pk/law- https://www.youtu
-the -suggest ways to journal/protection-against- be.com/watch?v=e
protectio promote gender harassment-women-workplace-act- f-3hocuia8
n against equality and 2010-legislative-review
harassme participation in https://www.youtu
nt of Pakistan https://sahsol.lums.edu.pk/law- be.com/watch?v=j
women -Explain the journal/prevention-electronic- xJvoqbbfhY
at the terms crimes-act-2016-analysis
workplac harassment and
violence https://dailytimes.com.pk/265527/d
e act
-Discuss the owry-a-corroding-system-of-the-
2010 society/
challenges faced
-The by women/girls

13
Preventi in daily life https://dailytimes.com.pk/343842/g
on of (home and ender-discrimination-in-pakistan-3/
Electroni workplace)
c Crimes -Describe the
Act, key elements of
2016 the protection
Dowry against
and harassment of
Gender women at the
discrimina workplace act
tion 2010 and The
Sindh Child
marriage
Restraint Act
2013
-Analyse the role of https://www.dawn.com/news/1352 https://www.slides
Media media in bringing 579 hare.net/roobashta
socio-political zein/role-of-
stability in Pakistan https://herald.dawn.com/news/1153 media-in-pakistan-
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media in the future
socio-economic https://www.dawn.com/news/1332 https://www.youtu
development of 229 be.com/watch?v=
Pakistan CLwaQcrHR8o
-Justify the cause of https://herald.dawn.com/news/1398
freedom of media 878

https://www.dawn.com/news/1312
059

https://www.ilmkidunya.com/articl
es/role-of-media-in-pakistan-
1069.aspx

https://ipripak.org/increasing-role-
of-media-in-pakistan/

Political Developm -analyse the http://www.democraticfoundation.c https://www.youtu https://electionpaki

system ent of establishment and om.pk/political-system-in-pakistan be.com/watch?v=7 stan.com/take-a-
of political role of different QKghZrGm4g quiz/
Pakistan parties political parties over https://www.researchgate.net/publi
time cation/327164069_The_Role_of_P https://www.youtu
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system political parties in opment_of_Pakistan TnQJNiMzsk
strengthening the
political foundations https://cscr.pk/explore/themes/polit https://www.youtu
of Pakistan ics-governance/political-parties- be.com/watch?v=d
-Discuss the pakistan/ WaVRlVHr50
appropriateness of
the current electoral https://www.globalgreens.org/conte
system in Pakistan nt/pakistans-electoral-system
-Suggest ways to
improve the current https://www.onatlas.com/blog/teac
electoral system in hing-election-process
Pakistan.

14
-Suggest ways to
avoid rigging and
promote fair
election
Judiciar -Examine the role of https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/99 https://www.youtu https://www.duckst
y and Judiciary in 3e/121e393ac3f952195487216598 be.com/watch?v=6 ers.com/history/us_
Civil stabilizing the 95ad5cc1c8.pdf pXjzRprLcI judicial_branch_qu
societies political unrest in estions.php
Pakistan at different http://www.yourarticlelibrary.com/ https://www.youtu
times essay/law-essay/judiciary- be.com/watch?v=2
-Analyse the role functions-importance-and-an- vUrvugQrmk
and contribution of essential-quality-of-
civil societies in judiciary/40352
Pakistan
https://quizlet.com/43280325/civil-
society-flash-cards/

https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/
pakistans-institutions-and-civil-
society
Human Concept -Examine the https://www.un.org/en/sections/issu https://www.toppr. https://www.un.org
rights and state charter on Human es-depth/human-rights/ com/guides/esssay /chinese/center/chb
of human Rights and its s/human-rights- us/events/hurights/
rights, application in https://www.equalityhumanrights.c essay/ qna.htm
Basic Pakistan om/en/human-rights/what-are-
human human-rights https://www.youtu https://www.youthf
rights be.com/watch?v=n orhumanrights.org/
http://hrlibrary.umn.edu/edumat/act DgIVseTkuE course/lesson/back
ivities.shtm ground-of-human-
rights/test-your-
https://www.humanrights.gov.au/in knowledge.html
trohumanrights/resources/lesson_2.
pdf
Values Inequality -Investigate and http://www.macgillsummerschool.c https://www.youtu https://quizizz.com
and describe the om/values-of-justice-equality-and- be.com/watch?v= /admin/quiz/5825f3
justice, importance of fairness-simply-mean-a-change-of- MHH-4I5t-q0 d4086db54b75f942
Education inequality and mind-set/ 5b/being-a-good-
and health, justice, education https://www.youtu citizen
Equitable and health, equitable https://managementhelp.org/interpe be.com/watch?v=
and and peaceful society rsonal/multicultural-diversity.htm NStqU91RsQQ
peaceful for Pakistan.
society, -suggest ways for http://www.technologystudent.com
developing values /pse1/citiz3.htm
among our citizens
-Evaluate your own
contribution in value
building.
State, -Explain the role of http://www.fird.org.uk/publications https://www.youtu https://www.funtri
sovereig state, sovereignty /articles/who-is-sovereign-in- be.com/watch?v=I via.com/playquiz/q
nty and and government in pakistan-sovereignty-and- wNarlcGeZY uiz79782924ad8.ht
govern the progress and representative-governance-hasan- ml
ment development of a askari-rizvi/ https://www.youtu
nation be.com/watch?v=f
https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/ GMszzZdA0k
2015/03/28/has-pakistan-really-

15
been-a-sovereign-state-since-
independence/
Citizenship Education

Citizen explain the - explain the role of https://www.youngcitizens.org/imp https://www.youtu https://academicim

and role of citizenship ortance-of-citizenship- be.com/watch?v= pact.un.org/content
citizens citizenship explain why it is education?__cf_chl_jschl_tk__=62 wY9rp-ikKLE /unai-quiz-global-
hip explain important for a 8961a2e0052d62654f32ba4662f44 citizenship-
why it is citizen to participate 9b577e559-1583101262-0- https://www.youtu education
important in community ATyiytAY5_ULt2_vPwx- be.com/watch?v=8
for a services, voluntary sF4EFcBc5QvZSGZ6_Y- Pwf8EKdk3w https://study.com/a
citizen to work _CyB607v_lLO7Jb- cademy/practice/qu
participate aPmcaDvQMTqW2w3HUKW_- iz-worksheet-
in yf7OJtCse5ntNWnNmSv167fZu4y citizenship-
communit -i- education-
y services, Y6t8CVYBKdcmQlkN4Q2GWgj- overview.html
voluntary EEF8zeB6sxUu4fhGPO0N-vT7z-
work lNSbQlYbx4TmTKZKlXMHM7nr
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MEFFTNkmByz5wzreKI0CyOTzy
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nomv_z2BKrzY5oXTnSULu3Hgjd
MvyjiQTa6WlKlvwza_Qk90g

https://www.ericdigests.org/pre-
9212/civic.htm

https://www.ukessays.com/essays/e
ducation/the-importance-of-
citizenship-education-in-pakistan-
education-essay.php

http://www.kellybear.com/Teacher
Articles/TeacherTip27.html

https://educircles.org/growth-
mindset-resources/exploring-the-
six-cs-chapter-2-citizenship-lesson-
plans/
Pakistan the basic -Describe the https://www.youtube.com/watch?v https://www.youtu https://www.pkmc
’s principles major =K-3Ovk4eKQ0 be.com/watch?v=4 qs.com/mcqs-
position governing determinants of YPY6DmfrwU question/css/compu
in the Pakistan Foreign policy http://mofa.gov.pk/foreign-policy- lsory-
comity Foreign of Pakistan 2/ https://www.youtu subjects/pakistan-
of Policy and -Explain the be.com/watch?v=k affairs/foreign-
nations its process of https://www.slideshare.net/RaihaA _P99_azNXY policy-of-pakistan
and its relationshi foreign policy kram/pakistans-relations-with-
foreign p with the making in neighboring-countries https://www.youtu
relations world Pakistan. be.com/watch?v=
powers -Describe the https://historypak.com/kashmir- GbtyfvnGafk
and the issue/

16
neighborin geo-strategic https://www.youtu
g importance of https://www.thenews.com.pk/maga be.com/watch?v=
countries, Pakistan. zine/us/522558-kashmir-issue- N753S299Jwo
-Describe the where-kashmiris-dont-have-a-voice
Kashmir logic behind
Issue as relations https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/
cornerston between US and 586051-pakistan-s-efforts-against-
e of Pakistan. terrorism-highlighted
Pakistan’s -Analyze the
foreign significance of
policy, SEATO and
CENTO for
Pakistan’s strengthening
role in security of
peace Pakistan.
building -Discuss the role
and war of Pakistan as a
against front-line state
terrorism in the war on
terror.
-Explain the
implications of
War on Terror
on economy,
society and
politics of
Pakistan.
-Describe the
Indo-Pak
relations.
-Discuss the
Kashmir issue as
a bone of
contention
between India
and Pakistan.
-Describe the
Pakistan’s
Relations with
China.
-Discuss the
social and
economic
benefits of
China-Pakistan
Economic
Corridor
(CPEC).
-Describe the
relations of
Pakistan with
Afghanistan.
-State the
significance of
Pakistan’s

17
Relations with
Iran.
-Analyze the
impact of
Nuclear
weapons on the
security of
Pakistan.
Sociology
Pluralist Pakistani -Evaluate the https://www.unicef.org/pakistan/sto https://www.youtu https://www.ilmkid
ic society causes of ries-pakistan be.com/watch?v=d unya.com/online-
society and prevailing class j7RzIR7VU4 test/pakistan-
and culture, system in https://theculturetrip.com/asia/pakis cultural-history-
culture, unity and Pakistani tan/articles/13-things-you-should- https://www.youtu mcqs.aspx
Contrib diversity society. know-about-pakistani-culture/ be.com/watch?v=8
ution of existing in z506sobVrM https://www.activit
Sufis various -Discuss the main https://www.commisceo- yvillage.co.uk/paki
and provinces features of global.com/resources/country- https://www.youtu stan
saints, ad regions, educational systems guides/pakistan-guide be.com/watch?v=l
in Pakistan. Mvg4pBD0Rk
Sufi Highlighting https://nation.com.pk/14-Aug-
teachings primary, 2018/striving-for-unity-in-diversity https://www.youtu
on the elementary, be.com/watch?v=7
mental and secondary, higher https://www.dawn.com/news/1296 77TFuzkP6A
spiritual and professional 772
developme education https://www.youtu
nt of -Describe recent https://katehon.com/article/sufi- be.com/watch?v=c
Pakistani development in orders-pakistan rel7bqgUhY
society, formal, non-
formal, distance http://www.newspakistan.pk/2011/ https://www.youtu
importanc and vocational 11/22/The-importance-of-sports-in- be.com/watch?v=
e of sports training Pakistan/ KICGh3soTrg
and institutions
tourism in - Analyse the https://www.propergaanda.com/im https://www.youtu
Pakistani role of the portance-tourism-industry- be.com/watch?v=_
society archeological pakistans-economy/ QIDTWH7i8I
sites in the
Art, development http://worldlyrise.blogspot.com/20
literature and promotion 17/05/pakistan-art-and-
and of tourism literature.html
cultural industry in
festivities Pakistan. http://emergingpakistan.gov.pk/arts
across -Read the -culture/cultural-events/
Pakistan architectural
discourses and
narrate in your
own words.
-Discuss how
these
archaeological
and cultural sites
helps us gauge
the life of people
then.
-Discuss the

18
important
mystical orders
in Pakistan
-Highlight the
school of
thoughts of Sufi
orders

19
HISTORY
World History
The period of European history extending from about 500 to 1400–1500 CE is traditionally known
as the Middle Ages. The term was first used by 15th-century scholars to designate the period
between their own time and the fall of the Western Roman Empire. The period is often considered
to have its own internal divisions: either early and late or early, central or high, and late.

Although once regarded as a time of uninterrupted ignorance, superstition, and social oppression,
the Middle Ages are now understood as a dynamic period during which the idea of Europe as a
distinct cultural unit emerged. During late antiquity and the early Middle Ages, political, social,
economic, and cultural structures were profoundly reorganized, as Roman imperial traditions gave
way to those of the Germanic peoples who established kingdoms in the former Western Empire.
New forms of political leadership were introduced, the population of Europe was gradually
Christianized, and monasticism was established as the ideal form of religious life. These
developments reached their mature form in the 9th century during the reign of Charlemagne and
other rulers of the Carolingian dynasty, who oversaw a broad cultural revival known as the
Carolingian renaissance.

In the central, or high, Middle Ages, even more dramatic growth occurred. The period was marked
by economic and territorial expansion, demographic and urban growth, the emergence of national
identity, and the restructuring of secular and ecclesiastical institutions. It was the era of
the Crusades, Gothic art and architecture, the papal monarchy, the birth of the university, the
recovery of ancient Greek thought, and the soaring intellectual achievements of St. Thomas
Aquinas (c. 1224–74).

It has been traditionally held that by the 14th century the dynamic force of medieval civilization
had been spent and that the late Middle Ages were characterized by decline and decay. Europe did
indeed suffer disasters of war, famine, and pestilence in the 14th century, but many of the
underlying social, intellectual, and political structures remained intact. In the 15th and 16th
centuries, Europe experienced an intellectual and economic revival, conventionally called
the Renaissance, that laid the foundation for the subsequent expansion of
European culture throughout the world.

Many historians have questioned the conventional dating of the beginning and end of the Middle
Ages, which were never precise in any case and cannot be located in any year or even century.
Some scholars have advocated extending the period defined as late antiquity (c. 250–c. 750 CE)
into the 10th century or later, and some have proposed a Middle Ages lasting from about 1000 to
1800. Still others argue for the inclusion of the old periods Middle Ages, Renaissance,

20
and Reformation into a single period beginning in late antiquity and ending in the second half of
the 16th century.
From the 4th to the 15th century, writers of history thought within a linear framework of time
derived from the Christian understanding of Scripture—the sequence of Creation,
Incarnation, Christ’s Second Coming, and the Last Judgment. In Book XXII of City of God, the
great Church Father Augustine of Hippo (354–430) posited six ages of world history, which
paralleled the six days of Creation and the six ages of the individual human life span. For
Augustine, the six ages of history—from Adam and Eve to the Flood, from the Flood to Abraham,
from Abraham to King David, from David to the Babylonian Exile, from the Exile to Jesus Christ,
and from Christ to the Second Coming—would be followed by a seventh age, the reign of Christ
on earth. World history was conceived as “salvation history”—the course of events from Creation
to the Last Judgment—and its purposes were religious and moral. Thus, all the references by
Augustine and other early authors to a “middle time” must be understood within the framework of
the sixth age of salvation history. Early Christian interpretations of the biblical Book of
Daniel (Daniel 2:31–45, 7), especially those of the Church Father Jerome (c. 347–419/420) and
the historian Paulus Orosius (flourished 414–417), added the idea of four successive world
empires—Babylon, Persia, Greece, and Rome. Late writers in this tradition added the idea of
the translatio imperii (“translation of empire”): from Alexander the Great to the Romans, from the
Romans to the Franks under Charlemagne in 800, and from Charlemagne to the East Frankish
emperors and Otto I. A number of early European thinkers built upon the idea of the translation of
empire to define European civilization in terms of scholarship and chivalry (the knightly code of
conduct). All these ideas were readily compatible with the Augustinian sequence of the six ages
of the world.

The single exception to this trend was the work of the late 12th-century Calabrian abbot and
scriptural exegete Joachim of Fiore (c. 1130–c. 1201). According to Joachim, there were three
ages in human history: that of the Father (before Christ), that of the Son (from Christ to an
unknown future date, which some of Joachim’s followers located in the late 13th century), and
that of the Holy Spirit (during which all Christendom would turn into a vast church with a universal
priesthood of believers). But Joachim’s view was also firmly expressed in terms of salvation
history. Many chroniclers and writers of histories, of course, wrote about shorter periods of time
and focused their efforts on local affairs, but the great Augustinian metanarrative underlay their
work too. From several confessional perspectives, this view still survives.

In the 14th century, however, the literary moralist Petrarch (1304–74), fascinated with ancient
Roman history and contemptuous of the time that followed it, including his own century, divided
the past into ancient and new—antiquity and recent times—and located the transition between
them in the 4th century, when the Roman emperors converted to Christianity. According to
Petrarch, what followed was an age of tenebrae (“shadows”), a “sordid middle time” with only the
hope of a better age to follow. Although Petrarch’s disapproval of the Christianized Roman and

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post-Roman world may seem irreligious, he was in fact a devout Christian; his judgment was based
on aesthetic, moral, and philological criteria, not Christian ones. Petrarch’s limitless admiration
for Rome heralded a novel conception of the European past and established criteria for historical
periodization other than those of salvation history or the history of the church, empire, cities, rulers,
or noble dynasties. His followers in later centuries focused primarily on the transformation of the
arts and letters, seeing a renewal of earlier Roman dignity and achievement beginning with the
painter Giotto (1266/67 or 1276–1337) and with Petrarch himself and continuing into the 15th and
16th centuries.

In the early 16th century, religious critics and reformers, including both the Dutch
humanist Desiderius Erasmus and the Protestant reformer Martin Luther, added another dimension
to the new conception and terminology: the idea of an evangelical, apostolic Christian church that
had become corrupt when it was absorbed by the Roman Empire and now needed to be reformed,
or restored to its earlier apostolic authenticity. The idea of reform had long been built into
the Christian worldview. This conception of the period between the 4th and 16th centuries was
laid out in the great Protestant history by Matthias Flacius Illyricus, Centuriae
Magdeburgensis (1559–74; “The Magdeburg Centuries”), which also introduced the practice of
dividing the past into ostensibly neutral centuries. The Roman Catholic version of church history
was reflected in the Annales Ecclesiastici (“Ecclesiastical Annals”) of Caesar Baronius (1538–
1607), completed by Oderico Rinaldi in 1677. Thus, the historical dimension of both the Protestant
and the Catholic reformations of the 16th and 17th centuries added a sharply polemical religious
interpretation of the Christian past to Petrarch’s original conception, as church history was put to
the service of confessional debate.

Petrarch’s cultural successors, the literary humanists, also used variants of the expression Middle
Ages. Among them was media tempestas (“middle time”), first used by Giovanni Andrea, bishop
of Aleria, in 1469; others were media antiquitas (“middle antiquity”), media aetas (“middle era”),
and media tempora (“middle times”), all first used between 1514 and 1530. The political theorist
and historian Melchior Goldast appears to have coined the variation medium aevum (“a middle
age”) in 1604; shortly after, in a Latin work of 1610, the English jurist and legal historian John
Selden repeated medium aevum, Anglicizing the term in 1614 to middle times and in 1618
to middle ages. In 1641 the French historian Pierre de Marca apparently coined the
French vernacular term le moyen âge, which gained authority in the respected lexicographical
work Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae latinitatis (1678; “A Glossary for Writers of
Middle and Low Latin”), by Charles du Fresne, seigneur du Cange, who emphasized the inferior
and “middle” quality of Latin linguistic usage after the 4th century. Other 17th-century historians,
including Gisbertus Voetius and Georg Horn, used terms such as media aetas in their histories of
the church before the Reformation of the 16th century.

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The term and idea circulated even more widely in other historical works. Du Cange’s great
dictionary also used the Latin term medium aevum, as did the popular historical textbook The
Nucleus of Middle History Between Ancient and Modern (1688), by the German
historian Christoph Keller—although Keller observed that in naming the period he was simply
following the terminology of earlier and contemporary scholars. By the late 17th century the most
commonly used term for the period in Latin was medium aevum, and various equivalents of
Middle Ages or Middle Age were used in European vernacular languages.

With the extraordinary growth of the academic discipline of history in the 19th century, the history
of the Middle Ages was absorbed into academic curricula of history in Europe and the United
States and established in university survey courses and research seminars. Journals of scholarly
historical research began publication in Germany (1859), France (1876), England (1886), and the
United States (1895), regularly including studies of one aspect or another of the Middle Ages.
Historical documents were edited and substantial scholarly literature was produced that brought
the history of the Middle Ages into synchronization with other fields of history. The study of the
Middle Ages developed chiefly as a part of the national histories of the individual European
countries, but it was studied in the United States as a pan-European phenomenon, with a focus
after World War I chiefly on English and French history. The growing influence and prestige of
the new academic and professional field of medieval history were reflected in the Monumenta
Germaniae Historica (“Historical Monuments of the Germans”), a research and publication
institute founded in 1819 and still in operation in Munich, and in the eight-volume
collaborative Cambridge Medieval History (1911–36). (The latter’s replacement, The New
Cambridge Medieval History, began to appear in 1998.)

Most scholars of the 19th and early 20th centuries accepted the view that history is largely a story
of progress, in which occasional periods of decline—such as the Middle Ages—are succeeded by
periods of renewal. The most articulate attack on this view was by the American
medievalist Charles Homer Haskins in The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (1927), which
applied Michelet’s and Burckhardt’s term Renaissance to the 12th century rather than to the 15th
or 16th.

Although the teaching responsibilities of academic historians of the Middle Ages still generally
reflect either the original tripartite division of European history or the more recent and more
common quadripartite division (ancient, medieval, early modern, and modern), most scholars
specialize in only very small parts of a very long period. With the emergence of late antiquity as a
distinct field of research and teaching since the mid-20th century, the early part of the conventional
Middle Ages has been rethought and rewritten. The distinctive post-Classical period of late
antiquity is now considered the medium through which ancient Greco-Roman traditions were
passed on to later Europeans. The older image of a Classical antiquity despised by world-rejecting
Christians and wiped out by savage barbarians is no longer credible.

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Historians in the late 20th and early 21st centuries also debated the existence of a rapid and
extensive change in European society at about the turn of the 2nd millennium. Some scholars,
following the pioneering lead of the French historian Georges Duby, argued for a rapid mutation,
chiefly with regard to the development of new kinds of lay and ecclesiastical power over
agricultural labour and the simultaneous restructuring of aristocratic lineages in the 11th century.
Others maintained that a gradual transformation of society and culture occurred over a longer
period of time, beginning earlier than the 11th century. These debates influenced the concept of a
long Middle Ages mentioned above.

With the emergence of the concept of early modern history, roughly from 1400 to 1800, the Middle
Ages, the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the scientific revolution were subsumed into a period
extending from the late 14th century to the 18th century. The creation of specialized scholarly
conferences, historical journals, monograph series, and thematic collections of scholarly essays
has reflected these changes in the configuration of the period.

Scholars also rethought the nature of change in different parts of Europe. They recognized the
problem of the obvious differences between those European lands in late antiquity that had once
been part of the Roman Empire and those that had not and therefore got their Romanism and
antiquity secondhand. They also revised their understanding of the relations between the older
Mediterranean world (large areas of which entered the Byzantine and Arab-Islamic cultural orbits)
and northern Europe. In addition, scholars examined how Roman culture exported itself
to peripheries on the north and east through a form of colonization that culminated in the
absorption of originally peripheral colonies into an expanded core culture.
Middle Ages remains both a commonplace colloquial term and the name of a subject of academic
study. But the history of the term and the current debate about its temporal and spatial application
and appropriateness is a reminder that historical periods are cultural and social constructs based
on later perceptions of the past, that human life often changes quite rapidly within labeled periods,
however designated, and that the dialogue between continuity and change is the historian’s
primary intellectual activity.

Regardless of the loaded aesthetic, philological, moral, confessional, and philosophical origins of
the term Middle Ages, the period it defines is important because it witnessed the emergence of a
distinctive European civilization centred in a region that was on the periphery of ancient
Mediterranean civilization. Although European civilization appropriated elements of both Greco-
Roman antiquity and Judeo-Christian religion and ethics, it emerged just as the ancient
Mediterranean ecumenical world was divided into the civilizations of East Rome, or Byzantium,
and Islam in the 7th and 8th centuries. Three sibling civilizations, two of them Christian,
developed at about the same time. The influence of wider Eurasian and North African history on
that of Europe has attracted the attention of increasing numbers of historians since the late 20th

24
century. But such change does not occur in a single year and not even in a single century. To assign
any but an approximate date to the beginning of the end of the Middle Ages, as was once the
fashion, is pointless. Far more important is the assessment of the nature of change in different areas
of life in different periods and different places between the 3rd and the 16th centuries.

The 8th-century English monk and computist Bede (673–735), adapting an invention of the 6th-
century theologian Dionysius Exiguus, introduced the method of counting years from the birth of
Jesus, anno Domini (“in the year of our Lord”), which formed the basis of the modern notion of
the Common Era. The new method superseded older traditions, which included dating by four-
year Olympiads, by the number of years since the founding of Rome in 753 BCE, by the years of
Roman consuls, by the regnal years of emperors, and by the 15-year tax assessment cycle
of indictions. Bede’s innovation was taken up by Frankish chroniclers and rulers from the late 8th
century and became standard practice in Europe.

The year itself was divided according to a universal Christian calendar that gradually displaced the
old Roman calendar, although it retained the Roman names for the months. The liturgical year
alternated seasons of penitence and joy, beginning with Advent, the fifth Sunday before Christmas,
and culminating in penitential Lent and joyful Easter and its aftermath until Advent returned.
Although the unit of the week and the Sabbath were taken over from Jewish usage—displacing the
older Roman divisions of the month into Kalendae, Nonae, and Ides and the nine-day market
cycle—Christians began to mark time by the seven-day week and moved its holiest day to Sunday
during the 4th century.

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Early and Medieval India

SLAVE DYNASTY (1206–90)

After the death of Muhammad of Ghur in 1206, the first dynasty of the Delhi sultanate was
established. This line of rulers was founded by Muhammad of Ghur’s lieutenant and slave Qutb
al-Din Aibak (or Aybak). It became known as the Slave dynasty because its first rulers had been
slaves. In eastern Muslim states of the time, capable and talented slaves were trained to be loyal
soldiers and to serve in high government posts. These slave soldiers were known as Mamluks.
Qutb al-Din Aibak had been one of Muhammad’s most trusted military commanders and had
overseen his conquests in India. After his death, he was succeeded by his son-in-law and ablest
general, the slave Iltutmish, who ruled from 1211 to 1236. Iltutmish became the greatest of the
slave sultans in India. Under him, the dynasty broke off its political connections with Ghur,
establishing the Delhi sultanate as an independent state. Iltutmish strengthened and expanded the
sultanate. He made Delhi his permanent capital. Iltutmish built up the waterworks, mosques, and
amenities at Delhi to make it for the first time a fitting seat of government. He completed
construction of Delhi’s great victory tower, the Qutb Minar, which had been begun by Aibak. The
Qutb Minar is one of the tallest minarets (towers from which Muslims are called to prayer) in Asia.
Iltutmish was faced with three problems during his reign. First, he needed to defend the western
frontier. Second, he needed to bring the Muslim nobles within India under control. Finally, he had
to subjugate the many Hindu chiefs who still exercised a large measure of independent rule.
Iltutmish was relatively successful in all three areas.
Iltutmish wanted his daughter Raziyya (Raziyyat al-Din) to succeed him, finding her to be more
capable than his surviving sons. She took the throne after his death in 1236. However, the Turkish
Muslim nobles who had been Iltutmish’s slaves and advisers objected to being ruled by a woman.
These nobles removed Raziyya from power in 1240. After 1246 the Delhi sultanate was controlled
by Ghiyas al-Din Balban, who himself served as sultan from 1266 to 1287. Under his rule the
sultanate fought off several Mongol invasions.

KHALJI DYNASTY (1290–1320)

The second ruling line of the Delhi sultanate was the Khalji dynasty. Like the Slave dynasty, the
Khaljis were a tribe of Turkish origin that had settled in Afghanistan. Under the Khalji rulers, the
Delhi sultanate briefly became an empire. At the time, Delhi was one of the largest cities in the
whole of the Islamic world. The economies of the main cities in the sultanate flourished.
The Khalji dynasty was founded when Jalal al-Din Firuz Khalji seized power in 1290. In 1296 he
was killed by his ambitious nephew and successor, Juna Khan. Juna Khan then ruled with the title
ʿAlaʾ al-Din Khalji until his death in 1316.

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ʿAlaʾ al-Din centralized the administration of the Delhi sultanate, making it more unified. His
many military conquests expanded and enriched the state. ʿAlaʾ al-Din conquered Gujarat about
1297 and the principal fortified places in Rajasthan in 1301–12. After several raids into southern
India (the Deccan), the main Hindu chiefs of the region formally recognized the supremacy of the
sultanate. The sultanate plundered gold and other wealth as spoils of war and received more
treasure as tribute from the conquered rulers. It then used these riches to finance further military
campaigns. ʿAlaʾ al-Din also fended off several Mongol attacks during his reign.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY (1320–1413)

Soon after ʿAlaʾ al-Din’s death in 1316, the Khaljis lost their power. Ghiyas al-Din Tughluq, who
ruled from 1320 to 1325, established the Tughluq dynasty. His reign was brief but eventful. Ghiyas
al-Din captured Telangana in the south and conducted raids in Jajnagar (Odisha) in the east. He
also reconquered Bengal in the northeast.
Upon Ghiyas al-Din’s death, his son Muhammad ibn Tughluq became sultan. Muhammad’s reign,
from 1325 to 1351, marked both the high point of the Delhi sultanate and the beginning of its
decline. Muhammad briefly extended the rule of the sultanate. From about the time of the Khaljis
to 1335, the sultanate underwent a period of nearly continuous centralization and expansion. There
were few places in the Indian subcontinent where the sultan’s authority could be seriously
challenged. Muhammad, however, was unable to maintain the momentum of consolidation. By the
end of his rule, the sultanate had lost southern India and much of the north was in rebellion. Though
Muhammad wanted to create a more equal social order, the harshness of his rule undermined his
authority. Moreover, severe drought and famine deepened discontent.
Unlike the earlier Khalji sultans, Muhammad brought the Hindu states in southern India under the
direct control of the sultanate. In an effort both to settle other Muslim nobles in the south and to
maintain his control over them, the sultan moved to Deogir (now Daulatabad), in the western
Deccan, in 1327. Deogir became his second capital. The resulting migration of northerners to the
south spread the Urdu language there. Administratively, however, this measure was a failure. No
sooner was the sultan established at Deogir than trouble broke out in the north, on the western
border, and in Bengal. Muhammad had to move back to Delhi to crush rebellions by his nobles.
During the next few years, the sultan shuttled to and fro in an attempt to put down rebellions in
practically every province. Meanwhile, he lost control of the rest of his south Indian possessions.
After successful rebellions there, the southern military leaders set up a new state, the Bahmani
sultanate, in 1347.
Muhammad was succeeded by his cousin Firuz Shah Tughluq, who reigned from 1351 to 1388.
Firuz Shah undertook several military campaigns to reestablish control in northern India but
without great success. He made no attempt, however, to reconquer the southern provinces. After
Firuz Shah’s death, there were disputes over the succession for several years.

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The power of the Delhi sultanate was shattered by the invasion of Turkic conqueror Timur
(Tamerlane) in 1398–99. After a four-month campaign, Timur reached Delhi and sacked the city,
leaving it in ruins.

SAYYID DYNASTY (ABOUT 1414–51)

The Sayyid rulers assumed power over the weakened remains of the sultanate. This family claimed
to be sayyids, or descendants of the Prophet Muhammad. During the Sayyid period, the Delhi
sultanate was greatly reduced in extent, power, wealth, and prestige. It had become a country
power continually contending on an equal footing with other small Muslim and Hindu states.
The first Sayyid ruler of Delhi was Khizr Khan, who ruled until 1421. He and his successors
occupied themselves in raids to collect revenue, barely maintaining themselves against
neighboring states. The last Sayyid ruler, ʿAlaʾ al-Din ʿAlam Shah, who ruled from 1445 to 1451,
peacefully surrendered the sultanate to Bahlul Lodi, a chief in the Punjab.

LODI DYNASTY (1451–1526)

The final ruling line of the Delhi sultanate was the Lodi dynasty, a family of Afghan origin. Under
Lodi rule, the sultanate recovered some of its former power. Many people
from Afghanistan moved to the sultanate, and the sultan’s territory was expanded.
The first Lodi ruler, Bahlul Lodi, reigned from 1451 to 1489. Starting with only the control of the
region adjacent to Delhi, Bahlul extended the effective boundaries of his state to the borders of
Bengal. This expansion involved the conquest of the powerful kingdoms of Malwa and Jaunpur.
Bahlul’s second son, Sikandar, was sultan from 1489 to 1517. He continued his father’s expansion
policy. Sikandar gained control of Bihar and founded the modern city of Agra.
Sikandar’s eldest son, Ibrahim, ruled from 1517 to 1526. He attempted to enhance the royal
authority. However, Ibrahim’s harshness built up discontent. This led the governor of the Punjab,
Dawlat Khan Lodi, to invite the Mughal ruler Babur to invade India. Babur was victorious at the
First Battle of Panipat, on April 21, 1526. After 15 years of Mughal rule, the Afghan Sher Shah of
Sur briefly reestablished the Delhi sultanate. The sultanate finally came to an end in 1556, when it
was made part of Akbar’s Mughal Empire.

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History of Abbasids and Ummayads

Abbasid caliphate, second of the two great dynasties of the Muslim empire of the caliphate. It
overthrew the Umayyad caliphate in 750 CE and reigned as the Abbasid caliphate until it was
destroyed by the Mongol invasion in 1258.

The name is derived from that of the uncle of the Prophet Muhammad, al-ʿAbbās (died c. 653) of
the Hashemite clan of the Quraysh tribe in Mecca. From about 718, members of his family worked
to gain control of the empire from the Umayyads and, by skillful propaganda, won much support,
especially from Shiʿi Arabs and Persians in Khorāsān. Open revolt in 747, under the leadership
of Abū Muslim, led to the defeat of Marwān II, the last Umayyad caliph, at the Battle of the Great
Zab River (750) in Mesopotamia and to the proclamation of the first Abbasid caliph, Abū al-
ʿAbbās al-Saffāḥ.

Under the Abbasids the caliphate entered a new phase. Instead of focusing, as the Umayyads had
done, on the West—on North Africa, the Mediterranean, and southern Europe—the caliphate now
turned eastward. The capital was moved to the new city of Baghdad, and events
in Persia and Transoxania were closely watched. For the first time, the caliphate was
not coterminous with Islam. In Egypt, North Africa, Spain, and elsewhere, local dynasties claimed
caliphal status. With the rise of the Abbasids, the base for influence in the empire became
international, emphasizing membership in the community of believers rather than Arab
nationality. Since much support for the Abbasids came from Persian converts, it was natural for
the Abbasids to take over much of the Persian (Sasanian) tradition of government. Support by
pious Muslims likewise led the Abbasids to acknowledge publicly the embryonic Islamic law and
to profess to base their rule on the religion of Islam.

Between 750 and 833 the Abbasids raised the prestige and power of the empire, promoting
commerce, industry, arts, and science, particularly during the reigns of al-Manṣūr, Hārūn al-
Rashīd, and al-Maʾmūn. Their temporal power, however, began to decline when al-
Muʿtaṣim introduced non-Muslim Berber, Slav, and especially Turkish mercenary forces into his
personal army. Although these troops were converted to Islam, the base of imperial unity through
religion was gone, and some of the new army officers quickly learned to control the caliphate
through assassination of any caliph who would not accede to their demands.

The power of the army officers had already weakened through internal rivalries when the
Iranian Būyids entered Baghdad in 945, demanding of al-Mustakfī (944–946) that they be
recognized as the sole rulers of the territory they controlled. This event initiated a century-long
period in which much of the empire was ruled by local dynasties. In 1055 the Abbasids were
overpowered by the Seljuqs, who took what temporal power may have been left to the caliph but
respected his position as the titular leader, restoring the authority of the caliphate, especially during

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the reigns of al-Mustarshid (1118–35), al-Muqtafī, and al-Nāṣir. Soon after, in 1258,
the dynasty fell during a Mongol siege of Baghdad.

Umayyad rule was divided between two branches of the family: the Sufyānids (reigned 661–684),
descendants of Abū Sufyān; and the Marwanids (reigned 684–750), Marwān I ibn al-Hakam and
his successors. The Sufyānids, notably Muʿāwiyah I (reigned 661–680), centralized caliphal
authority in Damascus. The Syrian army became the basis of Umayyad strength, enabling the
creation of a united empire through greater control of the conquered provinces and of Arab tribal
rivalries. Muslim rule expanded to Khorāsān, garrison cities were founded at Merv and Sīstān as
bases for expeditions into Central Asia and northwestern India, and the invasion of
northwestern Africa was begun. A new fleet conducted a series of campaigns against
Constantinople (now Istanbul; 669–678), which, while ultimately unsuccessful, offset the secular
image of the state because they were directed against the Christians. Though the Sufyānids
generally retained the Byzantine and Persian administrative bureaucracies they inherited in the
provinces, they were politically organized along Arab tribal lines, in which the caliph was chosen
by his peers to become, theoretically, “first among equals” and act on the advice of a shūrā (tribal
council). Muʿāwiyah, however, in securing during his lifetime an oath of allegiance to his
son Yazīd I, disregarded the traditional election (bayʿah) and introduced the alien concept of
hereditary succession. Civil war and the deaths of Yazīd I in 683 and Muʿāwiyah II in 684 brought
Sufyānid rule to an end. Marwān I was proclaimed caliph in Syria in 684 amid tribal wars.

Under ʿAbd al-Malik (reigned 685–705) the Umayyad caliphate continued to expand. Muslim
armies invaded Mukrān and Sindh in India, while in Central Asia the Khorāsānian garrisons
conquered Bukhara, Samarkand, Khwārezm, Fergana, and Tashkent. In an extensive program of
Arabization, Arabic became the official state language; the financial administration of the empire
was reorganized, with Arabs replacing Persian and Greek officials; and a new Arabic
coinage replaced the former imitations of Byzantine and Sasanian coins. Communications
improved with the introduction of a regular post service from Damascus to the provincial capitals,
and architecture flourished (see, for example, khan; desert palace; mihrab).
Decline began with the disastrous defeat of the Syrian army by the Byzantine emperor Leo III (the
Isaurian; 717). Then the fiscal reforms of the pious ʿUmar II (reigned 717–720), intended to
mollify the increasingly discontented mawālī (non-Arab Muslims) by placing all Muslims on the
same footing regardless of ethnicity, led to financial crisis, while the recrudescence of feuds
between southern (Kalb) and northern (Qays) Arab tribes seriously reduced military power.
Hishām ibn ʿAbd al-Malik (reigned 724–743) was able to stem the tide temporarily. As the empire
was reaching the limits of expansion—the Muslim advance into France was decisively halted at
Poitiers (732), and Arab forces in Anatolia were destroyed (740)—frontier defenses, manned by
Syrian troops, were organized to meet the challenge of Turks in Central Asia
and Berbers (Imazighen) in North Africa. But in the years following Hishām’s death, feuds
between the Qays and the Kalb erupted into major revolts in Syria, Iraq, and Khorāsān (745–746),

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while the mawālī became involved with the Hāshimiyyah, a religio-political faction that denied
the legitimacy of Umayyad rule. In 749 the Hāshimiyyah, aided by the western provinces,
proclaimed as caliph Abū al-ʿAbbās al-Saffāḥ, who thereby became first of the ʿAbbāsid dynasty.

The last Umayyad, Marwān II (reigned 744–750), was defeated at the Battle of the Great Zab
River (750). Members of the Umayyad house were hunted down and killed, but one of the
survivors, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān, escaped and established himself as a Muslim ruler in Spain (756),
founding the dynasty of the Umayyads in Córdoba.

Fāṭimid Dynasty, political and religious dynasty that dominated an empire in North Africa and
subsequently in the Middle East from AD 909 to 1171 and tried unsuccessfully to oust
the ʿAbbāsid caliphs as leaders of the Islāmic world. It took its name from Fāṭimah, the daughter
of the Prophet Muḥammad, from whom the Fāṭimids claimed descent.

Before the Fāṭimids, there had been other rulers in North Africa and Egypt who had succeeded in
making themselves virtually independent of the ʿAbbāsid caliphs in Baghdad; but they had been
Muslims of the Sunnī branch of Islām, willing to recognize the token suzerainty of the caliph as
head of the Islāmic community. The Fāṭimids, however, were the heads of a rival religious
movement—the Ismāʿīlī sect of the Shīʿī branch—and dedicated to the overthrow of the existing
religious and political order in all Islām. Unlike their predecessors, they refused to offer
even nominal recognition to the ʿAbbāsid caliphs, whom they rejected as usurpers. They
themselves—as Ismāʿīlī imāms (spiritual leaders), descendants of the Prophet through his daughter
Fāṭimah and his kinsman ʿAlī—were, in the eyes of their followers, the rightful caliphs, both by
descent and by divine choice the custodians of the true faith and the legitimate heads of the
universal Islāmic state and community. Their purpose was not to establish another
regional sovereignty but to supersede the ʿAbbāsids and to found a new caliphate in their place.

During the 9th century, Ismāʿīlī missionaries became established in many parts of the Islāmic
empire, preaching a doctrine of revolution against the Sunnī order and the ʿAbbāsid state. After a
number of unsuccessful risings, the Ismāʿīlīs were able to establish a firm base in the Yemen; from
there they sent emissaries to North Africa, where they achieved their greatest success. By 909 they
were strong enough for their imām, who had been in hiding, to emerge and proclaim himself
caliph, with the messianic title of al-Mahdī (the Divinely Guided One). This marked the beginning
of a new state and dynasty.

For the first half-century the Fāṭimid caliphs ruled only in North Africa and Sicily, where they had
to deal with many problems. Most of their subjects were Sunnīs of the Mālikī school; others—a
substantial minority—were the Khawārij, or Khārijites. Neither group was well disposed toward
the Ismāʿīlī doctrines of the new rulers, and they offered stubborn resistance to them. Even among
the Ismāʿīlīs themselves, a conflict soon arose between the state and the revolution—that is,

33
between the caliph al-Mahdī (reigned 909–934) and the missionaries who had brought him to
power. There also were political problems with Berber tribes and neighbouring Muslim rulers, as
well as a war against the Byzantines in Sicily and Italy that the Fāṭimid rulers had inherited from
their North African predecessors.

The height of Fāṭimid expansion to the East was reached in 1057–59, when a dissident general in
Iraq changed sides and proclaimed the Fāṭimid caliph in Mosul and then, for a year, in Baghdad
itself. The Fāṭimids were unable to provide support, however, and the general was driven out of
Baghdad by the Seljuq Turks. This proved to be a turning point and the beginning of the decline
of both Fāṭimid power and Ismāʿīlī influence.

Several reasons may be adduced for the failure of the Fāṭimid bid for Islāmic leadership. One was
their adoption and retention of a religious doctrine that was ultimately unacceptable to
the Sunnī majority. Fāṭimid Ismāʿīlism, as a theology, was remote from the
central consensus of Islām, and with the Sunnī revival of the 11th and 12th centuries its rejection
became certain. The coming of the crusaders indirectly sealed its fate, for in the great 12th-century
contest between Islām and Christendom there was no room for dissention on the Muslim side.
In their ventures abroad, the Fāṭimids achieved many successes, the most notable being the
conquest of Egypt itself. They suffered repeated setbacks, however, in Palestine and Syria where,
in addition to local opponents, they also had to face major attacks from outside—by
the Byzantines, the Turks, and then the European crusaders. It was in Syria that the great Fāṭimid
advance to the East was delayed and halted; and it was in Syria that a new power arose that in time
destroyed them.

These troubles abroad no doubt fed, and were fed by, the growing discontents in Egypt. At first
the caliphs retained full personal control of affairs, presiding over an essentially civilian
government. The army’s importance increased, however, and factional differences arose among
the Berber, Turkish, Sudanese, and Nubian troops. Fights between the different groups first
became a factor during the reign of al-Ḥākim (reigned 996–1021), in whose time, partly because
of his own highly eccentric behaviour, the personal authority and religious prestige of the caliph
began to decline. His successors became little more than puppets in the hands of their viziers and
their generals. During the long reign of al-Mustanṣir (reigned 1036–94) factional strife brought
Egypt into a vicious circle of anarchy and tyranny, made worse by recurring famine and plague.
The provinces, in east and west, were lost to local dynasts or invaders.

In 1073, an able soldier, Badr al-Jamālī, went to Cairo at the invitation of the caliph and seized
power; in one night his officers rounded up the leading generals and officials and put them to
death. He assumed the titles of commander of the armies, director of the missionaries, and vizier,
symbolizing his control of the military, religious, and bureaucratic establishments; it is by the
military title that he is usually known. Badr al-Jamālī restored order and, for a while, even brought

34
some measure of prosperity. Egypt came under the rule of a military regime, headed by the
commander of armies and maintained by his troops. The office became permanent; Badr was
succeeded by his son and then by a series of military autocrats who kept the Fāṭimid caliphs in
tutelage. The later commanders were not even Ismāʿīlīs.

Badr and his successors saved the Fāṭimid state from collapse and postponed its end for nearly a
century. Responding to the Seljuq challenge from the East, he pursued an active policy in Syria,
Arabia, and elsewhere, using both religious and worldly weapons. In Syria, however, the armies
of the Fāṭimids suffered repeated defeats; in Arabia their following was reduced to insignificance.
Badr’s son and successor al-Afḍal in effect renounced the claims of the Egyptian
Fāṭimid dynasty to the universal caliphate.

On the death of al-Mustanṣir in 1094 it was al-Afḍal who chose the new caliph. Al-Mustanṣir had
nominated his elder son, Nizār, who had been accepted by the Ismāʿīlī leaders; the younger
son, Aḥmad, was a youth without allies, who would be entirely dependent on his sponsor. It was
no doubt with this in mind that al-Afḍal married his sister to Aḥmad and, on al-Mustanṣir’s death,
proclaimed his brother-in-law as caliph with the regnal name al-Mustaʿlī (reigned 1094–1101); in
doing so, al-Afḍal split the sect from top to bottom.
Even in Egypt there was some opposition; in Persia, Iraq, and Central Asia the Ismāʿīlī mission,
led by Ḥasan-e Ṣabbāḥ, refused to recognize the new caliph and broke off relations with the
Fāṭimid authorities in Cairo. Ḥasan-e Ṣabbāḥ’s new Ismāʿīlī movement, known after its Syrian
branch as the Assassins, proclaimed Nizār and his descendants as rightful imāms and condemned
the caliphs in Cairo as usurpers. Even those Ismāʿīlīs, chiefly in the Yemen, who had accepted al-
Mustaʿlī broke away in 1130 when al-Mustaʿlī’s son al-Āmir (reigned 1101–30) was murdered by
the Assassins and was succeeded by his cousin al-Ḥāfiẓ (reigned 1130–49). Claiming that al-Āmir
had left an infant son who was now the hidden imām, the Yemenites refused to recognize al-Ḥāfiẓ
or his successors in Cairo.

The end of the dynasty came in 1171. The last four caliphs were no more than a local Egyptian
dynasty, without power, influence, or hope. In 1171, the last caliph died. Saladin,
the nominal vizier, had become the real master of Egypt, and the Fāṭimid caliphate, already dead
as a religious and political force, was formally abolished.

Quiz: https://quizizz.com/admin/quiz/5bd3280e0b948f001a149b9a/umayyad-and-abbasid

35
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CS9hFgkeirE

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The Delhi Sultanate and Mughals

The transformation of Delhi as capital had started way before 1931. This transformation came into
action after the Delhi Sultanate. But what was the Delhi Sultanate? Who all were the part of this
Sultanate? Let us travel back in time and find out more about the Delhi Sultanate.

The Delhi Sultanate was a major Muslim sultanate from the 13th to the 16th century in India. It
began with the campaigns of Muʿizz al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Sām (Muḥammad of Ghūr; brother
of Sultan Ghiyās̄ al-Dīn of Ghūr) and his lieutenant Quṭb al-Dīn Aibak primarily between 1175
and 1206.

It was the victory against the Rajputs that began the established the reign of the Delhi Sultanate.
Until the end of the 12th century, it was Prithviraj Chauhan who ruled on the Indian land. During
his reign, Prithviraj Chauhan fought many battles out of which both the battles of Tarain fought in
the late 12th century were crucial. In both battles, he fought Muhammad of Ghur of the

Ghuride dynasty of Afghanistan.

In the first battle of Tarain between Muhammad of Ghur and Prithviraj Chauhan and other Indian
rulers that was fought in 1191 A.D, Muhammad of Ghur faced a harsh defeat and had to retreat.
And in the second battle that was fought in 1192 A.D., he returned and fought with more
reinforcements and a stronger army with an intention to defeat the Rajputs and succeeded in doing
so. This defeat ended the Rajputs’ supremacy in north India and gave way for Turkish emperors
to establish themselves in the sub-continent.

The Delhi Sultanate was administrated and governed as per the laws stated in the holy Quran. This
Quranic law was the supreme law of the empire. The Caliph was the supreme leader according to
the Islamic theory. And all the Muslim rulers in the world were to be his subordinates.

Sultan – The head of the Sultanate

The head of the administration of the Sultanate was the king or the Sultan himself. The Sultan
was embodied with all the powers in his will and his will would be the law of the country. Since
there was no principle of hereditary succession the Sultan had the power to nominate the heirs of
his choice and they would be recognized by all other nobles.
All the Muslims were allowed in the Sultan’s office but that was only theoretically, in reality, the
Sultanate was open only for the immigrant Turkes. In the later period, the Sultanate became even
more restricted allowing only the members of the royal family.
Following the Islamic theory, the Sultans of Delhi were considered to be the messengers of Allah,
i.e. God and it was their duty to enforce the laws stated in the Holy Quran.

Wazir or The Prime Minister

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The Wazir exercised the Sultan’s power and rules and regulations laid down by him. The Wazir
appointed all the important officers of the state under the name of the Sultan. In the absence of the
Sultan, it’s the Wazir who took care of everything.
He advised the Sultan in the matters of administration and always kept him updated about the
sentiments and needs of his people. The Wazir handled all the financial matters; he was also the
superintendent of the civil servants and commanded the military establishment. All the
requirements of the army were to go through him.

The Army Master or Diwan-i-Ariz

Diwan-i-Ariz controlled the military establishment. Diwan-i-Ariz recruited the troops for the army.
The Sultan was the commander-in-chief of the army. He mostly looked after the discipline of the
army and their equipment and their requirements on the battlefield that were then informed to the
Wazir.

The minister for foreign affairs or Diwan-i-risalt

He was the minister responsible for the foreign affairs and handled the diplomatic
correspondences, the ambassadors, and the envoys received from the other rulers.
Minister of the department of religions or Sadr-us-Sudur
The Sadr-us-Sudur was the minister who handled the religious department, endowment, and
charity. He was to enforce the Islamic rules and regulations and it was his duty to ensure that all
Muslims strictly followed these rules and regulations.

Sources of the Delhi Sultanate

The important sources of information available about the Delhi Sultanate are:
Inscriptions: They are found on old coins, historical monuments, milestones, and tombstones.
Monuments: The Sultans of Delhi built many monuments that reveal not only the cultural
traditions of that period but also the living conditions, faiths and beliefs and the socio-cultural
outlook of the rulers. One such monument is the Qutub Minar.

Invasion of Muhammad Ghori

Muhammad of Ghur after winning the second battle of Tarain with Prithviraj Chauhan started his
exploitation in India. However, soon after that, he returned to his kingdom and left his trusted
lieutenant and former slave Qutbuddin Aybak behind to rule on his behalf. These marked the
beginnings of the Slave or the Mamluk dynasty in north India.

Qutubuddin Aibak, born as a slave in then Turkistan and as he grew up he became the trusted
lieutenant of Muhammad Ghur; is regarded as the founder and the first ruler of the slave dynasty
or then called as the ‘Mamluk Dynasty’. It was Qutub-ud-din Aibak who laid the foundation for
Qutub Minar in Delhi which was finished by Iltutmish. However, under his reign, there were no
major territorial expansions of the dynasty under his rule.

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Jalaluddin Khilji was the founder and the first ruler of the Khilji dynasty, after the Slave dynasty.
He got the throne of the Khilji dynasty after killing Kaikubad, the last ruler of the slave
dynasty. Jalaluddin Khalji was a nobleman of the Turkish origins who had settled in Afghanistan.
The Delhi Sultanate rapidly expanded under the Khalji dynasty.

Tughluq Dynasty
The Tughluq dynasty was established by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq who expanded his kingdom after
the Khalji dynasty collapsed. Muhammad bin Tughluq and Feroze Tughluq were the well- known
rulers among the Tughluqs. However, Muhammad bin Tughluq was considered a prominent ruler
who was scholarly and well-read in many subjects.
He had also mastered in mathematics, astronomy, logic and physical sciences. He enjoyed Persian
literature, music, fine arts, and calligraphy. After his death, the Sultanate grew very weak and
eventually collapsed.

Sayyed Dynasty
The Tughluq dynasty had come to an end by the 14th century due to the invasion by the Turkish
ruler Timur. However, Timur soon left and when he left, a local governor of Multan named Khizr
Khan replaced him and announced himself as the ruler of Delhi and established the Sayyid dynasty.

Mughal dynasty, Mughal also spelled Mogul, Persian Mughūl (“Mongol”), Muslim dynasty of
Turkic-Mongol origin that ruled most of northern India from the early 16th to the mid-18th
century. After that time it continued to exist as a considerably reduced and increasingly powerless
entity until the mid-19th century. The Mughal dynasty was notable for its more than two centuries
of effective rule over much of India; for the ability of its rulers, who through seven generations
maintained a record of unusual talent; and for its administrative organization. A further distinction
was the attempt of the Mughals, who were Muslims, to integrate Hindus and Muslims into a united
Indian state.
The dynasty was founded by a Chagatai Turkic prince named Bābur (reigned 1526–30), who was
descended from the Turkic conqueror Timur (Tamerlane) on his father’s side and from Chagatai,
second son of the Mongol ruler Genghis Khan, on his mother’s side. Ousted from his ancestral
domain in Central Asia, Bābur turned to India to satisfy his appetite for conquest. From his base
in Kabul (Afghanistan) he was able to secure control of the Punjab region, and in 1526 he routed
the forces of the Delhi sultan Ibrāhīm Lodī at the First Battle of Panipat. The following year he
overwhelmed the Rajput confederacy under Rana Sanga of Mewar, and in 1529 he defeated the
Afghans of what are now eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar states. At his death in 1530 he controlled
all of northern India from the Indus River on the west to Bihar on the east and from
the Himalayas south to Gwalior.
Bābur’s son Humāyūn (reigned 1530–40 and 1555–56) lost control of
the empire to Afghan rebels, but Humāyūn’s son Akbar (reigned 1556–1605) defeated the Hindu

39
usurper Hemu at the Second Battle of Panipat (1556) and thereby reestablished his dynasty
in Hindustan. The greatest of the Mughal emperors and an extremely capable ruler, Akbar
reestablished and consolidated the Mughal Empire. Through incessant warfare, he was able to
annex all of northern and part of central India, but he adopted conciliatory policies toward his
Hindu subjects and sought to enlist them in his armies and government service. The political,
administrative, and military structures that he created to govern the empire were the chief factor
behind its continued survival for another century and a half. At Akbar’s death in 1605 the empire
extended from Afghanistan to the Bay of Bengal and southward to what is now Gujarat state and
the northern Deccan region (peninsular India).
Akbar’s son Jahāngīr (reigned 1605–27) continued both his father’s administrative system and his
tolerant policy toward Hinduism and thus proved to be a fairly successful ruler. His son, Shah
Jahān (reigned 1628–58), had an insatiable passion for building, and under his rule the Taj
Mahal of Agra and the Jāmiʿ Masjid (Great Mosque) of Delhi, among other monuments, were
erected. His reign marked the cultural zenith of Mughal rule, but his military expeditions brought
the empire to the brink of bankruptcy. Jahāngīr’s tolerant and enlightened rule stood in marked
contrast to the Muslim religious bigotry displayed by his more orthodox
successor, Aurangzeb (reigned 1658–1707). Aurangzeb annexed the Muslim Deccan kingdoms
of Vijayapura (Bijapur) and Golconda and thereby brought the empire to its greatest extent, but
his political and religious intolerance laid the seeds of its decline. He excluded Hindus from public
office and destroyed their schools and temples, while his persecution of the Sikhs of the Punjab
turned that sect against Muslim rule and roused rebellions among the Rajputs, Sikhs,
and Marathas. The heavy taxes he levied steadily impoverished the farming population, and a
steady decay in the quality of Mughal government was thus matched by a corresponding economic
decline. When Aurangzeb died in 1707, he had failed to crush the Marathas of the Deccan, and his
authority was disputed throughout his dominions.
During the reign of Muḥammad Shah (1719–48), the empire began to break up, a process hastened
by dynastic warfare, factional rivalries, and the Iranian conqueror Nādir Shah’s brief but disruptive
invasion of northern India in 1739. After the death of Muḥammad Shah in 1748, the Marathas
overran almost all of northern India. Mughal rule was reduced to only a small area around Delhi,
which passed under Maratha (1785) and then British (1803) control. The last Mughal, Bahādur
Shah II (reigned 1837–57), was exiled to Yangon, Myanmar (Rangoon, Burma) by the British
after his involvement with the Indian Mutiny of 1857–58.

Ṣafavid dynasty, (1501–1736), ruling dynasty of Iran whose establishment of Shīʿite Islam as the
state religion of Iran was a major factor in the emergence of a unified
national consciousness among the various ethnic and linguistic elements of the country. The
Ṣafavids were descended from Sheykh Ṣafī al-Dīn (1253–1334) of Ardabīl, head of the Sufi order
of Ṣafavīyeh (Ṣafawiyyah), but about 1399 exchanged their Sunni affiliation for Shīʿism.
The founder of the dynasty, Ismāʿīl I, as head of the Sufis of Ardabīl, won enough support from
the local Turkmens and other disaffected heterodox tribes to enable him to capture Tabrīz from

40
the Ak Koyunlu (Turkish: “White Sheep”), an Uzbek Turkmen confederation, and in July 1501
Ismāʿīl was enthroned as shah, although his area of control was initially limited to Azerbaijan. In
the next 10 years he subjugated the greater part of Iran and annexed the Iraqi provinces
of Baghdad and Mosul. Despite the predominantly Sunni character of this territory, he proclaimed
Shīʿism the state religion.

In August 1514 Ismāʿīl was seriously defeated at Chāldirān by his Sunni rival, the Ottoman
sultan Selim I. Thereafter, the continuing struggle against the Sunnis—the Ottomans in the west
and the Uzbeks in the northeast—cost the Ṣafavids Kurdistan, Diyarbakır, and Baghdad; the
Ṣafavid capital had to be relocated at Eṣfahān temporarily—permanently by about the early 17th
century. Iran weakened appreciably during the reign of Ismāʿīl’s eldest son, Shah Ṭahmāsp
I (1524–76), and persistent and unopposed Turkmen forays into the country increased under his
incompetent successors.

In 1588 ʿAbbās I was brought to the throne. Realizing the limits of his military strength, ʿAbbās
made peace with the Ottomans on unfavourable terms in 1590 and directed his onslaughts against
the Uzbeks. Meeting with little success, ʿAbbās engaged (1599) the Englishman Sir Robert
Sherley to direct a major army reform. Three bodies of troops were formed, all trained and armed
in the European manner and paid out of the royal treasury: the ghulāms (slaves), the tofangchīs
(musketeers), and the topchīs (artillerymen). With his new army, ʿAbbās defeated the Turks in
1603, forcing them to relinquish all the territory they had seized, and captured Baghdad. He also
expelled (1602, 1622) the Portuguese traders who had seized the island of Hormuz in the Persian
Gulf early in the 16th century.

Shah ʿAbbās’s remarkable reign, with its striking military successes and efficient administrative
system, raised Iran to the status of a great power. Trade with the West and industry expanded,
communications improved. The capital, Eṣfahān, became the centre of Ṣafavid architectural
achievement, manifest in the mosques Masjid-i Shāh and Masjid-i Sheykh Loṭfollāh and other
monuments including the ʿAlī Qāpū, the Chehel Sotūn, and the Meydān-i Shāh. Despite the
Ṣafavid Shīʿite zeal, Christians were tolerated and several missions and churches were built.

After the death of Shah ʿAbbās I (1629), the Ṣafavid dynasty lasted for about a century, but, except
for an interlude during the reign of Shah ʿAbbās II (1642–66), it was a period of decline. Eṣfahān
fell to the Ghilzai Afghans of Qandahār in 1722. Seven years later Shah Ṭahmāsp II recovered
Eṣfahān and ascended the throne, only to be deposed in 1732 by his Afshārid lieutenant Nadr Qolī
Beg (the future Nādir Shāh).

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h3CzIyX_52U

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iT9ShT0HfAM

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Decline of Mughals

Sir William Hunter wrote in 1893 that the British "won India, not from the Mughals, but from
the Hindus. Before we appeared as conquerors, the Mughal empire had broken up ; our
conclusive wars were neither with the Delhi King nor with the revolted Governors, but with two
Hindu confederacies - the Mahrattas and the Sikhs." Muhammadan princes fought against the
British in Bengal, in the Karnatik, and in Mysore; but the longest opposition to the British
conquest of India came from the Hindus. The last British-Maratha war dated as late as 1818,
and the Sikh Confederation was overcome only in 1849.

In 1751 the Moghul Empire had crumbled to pieces. At this time three powers were making
their influence felt in India:—the Afghans, the French, and the Mahrattas. After Nadir Shah's
assassination (1747) an Afghan chief Ahmad Shah Abdali became ruler over Afghanistan,
Balkh, Sindh, and Kashmir. In 1751 the emperor ceded to him the Punjab.

Nizam ul Mulk (or Asaf Jah), whose independence in the provinces south of the Narbada had
been acknowledged by the emperor, died in 1748. His death gave the French an opportunity of
interfering in Indian affairs. Dupleix, who was then governor of Pondicherry (the chief French
settlement in the south), managed so skilfully, that in 1751 he was acknowledged governor of
all the country from the Kistna to Cape Comorin. The Nawab of Arcot was under his authority,
and Bussy, with a French army, represented French interests at the Nizam's court at Aurangabad.
Thus French influence was supreme in the south. At this time the English power was of but little
account, being confined to the towns of Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Fort St. David, and
Devicota.

The Mahrattas had, especially under the vigorous administration of the Peshwas, extended their
authority over the Konkan and the western part of the Dekkan down to the Tungabhadra. Berar,
Gondwana, and Cuttack including Balasor (since 1751) were under the Mahratta chief Eaguji
Bhonsle, who in 1751 occupied the territory as far south as the Godaveri. In Hindustan the
territory of the Peshwa was bounded by the Ganges, while the Chambal formed the northwestern
boundary of the country ceded by Nizam ul Mulk in the convention or Seronji (1738).

While the Mahrattas held the sovereignty over the countries just mentioned, they exercised
another not less important influence over the whole of India. They had either obtained by
imperial grant or assumed the right to collect chauth, i.e. the fourth part of the revenue, in
Gujerat, the Dekkan, and the south of India, the provinces of Lucknow, Patna, and Bengal,
Allahabad, Agra, and Ajmere.

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Yet the Mahrattas, at this time, formed no united government. Earn Raja at Satara was a merely
nominal raja, the actual power having been usurped by Balaji Baji Eao (1740-1761), his Peshwa
or Prime Minister, who resided at Puna. Again the Peshwa's power was much curbed by
powerful Mahratta chiefs, the principal of whom were Eaguji Bhonsle of Berar, Anand Eao
Power of Dhar, Damaji Gaekwar, Mulhar Eao Holkar and Eanoji Sindia in Malwa. Thus the
most that can be spoken of is only of a "Mahratta Confederacy".

At Mysore Nunjeraj, a Hindu minister, was the actual ruler, the raja being a mere figure-head.
Its limits had by this time been extended towards the south. There remained under the emperor's
direct authority - only the upper Doab or country between the upper courses of the Ganges and
Jumna, the country between the Jumna and the Sutlej, and Gujerat, which was still under a
dependent Moghul viceroy. The Rajputs were virtually independent under the leadership of the
rana of Udaipur and the rajas of Jodhpur and Jaipur.

Oudh had become independent under Saadat Khan in 1724, Bengal and Behar under Aliverdi
Khan in 1740, and Rohilkhand, the country east of the upper Ganges, was occupied by Ali
Mahomed and his Afghans in 1744.

The Panjab was the scene of the struggles which first gave India to the Muhammadans, which
in turn transferred the empire of Hindustan from the Lodi to the Mughal dynasty, and from the
Mughals to the Mahrattas, which shook the power of the Mahrattas at Panipat, and finally
crushed it at Dehli and made the British masters of northern India. Meanwhile Sikhism in its
militant form was developing, and culminated in the chiefship of Maharaja Eanjit Singh, who
died, in 1839, Lord of the Panjab from the Sulimani mountains to the Satlaj, and from Kashmir
to beyond Multan. In 1849 the Panjab was annexed to the British Empire.

 1707. Succession contest between Muazzim and Alam, two sons of Aurangzeb ; victory of the
former, and his accession with the title of Bahadur Shah; but under the complete control of his
military prime minister, Zul-fikar Khan. Revolt of Prince Kambaksh ; his defeat and death.
 1710. Expedition by the Mughal emperor against the Sikhs.
 1712. Death of the emperor Bahadur Shah, and accession of his eldest son, Jahandar Shah, who
only ruled as the creature of his prime minister, Zul-fikar Khan. Revolt of his nephew,
Farukhsiyyar; and murder of the emperor, Jahandar Shah, and his wazir.
 1713. Accession of Farukhsiyyar as emperor under the control of the two Sayyid 'king-makers,'
Husain Ali and Afodulla.
 1716. Invasion of the imperial territories by the Sikhs; their defeat, and cruel persecution.
 1719. Deposition and murder of the emperor Farukhsiyyar by the two Sayyids. They dominate in
succession three boy emperors, the first two of whom die within a few months; the third,
Muhammad Shah, commences his reign in September 1719.
 1720. Overthrow of the two Sayyids, the 'king-makers.'

44
 1720-1748. The Governor of the Deccan or Southern India, or Nizam-al-Ma1ik, establishes his
independence at Haidarabad.
 1732-1743. The Governor of Oudh, who was also wazir or prime minister of the empire, becomes
practically independent of Delhi.
 1735-1751. General decline of the empire ; revolts within it: invasion of Nadir Shah from Persia
(1739). First invasion of India by Ahmad Shah Durani (1747). The Marathas finally secure the
cession of Malwa (1743) ; and of Southern Orissa and tribute from Bengal (1751).
 1748-1750. Accession of the emperor Ahmad Shah, son of Muhammad Shah; disturbances by the
Rohillas in Oudh, and defeat of the imperial troops.
 1751. The Rohilla insurrection crushed by the imperial troops, with the aid oi the Marathas.
 1751-1752. Second invasion from Afghanistan by Ahmad Shah Durani, and cession of the Punjab
to him.
 1754. Deposition of the emperor, and accession of Alamgir II.
 1756. Third invasion from Afghanistan by Ahmad Shah Durani, and sack of Delhi.
 1759. Fourth invasion of Ahmad Shah Durani, and murder of the emperor Alamgir II. by his prime
minister, Ghazi-ud-din. Maratha conquests in Northern India, and their capture of Delhi.
 1761-1805. Third battle of Panipat, and defeat of the Marathas by the Afghans (1761). The nominal
emperor on the death of Alamgir II is Shah Alam II, who resides till 1771, at Allahabad, a
pensioner of the British. The Marathas then practically become masters of the Delhi territories and
of the person of the emperor. The emperor is blinded and imprisoned by rebels; rescued by the
Marathas, but virtually a prisoner in their hands till 1803, when the Maratha power is overthrown
by Lord Lake.
 1806-1837. Akbar II succeeds as emperor, under British protection, but only to the nominal
dignity.
 1837-1862. Muhammad Bahadur Shah, the seventeenth Mughal emperor, and last of the race of
Timur. For his complicity in the Mutiny of 1857 he was banished to Rangoon, where he died in
1862.

Quiz: https://quizizz.com/admin/quiz/5bcea36d951337001aa8afd7/the-mughal-empire
https://www.proprofs.com/quiz-school/story.php?title=otm1mzkw2izq

Videos: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bjlIJPm3puc

45
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nbuM0aJjVgE
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NtO3xll9Fqg

46
Colonialism in South Asia
In the last half of the 18th century, all the major states of Southeast Asia were faced with crisis.
The great political and social structures of the classical states had begun to decay, and, although
the reasons for this disintegration are not altogether clear, the expanded size of the states, the
greater complexity of their societies, and the failure of older institutions to cope with change all
must have played a part. It is also likely that European efforts to choke and redirect the region’s
trade had already done much to destroy the general prosperity that trade previously had provided,
though Europeans were neither ubiquitous nor in a position to rule, even in Java. The most serious
circumstances were undoubtedly those of Vietnam, where from 1771 to 1802 there raged a
struggle—the Tay Son rebellion—over the very nature of the state. This rebellion threatened to
sweep away the entire Confucian establishment of Vietnam, and perhaps would have done so if its
leader had not attempted to accomplish too much too quickly. Elsewhere, war and confusion held
societies in their grip for much shorter periods, but everywhere rulers were compelled to think of
changed circumstances around them and what they meant for the future.
In the mainland states three great rulers of three new dynasties came to the fore: Bodawpaya (ruled
1782–1819) in Myanmar, Rama I (1782–1809) in Siam (Thailand), and Gia Long (1802–20) in
Vietnam. All three were fully aware of the dangers, internal as well as external, that faced them
and their people, and their efforts were directed at meeting these challenges. As their armies
extended their reach beyond earlier limits, these rulers vigorously pursued a combination of
traditional and new policies designed to strengthen their realms. Of particular importance were
efforts to bring villages under closer state control, curb shifting patron-client relationships, and
centralize and tighten the state administrative apparatus. The institution of kingship itself seemed
to become more dynamic and intimately involved in the direction of the state. In retrospect, some
of these policies had a recognizably modern ring to them, and, taken together, they represented, if
not a revolution, at least a concerted effort at change. Even Gia Long, whose conscience and
circumstance both demanded that he give special attention to reviving the classical Confucian past,
quietly incorporated selected Western and Tay Son ideas in his government. Nor were the changes
ineffectual, for by 1820 the large mainland states stood at the height of their powers. Nevertheless,
it was uncertain whether these efforts would be sufficient to withstand the pressures of the
immediate future.

In insular Southeast Asia the Javanese state confronted a similar crisis, but it had far less freedom
with which to respond. The Gianti Agreement (1755) had divided the realm and given the Dutch
decisive political and economic powers. Though resistance was not impossible, it was difficult,
especially since the rulers and their courts were now largely beholden to the Dutch for their
positions. The elite’s response to these circumstances generally has been interpreted as a kind of
cultural introversion and avoidance of reality, a judgment that probably is too harsh. The
Javanese culture and society of earlier days was no longer serviceable, and
court intellectuals sought to find a solution in both a revitalization of the past and a clear-eyed
examination of the present. Neither effort was successful, though not for want of trying. The idea

47
of opposing Dutch rule, furthermore, was not abandoned entirely, and it was only the
devastating Java War (1825–30) that finally tamed the Javanese elite and, oddly enough, left the
Dutch to determine the final shape of Javanese culture until the mid-20th century.

Except in Java and much of the Philippines, the expansion of Western colonial rule in most of
Southeast Asia was a phenomenon only of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. In the
earlier period Europeans tended to acquire territory as a result of complicated and not always
desired entanglements with Southeast Asian powers, either in disputes or as a result of alliances.
After about 1850, Western forces generally were more invasive, requiring only feeble justification
for going on the attack. The most important reasons for the change were a growing Western
technological superiority, an increasingly powerful European mercantile community in Southeast
Asia, and a competitive scramble for strategic territory. Only Siam remained largely intact and
independent. By 1886 the rest of the region had been divided among the British, French, Dutch,
and Spanish (who soon were replaced by the Americans), with the Portuguese still clinging to the
island of Timor. What were often called “pacification campaigns” were actually colonial wars—
notably in Burma (Myanmar), Vietnam, the Philippines, and Indonesia—and continued well into
the 20th century. More peaceful Western encroachments on local sovereignty also occurred until
the 1920s. Full-blown, modern colonial states existed for only a short period, in many cases for
not much more than a generation.
These colonial regimes, however, were not insubstantial, as they put down
strong bureaucratic roots and—though often co-opting existing administrative apparatuses—
formed centralized disciplined structures of great power. They were backed by the enormous
economic resources of the industrialized Western nations, and by the early 20th century, having
effectively disarmed the indigenous societies, they possessed a monopoly on the means of
violence. There is no mistaking the impact of Western colonial governments on their surroundings,
and nowhere is this more evident than in the economic sphere. Production of tin, oil, rubber, sugar,
rice, tobacco, coffee, tea, and other commodities burgeoned, driven by both government and
private activity. This brought rapid changes to the physical and human landscape and coupled
Southeast Asia to a new worldwide capitalist system.

Indeed, colonial domination was only a variant condition in a rapidly changing world. Siam, which
through a combination of circumstance and the wise leadership of Mongkut (ruled 1851–68)
and Chulalongkorn (1868–1910) avoided Western rule, nevertheless was compelled to adopt
policies similar to, and often even modeled on, those of the colonial powers in order to survive.
Modernization appeared to require such an approach, and the Thai did not hesitate to embrace it
with enthusiasm. Bangkok in the late 1920s surpassed even British Singapore as a centre of such
modern amenities as electric lighting and medical facilities, and the state itself had achieved an
enviable degree of political and economic viability among its colonial neighbours. The Thai may
have “colonized themselves,” as some critics have noted, but in so doing they also escaped or
diluted some of the more corrosive characteristics of Western rule, among them racism and cultural

48
destruction. They also do not appear to have experienced the same degree of rural unrest that
troubled their colonial neighbours in the 1920s and ’30s. They were unable, however, to avoid
other concomitants of state expansion and modernization.

It was not the purpose of the new states to effect rapid or broad social change. Their primary
concerns were extending bureaucratic control and creating the conditions for success in a capitalist
world economy; the chief necessity was stability or, as the Dutch called it, rust en
orde (“tranquility and order”). Boundaries were drawn, villages defined, laws rewritten—all along
Western lines of understanding, often completely disregarding indigenous views and practices—
and the new structure swiftly replaced the old. Social change was desired only insofar as it might
strengthen these activities. Thus, the Thai began early on to send princes to Europe for their
education, employing them throughout the government on their return. The Dutch
created exclusive schools for the indigenous administrative elite—a kind of petty royalty—and
invented ways of reducing social mobility in this group, as, for example, by making important
positions hereditary. But the new governments did not provide Western-style learning to most
Southeast Asians, primarily because it was an enormous, difficult, and expensive task and also
because policymakers worried about the social and political consequences of creating an educated
class. Except in the Philippines, by the mid-1930s only a small percentage of indigenous children
attended government-run schools, and only a fraction of those studied above the primary-school
level. Some Southeast Asian intellectuals soon drew the conclusion that they had better educate
themselves, and they began establishing their own schools with modern, secular courses of study.
Some, like the Tonkin Free School in Vietnam (1907), were closed by the colonial regimes, their
staffs and pupils hounded by police; others, like the many so-called “wild schools” in Indonesia in
the 1930s, were much too numerous to do away with altogether, but they were controlled as
carefully as possible.

Nevertheless, during the 1920s and ’30s a tiny but thoughtful and active class of Westernized
Southeast Asian intellectuals appeared. They were not the first to literally and figuratively speak
the language of the colonial rulers and criticize them, for by the turn of the 20th century Java and
Luzon, with the longest experience under Western rule, had already produced individuals like the
Javanese noblewoman Raden Adjeng Kartini and the Filipino patriot José Rizal. The newer
generation, however, was more certain in its opposition to colonial rule (or, in Siam, rule by the
monarchy), clearer and far more political in its conception of a nation, and unabashedly
determined to seize leadership and initiative in their own societies. In Burma this group called
themselves thakin (Burmese: “master”), making both sarcastic and proud use of an indigenous
word that had been reserved for Burmese to employ when addressing or describing Europeans.
These new intellectuals were not so much anti-Western as they were anticolonial. They accepted
the existing state as the foundation of a modern nation, which they, rather than colonial officials,
would control. This was the generation that captained the struggles for independence (in Siam,
independence from the monarchy) and emerged in the post-World War II era as national leaders.

49
The best-known figures are Sukarno of Indonesia, Ho Chi Minh of Vietnam, and U Nu of Burma
(subsequently Myanmar).

The arrival of the Japanese armed forces in Southeast Asia in 1941–42 did not, however, occasion
independence. A few leaders perhaps had been naive enough to think that it might—and some
others clearly admired the Japanese and found it acceptable to work with them—but on the whole
the attitude of intellectuals was one of caution and, very quickly, realization that they were now
confronted with another, perhaps more formidable and ferocious, version of colonial rule. The
Japanese had no plans to radicalize or in any way destabilize Southeast Asia—which, after all, was
slated to become part of a Tokyo-centred Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere; in the short term
they sought to win the war, and in the long run they hoped to modernize the region on a Japanese
model. Continuity served these purposes best, and in Indochina the Japanese even allowed the
French to continue to rule in return for their cooperation. Little wonder that before long Southeast
Asians began to observe that, despite “Asia for the Asians” propaganda, the new and old colonial
rulers had more in common with each other than either had with the indigenous peoples.
Still, for two distinct reasons the period does represent a break from the past. First, the Japanese
attempted to mobilize indigenous populations to support the war effort and to encourage modern
cooperative behaviour on a mass scale; such a thing had never been attempted by Western colonial
governments. Virtually all of the mobilization efforts, however, were based on Japanese models,
and the new rulers were frustrated to discover that Southeast Asians did not behave in the same
fashion as Japanese. Frequently the result was disorder, corruption, and, by the end of the war, a
seething hatred of the Japanese. It was also the case that, both because the war was going against
them and because the response to other approaches was unenthusiastic, the Japanese were
compelled before long to utilize local nationalism in their mobilization campaigns, again
something quite impossible under European rule. The consequences were to benefit local rather
then Japanese causes and, ironically, to contribute handsomely to the building of anti-Japanese
sentiments.

A second difference between Western and Japanese colonialism was in the opportunities the
occupation provided the new educated elite. The Japanese were wary of these people because of
their Western orientation but also favoured them because they represented the most modern
element in indigenous society, the best partner for the present, and the best hope for the future.
Often dismissed as “pseudo-intellectuals” by the Western colonial governments and prevented
from obtaining any real stake in the state, the new intellectuals under the Japanese were accorded
positions of real (though not unlimited or unsupervised) authority. Nor could Southeast Asians
who found themselves in these positions easily fault the policies they now accepted responsibility
for carrying out or at least supporting, since many of these policies were in fact—if not always in
spirit—similar to ones they had endorsed in earlier decades. In short, the Western-educated elite
emerged from the Japanese occupation stronger in various ways than they had ever been.
By August 1945 they stood poised to inherit (or, given the variety of political conditions at the end

50
of the war, to struggle among themselves over inheriting) the mantle of leadership over their own
countries.

Southeast Asia was changed in an evolutionary, rather than revolutionary, way by the Japanese
occupation. Although returning Europeans and even some Southeast Asians themselves
complained that Japanese fascism had deeply influenced the region’s societies, there is not much
evidence that this was the case. Japanese rule, indeed, had destroyed whatever remained of the
mystique of Western supremacy, but the war also had ruined any chances that it might be replaced
with a Japanese mystique. There was clearly little clinging to Japanese concepts except where they
could be thoroughly indigenized; even the collaboration issue, so important to Europeans and their
thinking about the immediate postwar era, failed to move Southeast Asians for long. And, if the
general population appeared less docile in 1945 than four years earlier, the reason lay more in the
temporary removal of authority at the war’s end than in the tutelage of the Japanese.

QUIZ: https://history.quizgun.com/east-india-company-rule-and-its-impact-on-india-3/
http://mcqsworld.com/2016/04/11/mcqs-of-history-war-of-independence/
VIDEOS: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hpIegGu-5tI
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=czBJYiuF0tY

51
Partition Movement 1868- 1947
British rule in India can be traced back to the 17th century, when Mughal Emperor Jahangir gave
the British East India Company permission to trade in India in 1617. Although the company faced
initial resistance, it slowly began to consolidate its economic and political power in the country.
What helped strengthen the company’s position was the fact that India was divided into numerous
sub-kingdoms that ruled different parts of the subcontinent, including the powerful Mughals and
Marathas. This meant that the company was able to take advantage of local fractures and tensions
and employ a ‘divide and rule’ approach that saw it take control of most of India by 1850.

In 1857, Indian soldiers employed by the company revolted en masse. What became known as the
Indian Mutiny of 1857 (or ‘the First War of Independence’ in India) took the British several months
to quell. The crackdown that followed led to British control of India being handed over directly to
the British Crown. The British monarchy, under Queen Victoria, took control of the British India
Company’s land and gained influence over India’s princely states.
During the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, Britain took control
of India’s resources and, while investing heavily in infrastructure, channelled Indian wealth back
to Britain and its global colonial projects. As a consequence, India suffered a series of famines that
killed tens of millions of people. At the height of the Mughal Empire in the late 17th century, India
was the largest economic power in the world. When India regained its independence in 1947, it
was significantly poorer than it had been before British interference. During a peaceful protest at
the Jallianwala Bagh park in Amritsar, British troops blocked all exits and opened fire, killing
more than a thousand people.

By the early 20th century, organised resistance to British rule was taking shape throughout India.
While Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi’s peaceful movement of non-cooperation and resistance is
perhaps best known internationally, other figures such as Bhagat Singh and Subhas Chandra Bose
promoted armed struggle and collaborated with Britain’s enemies during wartime.
World War II (1939–45) was a major turning point for the growing independence movement. The
Indian National Congress launched the Quit India Movement in 1942, refusing to cooperate with
the British during the war until India gained independence. After the war, mutinies swept the
Indian sections of the British Army. Although these were suppressed, British resources had been
seriously depleted by the end of World War II and the British could no longer ignore Indian
demands for independence. An announcement was made in early 1947 that India would be granted
its independence, but how this new nation would look was still very much to be decided.
Gandhi became the leader of the struggle for independence in 1921. The Jallianwala Bagh incident
spurred him into taking on a larger role in the freedom fight, and in a few years his civil
disobedience movement had become popular across the country.

Gandhi believed in non-violence, or ahimsa, and started the non-cooperation movement, in which
he urged Indians to boycott British goods. He also led thousands of Indians in the Salt March

52
against a British law that forbade Indians to make salt and force them to buy the heavily taxed
British salt instead. Shortly after, Winston Churchill asked India to join World War II, and Gandhi
responded by launching the Quit India Movement, which led to his arrest and widespread tension
in India. Due to growing unrest in the country between Hindus and Muslims, plans were announced
to partition British India into two nations – India and Pakistan. Gandhi had believed in unity, but
was unable to stop the partition of the country into India and the new nation of Pakistan and the
migration that caused the loss of a million lives.

Divisions between Hindu and Muslims had been encouraged by the British ‘divide and rule’
approach. Muslims were a minority in India and some leaders were worried about what an India
dominated by Hindu rulers would mean for them. Gandhi called for the two religious groups to
work together, and the leader of the political group the Muslim League, Muhammad Ali Jinnah,
believed that Muslims needed a homeland within India. However, widespread violence between
Hindus and Muslims started in Calcutta in August 1946 and spread later throughout North India.
During Direct Action Day, also known as the Great Calcutta Killings, Muslims in Calcutta went
on hartal (strike) to press for the new nation of Pakistan. The protest resulted in the worst few days
of communal rioting British India had ever seen.

Although the majority of the Indian population under the British Raj were Hindus, some provinces
(now called states) had Muslim majorities. Due to the political unrest in the country, Britain
decided that India would need to be partitioned to carve out a separate homeland for Indian
Muslims, but it wasn’t immediately clear which provinces would join which country. Some were
given the right to choose, while others were divided up – the provinces of Assam, Bengal and
Punjab were each split in half, with one half going to India and the other to the new Pakistan. The
remaining princely states could pick a side. After the partition, Jinnah became the first Governor-
General of Pakistan, and Jawaharlal Nehru became India’s first president. Gandhi, who remained
the strongest advocate for a unified country, was shot by a Hindi religious fanatic in 1948, just a
month before the last of the British troops finally left India.

A British lawyer named Cyril Radcliffe, who had never set foot in Asia, was called upon to draw
up the borders between the two countries. Arriving in India just days before the partition, Radcliffe
drew up a quick plan that was kept secret for fear that the British would be blamed for the violence
that would surely ensue.

India and the new state of Pakistan were granted independence on 14 August 1947, but were only
made aware of the new borders two days after. The weeks and months leading up to and following
the partition saw unprecedented levels of rioting, violence, loss of property, rape, abduction and
murder. The violence was worse in the two halves of Punjab, as Hindus headed in one direction
and Muslims in another, with Sikhs and other minorities caught in the middle. Accurate figures

53
are difficult to determine, but it’s believed that up to 16 million people were displaced, up to 2
million were killed and up to 100,000 women and girls abducted or raped.

Quiz: https://quizizz.com/admin/quiz/5888ea67d0eb81a35d3cb83e/partition-of-india

https://www.slideshare.net/kavita_grover/freedom-struggle-of-india-revision-worksheet-
22557368

Videos: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H6DajWUTbe8
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_Ry6yESsO1g
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=12i7_TxsfTc

54
Post Partition till date
Looking 70 years back, when the world’s most controversial line was drawn in the subcontinent,
which Muslims of the western side always termed a reward of the bloodshed, they endured for
more longer than a century while they were struggling through thick and thin to make the English
rule believe that here exist a separate Muslim nation which demands an independent, self-governed
sovereign state and that Hindustan would never get stable if the British rule came to an end in the
united India, as an abyss of civil war was waiting to breakout in the dynamic geopolitical
subcontinent. Nevertheless the eastern side of the partition line still term it a consequence of the
British “divide and rule” policy. Since that time if it is focused on the western side, the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan, it has always been remained an area of blurred discussion as what we gained
and what we lost in the competitive chase of survival. Many use to raise questions at our gains
while others want, those responsible for the failures, to answer the nation and justice to prevail.
Some, however, also call for solutions of what we are suffering today in light of how we got
punished in the past and what we have in our pocket today. As it is known that blaming the past
yield nothing but to analyze it in a productive way. Surely, this is something which the scattered
minds from Karachi to Khyber need to do, at least for the generations to come if we want them to
breath in a great Pakistan.

Over viewing the past seven decades, one among the many things which make us cry in blood is
the murder of the Quaid and his companions’ vision to make this pure piece of land an Islamic
republic; as we observe neither pure Islamic exercises nor a quarter of democracy. For the current
setup, it is fair to call it do-mock-racy, something the political group even cannot deny. As it is
said that Pakistan’s military establishment is responsible for the current status of democracy then
it is fair enough to equally make the political minds responsible as each time they allowed them to
murder the political system.

The political system that makes people believe in politics has always been attenuated by the
policies of the lawmakers and their priorities toward the country. They used to be in the public
once, when there was a time for them to go to the law making houses and once they get success,
then there is nothing to make them hold their horses and stop playing money making tactics;
something that the common public allege them since the inception of Pakistan. This frustration
makes people believe as not to resist those who are bound to protect the frontiers if they come to
the parliament.

One of the major consequence of the time to time derailed political setups is the separations of
East Pakistan from the federal unit as an independent state, Bangladesh. It was the first disastrous
and dramatic effect of military intervention in politics. We lost half of our country to evil eyes
which wouldn’t have happened if the parliament was allowed to make decisions from the very
beginning. This was a warning to Pakistani society to change their political behavior and keep the
men in uniform away from politics as things would surely go worse if the conditions prevailed.

55
Unfortunately, neither the democratic group nor military avoided to repeat their mistakes and
civilian governments get toppled in different times which resulted in frustration, uncertainty and
chaos. Low literacy rate further strengthened this menace of civil-military tensions and military
takeovers.

Pakistan was made to be a democratic state, the western democracy in specific but it is worth
mentioning that the "one man one vote democracy" is only applicable if there is a good literacy
rate and educational priorities otherwise it becomes a menace which creates uncertainty and
political dynasties to prevail. Unfortunately, Pakistan is a victim of this like-democracy system
where it doesn’t matter for most of us if the specific elite class political groups dominate and get
strengthen with each passing day.

This political system of democratic dynasties favor Jobbery and Nepotism, which were the main
areas of discussion of the Quaid-e-Azam sermon to the first constitutional assembly in 1947 where
he termed them a social curse and warned the nation in harsh words to show zero tolerance towards
them. The ruling political class, therefore, did not raise the level of quality education for the sake
of their vested family interests.

Pakistan’s twin partner India and even many small developing states like Bangladesh that got
independence much after Pakistan did, have left us far behind in terms of education and research
development, thus raising questions on our priorities in the seventy years of freedom. Along with
strengthening the political dynasties, it always made us dependent on foreign aid in the fields of
development, research and technology. Not only all this but the most dramatic effect it has
imparted to our society is extremism and terrorism.

Today we blame foreign hands and makes them responsible for the bloodshed in the country but
the key progression to this issue is never analyzed. What made your own people to be used by the
evil eyes? Why didn’t they do so before the seventies or close to the inception of Pakistan? Possible
answer to these questions is surely the priorities of the elite class which has been ruling since
decades. Islam didn’t radicalize them but our policies and the ill judicial system did it for sure.
Unlearndness only accelerated this radicalization as people are ready to be used by anyone. A well
powered judicial system wouldn’t have even allowed this. Judicial system is crucial to the peace
and stability of a country.

The underdeveloped economy of the country too contributed to the progression of this issue a lot.
In the past seven decades, Pakistani rupee on an average went down and poverty being gone up on
the scale. Economy has a direct relation with the political system and geo-strategical location of
the country. Relations with the international world too, contributes a lot to the investment in
country and its economy. Unfortunately, the time-to-time derailed politics of Pakistan neither
encouraged foreign investments nor internal sources of economic growth. Located in the world’s

56
most tensed region, the required geo-strategies of Pakistan always remained a hurdle in GDP
growth. Nevertheless the most convincing reason behind our marginalized economy is the way we
deal with the international world i.e. our foreign policy for sure.

Foreign policy, one among the many causes, remained the most disturbing hurdle in the way to
development and the most prominent cause of civil-military tension. Being altered continuously
by the civilian and military leadership in different times, we never took decisions on the basis of
our ideological background and the drastically changing geopolitics of the world as where to poke
nose and where to stay silent or neutral. The consequence of which burst out as still we are being
blamed state-sponsored terrorist though we have lost more than 60000 lives to this core issue. The
three sided land-locked Pakistan has major issues with all of its neighbors including Islamic states
of Iran and Afghanistan and is the only country in the world having the longest tensed active border
with India. This indicates serious flaws in our foreign policy which needs to be addressed as soon
as possible, pragmatically.

Many broad-spectrum aspects need to be analyzed while discussing foreign policy but one sure
thing which needs to be done is that foreign affairs must be dealt with, in Islamabad where
Parliament holds the jurisdiction and not in Rawalpindi (where the General headquarters, GHQ is
located) which is alleged of designing foreign policy i.e. Military has to stay away from this unless
they are asked to give suggestions to the supreme parliament.

Beside many things as discussed above which makes us concerned to the highest degree, still there
are many things we have in pocket certainly, that makes us a bit proud of being Pakistani. The
most promising gain of the Hindustan partition is the protection of Muslims' political ideological,
democratic and Islamic rights as their exploitation became sure after the British divide and rule
tactics in the subcontinent.

The nuclear tests carried out at chaghe in May 1998 made our defense insurmountable. Having a
nuclear armed enemy state, the nuclear capability enabled Pakistan to avoid any unwanted armed
actions along the longer western war-active border and to focus on internal issues. Beside it many
military cooperation strategies with major powers and Islamic world makes us our defensive
measures more stronger which further defines our sovereignty and protection of our territorial
integrity, more precisely. Though measures are needed to enhance military strategies in war against
terror and extremism, it needs the whole nation to get involved and defeat the so called Islamic
radicalization. Economic treaties and progressive policies too, do worth when it comes to our gains
in the past seventy years.

With Few industries at the time of partition we started development although slow but continuous,
and today we have hundreds of industrial zones in all over the country. The only issue to deal with,
regarding this area of discussion is industrialization of the underdevelop areas such as Baluchistan,

57
FATA and many districts of south Punjab, upper Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa where more than
50 percent of population is below the poverty line. Industries bring employment, development and
makes the literacy rate shoot up on the scale. CPEC is a major development in this context.

Having many upset neighbors, Pakistan stable relations with China gives a bit satisfaction to our
foreign behavior which although need a lot of work to be done. With Initial investment of 46 billion
dollars through CPEC, Pak-China relations get further strengthened and is attracting further
investments which is quite satisfying for national economy and regional development. Pakistan
needs to utilize these investments in a productive way so as to enhance the quality of life of its
people and to bring the much larger part of populations above the basic poverty line. Furthermore,
Law makers should focus on such policies which could attract more foreign investments using
CPEC as the most satisfied development to neighboring and International economies.

Analyzing all what we observed in the seventy years it is worth noting that none of the country’s
single institution nor a specific group could be held responsible but as a whole they made it what
it is today. Likewise, it couldn’t be brought back to the track again, only if it is assumed that the
military would not interfere but every area which has flaws needs work to be done to make
corrections. The political minds should now grow up and they need to analyze everything leaving
far behind their vested interests. They must insure that democracy will not get derailed anymore.
Working hard on the educational development could help in this process as well as in developing
all areas of flaws which could lead to the country’s way to prosperity. A high literacy rate insures
an end to the political dynasties and aware people to stand for their rights against social and judicial
unjust.

Peace and stability brings economic development therefore the Think-tanks must now analyze our
weak policies regarding war on terror. We should focus on how to get rid of the war we are being
involved for the last two decades and we even didn’t need to get stuck in it, then. A stable region,
at least a stable Pakistan could bring financial prosperity to the people and could bring the standard
of lives above the required level. Law makers should work on the judicial system as it is creating
uncertainty and chaos with ever increasing rate with each passing day. The only way to bring the
rebels back to the national circle and to contribute in national development is to strengthen the
justice system. The more justice prevails, the more people use their potential in national
development leaving behind the ways to crimes and extremism. Government has the stick in hand,
the only thing they needs to do is to use it the right direction i. e. national budget is concerned. The
federal and provincial budget must focus on the core issue of unemployment as it could be the
cause of all ills. The youth directly get suffer when there is no jobs opportunity for them while
knowing that any country’s development is directly dependent upon its youth. Women education
and their employment needs special attention as how could a country even think of prosperity and
excellent economy if more than 50% of its population (women population of Pakistan) get
paralyzed.

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Our Ideological background provides a good base for our designing of foreign policy but the
modern dramatically changing geopolitical situation of the world must also be kept in mind while
deciding a foreign behavior as for us what matters the most is “only Pakistan” and not the vested
interest of any group whether it is military or any other political group. Relations with neighbors
should be the top priority and their stability should be considered Pakistan’s stability. No matter
whether a country is Islamic or not we should keep our relations clear and productive. Moreover,
military must pull its hands back from foreign policy as it isn’t under its jurisdiction and parliament
has the job to get it dealt with.

To conclude, it is clear to say that every department needs to get better and every Pakistani needs
to take it seriously further as what is being played till now and what we have to do or how to
proceed further. it is indeed a time consuming process to get this country back on the track to the
developmental standards of the western world but it needs a continuous, thorough struggle. Apart
from those having sticks in hands, every Pakistani needs to review his/her priorities and get the
right things to do. Accelerating educational development and strengthening the democratic process
will surely yield more than what we expect to be done in the coming years. In Sha Allah, if we
work hard and change our perspective toward major issues the day is not far, when we will feel
proud, having the green passport and this pure land of Pakistan will be among the major powers.
This is the only way to honor the blood shed being faced since the post-partition time. The only
thing we need to do is to get united, at least for our generations to come.

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Videos: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Eiwxa1fuoxw
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lPu42RGceGM

59
GEOGRAPHY

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Physical geography
Pakistan is bounded by Iran to the west, Afghanistan to the northwest and north, China to the
northeast, and India to the east and southeast. The coast of the Arabian Sea forms its southern
border.
Since 1947 the Kashmir region, along the western Himalayas, has been disputed, with Pakistan,
India, and China each controlling sections of the territory. Part of the Pakistani-administered
territory comprises the so-called Azad Kashmir (“Free Kashmir”) region—which Pakistan
nonetheless considers an independent state, with its capital at Muzaffarabad. The remainder of
Pakistani-administered Kashmir consists of Gilgit and Baltistan, known collectively as the
Northern Areas.
Pakistan is situated at the western end of the great Indo-Gangetic Plain. Of the total area of the
country, about three-fifths consists of rough mountainous terrain and plateaus, and the remaining
two-fifths constitutes a wide expanse of level plain. The land can be divided into five major
regions: the Himalayan and Karakoram ranges and their subranges; the Hindu Kush and western
mountains; the Balochistan plateau; the submontane plateau (Potwar Plateau, Salt Range, trans-
Indus plain, and Sialkot area); and the Indus River plain. Within each major division there are
further subdivisions, including a number of desert areas.
The Himalayan and Karakoram ranges
The Himalayas, which have long been a physical and cultural divide between South and Central
Asia, form the northern rampart of the subcontinent, and their western ranges occupy the entire
northern end of Pakistan, extending about 200 miles (320 km) into the country. Spreading
over Kashmir and northern Pakistan, the western Himalayan system splits into three distinct
ranges, which are, from south to north, the Pir Panjal Range, the Zaskar Range, and the Ladakh
Range. Farther north is the Karakoram Range, which is a separate system adjoining the Himalayas.
This series of ranges varies in elevation from roughly 13,000 feet (4,000 metres) to higher than
19,500 feet (6,000 metres) above sea level. Four of the region’s peaks exceed 26,000 feet (8,000
metres), and many rise to heights of more than 15,000 feet (4,500 metres). These include such
towering peaks as Nanga Parbat (26,660 feet [8,126 metres]) and K2, also called Godwin Austen
(28,251 feet [8,611 metres]), in the Northern Areas.
Several important rivers flow from, or through, the mountains of Kashmir into Pakistan. From the
Pir Panjal Range flows the Jhelum River (which bisects the famous Vale of Kashmir); the Indus
River descends between the Zaskar and Ladakh ranges; and the Shyok River rises in the
Karakoram Range. South of the Pir Panjal is the northwestern extension of the Shiwalik
Range (there rising to about 600 to 900 feet [200 to 300 metres]), which extend over the southern
part of the Hazara and Murree hills and include the hills surrounding Rawalpindi and
neighbouring Islamabad.
Beyond the Karakoram Range in the extreme north lies the Uygur Autonomous Region
of Xinjiang, China; to the northwest, beyond the Hindu Kush, are the Pamirs, where only the
Vākhān (Wakhan Corridor), a narrow strip of Afghan territory, separates Pakistan from Tajikistan.
The Himalayan massif was pierced in 1970 when Chinese and Pakistani engineers completed

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the Karakoram Highway across the Karakoram Range, linking the town of Gilgit in the Northern
Areas with Kashgar (Kashi) in Xinjiang. The highway, a marvel of modern technology, carries
considerable commerce between the two countries but has promoted little cultural exchange.
The northern mountain barrier influences the precipitation pattern in Pakistan by
intercepting monsoon (rain-bearing) winds from the south. Melting snow and glacial meltwater
from the mountains also feed the rivers, including the Indus, which emerge from the east-west-
aligned ranges to flow southward. Siachen Glacier, one of the world’s longest mountain glaciers,
feeds the Nubra River, a tributary of the Shyok. The many glaciers in this region, particularly those
of the Karakoram Range, are among the few in the world to have grown in size since the late 20th
century.
The northern and western regions of the country are subject to frequent seismic activity—the
natural consequence of a geologically young mountain system. Minor earth tremors are common
throughout the region. However, a number of earthquakes have been severe and highly destructive,
given the fact that many buildings are poorly constructed and that those in the mountains are often
precipitously perched. Historically recent major quakes in Pakistan include those in 1935, 1945,
1974, and 2005. The latter two were in the far north of the country, and the 2005 quake—centred
in the mountainous border region of the North-West Frontier Province (now Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa) and Azad Kashmir—killed some 80,000 to 90,000 people and left the entire area
devastated.
The population in this inhospitable northern region is generally sparse, although in a few favoured
places it is dense. In most of the tiny settlements of this region, the usual crop is barley; fruit
cultivation, especially apricots, is of special importance. Timber, mainly species of pine, is found
in some parts, but its occurrence varies with precipitation and elevation. Many slopes have been
denuded of cover by excessive timber felling and overgrazing.
In far northern Pakistan the Hindu Kush branches off southwestward from the nodal orogenic uplift
known as the Pamir Knot. The ridges of the Hindu Kush generally trend from northeast to
southwest, while those of the Karakorams run in a southeast-northwest direction from the knot.
The Hindu Kush is made up of two distinct ranges, a main crest line that is cut by transverse
streams, and a watershed range to the west of the main range, in Afghanistan, that divides the Indus
system of rivers from the Amu Darya (ancient Oxus River) drainage basin. From the Hindu Kush,
several branches run southward through the areas of Chitral, Dir, and Swat, in Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa. These branches have deep, narrow valleys along the Kunar, Panjkora,
and Swat rivers. In the extreme northern portion, the ranges are capped with perpetual snow and
ice; high peaks include Tirich Mir, which rises to 25,230 feet (7,690 metres). The valley sides are
generally bare on account of their isolation from the precipitation-bearing influences. Toward the
south the region is largely covered with forests of deodar (a type of cedar) and pine and also has
extensive grasslands.
The Safid Mountain Range, lying south of the Kābul River and forming a border with Afghanistan,
trends roughly east to west and rises throughout to an elevation of about 14,000 feet (4,300 metres).
Its outliers are spread over Kohat district, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. South of the Safid Range are the

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hills of Waziristan, which are crossed by the Kurram and Tochi rivers, and even farther south is
the Gumal River. Comparatively broad mountain passes are located south of the Kābul River. They
are, from north to south, the Khyber, Kurram, Tochi, Gomal, and Bolan. The Khyber Pass is of
special historical interest: broad enough to allow for the passing of large numbers of troops, it has
often been the point of ingress for armies invading the subcontinent.
South of the Gumal River, the Sulaiman Range runs in a roughly north-south direction. The highest
point of that range, Takht-e Sulaiman, has twin peaks, the higher of which reaches 18,481 feet
(5,633 metres). The Sulaiman Range tapers into the Marri and Bugti hills in the south. The
Sulaiman and, farther south, the low Kirthar Range separate the Balochistan plateau from the
Indus plain.
The vast tableland of Balochistan contains a great variety of physical features. In the northeast a
basin centred on the towns of Zhob and Loralai forms a trellis-patterned lobe that is surrounded on
all sides by mountain ranges. To the east and southeast is the Sulaiman Range, which joins
the Central Brahui Range near Quetta, and to the north and northwest is the Toba Kakar Range
(which farther west becomes the Khwaja Amran Range). The hilly terrain becomes less severe
southwestward in the form of Ras Koh Range. The small Quetta basin is surrounded on all sides
by mountains. The whole area appears to form a node of high ranges. West of the Ras Koh Range,
the general landform of northwestern Balochistan is a series of low-lying plateaus divided by hills.
In the north the Chagai Hills border a region of true desert, consisting of inland drainage
and hamuns (playas).
Southern Balochistan is a vast wilderness of mountain ranges, of which the Central Brahui Range
is the backbone. The easternmost Kirthar Range is backed by the Pab Range in the west. Other
important ranges of southern Balochistan are the Central Makran Range and the Makran Coast
Range, whose steep face to the south divides the coastal plain from the rest of the plateau.
The Makran coastal track mostly comprises level mud flats surrounded by sandstone ridges. The
isolation of the arid plain has been broken by an ongoing development project at Gwadar, which
is linked with Karachi via an improved road transport system.

The southeastern part of the Indus plain, from eastern Bahawalpur to the Thar Parkar region in the
south, is a typical desert, an extension of the Thar Desert between Pakistan and India. It is
separated from the central irrigated zone of the plains by the dry bed of the Ghaggar River in
Bahawalpur and the eastern Nara Canal in Sind. The desert is variously known as the Cholistan or
Rohi Desert in Bahawalpur and the Pat or Thar Desert in Sind. The surface of the desert is a wild
maze of sand dunes and sand ridges. Most of the Sind Sagar Doab, the most western of the doabs
of Punjab, was an unproductive wasteland (known as the Thal Desert) before the construction of
the Jinnah Barrage on the Indus River near Kalabagh in 1946. The Thal canal system, which draws
water from the barrage, has turned parts of the desert into fertile cultivated land.
Climate
Aridity is the most pervasive aspect of Pakistan’s climate, and its continental nature can be seen
in the extremes of temperature. Pakistan is situated on the edge of a monsoonal (i.e., wet-dry)

63
system. Precipitation throughout the country generally is erratic, and its volume is highly variable.
The rainy monsoon winds, the exact margins of which vary from year to year, blow
in intermittent bursts, and most moisture comes in the summer. Tropical storms from the Arabian
Sea provide precipitation to the coastal areas but are also variable in character.
The efficiency of the monsoonal precipitation is poor, because of its concentration from early July
to mid-September, when high temperatures maximize loss through evaporation. In the north the
mean annual precipitation at Peshawar is 13 inches (330 mm), and at Rawalpindi it reaches 37
inches (950 mm). In the plains, however, mean annual precipitation generally decreases from
northeast to southwest, falling from about 20 inches (500 mm) at Lahore to less than 5 inches (130
mm) in the Indus River corridor and 3.5 inches (90 mm) at Sukkur. Under maritime influence,
precipitation increases slightly to about 6 inches (155 mm) at Hyderabad and 8 inches (200 mm)
at Karachi.
The 20-inch (500-mm) precipitation line, which runs northwest from near Lahore, marks off
the Potwar Plateau and a part of the Indus plain in the northeast; these areas receive enough rainfall
for dry farming (farming without irrigation). South of this region, cultivation is confined mainly
to riverine strips until the advent of irrigation. Most of the Balochistan plateau, especially in the
west and south, is exceptionally dry.
Pakistan’s continental type of climate is characterized by extreme variations of temperature, both
seasonally and daily. High elevations modify the climate in the cold, snow-covered northern
mountains; temperatures on the Balochistan plateau are somewhat higher. Along the coastal strip,
the climate is modified by sea breezes. In the rest of the country, temperatures reach great extremes
in the summer; the mean temperature during June is 100 °F (38 °C) in the plains, where the highest
temperatures can exceed 117 °F (47 °C). Jacobabad, in Sind, has recorded the highest temperature
in Pakistan, 127 °F (53 °C). In the summer, hot winds called loos blow across the plains during
the day. Trees shed their leaves to avoid excessive moisture loss. The dry, hot weather is broken
occasionally by dust storms and thunderstorms that temporarily lower the temperature. Evenings
are cool; the diurnal variation in temperature may be as much as 20 to 30 °F (11 to 17 °C). Winters
are cold, with minimum mean temperatures of about 40 °F (4 °C) in January.

Pakistan has modest quantities of petroleum and some large natural gas fields. The first oil
discovery was made in 1915. Pakistan intensified the search for oil and natural gas in the 1980s
and was rewarded with the discovery of a number of new oil fields in the Potwar Plateau region
and in Sind. A number of fields have been developed, particularly near Badin, in Sind. Despite the
continued search for new and richer fields (including some offshore exploration and drilling),
Pakistan has had to import increasing amounts of oil from abroad to satisfy growing consumption,
making the country vulnerable to fluctuations in world oil markets. Most imports take the form
of crude oil, which is refined into various products. Pakistan’s refinery capacity well exceeds its
domestic crude production. The oil sector is regulated by the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural
Resources, and international oil companies are authorized to operate in Pakistan in cooperation
with domestic companies.

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The largest natural gas deposits are at Sui (on the border between Balochistan and Punjab),
discovered in 1953. A smaller field, at Mari, in northeast Sind province, was found in 1957. A
number of smaller natural gas fields subsequently have been discovered in various areas. A
network of gas pipelines links the fields with the main consumption
areas: Karachi, Lahore, Multan, Faisalabad, and Islamabad. Although proven reserves are large,
they have not kept pace with domestic consumption.
Coal mining is one of the country’s oldest industries. The quality of the coal is poor, and the mines
have been worked below capacity because of the difficulty of access; despite ample reserves, the
country regularly imports coal.
Although energy production has grown faster than the economy as a whole, it has not kept pace
with demand, and as a result there are shortages of fuel and electric power. The bulk of power
requirements are provided by thermal plants (coal, oil, and natural gas), with most of the remainder
provided by hydroelectric installations.
The generation, transmission, and distribution of power is the responsibility of the Pakistani Water
and Power Development Authority (WAPDA), a public-sector corporation. WAPDA lost its
monopoly over generation after Pakistan entered into an agreement in 1989 with a consortium of
foreign firms to produce power from giant oil-fired plants located at Hub, near Karachi; the plants
were completed in 1997.
Great progress, however, has been made in the development of the hydroelectric potential of
Pakistan’s rivers. A giant hydroelectric plant is in operation at the Mangla Dam, on the Jhelum
River in Azad Kashmir (the part of Kashmir under Pakistani administration). Another such source
is the giant Tarbela Dam, on the Indus River.
Pakistan has three nuclear power plants, the Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (completed 1972), the
Chashma Nuclear Power Plant-1 (2000), and the Chashma Nuclear Power Plant-2 (2011). The
Chashma plants are at Kundian, Punjab. Nuclear power provides only a tiny proportion of the
country’s total energy production.

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2ikaZrf1JsY

65
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E8Bt3pNBpOo

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Human geography
To break this down even more specifically, the population of Pakistan grew, on average, at a rate
of 3 percent per year from 1951 until the middle of the 1980’s decade. From the mid 1980’s until
the year 2000, the growth of the population slowed down to about 2.6 percent per year; and from
2000 to 2012, to about 2 percent per year. The reason for this slow population increase may be that
the country spent a lot of time and effort to slow down the population growth. As a result of these
efforts, it is a lot poorer than what is was a long time ago. If it did not make any effort to slow
down its population increase, then there would actually be 49.13 million MORE people in the
country than the current reports. But on the other end, they would also be a lot richer as a country.
In other words, Pakistan, had it not slowed down its population increase, would actually be 52
percent richer than it is right now. Obviously, history cannot be changed, so the efforts have been
switched to educating its population instead.

Since the year 1947, when the country became a sovereign state, the population of Pakistan has
increased significantly, particularly because more and more people felt comfortable moving their
families and businesses to the area. Compared to the other countries in the region, the growth rate
of Pakistan is about 2.1 percent higher. It is predicted that in about 35 years, if this growth
continues, the population of Pakistan will eventually become double of what it was back in 2001.
Judging from how the population has grown significantly over just ten years, this “doubled
population” figure does not seem to be far off.

There have been very drastic and dramatic social changes in Pakistan. These vital changes have
ushered in a new era of urbanization and the creation of a couple of megacities within the country.
As of 2003, the country became one of the most urbanized cities in all of South Asia, mainly
because city dwellers made up about 36 percent of its entire population at that point. About 50
percent of Pakistani citizens live in a place where at least 5,000 other citizens reside as well.

Most Pakistani people come from the ancestral group known as the Indo-Iranians. The largest
ethnic group in Pakistan consists of those of Punjabi ethnicity, while Pashtuns and Sindhis are the
second and third largest ethnic groups in the country, respectively. There is a special mixed ethnic
group between the Punjabi ethnicity and the Sindhi ethnicity, and this group makes up about 10
percent of the entire Pakistani population.
When we consider the foreigners who live in Pakistan, a majority of them come from Afghanistan.
Smaller foreign groups include those from Iraq, Bangladesh, Uzbekistan, Somalia, Burma,
and Tajikistan. The most popular language in Pakistan is Punjabi, a language in which 88 percent
of the population speaks. Second is the language Saraiki, which is spoken by 10 percent of the
population; and coming in third is the language Pashto, spoken by 15 percent of the population.
Pakistan is one of the most populous countries in the world. Infant mortality has decreased, and life
expectancy has increased; nearly two-thirds of the population is under 30 years of age. The birth

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rate is higher than the world’s average, while the death rate is lower. Life expectancy is 66 years
for men and 70 years for women.

Pakistan: Age breakdown

The overwhelming demographic fact of Pakistani history is the enormous shift of population
during the country’s partition from India. Millions of Hindus and Sikhs left Pakistan, and about
eight million immigrants (muhajirs)—then roughly one-fourth of the country’s population—
arrived from India, bringing their own language (mostly Urdu), culture, and identity. Most settled
in Sindh province, but muhajir pockets can be found throughout the country.
The major demographic shifts in the postindependence period have been movements within the
country (largely to urban areas), the exodus of large numbers of Pakistanis to live and work abroad,
and the influx of large numbers of Afghan refugees into the country beginning in the early 1980s.

The movement of people to urban areas and abroad can be tied to an overall increase in
population—which has strained resources, particularly in rural areas—largely due to improved
health care and dietary intake.The economies of most parts of the countryside have been unable to
absorb the increased population, and many Pakistanis have turned to the cities in search of jobs.
Though Karachi and Lahore are the only two cities that can properly be called megalopolises, all
of the cities of Pakistan have grown rapidly in size and population since independence. Even in

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the cities, however, resources have been strained. Beginning in the oil boom of the 1970s, large
numbers of Pakistanis traveled to the Persian Gulf states seeking work. Most found employment
as unskilled labourers, traveling without their families and returning home at the end of their
contracted time. Also, a great many Pakistanis—mostly among the educated professional classes—
emigrated to the West, either to the United States or to the United Kingdom and
other Commonwealth countries, but with advances in modern communications they often have
kept in close contact with other family members still in Pakistan.
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During the 1980s millions of Afghans fled to Pakistan during the Afghan War. Most of them
settled along the two countries’ shared border, although a significant number migrated to larger
cities. It was only with the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in the late 1980s and, more
importantly, the end of Taliban rule there in 2001 that significant numbers of Afghans were
repatriated. Nevertheless, a great many have remained in refugee camps in the border areas as well
as in Pakistan’s cities.

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Physical and human activities
Pakistan is mainly an agricultural country and endowed with a large livestock population. It is an
important sub-sector of agriculture and assume a pivotal position in the whole economy strategy
of Pakistan. This sector is closely linked to crop products and population. It covers about 38 per
cent of the agricultural value-added and in providing directly or indirectly employment to about
50 per cent of the population and 9.4 per cent to the gross domestic product (GDP). It represents
about 12.3 per cent of the total exports. Besides, being a source of milk, meat, eggs, hides and
skins, livestock provides draught power for agricultural operations and industrial raw materials.
The country also earn sizable amount of foreign exchange from the export of various livestock
products. Pakistan is predominantly an agricultural country with land areas of 79.61 million
hectares and bordering four important countries from the three sides. Geographically, Pakistan
presents large scenario of great variations in topography, climate natural vegetation and resources,
human and animal population. Livestock also serves the mankind in several ways. They contribute
a considerable amount to our daily protein requirements in the form of milk and meat.

Pakistan is lucky in having two best tropical and sub-tropical breeds of buffaloes such as: Nili-
Ravi and Kundi breed, eight recognized breeds of cattle of Hostein Friesian and Jersey breeds as
well as their crossbreads with local cattle (Sahiwal, Red Sindhi and Thari), Dera Din Pench, Beetal,
Nachi and Kamori goats and Lohi, Kjli, Keghani, Damani and salt Range sheep are augmenting
animals production in the country. In the year 2004, the domestic livestock population is estimated
to be in numbers: 25.5 million buffaloes, 23.8 million cattles, 24.7 million sheep, 54.7 million
goats, 0.8 million camels, 0.3 million horses, 0.07 million mules, 4.1 million donkeys and 352.6
million poultry. For the same year (2004), they produced 28,624 x 103 tons milk, 1087 x 103 tons
beef, 723 x 103 tons mutton, 402 x 103 tons poultry meat, 39.9 x 103 tons wool, 20.7 x 103 tons
hair, 356.2 x 103 tons bones, 132 x 103 tons fats, 8,247 million numbers eggs, 8.4 million numbers
hides, 41.4 million numbers skins , 40 x 103 tons blood and 630,000 metric tons fish.

Livestock plays a vital role in strengthening the economy as it earns nearly Rs. 55 billion foreign
exchange annually, which constitutes 10 of the overall export earnings of the country. The
production of milk annually is 28624 x 103 kg and that of meat is 1957 x 103 tons. As such, the
annual per capita availability of livestock products (milk) comes to 82.4 kg, meat 14.23 kg and
eggs 39 nos. However, the availability of these commodities has to be increased to meet the
requirements of burgeoning population, which at the rate of 2.8 per cent per year is estimate to be
150 million by end of the year-2004.

Pakistan needs to increase its milk and meat production at the rate of 6 to 9 per cent annually, to
keep up with the increased demand due to population growth, urbanization and increase in income.
The government has taken numerous measures from time to time for the improvement of livestock
sector, which include strengthening of research and development activities, import of exotic
animals, micro and macronutrients and chemicals used in feed industry, provision of credit

70
facilities, tax holiday on some items essential for livestock and poultry industry and provision of
long and short-term training to the scientists.

Livestock products have shown different growth rates between 1971-72 and 1995-96. For
example, milk production during the period grew at the compound rate of 4 per cent per year, beef
4.4 per cent, mutton 6.5 per cent, poultry meat 14.4 per cent, while the production of eggs increased
at the rate of 10 per cent a year. When the total production of there foods is judged against the
population, the per-capita availability of milk, which was 119.4 kgs per year increased to 153.4
kgs of beef from 5.3 to 7.5 kgs of mutton from 3.2 to 7.2 kgs of poultry meat from about 0.2 to 2.7
kgs per head per year. It is interesting to note that the rate of growth in each of the items was
greater than that of the population, which resulted in higher per-capita availability of these foods
during this period, but the prices of there increased comparatively at greater price. Livestock
includes a list of species of cattle, buffalo, sheep, horse, mule, donkey, camel, goat, chicken, duck,
turkey, poultry, etc.

The need for improving the per head productivity of livestock in the country is imperative to cope
with the demand in future. So far whatever increases in national production of milk and meat have
been achieved are mainly due to increased production of livestock. Pakistan derives considerable
income from agriculture and it may be stated that livestock industry contributes about 38% of the
total gross production value of agriculture and about 10% of the total national income. Livestock
provides almost more than 95% of all motive power of agriculture operations, livestock provides
the most essential items of human diet like meat, milk and eggs. It also supplies wool, hides, skins,
bones, hair, casings and blood for industrial use within the country and for export as well. It also
provides organic fertilizer (dung) for human population and agriculture activities.

The by-products of livestock industry contribute to domestic industrial development as well as

also make a valuable contribution to export earnings of Pakistan, which comes from the export of
carpets, leather, wool hides, skins and others. All the animals are prone to some sort of disease in
any stage of their life. The younger ones are more susceptible to infestation than older ones.
However, livestock of all ages can be affected by worms. The control of numerous diseases
producing agents is based on treating the infected animals and preventing the spread of infection
as far as possible. Disease like foot and mouth affects the productivity of the livestock without
causing any mortality as such farmers do not take much care for preventive vaccinations. Even in
case of mortal diseases like rinder-pest, anthrax, and hemorrhagic, septicemia, farmers do not taken
care to get their animals vaccinated until the outbreaks occur. Thorough and comprehensive
vaccination efforts be taken to vaccinate all the animals to control the contagious diseases. The
acto and endo parasites are silent killers and affect the animal's health causing debility and
depressing the productivity.

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Although, large tracts of land are available in the country, the size of livestock population is not
commensurate with the physical conditions and natural advantages that the country possesses.
Livestock farming mostly employs old methods and in many cases, it is a result of backyard home
production. That is, modern breeding practices are not generally followed and thus the animal
population suffers from malnutrition. As a result, the quality and weight of our animals are much
below the international standards. In order to raise the rural income and employment levels, the
development of livestock resources of the country become imperative.
Pakistan has an excellent wealth of animals. The varieties of our animals have no parallel in the
world. Some of the varieties are of very high quality, but little efforts have been made to make
further improvement and develop new species. The main problem of our dairy is not the
production, but of introduction of modern technology and giving it a status of industry. In New
Zealand, one person alone runs a farm with 120-150 cows, of 2000-3000 sheep and goats by
working 30 hours a week. Cattle ranches can be developed in Pakistan, because of the availability
of rangelands occupying 70 per cent of the land area Rangelands suffer from lack of management.
If this is on the basis of modern technology then a large number of modern cattle and dairy farms
can be established to get large production of animal quality as well high yield of their products.
Ranching is a modern livestock farming organized on the pattern of an industrial project. Most of
the farming processes are mechanized. Cultivation of fodder is done mechanically without
involving the use of fertile land. Separate feeds are prepared for different age groups and types of
animals.

In the production of meat, healthy young calves are slaughtered in modern abattoirs, where entire
process is mechanized. The milk is prepared mechanically and marketed on scientific basis. In
short, ranching if properly organized, it reduced the cost of production, ensures the quality of
products, eliminates wastes and make livestock and dairy farming a profitable business. Modern
ranches when properly developed and organized can solve many problems. Apart from large scale
production of animals without encroaching upon fertile land and to provide better and wholesome
food at economical price, they can solve the problem of rural unemployment and stop their
migration to urban centres, which create more acute problems.

Animals in general require the some nutrients as human beings. Some feeds such as pasture
grasses, hay and silage crops and certain cereal grains are grown specifically for animals. Other
feeds, such as sugar beet, pulp, grains, and pine apple bran are the by-products remaining after a
food crop has been processed for human use. Surplus food crops such as wheat, other cereals,
fruits, vegetables and roots of many crops may also feed to animals. In this way, such surpluses
are converted into meat, milk and eggs for the human diet.

Livestock markets in the country are shanty or in rickety structures within and provision of no
proper arrangements for shelter, drinking water and feeds for animals. Livestock markets in rural
and urban areas are mainly single day markets as such the livestock owners are at the mercy of

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middlemen. No proper markets exist for livestock products like milk and keeping of eggs. This is
to be looked at properly and the problem needs to be solved honestly. To get better livestock
production, it is necessary that a programme be chalked out for training of farmers in modern
aspects of breeding, management, disease control and marketing. This will of course help in the
production of livestock and alleviation of poverty in the country, especially in the rural areas.

Agriculture is a vital sector of Pakistan's economy and accounted for 25.9 percent of GDP in 1999-
2000, according to government estimates. The sector directly supports three-quarters of the
country's population, employs half the labor force , and contributes a large share of foreign
exchange earnings. The main agricultural products are cotton, wheat, rice, sugarcane, fruits, and
vegetables, in addition to milk, beef, mutton, and eggs. Pakistan depends on one of the world's
largest irrigation systems to support production. There are 2 principal seasons. Cotton, rice, and
sugarcane are produced during the kharif season, which lasts from May to November. Wheat is
the major rabi crop, which extends from November to April. The key to a much-needed
improvement of productivity lies in a more efficient use of resources, principally land and water.
However, change is dependent on the large landowners who own 40 percent of the arable land and
control most of the irrigation system, which makes widespread reform difficult. Assessments by
independent agencies, including the World Bank, show these large landholdings to be very
unproductive. Pakistan is a net importer of agricultural commodities. Annual imports total about
US$2 billion and include wheat, edible oils, pulses, and consumer foods

Pakistan is one of the world's largest producers of raw cotton. The size of the annual cotton crop—
the bulk of it grown in Punjab province—is a crucial barometer of the health of the overall
economy, as it determines the availability and cost of the main raw material for the yarn-spinning
industry, much of which is concentrated around the southern port city of Karachi. Official
estimates put the 1999-2000 harvest at some 11.2 million 170-kilogram bales, compared with the
1998-99 outturn of 8.8 million bales and the record 12.8 million bales achieved in 1991-92. The
government recently actively intervened in the market to boost prices and to encourage production.
A major problem is that the cotton crop is highly susceptible to adverse weather and pest damage,
which is reflected in crop figures. After peaking at 2.18 million tons in 1991-92, the lint harvest
has since fluctuated considerably, ranging from a low of 1.37 million tons in 1993-94 to a high of
1.9 million tons in 1999-2000.

The 2000-01 wheat crop was forecast at a record 19.3 million tons, compared to 17.8 million tons
produced during the previous year. This increase is due largely to favorable weather and a 25-
percent increase in the procurement price to about US$135 per ton. About 85 percent of the crop
is irrigated. Despite the record production, Pakistan will continue to be a major wheat importer.
The government has imported an average of US$2.4 million annually over the past 5 years. The
United States and Australia are the major suppliers. Demand for wheat is increasing from
Pakistan's rapidly growing population as well as from cross-border trade with Afghanistan.

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Pakistan is a major rice exporter and annually exports about 2 million tons, or about 10 percent of
world trade. About 25 percent of exports is Pakistan's famous fragrant Basmati rice. Rice is
Pakistan's second leading source of export earnings. Private traders handle all exports. Pakistan's
main competitors in rice trade are Thailand, Vietnam, and India.

Tobacco is grown mainly in the North-West Frontier Province and Punjab and is an important cash
crop . Yields in Pakistan are about twice those for neighboring countries largely due to the
extension services provided by the industry. Quality, however, is improving only slowly due to
problems related to climate and soil. Farmers have started inter-cropping tobacco with vegetables
and sugarcane to increase returns. About half of the total production is used for cigarette
manufacturing and the remainder used in traditional ways of smoking (in hand-rolled cigarettes
called birris, in water pipes, and as snuff). The share of imported tobacco is increasing gradually
in response to an increased demand for high-quality cigarettes.

Minor crops account for only 5 percent of total cultivated area; these include oilseeds (sunflower,
soybean), chilies, potatoes, and onions. Domestic oilseed production accounts only for about 25
percent of Pakistan total edible oil needs. As a result, Pakistan spends more than US$1 billion
annually in scarce foreign exchange to import edible oils, while its oilseed processing industry
operates at less than 25 percent of capacity due to an inadequate supply of oilseeds. For 2000-01
total oilseed production was forecast to decrease 10 percent to 3.6 million tons. The government
has highlighted development of the oilseed sector as a priority.
Pakistan's fishing industry is relatively modest, but has shown strong growth in recent years. The
domestic market is quite small, with per capita annual consumption of approximately 2 kilograms.
About 80 percent of production comes from marine fisheries from 2 main areas, the Sindh coast
east from Karachi to the Indian border, and the Makran coast of Baluchistan. Ninety percent of the
total marine catch is fish; the shrimp which constitute the remainder are prized because of their
greater relative value and demand in foreign markets. During 1999-00, total fish production was
620,000 tons, of which 440,000 tons consisted of sea fish and the remainder were fresh-water
species. About one-third of the catch is consumed fresh, 9 percent is frozen, 8 percent canned, and
about 43 percent used as fish meal for animal food.

Livestock accounts for 40 percent of the agricultural sector and 9 percent of the total GDP.
Principal products are milk, beef, mutton, poultry, and wool. During 1999, the livestock population
increased to 120 million head. That same year Pakistan generated 970,000 tons of beef, 640,000
tons of mutton, and 190,000 tons of poultry. In an effort to enhance milk and meat production, the
government recently launched a comprehensive livestock development project with Asian
Development Bank assistance. Poultry production provides an increasingly popular low-cost
source of protein. Modern poultry production is constrained by high mortality, high incidence of
disease, poor quality chicks, and poor quality feed, combined with an inadequate marketing
system. Frozen poultry have only recently been introduced.

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Forests cover an area of 4.2 million hectares or about 5 percent of the total area of Pakistan. The
principal forest products are timber, principally for house construction, furniture, and firewood.
Many of the country's wooded areas are severely depleted as a result of over-exploitation. The
government has restricted cutting to protect remaining resources—though corruption often
jeopardizes environmental efforts—and has lowered duties to encourage imports. Forestry
production has since declined from 1.07 million cubic meters in 1990-91 to 475,000 cubic meters
in 1998-99. Pakistan imports an estimated US$150 million of wood products annually to meet the
requirements of a growing population and rising demand by a wealthy elite.

Quiz: https://gotest.pk/general-knowledge/pakistan/agriculture-test-online-mcqs-practice-
questions-and-answers/
https://www.askedon.com/pakistan-industrial-sector-mcqs/

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Population geography

The country of Pakistan has a history that dates back to almost 2,500 years B.C. It is considered to
be one of the most highly advanced and highly developed civilizations of those ancient times.
Finally becoming a sovereign state (and eventually recognized as an official mark on the map of
the world) on August 14, 1947, this country is known for having deep roots in the Islamic religion.
The country’s capital is Islamabad, and the country features four different provinces: North West
Frontier Province, Sindh, Balochistan, and Punjab.
Pakistan Area and Population Density
Last collected in the year 2011, the population, at that point, stood at a reported 176,745,364. This
number came from a report that was published by the World Bank in 2012. Back in 2001, the
estimated population was around 142.5 million; the country, at that point, became the seventh most
populated country in the entire world. Over the next ten years, the estimated population grew by
about 34 million people. Today, the estimated Pakistan population is approximately 220.89
million, making it the 5th most populous country.
Largest Cities in Pakistan
Pakistan has an impressive 10 cities with populations exceeding one million, but the two largest
by far are Karachi and Lahore with populations of 14,916,456 and 11,126,285 respectively. The
third largest is Faisalabad, with a population of 3,204,726. The remaining seven countries over 1
million listed in order of their respective sizes
are Rawalpindi, Gujranwala, Peshawar, Multan, Hyderabad, Islamabad, and Quetta.
Pakistan Demographics
There have been very drastic and dramatic social changes in Pakistan. These vital changes have
ushered in a new era of urbanization and the creation of a couple of megacities within the country.
As of 2003, the country became one of the most urbanized cities in all of South Asia, mainly
because city dwellers made up about 36 percent of its entire population at that point. About 50
percent of Pakistani citizens live in a place where at least 5,000 other citizens reside as well.
Most Pakistani people come from the ancestral group known as the Indo-Iranians. The largest
ethnic group in Pakistan consists of those of Punjabi ethnicity, while Pashtuns and Sindhis are the
second and third largest ethnic groups in the country, respectively. There is a special mixed ethnic
group between the Punjabi ethnicity and the Sindhi ethnicity, and this group makes up about 10
percent of the entire Pakistani population.
When we consider the foreigners who live in Pakistan, a majority of them come from Afghanistan.
Smaller foreign groups include those from Iraq, Bangladesh, Uzbekistan, Somalia, Burma,
and Tajikistan. The most popular language in Pakistan is Punjabi, a language in which 88 percent
of the population speaks. Second is the language Saraiki, which is spoken by 10 percent of the
population; and coming in third is the language Pashto, spoken by 15 percent of the population.
English is widely spoken throughout the government of Pakistan, mainly because it is actually the
official language of the government of the country. Many government officials, civil servants, and
members of the military speak English in their daily conversations and their meetings.

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Pakistan Religion, Economy and Politics
In the year 1984, the life expectancy of a Pakistani citizen was only at 56.9 years. As of the year
2002, the life expectancy has jumped up to 63 years of age. The improvement was a direct result
of improved medical facilities and better educated health professionals available in the country.
The downside, unfortunately, is that doctors and nurses are still in short number for the citizens
that need them. There is only 1 nurse for every 3,700 people in the country. There are
approximately .6 beds per 1,000 individuals residing in Pakistan as well. If the country is looking
to improve health among its citizens and continue to grow their life expectancy rate, then the
number of available doctors and nurses needs to continue to grow. If these numbers do not
improve, then the people of Pakistan will actually see their life expectancy rate dip back down to
the numbers of the mid 1990’s (59 years of age).
The life expectancies of males and females are generally the same in Pakistan. As of 2002, men
were expected to live around 63.7 years, while women were expected to live 63.4 years. (These
numbers are according to the National Institute of Population Studies.)
In addition, the median age is only 23.8 years of age.
The access to clean drinking water and improved sanitation services are also important factors to
consider in terms of quality of life. 91.4% of the population has improved access to clean drinking
water while 8.6% still have unimproved access. When it comes to sanitation access, only 63.5%
of the population has this available, while 36.5% still struggle.
Pakistan Population History
To break this down even more specifically, the population of Pakistan grew, on average, at a rate
of 3 percent per year from 1951 until the middle of the 1980’s decade. From the mid 1980’s until
the year 2000, the growth of the population slowed down to about 2.6 percent per year; and from
2000 to 2012, to about 2 percent per year. The reason for this slow population increase may be that
the country spent a lot of time and effort to slow down the population growth. As a result of these
efforts, it is a lot poorer than what is was a long time ago. If it did not make any effort to slow
down its population increase, then there would actually be 49.13 million MORE people in the
country than the current reports. But on the other end, they would also be a lot richer as a country.
In other words, Pakistan, had it not slowed down its population increase, would actually be 52
percent richer than it is right now. Obviously, history cannot be changed, so the efforts have been
switched to educating its population instead.
Pakistan Population Growth
Since the year 1947, when the country became a sovereign state, the population of Pakistan has
increased significantly, particularly because more and more people felt comfortable moving their
families and businesses to the area. Compared to the other countries in the region, the growth rate
of Pakistan is about 2.1 percent higher. It is predicted that in about 35 years, if this growth
continues, the population of Pakistan will eventually become double of what it was back in 2001.

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Judging from how the population has grown significantly over just ten years, this “doubled
population” figure does not seem to be far off.
Pakistan Population Projections
The current growth rate in Pakistan is close to 2%, but this is expected to halve to less than 1% by
the year 2050 - at which point it is predicted to cross the 300 million threshold. The population is
predicted to near 210 million by 2020 and get to 245 million by 2030

Quiz: https://quizizz.com/admin/quiz/57fe58f2f0d465f70ed8f201/human-migration

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XzNowDQPizA
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yd2eO8ZFibM

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Practical geography

Environmental degradation is the disintegration of the earth or deterioration of the environment

through consumption of assets, for example, air, water and soil; the destruction of environments
and the eradication of wildlife. It is characterized as any change or aggravation to nature’s turf
seen to be pernicious or undesirable. Ecological effect or degradation is created by the
consolidation of an effectively substantial and expanding human populace, constantly expanding
monetary development or per capita fortune and the application of asset exhausting and polluting
technology. It occurs when earth’s natural resources are depleted and environment is compromised
in the form of extinction of species, pollution in air, water and soil, and rapid growth in population.

Environmental degradation is one of the largest threats that are being looked at in the world today.
The United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction characterizes environmental
degradation as the lessening of the limit of the earth to meet social and environmental destinations,
and needs. Environmental degradation can happen in a number of ways. At the point when
environments are wrecked or common assets are exhausted, the environment is considered to be
corrupted and harmed. There are a number of different techniques that are being used to prevent
this, including environmental resource protection and general protection efforts.

Environmental issues can be seen by long term ecological effects, some of which can demolish
whole environments. An environment is a unique unit and incorporates all the living and non-
living components that live inside it. Plants and creatures are evident parts of the environment, but
it also includes the things on which they depend on, for example, streams, lakes, and soils.
Environmental surroundings get to be divided when technological advancement splits up areas of
land. Some examples of this can include streets which may slice through woods or even trails
which wind through prairies. While it may not sound all terrible on the surface, there are bad
results. The biggest of these results are felt by particular animal and plant groups, the vast majority
of which are specific for their bio-region or need a large area in order to make sure that their genetic
lines are kept intact.

Causes of Environmental Degradation

Some environmental life species require substantial areas to help provide food, living space, and
other different assets. These creatures are called area specific. At the point when the biome is
divided, the vast patches of living space don’t exist anymore. It gets to be more troublesome for
the wildlife to get the assets they need in order to survive. The environment goes on, even though
the animals and plant life are not there to help sustain it properly.

1. Land Disturbance: A more basic cause of environmental degradation is land damage. Numerous
weedy plant species, for example, garlic mustard, are both foreign and obtrusive. A rupture in

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the environmental surroundings provides for them a chance to start growing and spreading. These
plants can assume control over nature, eliminating the local greenery. The result is territory with a
solitary predominant plant which doesn’t give satisfactory food assets to all the environmental life.
Whole environments can be destroyed because of these invasive species.

2. Pollution: Pollution, in whatever form, whether it is air, water, land or noise is harmful for the
environment. Air pollution pollutes the air that we breathe which causes health issues. Water
pollution degrades the quality of water that we use for drinking purposes. Land pollution results
in degradation of earth’s surface as a result of human activities. Noise pollution can cause
irreparable damage to our ears when exposed to continuous large sounds like honking of vehicles
on a busy road or machines producing large noise in a factory or a mill.

3. Overpopulation: Rapid population growth puts strain on natural resources which results in
degradation of our environment. Mortality rate has gone down due to better medical facilities
which has resulted in increased lifespan. More population simple means more demand for food,
clothes and shelter. You need more space to grow food and provide homes to millions of people.
This results in deforestation which is another factor of environmental degradation.

4. Landfills: Landfills pollute the environment and destroy the beauty of the city. Landfills come
within the city due the large amount of waste that gets generated by households, industries,
factories and hospitals. Landfills pose a great risk to the health of the environment and the people
who live there. Landfills produce foul smell when burned and cause huge environmental
degradation.

5. Deforestation: Deforestation is the cutting down of trees to make way for more homes and
industries. Rapid growth in population and urban sprawl are two of the major causes of
deforestation. Apart from that, use of forest land for agriculture, animal grazing, harvest for fuel
wood and logging are some of the other causes of deforestation. Deforestation contributes to global
warming as decreased forest size puts carbon back into the environment.

6: Natural Causes: Things like avalanches, quakes, tidal waves, storms, and wildfires can totally
crush nearby animal and plant groups to the point where they can no longer survive in those areas.
This can either come to fruition through physical demolition as the result of a specific disaster, or
by the long term degradation of assets by the presentation of an obtrusive foreign species to the
environment. The latter frequently happens after tidal waves, when reptiles and bugs are washed
ashore.

Of course, humans aren’t totally to blame for this whole thing. Earth itself causes ecological issues,
as well. While environmental degradation is most normally connected with the things that people
do, the truth of the matter is that the environment is always changing. With or without the effect

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of human exercises, a few biological systems degrade to the point where they can’t help the life
that is supposed to live there.

Effects of Environmental Degradation

1. Impact on Human Health: Human health might be at the receiving end as a result of the
environmental degradation. Areas exposed to toxic air pollutants can cause respiratory problems
like pneumonia and asthma. Millions of people are known to have died of due to indirect effects
of air pollution.

2. Loss of Biodiversity: Biodiversity is important for maintaining balance of the ecosystem in the
form of combating pollution, restoring nutrients, protecting water sources and stabilizing climate.
Deforestation, global warming, overpopulation and pollution are few of the major causes for loss
of biodiversity.

3. Ozone Layer Depletion: Ozone layer is responsible for protecting earth from harmful ultraviolet
rays. The presence of chlorofluorocarbons, hydro chlorofluorocarbons in the atmosphere is causing
the ozone layer to deplete. As it will deplete, it will emit harmful radiations back to the earth.

4. Loss for Tourism Industry: The deterioration of environment can be a huge setback for tourism
industry that rely on tourists for their daily livelihood. Environmental damage in the form of loss
of green cover, loss of biodiversity, huge landfills, increased air and water pollution can be a big
turn off for most of the tourists.

5. Economic Impact: The huge cost that a country may have to borne due to environmental
degradation can have big economic impact in terms of restoration of green cover, cleaning up of
landfills and protection of endangered species. The economic impact can also be in terms of loss
of tourism industry.

As you can see, there are a lot of things that can have an effect on the environment. If we are not
careful, we can contribute to the environmental degradation that is occurring all around the world.
We can, however, take action to stop it and take care of the world that we live in by
providing environmental education to the people which will help them pick familiarity with their
surroundings that will enable to take care of environmental concerns thus making it more useful
and protected for our children and other future generations.

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Quiz: https://www.mcqbiology.com/2012/12/mcq-on-environmental-
pollution.html#.Xl2plGgzbIU
https://www.mcqlearn.com/chemistry/g10/environmental-pollution-mcqs.php

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jSmmmYfO7pU
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7mctgGkmdSA

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Economic Resources

Today Pakistan meets most of the requirement the foreign investors are looking for. Despite the
political issues foreign investors are attracted to invest in Pakistan. And we hope Pakistan’s
economy will get better in future. Security concerns of the investors are improving
gradually. Import and export play a big role in the country’s economy. It is made easy by
the import and export service providers nowadays.

Let’s take our mind off from negativity and discuss good things happening in Pakistan.’ China-
Pakistan Economic Corridor‘ CEPC a $46 billion investment program is targeted to develop the
energy sector and other infrastructure projects. CEPC creates many opportunities for both the
countries. The CEPC project also attracts the foreign investors in Pakistan. CEPC will benefit a
lot in import and export of Pakistan.

Many foreign companies are investing in Pakistan. A few days back Nissan Motor CO Ltd
announced to start producing its Datsun brand In Pakistan. Pakistan is a growth potential, its
annual sale in 2017 of cars is 200,000. In 2016 government introduced policies to promote growth
in the automobile industry.

Import is considered as a backbone of international trade. If the import is higher than the export
then the balance of trade is considered as negative. The most important Pakistani imports also
include electronics, machines, plastic, and clothes. Iron and steel products is another major import
of Pakistan which is in high demand.

Agriculture plays a vital role in the process of economic development of a country. Pakistan’s
agriculture has more than 40% of the labor. Pakistan is one of the largest agriculture suppliers in
the world. Almost half of the trade in agriculture is in livestock. Pakistan is the fifth largest milk
producer country according to the food and agriculture organization.

Industries contribute a lot to the development of the country. Cotton textile and apparel production
are the largest industries of Pakistan. Textile is a very vast field and Pakistan is really good at it.
Pakistan produces garments, sportswear, leather items, etc. Textile and apparel manufacturing add
in most of the export earnings of Pakistan. Many other industries like cement, steel, sugar mill,
fertilizer, poultry play its role in the economy.

Tourism activities are considered to be one of the major sources of economic growth. It can be
regarded as a mechanism of generating the employment as well as income in both formal and
informal sectors. Tourism supplements the foreign exchange earnings derived from trade in
commodities and sometimes finance the import of capital goods necessary for the growth of
manufacturing sectors in the economy. On the other hand rapid economic growth in the developed

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economies attracts foreign travels (Business travels), which leads to an increase in the foreign
reserve of the country.

Pakistan particularly has a lot of potential regarding tourism because of its diverse and well-
preserved culture; from the ‘Do Darya’ in Karachi and Gwadar Port in Balochistan to the Badshahi
Mosque in Lahore and beautiful valleys of the north like Hunza and Sust. Every part of Pakistan
has its own culture and language which makes it even more interesting.
According to a report by World Economic Forum, the direct contribution of tourism industry in
Pakistan in year 2015 was Rs328 million constituting to 2.8 percent of the total GDP. The
government is making continuous efforts to promote tourism in Pakistan and they predict that by
the year 2025 tourism will contribute Rs1 trillion to Pakistan’s economy.

Yet that’s not the best outcome because the government has not been able to take the tourism
market seriously in Pakistan despite some work being done. There is still a lot of room for
improvements in the tourism business. There is a need to maintain the tourism attraction and
preserve the heritage. Putting the tourism industry at low priority has led to no development in tour
industry and historical sites. It has been estimated that the public and private sectors have gradually
earned less income from the tourism market causing less investment and innovation within the
industry. This has led to several historical sites and landmarks to depreciate over time and the lack
of international standards have left many sites in poor states. The latest budget showed that less
money was being spent on tourism industry and more on other less important markets. Some
tourist corporations have started working and encouraged the government to attract tourists to
Pakistan by working on several projects in the tourist market: building and maintaining the road
and air networks. The maturation of human and natural resources can also contribute to the
development of the flabby industry.

Development of tourism industry in Pakistan can bring a great change to the economic status of
the country. That’s because tourists have a wide range of budgets and tastes, and a wide variety of
resorts and hotels can be developed to cater for them. For example, some people prefer simple
vacations, while others want more specialized holidays, quieter locations, family-oriented
holidays, or niche market-targeted destination hotels. So in contrast to that, we can develop a lot
of different hotels or restaurants to meet everyone’s demands. Now all of that cannot work out if
people outside Pakistan don’t know about it. Advertising campaigns need to attract tourist by
developing holiday packages especially designed to explore the greater regions of the country. In
this era of technological advancement we can advertise anything pretty easily on the internet on a
very high level and it can reach out to everyone in this way.

China and Pakistan had formed partnership to complete China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
(CPEC) under “One-Road, One-Belt” vision. The project has great importance for both the
countries. CPEC has potential to transform the socio-economic landscape of Pakistan. According

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to the estimates, the ‘One-Belt One-Road’ would establish close land and maritime connections
between/among 60-plus countries across Asia and Europe. Neither the economic stability of
Pakistan is acceptable to its regional competitors, nor China’s emergence as a global power is
tolerable to many states. China is the central point of mechanism to the West and Pakistan’s central
point of mechanism to the Central, West, and South Asia bothers regional and global aspiring is a
supreme leader.

CPEC is road to success of economic development of China and Pakistan. According to some
internal sources, there is also negative propaganda against CPEC project that entrance of Chinese
products in the Pakistani market may cause unemployment and destruction of local manufacturing
industries.

The American strategic community considers China as an emerging strategic competitor in the
current geo-political landscape of the world. Hence, Asia-Pacific region has become a geostrategic
priority for the Pentagon. During Obama’s Administration, pivot or rebalance strategy in Asia-
Pacific was designed in 2011-12 to contain China. In this context, the CPEC reduces Chinese
dependence on the South China Sea trade route. Subsequently, it would facilitate China to take
firm actions while pursuing its strategic objectives in Asia-Pacific. Beijing has been developing
powerful forces capable of deterring and defeating aggression of any state, including United States,
in South China Sea. It has been observed that since 2015, Chinese have been conveying that in
South China Sea, they would not accept external actor’s interference. It seems determined to
monitor the navigation operations in the South China Sea and continue developing bases on its
Islands in the Sea. India is neighborhood country to Pakistan and China.

Pakistan and China have border dispute with India. India feels that if CPEC gets success, both
Pakistan and China would get stronger. India is showing emotional attitude towards CPEC. At the
present, India aliens with US and Israel. Since decade India is trying to destroy internal security
of Pakistan. The Indians are cognizant to the fact that once CPEC is completed; it would change
the face of Pakistani province of Balochistan. The Indian intelligence agency RAW crafted a
network in Balochistan to obstruct the construction of CPEC infrastructure. Kulbhushan Yadav
was arrested from Balochistan and admitted that he was on mission to handle terror activities in
Balochistan. We all know that CPEC project would be transforming the global geo-economic
landscape. China and Pakistan would be the primary beneficiary of the project. CPEC is
encountered by the anti-CPEC regional and global challenges. During the development of Gwadar,
Chinese engineers have been killed. China has invested to build the Gwadar port and Gwadar city.
Gwadar is Pakistan’s flagship for the future. Globalisation may get a great boost from CPEC. The
concept of Share Wealth, Share Peace, Share Future could be conceived anywhere in the world.
CPEC is the route to friendship and economic growth and it will open doors to the prosperous
world of tomorrow.

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Quiz: http://www.moalims.com/mcqs/252/1/import-and-export-of-pakistan/who-is-who

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CbGVhoTnKAg
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aGd2FjRCNCA
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g_rVqxHQmoE

86
Economic Development

With the advancement of technology and the availability of the fastest internet connections at our
disposal, the entire world is virtually at our fingertips. Due to these innovations, the concept of
globalisation emerged and the world is getting more and more integrated with every passing day,
so that we are now the citizens of the global village. This integration process with the help of these
technological tools gave rise to the e-commerce, a virtual space where buyers and sellers exchange
goods and services. On the one hand, this market is booming in different countries, on the other,
it has not yet realised its full potential in Pakistan.

In advanced countries, e-commerce has almost replaced the traditional markets by offering online
goods and services. For instance, Alibaba, Amazon, etc. are connecting buyers and sellers by
providing them space at their platforms, which has also facilitated the consumers to seek the
products of their choice at the most competitive rates and even without physically visiting the
markets. More often than not, the consumers have to struggle to find the products of their choice
keeping in view the variety, price and quality. They run up to many shops and markets in search
and procurement of that article. Thus, e-commerce has facilitated acquiring that product with one
click on our computer screens or by one phone call, as e-commerce and tele-business are
interlinked. Not to speak of saving-time. After all, “time is like money or even more precious than
that”.

It is high time that the government promotes e-commerce for the benefit of the citizens,
entrepreneurs and boosting the crippling economy. The government should make necessary efforts
for ensuring that the buyers are provided with the best quality of goods and services
This writer also has a satisfactory experience with the mushrooming e-commerce industry. Lately,
I purchased a tablet from Saudi Arabia which had not been launched in Pakistan by then. For the
safety of tablet, I embarked on a journey to search for a foldable protective cover. After searching
few famous markets, I abandoned asking for the tablet cover shop after the stop from the bustling
streets of Karachi, as it was a very exhausting exercise. Convinced that my issue could be remedied
by an online search, I came across the famous Alibaba which offered unique options. Though
hesitant as it was my first experience with online purchasing, I ordered and surprisingly received
the product of the standard quality. Thereafter, I have been convinced no one can stop the thriving
e-commerce juggernaut.

In addition, recently a friend of mine took me to visit young entrepreneur Mr. Javed at hiss Urban
Tailor House, which offers home pick-up and delivery tailoring services. During the visit, my
friend asked Mr. Javed how he got this idea. He responded that he got his inspiration from the e-
commerce giants such as Alibaba, Amazon, Daraz, and so on, as they are also offering similar
services, choose-order-delivery of the product. Similarly, his start-up Urban Tailor House is
following their footsteps by picking up the unstitched clothes, after getting them stitched from his

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dynamic team according to the wishes of the customer such as designing, are delivered back to the
customers within the stipulated time at reasonable service charges. I was surprised to see that the
young entrepreneur is offering the innovative idea that we may get our clothes stitched with one
click or call. This has made me repose my confidence in the positive use of technology.
While visiting the website, I came across shopping bags and the owner apprised that these shopping
bags are in compliance with environmental standards and are bio-degradable. We appreciated his
vision and care for the environment and his unique idea of home-pick and delivery of tailor-
services.

Though there is a vast scope of e-commerce in Pakistan, it remains an untapped resource.

According to the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA), there are 162 million mobile and
71 million 3G/4G subscribers in Pakistan. Despite these staggering figures, e-commerce remains
an unexploited market. There are many reasons for this underutilisation, such as lack of awareness
amongst the masses, trust-deficit between the customers and owners of e-commerce brands,
government’s disregard to promoting it, apart from others.

Notwithstanding these issues, it is incumbent on the government to promote and encourage

entrepreneurs like Mr Javed for many reasons. Firstly, it helps in facilitating the people to get their
desired goods or services at their home without much trouble. Secondly, with the help of e-
purchases, people may find the products at the competitive prices. Thirdly, it can also be a source
of employment generation as a large number of people can be adjusted in this field. Fourthly,
exportable products can fetch dollars for the cash-starved national kitty. Lastly, it boosts economic
activity which needs the country most.

It is high time that the government promotes e-commerce for the benefit of the citizens,
entrepreneurs and boosting the crippling economy. The government should make necessary efforts
for ensuring that the buyers are provided with the best quality of goods and services. For this
purpose, legislation can be introduced that in case a customer finds quality of the product as
substandard then the seller will be made liable to refund the principal accrued amount. Bridging
the trust gap between the buyers and sellers would be another such step in the right direction.
Above all, it is state’s responsibility to provide the opportunities to the citizen’s for tapping the
emerging e-commerce market and utilise it to the optimum level in the globalised world.

Pakistan’s Information Technology (IT) sector has a promising future with its talented youth, and
is poised to become the largest export industry of the country. With more than 30 percent
population between the 15-20 year age brackets, Pakistan is touted as one of the financially
attractive destinations for outsourcing services. Pakistan-based IT firms are serving the world’s
leading aeronautical and space research organizations, National Aeronautics and Space
Administration (NASA) and international governments to protect them from cyber threat.

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Presently, the government is striving to increase exports, reduce imports and create import
substitutes in order to bring balance between foreign earnings and income with the objective of
narrowing down the current account deficit. Local IT firms can fulfill this need as they can help
reduce software imports worth billions of dollars, in addition to that they have the potential to
export IT infrastructure and software worth around $10 billion per year.

Pakistan’s total information communication technology (ICT) revenues have reached $4.1 billion.
The country’s software exports grew by 2.4 percent to $1.09 billion during 2018-19, from $1.06
billion in the last fiscal year. With more than 5,000 IT companies providing services to entities in
around 100 countries, Pakistan ICT sector is undergoing a boom as more than 10,000 application
developers, freelancers enter into the workforce each year. The export sector remains focused on
animation, software development, gaming, systems integration, billing and telemarketing services.
The size of Pakistan’s total software sector is likely to grow further by more than 3pc during the
next five years.

Some of the statistics supporting the above claim are as under:

Sixty-four percent of Pakistan’s 210 million population is below the age of 30. This equates to
about 135 million youth.

The median age of ‘digitally savvy’ youth demographic for Pakistan is 22 years. The average for
most other countries is much higher. (UNDP, 2018)

Pakistan has 154.3 million mobile phone subscribers, 70 million are using 3G/4G and the annual
growth is 5.6%. (Hootsuite)

Pakistan’s tele-density is 73%. (Google)

There are 48 million wired/WiFi internet subscribers as of 2018. (Google)

E-commerce stands at almost 100% year-on-year growth for the past five years. (Google)

Eighty-two percent of consumers with access to the internet in urban areas have made an online
purchase by 2018, up by six percent from 2017. (Nielsen 2018 Connected Commerce)

Thirty-seven million active social media users growing annually at 5.7% and Facebook
representing 87.98% of usage. (Statscounter)

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Software technology parks are a major factor in facilitating the IT companies and play a major role
in the development of the IT industry. Arfa Kareem Technology Park in Lahore was a major player,
which has brought a lot of foreign companies to invest in Pakistan. Ministry of IT
and Telecom plans to establish state of the art IT parks and place 3,000 interns in them from almost
all cities of Pakistan. The government needs to initiate public-private partnership programs that
will collaborate in sustainable and profitable ways to give the ecosystem what it needs. The only
thing needed is the overall understanding of digital phenomenon, the will of the people (and the
leaders) and a collective partnership between all stakeholders.

Quiz: https://www.pkmcqs.com/mcqs-question/css/group-a/economics-1/economy-of-pakistan

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MC9ggZuLwmg
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lLN1B75uWvU
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGGNzuS6Yc0

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Industrial Development

Industrialization plays a vital role in the economic development of underdeveloped countries. As

the historical record shows, the developed countries of the world broke the vicious cycle of poverty
by industrializing, rather than focusing on agricultural or the production of national resources.

Currently, Pakistan, as a developing country, wants to achieve a higher standard of living for its
people. For this reason, it is pursuing policies that support privatization and deregulation of the
economy.

Industry plays a complex role in economic development, but these are some of its
most important effects.
Industrialization allows countries to make optimal use of their scarce resources. It increases the
quantity and quality of goods manufactured in that company, which makes a larger contribution to
gross national product (GNP).

In an industrialized society, workers' labor is worth more. In addition, because of higher

productivity, individual income increases. This rise in income raises the standard of living for
ordinary people.

A nation that depends on the production and export of raw material alone cannot achieve a rapid
rate of economic growth. The restricted and fluctuating demand for agricultural products and raw
materials—along with the uncertainties of nature itself—hampers economic progress and leads to
an unstable economy. Industrialization is the best way of providing economic stability.

Industrialization changes the pattern of foreign trade in the country. It increases the export of
manufactured goods, which are more profitable in foreign exchange. But at the same time,
processing the raw material at home curtails the import of goods, thereby helping to conserve
foreign exchange. The export-orientation and import-substitution effects of industrialization help
to improve the balance of payments. In Pakistan in particular, the exports of semi-manufactured
and manufactured goods resulted in favorable trade. Industrialization provides increased
employment opportunities in small- and large-scale industries. In an industrial economy, industry
absorbs underemployed and unemployed workers from the agricultural sector, thereby increasing
the income of the community.

Industrialization promotes specialized labor. This division of work increases the marginal value
product of labor. In other words, specialized labor is more profitable. The income of a worker in
the industrial sector will be higher on average than that of a worker in the agricultural sector.

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Pakistan is an independent state located in South Asia and ranked as the world’s 55th country with
the largest factory output. The country's industrial output is approximately 4% of the country's
GDP and has cotton textile production and apparels manufacturing as the largest industry in the
country accounting for 66% of all export items and employs approximately 40% labor force in the
industry. The use of cotton has increased by about 5.7% in the country over the last five years, and
the economic growth has been averaging about 7%. As of 2010, the spinning capacity in Pakistan
had 10 million spindles, and textile exports were valued at $15.5 billion, and some of the major
industries in the country include fertilizer, cement, edible oil, steel, sugar, chemicals, tobacco,
machinery, and food processing among others.

Mining Industry

Pakistan has fast deposits of numerous minerals and other natural resources, and some of the most
important minerals in the country include limestone, chromite, gypsum, iron ore, gold, silver, rock
salt, copper, precious stones, coal, gemstones, marble, graphite, fireclay, sulfur, and silica among
others. The province of Punjab has the world’s largest deposits of salt, while the province of
Balochistan is an area with rich deposits of oil and gas, although it has not been fully exploited or
explored. The government of Pakistan has recently pursued policies to develop the region so that
it can exploit the vast resources found in the region. Other deposits of minerals such as zinc are
found particularly in the southern part of the country, while the western part has deposits of gold.

Oil and Gas Industry

Oil was first discovered in Pakistan in 1952 at Suo Sui in the province of Balochistan and in 1960
a the Toot oilfield in Islamabad in Punjab province with production increasing steadily. Similarly,
natural gas was also discovered 1952 at the giant gas field Sui in the province of Balochistan. The
country also is a major producer of bituminous coal, lignite, and sub-bituminous coal. Pakistan
started coal mining way back during the colonial period, and it has been used in the country in
different industries since independence in 1947. In 2005, a Canadian based company signed an
agreement with the state-owned Oil and Gas Company of Pakistan to explore the Toot field.
Natural gas in Pakistan is substantially large and the levels of the remaining reserves are thought
to so huge, and they are expected to last for at least 20 years because of heavy use in the country.

Manufacturing Industry

Pakistan is one of the largest manufacturing countries in the world, and it is ranked as the 30th
largest. Manufacturing industry accounts for approximately 20% of the total output in the country,
and over the last five years, the manufacturing industry has experienced an average growth of 3.4%
annually. Manufacturing in the country can be categorized into two; that is large scale
manufacturing, which is valued at $28 billion and the small scale manufacturing sector, which is

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valued at $653 billion. Manufacturing industry in Pakistan has been growing steadily, and in the
2001-2003 financial years the growth in the industry was about 7.7%, and for the twelve months
that ended in June 2004, the country’s large-scale manufacturing experienced growth of above
18% in comparison to other years. The garment and textile industry together with its related
products is by far the single largest industry in Pakistan, and it is made up of 453 textile mills
which are composed of 403 spinning units, 50 integrated units having 9.33 million spindles and
148,000 rotors.

Prospects and Challenges Facing Pakistan

The current economic outlook of Pakistan presents some opportunities however the country is also
facing different challenges particularly in the long term where it could severely affect the prospects
of growth, and therefore the economy would only experience some sporadic bursts of the growth
as opposed to having a sustained upward trajectory. Some of the challenges facing the Pakistanis
economy include increasing public debt, reducing exports and increasing imports, lack of political
consensus, low taxation and low investment, low savings and high consumption-oriented society,
and the shrinking share in world trade among other major challenges.

The HDI was created to emphasize that people and their capabilities should be the ultimate criteria
for assessing the development of a country, not economic growth alone. The HDI can also be used
to question national policy choices, asking how two countries with the same level of GNI per capita
can end up with different human development outcomes. These contrasts can stimulate debate
about government policy priorities.

The Human Development Index (HDI) is a summary measure of average achievement in key
dimensions of human development: a long and healthy life, being knowledgeable and have a
decent standard of living. The HDI is the geometric mean of normalized indices for each of the
three dimensions.

The health dimension is assessed by life expectancy at birth, the education dimension is measured
by mean of years of schooling for adults aged 25 years and more and expected years of schooling
for children of school entering age. The standard of living dimension is measured by gross national
income per capita. The HDI uses the logarithm of income, to reflect the diminishing importance
of income with increasing GNI. The scores for the three HDI dimension indices are then
aggregated into a composite index using geometric mean. Refer to Technical notes for more
details.
The HDI simplifies and captures only part of what human development entails. It does not reflect
on inequalities, poverty, human security, empowerment, etc. The HDRO offers the other
composite indices as broader proxy on some of the key issues of human development, inequality,
gender disparity and poverty.

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Quiz: https://pakmcqs.com/category/economics-mcqs/industrial-development
Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OIQAOvgPTnw

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Ideological basis of Pakistan

The ideology of Pakistan took shape through an evolutionary process. Historical experience
provided the base; Allama Iqbal gave it a philosophical explanation; Quaid-i-Azam translated it
into a political reality; and the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, bypassing Objectives Resolution
in March 1949, gave it legal sanction. It was due to the realization of the Muslims of South Asia
that they are different from the Hindus that they demanded separate electorates. However, when
they realized that their future in a „Democratic India‟ dominated by Hindu majority was not safe,
they changed their demand to a separate state.
The ideology of Pakistan stemmed from the instinct of the Muslim community of South Asia to
maintain their individuality in the Hindu society. The Muslims believed that Islam and Hinduism
are not only two religions, but are two social orders that produced two distinct cultures. There is
no compatibility between the two. A deep study of the history of this land proves that the
differences between Hindus and Muslims are not confined to the struggle for political supremacy
but are also manifested in the clash of two social orders. Despite living together for more than one
thousand years, they continue to develop different cultures and traditions. Their eating habits,
music, architecture and script, all are poles apart.
The basis of the Muslim nationhood was neither territorial nor racial or linguistic or ethnic rather
they were a nation because they belonged to the same faith, Islam. They demanded that the areas
where they were in the majority should be constituted into a sovereign state, wherein they could
order their lives by the teachings of Holy Quran and Sunnah of Holy Prophet (PBUH).
The creation of Pakistan was unique in the sense that it was based on an ideology which sought its
roots from the religion of Islam. The famous slogan was as under:-
“PAKISTAN KA MATLAB KIYA, LA ILLA HA ILL ALLAH”
It became the corner of the freedom movement and the basis of Pakistan.
Meaning and definitions of Pakistan Ideology are explained as under:-
The ideology of Pakistan is actual implementation of Islamic teachings.
To maintain and arouse the national dignity and struggles for unity among Muslim Ummah and
Islamic rule is, in fact, Ideology of Pakistan.
Two-Nation Theory by Islamic Philosophy in the political and cultural background of Sub-
continent is called the ideology of Pakistan.
The ideology of Pakistan is actually Islamic ideology.
The idea of Muslims, attaining Pakistan was infected Ideology of Pakistan.
Pakistan is an Ideological state, and the ideology of Pakistan is Islamic ideology. Its basic principle
being:
“The only sovereign is Allah”.
Islam acted as a nation-building force before the establishment of Pakistan. The ideology of
Pakistan basically means that Pakistan should be a state where the Muslims should have an
opportunity to live according to the faith and creed based on the Islamic principles. They should

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have all the resources at the disposal to enhance Islamic culture and civilization. Quid-e-Azam
once said:
“Pakistan was created the day the first Indian national entered the field of Islam”.
From the above statement, it is clear that Ideology of Pakistan is an Islamic one.

The significance of Pakistan Ideology

The ideology of Pakistan is very important in national life and its some salient aspects are
explained as under:-

The protagonist of Success Ideology of Pakistan is a supporter of its success and triumph. The
Muslims of Sub-continent were unified into oneness only because of the ideology of Pakistan.
They ranked their differences entirely and prompted for the attainment of Pakistan. Resultantly,
they succeeded to foil cunning tactics of Hindus and English. So, this ideology kept on
strengthening them, and inordinate power of thinking and religious potency kept increasing in
them, and it resulted in an independent state. 2. A bearer of Morality and Good Character Due to
the adoption of Ideology of Pakistan such a Muslim nation can be developed which would have
lofty ethical traits, honesty, good character, and velour as well.

Development of New Islamic World One of the fundamental aims of Ideology of Pakistan is to
unify all the Muslims world over, and thus ideology apprises the Muslims of unity and fraternity.
By adopting it, we can get rid of interior and exterior worries, extortion and imperialistic,
conspiracies very easily.

Inevitable for Country and National Safety It is inevitable for the sublime and safety of the nation.
It places the people residing in different provinces on one platform and creates unity among them.
As long as it is strictly adopted the unanimity of the nation would be elevated. It will help in foiling
the aims of terrorists, saboteurs, time servers and vested interests elements. Thus, the safety of
Pakistan ideology is necessary for the integrity of the country.

Source of Religious Power it is also a great source of religious power. This ideology forced the
English and Hindus to bow down in the past too, and others can also be forced to bow down by
adopting the ideology in future. So it is the need of the hour to cordially adopt this idea so that we
may be prominent in living nations.
The ideology of Islamic State This ideology has been founded on Islamic teachings. Therefore, by
adopting this ideology, the Muslim nation would develop into staunch Muslim and righteous and
good Muslims would be produced by owning this theory.

Pakistan’s ideology was grounded in the intense feelings of injustices amongst the Muslim
minority in undivided India. Majority of Muslims in pre-Partition India wanted to protect their

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Muslim identity, and political and economic rights. These feelings became the foundation of the
two-nation theory. While leaders of the Indian National Congress contested such claims, the All
India Muslim League fought the case of the Muslims of the subcontinent and was successful in
gaining a separate country on the basis of separate identity of Muslims.
Had Muslims been treated equally in undivided India, Muslim nationalism might not have emerged
so strongly. Social justice, equality, protection of political, religious and economic rights were the
foundation stones of Pakistan’s ideology. If any other group had a population relative to Muslims
in undivided India, it might also have followed the same path to claim independence. The struggle
for independence was universal in principles and specifically about Muslim nationalism. These
principles were elucidated time and again by the Quaid-e-Azam. This was done most emphatically
and famously in his address to the Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947: “You are free; you
are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place or worship
in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed — that has nothing to
do with the business of the State … Even now there are some States in existence where there are
discriminations made and bars imposed against a particular class. Thank God, we are not starting
in those days. We are starting in the days where there is no discrimination, no distinction between
one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are
starting with this fundamental principle: that we are all citizens, and equal citizens, of one State. ”
The ideology of Pakistan would have been better served had the country claimed and demonstrated
to be more secular than India. By secular, I mean the provision of religious freedom to all citizens.
When the Quaid said “we are all citizens, and equal citizens, of one state”, he was definitely
referring to people belonging to all sects of Islam as well as to those belonging to other religions,
all ethnicities as well as men, women, children and transgenders. The apt rejoinder to those who
were opposing the creation of Pakistan on the basis of the two-nation theory would have been to
make Pakistan a haven for tolerance, equality of citizenship and protection of citizens’ economic,
religious and political rights. If the basis of Muslim nationalism was the fear of numerical majority
of the Hindus in undivided India, we should not have let any such fear find place in in the hearts
of religious and ethnic minorities in Pakistan.
The country has suffered every time we have violated the principles of Pakistan’s ideology. The
first step in solving any problem is recognising that there is one. Let’s accept that the ideology of
Pakistan was violated when non-Muslims were barred from holding certain positions of high
power. Passing the Objectives Resolutions violated Pakistan’s ideology, as the state entangled
itself with religion — against the teachings of the Quaid.
Pakistan’s ideology was violated when East Pakistan was not provided with its political and
democratic rights in 1970. It is violated when Christians continue to be made targets of laws that
enable the settling of personal scores on the pretext of religion and when almost 1,000 non-Muslim
women are forced to convert and marry Muslim men every year. Pakistan’s ideology is violated
when transgenders are shot and are not given due care in hospitals and when the Council of Islamic
Ideology subjects laws protecting women to unjustified scrutiny and not allowing DNA to be used
as primary evidence in rape cases. Pakistan’s ideology is violated when Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and

97
Balochistan are deprived of their due share in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and when
the people of Fata are not accorded their fundamental rights.
If we want a strong and prosperous Pakistan, then we have to ensure equal rights for all citizens.
In the current constitutional and institutional set-up, basic rights are being grossly violated. Let’s
make Pakistan stronger by following the true spirit of Pakistan’s ideology.

Quiz: https://www.pkmcqs.com/mcqs-question/sindh/9th-class-3/english-16/responsibilities-of-
a-good-citizen

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YXkqbW_j4go

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Constitutional Development

(May 23, 2014) On April 29, 2014, the Provincial Assembly of Sindh passed Pakistan’s first law
prohibiting child marriages. (Habib Khan Ghori, Sindh PA Passes Landmark Bill Prohibiting
Child Marriages, DAWN.COM (Apr. 29, 2014).)
The Sindh Child Marriage Restraint Act prohibits child marriages under section 3, which states:

Whoever, being a male above eighteen years of age, contracts a child marriage shall be punished
with rigorous imprisonment which may extend to three years but shall not be less than two years
and shall be liable to fine. (Sindh Child Marriages Restraint Act, 2013, Law Department,
Government of Sindh website.)
The Act defines a “child” as “a person male or female who is under eighteen years of age.”

The Act sets the same punishment for a person who “performs, conducts, directs, brings about or
in any way facilitates any child marriage.” A separate crime with the same punishment is also
prescribed for a parent or guardian who “does any act to promote the child marriage or permits it
to be solemnized, or fails to prevent it negligently, from being solemnized.”

In late March 2014, a parallel bill was introduced in the National Assembly of Pakistan to amend
the British colonial era law, the Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929, to make the act of solemnizing
a child marriage a cognizable offense and to provide stiffer punishments for contracting child
marriages. (Child Marriage Restraint (Amendment) Bill, 2014, National Assembly website.) The
bill also raised the defining age of a child for both males and females to 18.

This national-level bill currently faces “stiff resistance” from Muslim clerics and particularly the
Council of Islamic Ideology, a constitutional advisory body on Shari’a issues. (Naila
Inayat, Muslim Clerics Resist Pakistan’s Efforts to End Child Marriage, THE WASHINGTON
POST (May 16, 2014).) On March 11 the Council ruled that setting minimum age limits on
marriage for both the bride and groom is against Islamic Law. (Kalbe Ali, ‘Marriage Age’ Laws
Un-Islamic: CII, On May 22, the Council reaffirmed its ruling and criticized the Sindh provincial
assembly for passing the Child Marriage Restraint Act.

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Harassment at workplace has been one of the major contributing factors that impede women from
joining the workforce in Pakistan. The Protection against Harassment of Women at the Workplace
Act 2010 provides legal protection to women against harassment at the workplace, and reforms
the existing legislation regarding women’s right to work in Pakistan. This legislative review
discusses the scope of the Act with regard to international obligations of Pakistan. The review also
analyses the interpretation of the Act by the superior courts by examining the reported case law on
the subject. Besides, it highlights the shortcomings of the Act and makes recommendations for its
improvement.

Harassment against women at workplace is a grim reality in Pakistan, according to several studies,
including one conducted by the Alliance against Sexual Harassment (‘AASHA’). A research study
conducted in Lahore has shown that about 58 percent of nurses and doctors are sexually harassed,
usually at the hands of other doctors, nurses, attendants, patients and visitors. In the same vein, the
Inquiry Report on the Status of Women Employment 2003, commissioned by the National
Commission on the Status of Women Employment, mentions that nearly 50 percent of the
interviewed females working in the public sector are alleged to have been subjected to sexual
harassment. Yet another study conducted shows that a total 24,119 cases of violence against
women were reported in Pakistan between 2008 to 2010; of these, 520 are workplace harassment
cases. Furthermore, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (‘HRCP’) has reported that around
91 percent of women in the domestic work sector face harassment. These statistics indicate that
the verbal and physical harassment of women, alongside the exploitative and hostile working
conditions they face in workplaces, is a common phenomenon in Pakistan. This not only
discourages women in Pakistan from continuing employment, but it also reduces their job
performance, often leads to long lasting psychological effects, and has severe consequences for
their health. In light of this statistical evidence, the Government of Pakistan has passed the
Protection against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act 2010, which aims to protect
women from incidents of workplace harassment. This legislative review seeks to analyze the
aforementioned Act through a critical and analytical lens, and provides a legal insight on the issue
of harassment at the workplace.
This legislative review has been divided into two parts. Part I looks into the Statement of Purpose
of the Act and delves into the rights allegedly being protected. By first highlighting how
harassment at the workplace violates an individual’s right to work, this part of the review will
investigate whether the legislation fulfills its purpose of protecting women from workplace
harassment and eventually protecting their right to work. It further analyzes the claim made by the
Act of being in consonance with Pakistan’s international obligations with respect to the protection
of rights of women. Part II of the review overviews provisions of the Act in a sequential manner.
This part further assesses the interpretations of the various provisions of the Act by the
Ombudsmen. Since both the federal and the provincial Ombudsmen have jurisdiction to hear
complaints under this law, it is important to understand how they interpret the law in light of
various policy considerations. The aim of this legislative review is to make suggestions to the

100
legislature and the judiciary for better implementation and interpretation of the Act. It is argued
that through this legislation the Government of Pakistan has played its part towards eliminating
harassment against women at the workplace, but certain shortcomings in the legislation and its
incorrect application by courts have diminished its potential effectiveness.

While describing the objectives of the Act, the Statement of Objectives and Reasons states that the
Act builds upon the principles of equal opportunity for men and women and their right to earn a
livelihood. It further clarifies that the main purpose of the legislation is to create a safe working
environment where women are able to contribute towards the economy of the country without any
fear of harassment, abuse or discrimination. Moreover, the statement of purpose states that the Act
adheres to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (‘UDHR’), the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (‘CEDAW’) and International Labor
Organization (‘ILO’) Conventions 100 (ILO Convention for Equal Remuneration for Men and
Women for Work) and 111 (The Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention of
1958). It is to be noted that all of the aforementioned international conventions have been ratified
by Pakistan and serve to protect an individual’s right to work.
Under the international human rights legal framework, the right to work is multifaceted. Therefore,
rather than being understood as a single right, it should be considered as a collection of rights.
These include the rights to remuneration, human dignity, protection from forced labor, just and
favorable conditions at the workplace, enjoyment of work, and free choice work, among various
other basic benefits which are essential in pursuance of the right to work. According to Rhona
K.M. Smith:
It comprises of a variety of related rights and obligations, it is … a cluster of provisions entailing
equally classic freedoms and modern rights approaches as well as obligations-oriented perspective
made up of strictly enforceable legal obligations and political commitments
This right is protected under Article 23 of UDHR, Article 6 and 7 of the International Covenant
on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (‘ICESCR’) and Article 11 of CEDAW. Similarly, under
the ILO Convention 100, every state party is under an obligation to ensure equal remuneration for
men and women for work which is of the same value, whereas the ILO Convention 111 compels
member states to take action by any appropriate means to ensure equality of opportunity and
treatment in respect of employment and occupation. Pakistan, by virtue of having ratified the
aforementioned treaties, is bound to protect an individual’s right to work.
Before moving on to examine how harassment at the workplace violates one’s right to work, it is
important to understand the term harassment itself. According to the United Nations, harassment
is any kind of behavior, whether verbal or physical, that hinders work or promotes offensive work
environment. It can be understood as an unethical act of coercion, or of gaining attention, though
not necessarily sexual in nature. Harassment manifests itself in various forms of unethical and
unwelcome behavior, ranging from stalking, gazing, unwanted jokes and intimidation to sexually
demeaning attitudes such as passing sexual remarks or exerting subtle pressure for a sexual act.
Harassment at the workplace specifically refers to those incidents of harassment which take place

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in a workplace setting and which make working conditions hostile or offensive for the victim.
Statistical evidence indicates that incidents of harassment against women are significantly more
frequent than those against men, highlighting that women are generally more vulnerable to
workplace harassment than men.
Now that a definition of harassment has been delineated, it can be assessed how it violates the right
to work primarily due to two reasons. Firstly, any form of harassment makes the working
environment unsafe and unhealthy for a person, thus violating the right to just and favorable
working conditions. For instance, research has indicated that women who are harassed at their
workplace are more likely to be mentally disturbed, which eventually hampers their work
performance. Secondly, the fact that harassment disproportionately affects women makes it
gender-based discrimination, which is considered violence against women and is prohibited under
the international human rights law. In particular, CEDAW prohibits any gender-based violence,
and defines it as ‘violence directly affecting the women disproportionately than men’. In its
General Recommendation No. 19, CEDAW defines sexual harassment as:
include[ing] such unwelcome sexually determined behavior as physical contact and advances,
sexually coloured remarks, showing pornography and sexual demand, whether by words or
actions. Such conduct can be humiliating and may constitute a health and safety problem; it is
discriminatory when the woman has reasonable grounds to believe that her objection would
disadvantage her in connection with her employment, including recruitment or promotion, or when
it creates a hostile working environment.[13]
This definition indicates that the right to work is violated when an employee is subjected to
harassment at the workplace. Moreover, it is important to note that underlying the right of an
individual to work is also the right to dignity. If individuals are denied their protected rights to
work, to just and favorable working conditions, or to be free from discrimination at the workplace,
they cannot be said to have a well-maintained right to dignity. Therefore, in situations where
women in Pakistan are either harassed at their workplace or are exploited on the basis of their
gender, the State is accountable for its failure to discourage gender-based discrimination. In fact,
the State is also responsible for its failure to properly discharge its several international
commitments as mentioned above.
The 2010 Act was passed in pursuance of protecting the aforementioned rights of an individual
and fulfillment of the international obligations with respect to protection of a woman’s right to
work. This legislation ostensibly complies with Article 23(1) of UDHR.[14] Moreover, the Act
also complies with the requirements of CEDAW by giving consideration to women through a
separate legislation for them. The definition of harassment used by the Pakistani legislature is
similar to the definition of sexual harassment provided by the CEDAW Committee, indicating the
legislature’s commitment to its international obligations. However, it should be noted that the
objective of the ILO Convention 100 has not been satisfied. While the ILO Convention 100
pertains to equal remuneration for men and women, it is unclear as to how this convention has
been incorporated into the present legislation, which does not discuss equal pay for men and
women at all, and appears to be a form of window-dressing. Likewise, the ILO Convention 111

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deals with the elimination of discrimination at employment and occupation for men and women.
While the Pakistani legislature has worked towards eliminating one of the disadvantages faced by
women i.e. harassment, it should be noted that the State should not presume that its obligations
towards the ILO Convention 111 have been satisfied on the basis of this Act alone. It requires a
broader application in terms of not only gender-based discrimination, but also on the basis of race,
color, religion, political opinion or social origin. Hence, the legislature cannot claim fulfillment of
its obligations under the ILO Convention 111. While the Act is a symbolic step forward for women
empowerment, the actual protection of women rights is contingent upon its effective
implementation and enforcement.

The Protection against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act 2010 must be appreciated
since it is the first of its kind to address harassment as a significant legal issue, which is violative
of a woman’s right to work in Pakistan. By protecting a woman’s right to work, the Act affirms
the Government’s commitment towards fulfilling its international treaty obligations such as those
under UDHR and CEDAW. Moreover, it has allowed women to raise their voice against
harassment at the workplace and has provided them an equal opportunity to earn livelihood, which
will eventually lead to greater women participation in the workforce and the economy of the
country. However, the Government of Pakistan needs to take several legal measures to ensure the
effective implementation of the Act.
In light of our above analysis, some conclusions can be drawn and recommendations made. The
Ombudsmen have a huge responsibility in cases related to workplace harassment. Since
harassment is a subjective issue and thus cannot be easily assessed or measured, the context in
which such acts take place and their intensity are important determining factors. This places a huge
responsibility on the Ombudsmen to ensure that the application of the law is consistent with the
objectives of the law and in consonance with the principles of justice, equity and fairness.
Furthermore, it should be compulsory for organizations to conduct regular assessments with
respect to incidents of harassment. Lastly, awareness-raising campaigns need to be conducted with
the help of media and non-profit organizations so that more women are aware of their rights under
the legislation and can therefore take advantage of it.

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5JPpo8N_rHk
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f1UkXDf9N3o
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ef-3hocuia8

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jxJvoqbbfhY

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Political system of Pakistan

Pakistan is the second largest Muslim country in terms of population and its status as a declared
nuclear power, being the only Muslim nation to have that status, plays a part in its international
role. It is an active member of the United Nations and an important member of the Organization
of Islamic Cooperation (OIC).

The politics in Pakistan takes place within the framework under which the country is established
by the constitution. Pakistan is an Islamic and federal parliamentary republic with Islam being its
state religion and is classified as a nation-state in South Asia.

The Prime Minister of Pakistan solely leads the executive government which is independent of the
state parliament. A bicameral parliament that is composed of two chambers– the Senate (upper
house) and the National Assembly (lower house). The Judicature branch forms with the
composition of the Supreme Court as an apex court, alongside with the high court's and other
inferior courts. The judiciary's function is to interpret the constitution and federal laws and
regulations. The President of Pakistan is a ceremonial figurehead who represents the unity of the
nation-state; the presidency is a vital part of the Parliament.

Pakistan is subdivided into 4 provinces, 2 territories, and 1 capital territory. Each province has a
Provincial Assembly, a directly elected legislature. Members are elected for five-year terms. Each
Assembly elects a Chief Minister, who then selects the ministers of his or her cabinet.

The inter-party democracy is an essential ingredient for strengthening national democracy. Any
weakness in the former inevitably leads to weakness in the latter. There are three key roles that the
parties are required to serve. First is mobilizing, i.e., formulating agendas and structuring coalitions
around specific social issues; second is campaigning; and third is governance if they assume office.

Parties have two differences that define them, namely organizational differences and agenda-wise
differences. Pertaining to the former, they differ first in whether the party leader’s way of making
decisions is personalized or bureaucratized. Personalized parties are formed around one charming
leader and are often dynastic. Bureaucratized parties are based on merit. Another major
organizational difference is related to party structures. While some parties have a structure that is
mass based with deep roots in their voting areas, others have haggard structures which limit their
abilities to mobilize their voting areas significantly.

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In Pakistan, majority of the parties have become either scrawny or stagnant over time and are
actually becoming puerile and worse overtime unlike the political parties of the past.

There are two categories that parties can be divided into according to their agendas. One is
universalistic and the other is particularistic. Universalistic parties focus on problems that are not
confined to a limited number of issues, geography or demographics. On the other hand,
particularistic parties focus on a limited number of issues unique to a particular group or area of
the country.

Mature parties can be easily identified as they have a bureaucratized system, democratic
governance, mass structures and universalistic agendas. However, in South Asia most parties have
personalized leadership, dynastic structures and overwhelming focus on patronage. While the
political situation in some countries has grown worse over time, some analysts opine that with
time and consistency, these parties would become similar to mature parties.

In Pakistan, majority of the parties have become either scrawny or stagnant over time and are
actually becoming puerile and worse overtime unlike the political parties of the past. Jinnah’s
Muslim League was a lot better than PML-N. The PPP today is an emaciated reflection of the PPP
in the 1960s. The MQM has been implicated in crime over time and has lost its old charisma. The
PTI has included the very people it rallies against in the party.

Regionally speaking the political situation is bad too. BJP has become increasingly segregated and
has been entangled in indecent scandals. The AAP has faded with time and Congress in India today
is nothing like Nehru’s Congress. Same is the case with Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal. Hence,
it can be boldly claimed that time alone will bring no change.

Major parties of the country reflect the thoughts of the large segments of the society. In developing
states there are three kinds of people. The ones who thrive on merit (middle-class), the ones who
can never attain merit (poor) and the ones who do not want merit. Those who are corrupt (who do
not need merit) trap those who can never get merit while the middle-class is left in dismay.

The pre-freedom parties were of better quality because they were not after power. Their only
concern was freedom, and even that they were not certain of attaining. Since traditional politicians
look for immediate power and money, they often supported the colonial powers allowing
visionaries to lead those parties. Once freedom was attained, traditional politicians came in and
pushed the principled politicians out thereby eroding the party quality.

Although, the situation seems bleak there is a silver lining to it as well. Over the last few years,
South Asian economies have expanded and so has the middle class. Parties that represent this

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group are AAP and PTI. But these parties face another set of problems. They face double jeopardy.
Their voter base is still not big enough to help them win. If they go after merit, they may face
defeat. To prevent this, they adopt traditional politics to come at par with the other parties in the
game. They struggle to defeat the traditional parties in their own game and risk losing their middle
class voters in the process.

Although, the situation seems bleak there is a silver lining to it as well. Over the last few years,
South Asian economies have expanded and so has the middle class.

Such parties and their middle-class supporters also struggle to grasp social complexities.
Consequently, when they cannot link with the poor, they fail to deliver their promises and to
develop large coalitions. We as a nation must accept the reality that our political parties emerge
from our society and reflect its realities. To overcome these weaknesses, there are no shortcuts
other than a slow and gradual process of change in the society. And this change is possible only if
the democratic system continues to flourish and strengthen in the country.

Quiz: https://electionpakistan.com/take-a-quiz/

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7QKghZrGm4g
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8TnQJNiMzsk
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dWaVRlVHr50

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Judiciary

The Judiciary is the third organ of the government. It has the responsibility to apply the laws to
specific cases and settle all disputes. The real ‘meaning of law’ is what the judges decide during
the course of giving their judgements in various cases. From the citizen’s point of view, Judiciary
is the most important organ of the government because it acts as their protector against the possible
excesses of legislative and executive organs. Role of Judiciary as the guardian-protector of the
constitution and the fundamental rights of the people makes it more respectable than other two
organs.
Functions of Judiciary and Its Importance:

1. To Give Justice to the people:

The first and foremost function of the judiciary is to give justice to the people, whenever they may
approach it. It awards punishment to those who after trial are found guilty of violating the laws of
the state or the rights of the people. The aggrieved citizens can go to the courts for seeking redress
and compensation. They can do so either when they fear any harm to their rights or after they have
suffered any loss. The judiciary fixes the quantity and quality of punishment to be given to the
criminals. It decides all cases involving grant of compensations to the citizens.

2. Interpretation and Application of Laws:

One of the major functions of the judiciary is to interpret and apply laws to specific cases. In the
course of deciding the disputes that come before it, the judges interpret and apply laws. Every law
needs a proper interpretation for getting applied to every specific case. This function is performed
by the judges. The law means what the judges interpret it to mean.

3. Role in Law-making:
The judiciary also plays a role in law-making. The decisions given by the courts really determine
the meaning, nature and scope of the laws passed by the legislature. The interpretation of laws by
the judiciary amounts to law-making as it is these interpretations which really define the laws.
Moreover, ‘the judgements delivered by the higher courts, which are the Courts of Records, are
binding upon lower courts. The latter can decide the cases before them on the basis of the decisions
made by the higher courts. Judicial decisions constitute a source of law.

4. Equity Legislation:
Where a law is silent or ambiguous, or appears to be inconsistent with some other law of the land,
the judges depend upon their sense of justice, fairness, impartiality, honesty and wisdom for
deciding the cases. Such decisions always involve law-making. It is usually termed as equity
legislation.

5. Protection of Rights:
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The judiciary has the supreme responsibility to safeguard the rights of the people. A citizen has
the right to seek the protection of the judiciary in case his rights are violated or threatened to be
violated by the government or by private organisations or fellow citizens. In all such cases, it
becomes the responsibility of the judiciary to protect his rights of the people.

6. Guardian of the Constitution:

The judiciary acts as the guardian of the Constitution. The Constitution is the supreme law of the
land and it is the responsibility of the judiciary to interpret and protect it. For this purpose the
judiciary can conduct judicial review over any law for determining as to whether or not it is in
accordance with the letter and spirit of the constitution. In case any law is found ultra vires
(unconstitutional), it is rejected by the judiciary and it becomes invalid for future. This power of
the court is called the power of judicial review.

7. Power to get its Decisions and Judgements enforced:

The judiciary has the power not only to deliver judgements and decide disputes, but also to get
these enforced. It can direct the executive to carry out its decisions. It can summon any person and
directly know the truth from him.

In case any person is held:

(i) Guilty of not following any decision of the court, or
(ii) Of acting against the direction of the court, or
(iii) Misleading the court, or
(iv) Of not appearing before the court in a case being heard by it, the Court has the power to punish
the person for the contempt of court.

8. Special Role in a Federation:

In a federal system, the judiciary has to perform an additionally important role as the guardian of
the constitution and the arbiter of disputes between the centre and states. It acts as an independent
and impartial umpire between the central government and state governments as well as among the
states. All legal centre-state disputes are settled by the judiciary.

9. Running of the Judicial Administration:

The judiciary is not a department of the government. It is independent of both the legislature and
the executive. It is a separate and independent organ with its own organisation and officials. It has
the power to decide the nature of judicial organisation in the state. It frames and enforces its own
rules.
These govern the recruitment and working of the magistrates and other persons working in the
courts. It makes and enforces rules for the orderly and efficient conduct of judicial administration.

10. Advisory Functions:

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Very often the courts are given the responsibility to give advisory opinions to the rulers on any
legal matter. For example, the President of India the power to refer to the Supreme Court any
question of law or fact which is of public importance.

11. To Conduct Judicial Inquiries:

Judges are very often called upon to head Enquiry Commissions constituted to enquire into some
serious incidents resulting from the alleged errors or omissions on the part of government or some
public servants. Commissions of enquiry headed by a single judge are also sometimes constituted
for investigating important and complicated issues and problems.

12. Miscellaneous Functions:

Besides the above major functions, the judiciary also performs several other functions. Some such
functions are the appointment of certain local officials of the court, choosing of clerical and other
employees. Cases relating to grant of licenses, patents, and copy rights, the appointment of
guardians and trustees, the admission of wills, to appoint trustees to look after the property of the
minors, to settle the issues of successions of property and rights, issue of administrating the estates
of deceased persons, the appointment of receivers, naturalization of aliens, marriage and divorce
cases, election petitions and the like.

Through all these functions, the Judiciary plays an important role in each state. It also plays a role
in the evolution of Constitution through the exercise of its right to interpret and safeguard it against
all legislative and executive excesses.
Importance of Independent Judiciary:

In the life of the citizens of a state, Judiciary is a source of confidence and fearlessness. The
common man depends upon judiciary for getting justice. Without a security of rights and freedom
guaranteed by the judiciary, they cannot really hope to carry out their jobs and enjoy their living.
They are more dependent upon judiciary than the legislature and the executive. Without judicial
protection, their lives can become miserable. From citizens point of view Judiciary is the most
important organ of the government.
Garner highlights this view when he observes, “A society without legislature is conceivable, and
indeed, legislative organs did not make their appearance in the state until modern times, but a
civilised state without a judicial organ and machinery is hardly conceivable.”

Independence of Judiciary: An Essential Quality:

The chief quality which helps the judiciary to faithfully administer justice and to perform its
functions efficiently is judicial independence. It is only when the judiciary works independently
without any interference of the other two organs of the government that it can carry out its high
responsibilities.

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“The independence of judiciary,” writes Dr. P. Sharan, “is a corner stone of every democratic
government and upon it is built the structure of civil liberty.” Judiciary can perform its functions
only when it is free to administer justice according to law.

Without being well-organised and independent it can never serve its purpose. Therefore, Judiciary
must be organised in such a way as can enable the judges to give their judgements without any
fear or favour.

Organisation of Judiciary must be based on the following features:

(1) Appointment of only highly qualified and experienced judges.

(2) The Judiciary must have prevented the executive and legislature from committing excesses.
(3) The ability of the judiciary to maintain and independently run the judicial administration.
(4) The Judiciary must be made the guardian protector of the Constitution,
(5) The Judiciary must ensure full, fair and less- expensive opportunities to the people for
defending their rights and getting justice.
(6) The method of appointment of judges must be fair, systematic, effective and transparent.
(7) Method of removal of judges should be difficult and no single should have the power to remove
the judges.
(8) Judges must be paid high salaries, necessary allowances, good service conditions, and
appropriate retirement benefits.
By incorporating all these features in the judicial system, a well organised and independent
judiciary can be secured.

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Quiz: https://www.ducksters.com/history/us_judicial_branch_questions.php

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6pXjzRprLcI

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2vUrvugQrmk

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Human Rights

Human rights are the basic rights and freedoms to which all humans are considered entitled: the
right to life, liberty, freedom of thought and expression, and equal treatment before the law, among
others. These rights represent entitlements of the individual or groups vis-B-vis the government,
as well as responsibilities of the individual and the government authorities.

Such rights are ascribed "naturally," which means that they are not earned and cannot be denied
on the basis of race, creed, ethnicity or gender. These rights are often advanced as legal rights and
protected by the rule of law. However, they are distinct from and prior to law, and can be used as
standards for formulating or criticizing both local and international law. It is typically thought that
the conduct of governments and military forces must comply with these standards.

Various "basic" rights that cannot be violated under any circumstances are set forth in international
human rights documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights. The rights established by these documents include economic, social, cultural,
political and civil rights.
While human rights are not always interpreted similarly across societies, these norms nonetheless
form a common human rights vocabulary in which the claims of various cultures can be articulated.
The widespread ratification of international human rights agreements such as those listed above is
taken as evidence that these are widely shared values. Having human rights norms in place imposes
certain requirements on governments and legitimizes the complaints of individuals in those cases
where fundamental rights and freedoms are not respected. Such norms constitute a standard for the
conduct of government and the administration of force. They can be used as "universal, non-
discriminatory standards" for formulating or criticizing law and act as guidelines for proper
conduct.

Many conflicts are sparked by a failure to protect human rights, and the trauma that results from
severe human rights violations often leads to new human rights violations. As conflict intensifies,
hatred accumulates and makes restoration of peace more difficult. In order to stop this cycle of
violence, states must institute policies aimed at human rights protection. Many believe that the
protection of human rights "is essential to the sustainable achievement of the three agreed global
priorities of peace, development and democracy." Respect for human rights has therefore become
an integral part of international law and foreign policy. The specific goal of expanding such rights
is to "increase safeguards for the dignity of the person."
Despite what resembles a widespread consensus on the importance of human rights and the
expansion of international treaties on such matters, the protection of human rights still often leaves
much to be desired. Although international organizations have been created or utilized to embody
these values, there is little to enforce the commitments states have made to human rights. Military

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intervention is a rare occurrence. Sanctions have a spotty track record of effectiveness. Although
not to be dismissed as insignificant, often the only consequence for failing to protect human rights
is "naming and shaming."

Interventions to Protect Human Rights

To protect human rights is to ensure that people receive some degree of decent, humane treatment.
Because political systems that protect human rights are thought to reduce the threat of world
conflict, all nations have a stake in promoting worldwide respect for human rights. International
human rights law, humanitarian intervention law and refugee law all protect the right to life and
physical integrity and attempt to limit the unrestrained power of the state. These laws aim to
preserve humanity and protect against anything that challenges people's health, economic well-
being, social stability and political peace. Underlying such laws is the principle of
nondiscrimination, the notion that rights apply universally.

Responsibility to protect human rights resides first and foremost with the states themselves.
However, in many cases public authorities and government officials institute policies that violate
basic human rights. Such abuses of power by political leaders and state authorities have devastating
effects, including genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. What can be done to
safeguard human rights when those in power are responsible for human rights violations? Can
outside forces intervene in order to protect human rights?

The supremacy of constitution is vital to protect the fundamental rights of citizens. Collaborative
efforts need to be undertaken to ensure the rule of law, equality of citizenship, freedom of
expression, merit and the independence of the judiciary to guarantee the provision of fundamental
rights.

This was resolved by the participants at the roundtable dialogue organized by the National
Commission for Human Rights (NCHR), Inter-University Consortium for the Promotion of Social
Sciences Pakistan (IUCPSS) and Centre of Civic Education Pakistan (CCEP) at Preston University
Islamabad.

The event was organized in connection with International Human Rights Day 2017 which was
attended by diplomats, academicians, media representatives and members of the civil society.
In his introductory remarks, IUCPSS National Coordinator, Muhammad Murtaza Noor stated that
the constitution is considered as a social contract between the state and its citizens. In Pakistan,
fundamental rights are enshrined in the 1973 constitution as the entire first chapter of the
constitution contains articles regarding fundamental rights from the articles 8 to 28. It further states
that adequate provisions shall be made to safeguard the legitimate interests of minorities, backward
and depressed classes.

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Federation of All Pakistan Universities Academic Staff Association President Dr Shehzad Ashraf
underlined the importance of academic freedom at university campuses and the effective
implementation of constitutional clauses related to the protection of the fundamental rights of
citizens.

Khalid Sulehri stated that social media has revolutionized the right of expression and information.
He emphasized over extending support and standing for the rights of others, especially for the
weak segments of society against the injustice, inequalities, discrimination and human right
violations.
NCHR Member Chaudhary Muhammad Shafique shed light on the history of human rights and
the main function of the National Commission for Human Rights (NCHR). He was of the view
that all the human rights documents including the last address by the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and
the charter of medina were based on two main principles of equality and dignity.
“There is a dire need to include the essence and main articles related to human rights agreements
in the curriculum at all tiers of education,” he said.
In his concluding remarks, anchorperson and columnist Matiullah Jan said that the media has a
vital role to protect the fundamental rights and promote democratic values among the leadership
and citizens. He said that it should be the media’s foremost duty to highlight issues related to
human rights and other violations in the society.

The participants of the unanimous of the view that effective functioning of existing institutions i.e.
the judiciary, the Functional Committee on Human Rights constituted by the Senate of Pakistan,
the National Commission for Human Rights and the Human Rights Cell of Supreme Court of
Pakistan could be greatly helpful in improving the state of human rights in Pakistan.

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Quiz: https://www.un.org/chinese/center/chbus/events/hurights/qna.htm

https://www.youthforhumanrights.org/course/lesson/background-of-human-rights/test-
your-knowledge.html

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nDgIVseTkuE

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Values

For a start, the laws would protect the basic dignity of all of the people regardless of their economic
status, their gender, their skin colour or any other defining human characteristic. The law of the
land would protect the dignity of its people. In that republic, people would know and respect the
law. People would not just know the law exists, but also accept it. In this place, its people would
respect the rights of others, knowing that their own rights are respected.

With that would come accountability. Where people transgressed there would be sanctions. Where
people needed the protection of the law it would be available to them and they would get redress
when they were entitled to it.

Having said all that, I am not envisioning Utopia. This is not a distant dream. In many ways, our
existing laws are tantalisingly close to that just and fair society. We don’t actually require a
massive revolution: what is needed is a revolution, a turning, of our thinking and our mind set. I
am going to propose today that this is a reality that is achievable. I will focus on a few areas where
if we took these values of justice, equality and fairness seriously as a society we could accomplish
this republic.

Laws we don’t use

Firstly, we have a treasure chest at our disposal in the shape of human rights law – that body of
legislation that most comprehensively sets out the structures and systems which can and do protect
and promote fairness and equality. We have those laws embedded in our own constitution. We
also have them as a result of our membership of the international community. We have many
binding and valid international treaties and laws dealing with such issues as the rights of women,
the rights of children, the elimination of racial discrimination, specific rights for those in prison,
the rights of immigrants, the rights of persons with disabilities and many others.

Yet, in this country we hardly refer to them at all. Indeed, most law students will walk out of
college knowing little or nothing about these laws – particularly the international human rights law
– which are as real and binding as any other laws relevant in this land. Moreover, most of those
who are impacted by those laws – the people who live in this republic – will not know much about
these laws. There is a very good reason why not. The realities of international human rights law,
which are binding on Ireland remain obscure because there is no domestic accountability.

Those who want to exercise their rights to have their rights protected or promoted have no forum
in Ireland to make their case. For the most part, the courts are allowed to note that these laws exist
but they are banned from applying them in the same way as they apply the laws and rights
articulated in our constitution.

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The only accountability mechanism is where Ireland is asked to account for its compliance before
a UN committee in a venue outside Ireland once every five or even more years. The courts cannot
carry out a scrutiny of individual rights by reference to these rights. There is no Oireachtas
committee with the obligation to ensure Ireland’s observance of them. There isn’t even the lip
service paid by checking new policies or legislation for compliance with these international human
rights treaties. Ireland doesn’t treat other international treaties this way. When it is a trade treaty –
for example – there is much more likely to be strict compliance with its terms – much more respect
for the treaty. There is a practical reason for that. It is because failure to comply in those cases is
going to have economic consequences for us. The only consequences of failure to comply with the
binding legal obligations of human rights treaties are that the people – particularly the most
vulnerable people – in our society suffer.

This gap in protection, this failure to advance justice, equality and fairness is fixable. With little
effort, we could devise a domestic forum to monitor and report on whether the state is observing
any legally binding treaty. With a little more effort, we could make these international law treaties
ones which our courts could take into account in individual cases in deciding whether a person
was being treated fairly, as is the case in many other European countries.

Laws we don’t implement

However, greater recognition and account of international human rights law will only partially
solve the problem. It’s one thing to make the law; it’s another to implement it. This is the situation
in a case FLAC has been involved with for the best part of two decades. Although the Irish courts
must and do take the European Convention of Human Rights into account, some 4½ years have
passed since the State understood that Irish law relating to transgender people was incompatible
with the European Convention on Human Rights. Litigation before that had lasted more than a
decade to get the point across. Despite all that litigation and the recognition by the State that some
of our people, transgendered people, are denied their basic human rights, that law hasn’t been fixed
so that a transgendered person could acquire a birth certificate. Steps are being taken however,
because at least the failure to recognise the rights of transgendered people is on the political
agenda. But it shows the need to not just introduce a law – it must also be implemented.

The second way in which advances to a republic of justice and equality could come about is access
to law, access to the courts. The theoretical right of everyone to access the courts is more and
more that – theoretical. Anyone dealing with the courts will know how slow and difficult the
process is. While courts aren’t the only mechanism whereby a person can articulate a complaint,
they remain a primary organ of the structure of our republic to advance justice, fairness and
equality. Right now, they are under enormous strain and much of the frustration and difficulty and
cost that people encounter when they use our courts systems is due to the pressure on an
administration that is ever trying to do more with less. The result is not just delayed justice. It is
also an awful and sometimes unmanageable strain on people who are often engaged in some of the
most significant issues of their lives when they come before the courts with the resultant poisonous

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pressure on family, on health and on welfare. Many people just can’t hack it. They can’t bear the
pressure, they don’t have the support and they can’t afford the cost. On normal issues therefore –
not the big issues of establishing new rights – people give up on the system. The winners are those
who have the power and resources to allow them to continue.

There is of course a system of legal aid for the very poor. The purpose of legal aid is to try to
ensure that everyone gets a fair hearing when important matters are at stake. But cut-backs in that
system have led to long delays again denying justice – you might wait for 18 months for a first
appointment with your solicitor. If you’re not extremely poor you won’t even be eligible for civil
legal aid. And in addition, no legal aid is available to people who seek fairness before the Tribunals
dealing with Employment Appeals and Social Welfare Appeals, no matter how complex the issue
or how deserving the applicant. And if you don’t want to go to court, but rather go to an
Ombudsman’s office, you need to be aware that legislation precludes those offices from
investigation.

At another level, the cost of going through our courts has a chilling or off-putting effect on anyone
who would seek to use the courts to claim a right or to oppose oppression by big business or big
government. If you seek to assert that you have been treated unfairly by a large corporation or
indeed the state – by people with power and influence – you will be told that you cannot do so
without putting every single cent you possess at risk. Even if you manage to get someone to take
the case pro bono – as often happens – you risk being saddled with huge costs if you lose the case.
So, in this way, we structure our courts to deflect and prevent people from bringing the kind of
cases they need to bring.
What is frustrating is that we actually have a fabulous court system, by the standards of so much
of the rest of the world. I am reminded of the old story of law being like the Ritz Hotel – anyone
is entitled to enter, as long as you have the money to do so. In FLAC, we were working on a
project recently to do with the lack of a mechanism for class action in Ireland – people have to
litigate individually, making it harder to bring cases and easier to pick people off one by one. Class
actions are routinely used elsewhere to combine a number of applicants who have a common
grievance to just bring one action against – typically – big business. Informally, I was told that it
was a bad idea because it would just encourage litigation. But in truth, there’s no barrier on
litigation in Ireland if you’re rich and powerful. The chief barrier to litigation is money, so in fact
the real objection to class actions is that poorer people could access the courts just as much as
those who are richer.

Budgets and the law

And finally, I return to my suggestion around the need for a shift of mind-set. Inevitably, people
will say that all those things that I have suggested so far – expanding the remit of the
Ombudsmans’ offices, making legal aid genuinely available to people who need it – are going to
cost money, and in our country right now, we don’t have the resources to do it. Well, my answer
is that in Ireland we are not actually budgeting in accordance with law right now. This is the case

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if we recognise and take account of the obligations of our state, entered into freely under
international human rights law, to set minimum standards below which no one should have to live.

Furthermore, the implementation of human rights law requires that, before we make decisions on
budgeting, we have to measure the impact of these decisions on the most vulnerable in the state
and then act in such a way that the most vulnerable are protected. This simply does not happen in
Ireland. There is no general impact assessment of our budget on how it affects people. If we did
assess budget impact, then the relatively small amount of money needed to realise the proposals I
make above – expand the Ombudsman’s remit, improve legal aid, create a domestic remedy for
interrogating human rights at home – would be made available to enable the protection of the most
vulnerable. This would affect how we actually apply the resources that we have.

As we approach the end of this Troika bailout period, the debate is about what level of debt we
need to write down this year to meet the demands of the Troika – the IMF, the EU and the ECB. I
do not recall ever hearing that the Irish government, in its discussions with the Troika or any other
international lender, ever referred to these legal obligations. However, it is noteworthy that two
of the Troika members, as organs of the European Union, are equally bound by the same
obligations to justice, equality and fairness as Ireland in many ways but principally and clearly in
its own Charter of Fundamental Rights. The third member of the Troika, the IMF, constantly
references the obligation to protect the most vulnerable in its reports.

Therefore, if the actions of the Troika put Ireland in a position where it must drop its standards for
its people below the minimum core required for a life of basic dignity, then the European Union
is itself as much at fault as we are. They may not do that in law. The law demands that they
understand the impact of their actions on the most vulnerable. The law demands that they do not
force people to live below minimum standards. Thus, if they try to do that, our government will
have to re-arrange how we deal with Troika demands in a way that protects the people of this
republic in order to preserve justice, equality and fairness.

So my thesis is that in fact a little would do it. A change of priorities, a change of mind-set, and
we could be so much nearer that Republic of Justice, Equality and Fairness that we as a society
believe we need.

Quiz: https://quizizz.com/admin/quiz/5825f3d4086db54b75f9425b/being-a-good-citizen

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MHH-4I5t-q0

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NStqU91RsQQ

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State, sovereignty and government

Sovereignty is an imprecise concept because its operationalization in the form of institutions and
processes is a complex affair. It is easy to say that sovereignty belongs to the people or to God
Almighty. They key issues are where would sovereignty be located in a state? How would you
create institutions and processes for management of sovereignty? The location of sovereignty may
vary from a state to state, depending on the nature of the political system and the constitution.
Democratic political system emphasizes representative government and the exercise of state
sovereignty by people through their elected representatives. This means that sovereignty is located
in the elected legislature. The elected representatives maintain a close contact with the people in
their constituencies who are viewed as the ultimate sovereign. The parliament shares power and
authority with other state institutions under the constitution and law of the country
concerned. However, being the representative of the people the parliament has precedence over
other state institutions.
In Pakistan the theoretical formulation and location of sovereignty has caused controversies for
two major reasons. First, at the operational level the supreme political power and authority has
been used by different institutions. Second, there is a widespread tendency among the political
class to view sovereignty as a textbook concept and it is often employed for advancing partisan
political agendas.
The Sovereignty Debate: The Preambles of all regular constitutions of Pakistan (1956, 1962 and
1973) assign sovereignty all over the universe to God Almighty. The people exercise this authority
as a sacred trust within the limits prescribed by Him. This exercise of power and authority is to be
done through the chosen representatives.
The Preamble of the 1973 Constitution opens with the statement: “Whereas sovereignty over the
entire Universe belongs to Almighty Allah alone, and the authority be exercised by the people of
Pakistan within the limits prescribed by Him is a sacred trust; And whereas it is the will of the
people of Pakistan to establish an order; Wherein the State shall exercise the powers and authority
through the chosen representatives of the people.”
This means that at the operational level, the authority and power of the state is located in the elected
parliament, making it the salient institution as compared to the bureaucracy, the military and the
judiciary, although these institutions have their domains of authority under the constitution and
law.
Historically speaking, sovereignty was located in the constituent assembly and national assembly
during 1947-58. The two constituent assemblies were elected indirectly by the provincial
assemblies. Civilian governments headed by different prime ministers managed the state affairs
with the support of the two constituent assemblies. The political parties and leaders competed with
one another to establish and sustain their control of the state power.

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During the periods of four direct military rules (1958-1962, 1969-1971, 1977-1985, 1999-2002),
the top brass of the military controlled the sovereign authority of the state because they abolished
or suspended the constitution and ruled over the country without constitutional restraints. Their
orders were law and the people generally accepted their commands. Three military rulers, Ayub
Khan, Zia-ul-Haq and Pervez Musharraf, civilianized military rule by coopting a section of the
political elite, making constitutional and legal changes to provide a legal and constitutional cover
to their continuation in power and holding of carefully managed elections.
Sovereignty returned to elected parliament during civilian elected rule in 1988-1999 and from
2008 onwards. An elected civilian political order functioned in Pakistan, although it faced
different pressure that adversely affected its performance. During 1988-1999, the military
exercised clout from the sidelines and influenced foreign policy and domestic politics. All four
civilian governments during this period were dismissed by the president with the support of the
army chief.
A new journey on road to democracy began after the February 2008 general elections. Democratic
institutions and processes have encountered many challenges which we will discuss in the next
section.
One key issue in Pakistan is how to determine that a law or executive action does not violate the
teachings and principles of Islam. Most religious leaders wanted this power to be assigned to a
committee of religious scholars. However, the constitutions have assigned this power to the
parliament. Alternatively, the law or executive action can be challenged in the High Courts or the
Supreme Court. The military government of General Zia-ul-Haq decided in 1979-1980 to establish
a separate system of Islamic courts to woo orthodox and conservative Islamic leaders and parties.
A Federal Shariat Court was established for that purpose. The appeals against the judgment of the
Federal Shariat Court can be made to the Shariat Bench of the Supreme Court. A large number of
legal experts view the Shariat court and the Shariat Bench as a parallel court system to the High
Courts and the Supreme Court.
The Council of Islamic Ideology was first established under the 1962 for reviewing Pakistan’s
existing legal system to make sure that it conformed to the principles and teachings of Islam. The
1973 Constitution retained this institution with some changes. However, the advisory from the
Council of Islamic Ideology is not binding on the government or the parliament.
This means that Pakistan’s parliament is not sovereign by itself but sovereignty is located in it for
the purpose of exercising it because the elected parliament is the representative of people. No other
state institution has this status which needs to be respected by other state institutions.
A large number of people in Pakistan are extremely sensitive about sovereignty when it comes to
interaction with India, the U.S. and other western countries. They describe the attacks of American
drone aircraft in Pakistan’s tribal areas as a violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty. However, when
Pakistani Taliban and other militant groups violate Pakistan’s sovereignty by launching armed
attacks on state institutions, functionaries and citizens, they stay quiet.

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If drone attacks violate Pakistan’s sovereignty, the attack on the institutions and personnel of
Pakistan state by militant groups is also a violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty.
Sovereignty has three dimensions. First, no state should violate any state’s territory by any direct
or indirect means except with the permission of the state concerned. Second, a state must have a
firm control over its territory and no organization should defy the state authority by any means,
especially by taking up arms. Third, a state territory should not be used against any other state.
No armed and other groups can launch attacks or engage in political campaigning against a state
from another state territory. The drone attacks fall in the first category and the activities of the
Taliban and other militant groups based in Pakistan’s tribal areas or in the mainland come under
the rubric of 2nd and 3rd categories.
Challenges: The challenges to the primacy of the parliament as the seat of sovereignty and its
representative character come from several sources. The first challenge can be traced to the
people and groups that wish to use the democratic procedures and elections as a means to
implementing their peculiar political ideas that are not necessary democratic. For them democracy
has instrumental relevance and elections provide an established way to access power. Once
political power is achieved, they can use the electoral legitimacy to turn Pakistan into a state based
on their ideological Islamic hardline framework. They do not view Pakistan as a sovereign entity
and question the primacy of the elected parliament as the repository of sovereignty.
The second major threat is posed by non-elected state institutions like the bureaucracy, the military
and the judiciary. The bureaucracy has often supported or worked with other non-elected
institutions to expand its authority over the elected institutions and the people. The military has
traditionally undermined the prospects of representative governance through its direct and indirect
rule. The military often attempts to restructure the political system to its satisfaction. The military
has been out of power since 2008 but it continues to be a powerful political player from the
sideline.
The judiciary was supportive of the military’s expanded role in the past. It endorsed the direct
assumption of power by the military on all four occasions. Since the restoration of the present
Chief Justice and other judges in 2009, the Supreme Court and the High Courts have engaged in a
high pace judicial activism and have built pressure on the elected parliament and the elected federal
government. The comments of the judges, as published in the media, have political implications
in the politically divided political context.
The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court has publicly rejected the notion of primacy or superiority
of the elected parliament, arguing that the Supreme Court has the power to make sure that all
institutions of the state stay within the framework of the constitution This raises a fundamental
question if the Supreme Court has unlimited power to reprimand every state institutions and
functionary, restrained only by the conscience of the judges, its words become constitution and
law. This implies that the judges exercise the sovereign authority of the state which negates the

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preamble of Pakistan’s constitution that stipulates the exercise of state authority and power by the
representatives of people.
The superior judiciary has the power to interpret the constitution but while doing this it needs to
acknowledge the privileged position of the parliament as given by the constitution. The superior
judiciary needs to examine if it is not entering the domain of the elected executive and elected
parliament by its actions like fixation of sugar price (September 2009) or lifting price ceiling for
samosa (July 2012) and transfer and posting of officials. These developments have caused
uncertainty about what the parliament can or cannot do, especially after one prime minister was
convicted by the Supreme Court on contempt of court and sent home in June 2012.
The third major factor that adversely affects the primacy of the elected parliament is unrestrained
competition among the political players. Though all important political parties are in power either
at the federal level or in provinces, the focus is on the PPP-led federal government. The PPP and
its allies are struggling for political survival and attempt to hold on to power by all possible
means. The opposition parties, especially the PMLN, are often engaged in a free-for-all effort to
dislodge the federal government. As the PMLN cannot replace the PPP-led federal government in
the National Assembly, it has attempted to resort to street agitation to achieve this objective. It
also hopes that the Supreme Court or the military will remove this government.
The Punjab Chief Minister (PMLN) has openly preached defiance of and street agitation against
the federal government on electric power shortages. The open support to culture of violence is a
dangerous development because, in the long run, street agitation and violence undermine
democracy.
The fourth major threat is religious extremism, sectarianism and terrorism that can degenerate the
political process and make the parliament irrelevant to political management. Religious extremism
is not confined to far and remote areas of Pakistan. It is publicly practiced on the mainland. The
killing of people by a frenzied mob on some religious account is not an unusual phenomenon in
Pakistan. The religious minorities are targeted by extremist societal groups. Islamic sectarian
conflict, especially the killings of Shias, is more common now.
The most unfortunate aspect of such extremist incidents is that the political and religious leaders
shy away from publicly condemning the groups that take the responsibility for such acts. They
criticize violence and sectarianism only in general terms, arguing that Islam does not sanction such
violence. Religious and cultural intolerance and terrorism are anti-thesis of democracy.
The fifth major challenge is poor governance by the federal and provincial governments. The
popular support for representative governance and primacy of the elected parliament is expected
to decline if the election civilian political system does not deliver services and security to the
people. The governments need to adopt policy-measures to reduce socio-economic pressures on
the common people and assure them security of their life and property. All governments have
performed poorly, causing alienation among the common people.

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Pakistan’s economy is in real trouble. The opposition leaders talk of the troubled economy only
to criticize the federal government. They have no concrete ideas to suggest solutions. They are
also not prepared to adopt a joint strategy to cope with economic challenges. The Islamic parties
and some of the mainstream political parties are talking of tough disposition towards the western
countries which will isolate the federal government and make it impossible to salvage the
economy.
Pakistan is currently facing deep rooted structural problems that can cause a total collapse of the
political system or it may function only at the minimum level. All political parties and state
institutions need to work together within a democratic constitutional framework to address them.
If the current power struggle continues unabated neither the present democratic order nor an
authoritarian or technocratic arrangement can salvage the situation.
The sixth major challenge to sovereign status of the state and the institutions that exercise
sovereignty is linked to the communication and technology revolution. The hard crust of the state
is now penetrated by influences from outside of the territorial boundaries due to modern
information technology, especially satellite television and radio, internet and other media
technologies and cellular technology.
It is no longer possible for a state to completely isolate itself from the rest of the world. The
communication system is so fast that the major developments are reported very quickly at the
global level. Further, no state can invoke its sovereign status to adopt any policies towards the
people. If internal violence and civil strife intensifies and persists over time, it has a tendency to
become an international event. Many issues like environment, sharing of river water and natural
resources, human rights and treatment of minority groups draw attention far beyond the territorial
boundaries of a state.
Concluding Observations: All states are sovereign but the exercise of sovereign rights in
international politics depends on internal political cohesion and economic strength of a
country. Further, a country must be positively linked with the international system in order to
assert its independent and sovereign status. Sovereignty is not protected by aggressive posture
towards the outside world but by positive engagement with the rest of the world and peace at
borders.
Pakistan’s sovereignty with reference to the rest of the world depends on its internal political
strength, societal cohesion and, above all, its economic resilience. If Pakistan continues to face
acute internal conflict and economic meltdown, it will find it difficult to protect its sovereignty in
the international system and it will be extremely vulnerable to external influence, penetration and
intervention.
In Pakistan’s domestic context, sovereignty lies with the elected parliament that works within the
limits set out by the constitution and law. If Pakistan becomes ungovernable over time and the
state cannot assert its control over all of its territory, its internal sovereignty can run into serious
problems. Similarly, if non-government groups engage in armed conflict with the state or with

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one another, the state loses its credibility. In such a situation of internal strife, some groups start
using a state territory for pursuing their ideological-political agenda beyond the territorial limits
of the home-base state. These developments compromise the sovereign status of a state.
If the Pakistani state does not address these challenges, fails to create a semblance of order and
stability within its territorial limits, and evokes voluntary loyalty based on representative
governance that promote internal harmony and socio-economic justice, sloganeering cannot
protect its sovereignty. Pakistan can become a non-functional state in which no state institution
will be in a position to exercise supreme power and authority.

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Quiz: https://www.funtrivia.com/playquiz/quiz79782924ad8.html

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IwNarlcGeZY
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fGMszzZdA0k

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Citizen and Citizenship

It draws attention towards an important concept which is lacking in our society and due to lack of
awareness of citizenship education in Pakistan, the society is facing huge disorder in the form of
discipline, patriotism, fundamental rights of citizenship, and lack of creation of volunteer role
models in the society who will perform their duties as a responsible citizen and would be a
passionate person to voluntarily serve the people in the community. The research draws its
attention towards two research studies: an analysis of the social studies curriculum and textbooks
and a review of teaching and learning practices in schools. The research findings indicate that the
curriculum and textbooks do not distinguish between Islamic education and citizenship education
and promotes exclusionary and passive citizenship. The research also shows that while Pakistani
students acquire knowledge and learn some important values in schools, they do not learn the skills
(problem solving, decision-making) and values (civic mindedness, critical consciousness) required
for effective participation in democratic life. The paper finally suggests some suggestions for the
teachers and Ministry of Education for implementation which will prepare students for informed,
responsible and participatory citizenship.

Citizenship defines to what or whom we give our loyalty, how we relate to other citizens, and our
vision of the ideal society. The concerns are not so much with the legal definition of citizenship as
with some normative sense of good citizenship. This sense of what constitutes the good citizen
varies across time, cultures, genders, and political philosophies.

citizenship education is made up of different elements and disputes that arise about the relative
emphasis to be placed on each element. Although many agree on the same elements — knowledge,
skills, and values, there is wide disagreement about the role, nature, and relative importance of
each one. The range of views about what constitutes good citizenship has led to a variety of
approaches to citizenship education. One analysis of programs of studies and other curriculum
policies identified four conceptions of citizenship education, ranging from passive to active
approaches (Sears and Hughes, 1996).

There are different ranges of models of good citizenship. These models offer different views of
four components: national identity; social, cultural and supranational belonging; an effective
system of rights; and political and civic participation (Hébert & Sears). Citizens vary in their sense
of belonging — to the local community, to the nation, and perhaps even the planet. Almost all
citizens will feel some sense of attachment to all of these, but each citizen will find his/her primary
sense of belonging in one, and that may vary among individuals or across groups. Citizens vary in
terms of participation and engagement in society. Citizens also vary in their realities within
countries, with some groups experiencing a profound sense of exclusion on the basis of language,
race, ethnicity, gender, belief, and poverty.

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In recent years, the concept of citizenship has become more inclusive. In this view, there are
multiple ways of being citizen. In Europe, a person might be a citizen of France and of the
European Union, the latter as a supra-national category. In Canada, a person might be a citizen of
a First Nation or a citizen of Quebec, and also a citizen of Canada. This is known as ‘multicultural
citizenship’ (Kymlicka, 1999) sometimes shortened to ‘multiple citizenship’.

The range of views about what constitutes good citizenship has led to a variety of approaches to
citizenship education. One analysis of programs of studies and other curriculum policies identified
four conceptions of citizenship education, ranging from passive to active approaches (Sears and
Hughes, 1996). Conservative and passive approaches emphasize socialization or the development
of loyalty to the national state. These approaches exist through the accumulation of static and
limited knowledge of national history and traditions. Activist approaches emphasize engagement
with the important issues of the day and participation in forming and reforming society at local,
national and even global levels.

There is a growing recognition that citizenship is a complex, multidimensional concept that

citizens, even in the same state, will understand differently. Much of the leading academic work
in this area has been done by Canadian scholars such as Charles Taylor, Will Kymlicka, and Alan
Cairns. They argue that most modern states are diverse and contain various types of minority
groups which may not completely share the same sense of common citizenship. Even so, it is
possible to build a common civic culture which allows for considerable diversity. In Canada and
many other countries, education for diversity has become a central focus of the intended
curriculum in citizenship education.

One of the most important goals of education is the preparation of young people for their role as
citizens. The problem, however, is that many countries including Pakistan do not give citizenship
education the importance it deserves, nor use approaches appropriate to the development of
informed and participatory citizenship. (Dean, 2000; Kerr, McCarthy and Smith 2002; Torney-
Purta and Amadeo 1999) In 2002, the Aga Khan University, Institute for Educational Development
(AKUIED) became a partner in a Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) funded
Citizenship Rights and Responsibilities Pakistan (CRRP) project. The Project aimed to improve
citizenship education in Pakistani schools through the development of supplementary curriculum
materials; the development of a cadre of teachers to educate for citizenship; and the formulation
of a national citizenship education program in Pakistan. Prior to the project the CRRP team at
AKU-IED assessed the current state of citizenship education in schools. Two research studies: an
analysis of the social studies curriculum and textbooks used in Pakistani schools and a review of
teaching and learning practices in citizenship education were conducted. This paper shares the
findings of these studies and suggests how citizenship education can be promoted through teacher
education, empowering communities and youth awareness campaign.

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Pakistani society, keeping in view its pre and post independence history, reflects its plurality in all
spheres of social life. However, the factor of peace, tolerance, respect and coexistence is absent.
This proves that social institutions like family, school and society at large have failed to develop
such qualities among its citizens. There is ample research to suggest that a school, after a family,
is the major institution where children develop civic qualities. Proper civic education model not
only focuses on civic skills but also pays sufficient heed to the civic knowledge and civic
disposition.
Civic education is composed of three layers: knowledge, skills and disposition. Civic knowledge
is concerned with the context of what citizens ought to know. The second essential component is
civic skills which allow citizens to think critically and act rationally. Finally, civic disposition is a
quality which brings a sense of moral responsibility, self discipline, respect for human dignity and
civility.

However, when we look at the education system and the civic learning outcome in the Pakistani
education system, it reflects the dilapidated condition of civic education in our private and public
sector institutions. This subject does not exist in its independent status. Subjects like social studies,
Islamiat and Pakistan studies have limited chunks
of civic education. The national education policy does not explicitly contain civic education
objectives. Therefore, from the educational policy document to the publication of our text books
the component of civic education in its quality and quantity is marginalised. Moreover, the major
focus of civic education in Pakistani context is merely imparted knowledge and sense of loyalty
for the state in the citizen
Government should take responsibility of empowering communities which will demonstrate
democratic processes through giving people the opportunity to take an active role in local issues,
events and activities. It will foster the development of a community’s sense of social responsibility
through increasing the awareness of members about social issues, and provide a medium through
which their sense of social responsibility can be translated into action. It will contribute to the
development of community spirit and social cohesion through bringing people together to pursue
common goals and extending people’s support networks and coping capacities. It will contribute
to the personal development of members through providing opportunities to broaden their views,
enhance their knowledge, skills, confidence and self-esteem · It will develop stronger, more
capable and more caring citizens who in turn contribute to the development of stronger, more
capable and more caring communities. There should be focus on the community volunteers who
are interested, energetic and passionate people who care about their community and who are
prepared to share freely their knowledge, experience, skills and their time to make their community
a better place to live. Their involvement in the community is essential for community well being.
The study shows that the key focus of education in schools is the acquisition of factual knowledge
and inculcation of Islamic, civil and moral values. It also shows that the organization and
management of schools and most teaching and learning practices are not conducive to the
preparation of citizenship education.

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Although democratic structures such as the teacher committees, students councils exist, their
functioning has to be made more democratic. The study revealed that while teaching and learning
in the classroom is teacher-controlled there are a range of co-curricular activities that offer students
opportunity for first hand experience of citizenship. The paper concludes with some suggestions
for capacity building education program for teachers, empowering communities, workshops and
seminars and citizenship education through extra curriculum activities which will enable
awareness and role of importance of citizenship education in Pakistan.

Quiz: https://academicimpact.un.org/content/unai-quiz-global-citizenship-education
https://study.com/academy/practice/quiz-worksheet-citizenship-education-overview.html

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wY9rp-ikKLE
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Pwf8EKdk3w

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Foreign Affairs

In the international political and strategic system where multiple world orders are contending for
power and projection, Pakistan has sailed through the murky waters in the past seven decades of
existence with ambitions set forth by its founding forefathers. It was a rollercoaster bumpy ride for
the country over the years, adjusting itself with emerging changing strategic environment. Even
being one of the largest Muslim nations, bordering Afghanistan, Iran, India, and China, Pakistan
has remained as a key player in the Middle East and Asia. Although carrying along significant
national assets that include strategic geographical location, complex historical past, size and nature
of the population, abundance of national wealth, Pakistan has remained dependent upon external
and internal actors and factors.

Our construct of relations with the countries remained also dominant by our quest for economic
prosperity and cooperation subject to peace, security and stability at the domestic level. These
themes have not only defined our past but will remain dominant in coming years as well. Moreover,
the role, perception and style of leadership helped in shaping, designing and implementing the
foreign policy and nature of relations in the international arena.

Over the years, Pakistan has managed to adjust itself with the changing geo-strategic and security
environment of the international system through tough and tumultuous decisions. From isolation
to integration, descent to ascent, compromise to cooperation, Pakistan’s foreign policy translates
trends of challenges, trials and prospects over the past seven decades.

Pakistan remained unable to adopt balanced foreign policy choices to achieve its strategic,
political, security and economic interest as were desired. Now as the new democratically elected
government is all set to take oath with the vision of change and revolution as an engaging slogan,
Imran Khan in his victory speech outlined the foreign policy dimension of his government. With
domestic stability, Pakistan is expected to set the course towards evolving regional and
international politics in the direction of cooperation, integration with an aim towards economic
prosperity with peace and stability. This new outlook will help Pakistan to come out of its varied
challenges to play a positive role at domestic, regional and international levels.

At the time of Independence, during evolutionary phase of foundation, our founding fathers laid
down a roadmap for Pakistan’s constructive engagement based on basic fundamental principles
explained in the 1973 Constitution. The Article 20 of 1973 Constitution states: “The State shall
endeavour to preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic
unity, support the common interests of the people of Asia, Africa and Latin America, promote
international peace and security, foster goodwill and friendly relations among all nations and
encourage the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means.” This provision provides
solid direction to Pakistan towards developing comprehensive foreign policy with the fellow
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Muslim countries, close and extended neighbouring countries of the region and beyond. However,
there was also notion of balance maintained in the guiding principles but the tilting towards the
west. There was not a particular mention about dealing with the major powers. However, with its
liberalism driven and western tilt had resulted into Pakistan’s diversion towards the US and west
since the time of its inception.

This western ideological orientation caused Pakistan not to send the envoy till the end of 1949 in
Soviet Capital. Soon after, the invitation from Russia was ignored as a result of this western minded
elite and the then Prime Minister moved to Washington for his first official visit. With growing
closeness to the western camp, Pakistan moved away from the other major powers causing the
misperception, existing till today including Russian Federation. However, understanding of
changing parameters of international, regional political and security environment, Pakistan must
continue to have a thrust towards developing close relations with Russian Federation at equal level
for having a balanced foreign policy.

Although new trends have been witnessed recently in Pak-Russia relations; however there is a
strong need to have a pragmatic and diversified foreign policy based on the principle of having
close and cordial relations with all major powers.

During the early years, the foreign policy pundits made a substantial contribution towards
declaring People’s Republic of China as close friend to Pakistan. This lasting friendship is growing
ever since and beyond any challenge and hindrance is considered to have passed the test of time.
Later we have witnessed support of China during Pakistan’s wars with India, maintained a steady
economic cooperation over the years with recent emergence of China Pakistan Economic Corridor
(CPEC), Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and recent induction of Pakistan in Shanghai Cooperation
Organisation (SCO). Pakistan needs to tap this opportunity of the recent growing trend wherein
after many centuries; the centre of gravity of the world is shifting from west to the east with Asia
with abundance of economic dividends. With wisdom and farsightedness, Pakistan can build a
prosperous future for its people through its closeness with China. States follow their national
interests and there is not permanent friend or enemy in the international system however we need
to capitalise and learn from the Chinese experience of eradicating corruption and especially their
program on poverty alleviation. China is our corner stone of foreign policy emerging as the largest
economy of the world, Pakistan needs to capitalise the recent trends without missing any chance
now.

Since the last several decades, Pakistan remained involved in Afghan war and aligned itself with
the US, before supporting the Taliban who became powerful to rule Afghanistan in the ‘90s.
Pakistan-Afghan relations also remained at the hot water as a result of this western notion of
Pakistan’s foreign policy dimension. The decision of joining the US-led alliance in the aftermath
of the 9/11 has long impacted on Pakistan’s political, strategic, economic and social landscape.

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Pakistan’s relationship with the US remained as a marriage of inconvenience for long and had
fraught relations for the past three decades or so. Pakistan became the non NATO ally and faced
brunt of the terrorism more than any other country in the coalition against the war on terror,
unleashed after the incidents. But these sacrifices and support in the War on Terrorism made by
Pakistan have been overlooked by the successive US governments.

The US and west has always asked Pakistan to do more and the accusations of deception, lies and
providing safe haven to terrorists are few of the allegations that the US has continued to level,
putting Pakistan into difficult situations. With recent motion, backed by the European nations, to
put Pakistan on global terrorism financing watch list, there is another blow to the long time tough
relations.

Now it is time for Pakistan to have a constructive and balanced engagement with the US and west
on equal, reliable and strong footing. Pakistan also needs competent Ambassadors in all the
capitals of these countries of the west and US to put the case in a better manner, without having
any political favours whatsoever. Apart from that, the new government needs to work with the
military to help develop a political settlement with lasting peace in Afghanistan

Pakistan also needs to look critically towards its engagement with India. Both states remained at
loggerheads especially on the Kashmir dispute which requires both states to dialogue involving
the wishes and aspirations of the Kashmiri people. Over the decades, various twists and turns and
position change by Pakistani leadership on Kashmir dispute, has created mistrust and
disappointment amongst the populace in the disputed region especially denting their just resistance
movement. Now with the new emerging trends and changing regional dimensions, Pakistan, after
standing firm on its Kashmir policy without compromising the sovereignty, should began positive
engagement with India through trade and business cooperation. Pakistan has missed abundance of
water under the bridge and now it is time to make some rational and positive choices to further the
objective of resolving the Kashmir dispute. This can only be achieved through political dialogue
and economic engagement with India.

On Iran, Pakistan has missed the bus on several occasions in the past seven decades. The relations
remain tricky, challenging and complicated between Pakistan and Iran. Both the states, though
important countries in the Islamic block, remained suspicious of each other over the decades.
Recently Pakistan became the member of the Saudi-led alliance while Pakistan is concerned with
the Indian presence in Chabahar with fear of Indian involvement in neighbouring Balochistan.
With Iran being keen to join CPEC, Pakistan possesses a chance to amplify the marine potential
of Gawader, adding to that Iran can prove to be a long-term ally. There is nothing more sensible
than having a pragmatic neighbour who is on-board. On Saudi Arabia and other Muslim countries
of the Gulf region, Pakistan needs to take a neutral stance and should play a pragmatic role in
resolving the issues rather than taking sides to anyone.

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Pakistan is at the cross roads now when the new democratically elected government is in power
wherein it is on the statecraft as to how it utilises and seizes the moment to translate it into benefits
for the national, regional and at global level. With its robust, capable and fully functional foreign
office and a full time focused and dedicated minister of foreign affairs, Pakistan will be able to put
forward its national and international relations.

Tantalising the aroma of the emerging trends, Pakistan needs to extend its way forward via its new
leader in the shape of Imran Khan, who has pulled overwhelming response from all quarters of the
world, even before taking oath as the next Prime Minister. Amid all such changing political and
economic state of affairs, challenges are great, both external and internal. Sincere efforts and
devotion can really bring about the change that is being dreamed off for “Naya Pakistan.”

Quiz: https://www.pkmcqs.com/mcqs-question/css/compulsory-subjects/pakistan-affairs/foreign-
policy-of-pakistan
Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4YPY6DmfrwU
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k_P99_azNXY
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GbtyfvnGafk
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N753S299Jwo

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Sociology

if there is a country whose culture is starkly contrasted by its international image, it has to be
Pakistan. Pakistanis all over the world often face the dilemma of explaining what their culture
really entails, thanks to years of news-media exaggeration and agenda setting. Beyond democratic
and economic disappointment dwells a world of Pakistani civil society that works resiliently
against all odds to keep what matters most intact: the country’s vibrant culture. Let’s try to get to
know Pakistan a little better.

Pakistani culture is very diverse

Thanks to its historical, geographical and ethnic diversity, Pakistan’s culture is a melting pot of
Indian, Persian, Afghan, Central Asian, South Asian and Western Asian influences. There are over
15 major ethnic groups in Pakistan, which differ in physical features, historical bloodlines,
customs, dress, food and music. Some of these include Punjabis, Sindhis, Baloch, Pashtuns,
Kashmiris, Hazaras, Makranis and Baltis, coming from regions as close to home as the Indus
Valley or as far as Africa or Tibet. Other than ancient ethnic elements, the religious influence of
Islam has also strongly shaped Pakistani culture since it first came to the region in AD 700.

Many different languages are spoken in Pakistan

The official number of languages actively spoken in Pakistan is between 73 and 76. This means
that within hours as you travel between the country’s districts, there are languages that other groups
in different regions do not speak. The most popular languages, however, belong to the largest
ethnic groups with their own modern and ancient literature. Most languages in Pakistan belong to
the Indo-Iranian language group, including Urdu, the national language.

The people are friendly, but gender segregation still exists

Due to Islamic and tribal influences, non-urban regions of Pakistan have varying levels of gender
segregation, while big cities too have conservative expectations in terms of interactions between
men and women. Couples usually don’t hug or kiss in public in a non-platonic way. Regardless of
that, the people of Pakistan are helpful, friendly, approachable and humble.

Pakistanis love listening to – and making – music

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Diverse culture has exposed Pakistani musicians to many different poetic forms and styles, along
with languages and literature. Qawwali and Ghazal are the nation’s auditory treasures. Building
on that, Pakistani TV shows, like Coke Studio, have amassed millions of fans internationally and
locally, from non-Pakistanis to non-Urdu speakers. The nation has also produced legendary
singers, like Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan and poets like Faiz Ahmed Faiz, who have left a tremendous
influence on the culture and the collective conscience of the people. Contemporary musicians too
play with modern styles and develop fusions in the Urdu language, of blues, funk, rock and jazz.

Family bonds are strong in Pakistan

Family comes first in Pakistan due to religious, cultural, economic and societal values. Pakistani
society is not led by individualism but rather by collectivism, where family and other relationships
stand strong.

Pakistani culture includes excellent craftsmanship

Pakistani truck art is not the only world-famous example of craftsmanship. Passed down through
generations, Pakistani craft includes a plethora of styles, materials and aesthetics. Calligraphy in
Arabic is one of the most prominent skills found in many local buildings and sites and wall
hangings, like copper work, paintings and carved wood. Pottery, especially blue pottery, typical of
Sindh and Multan, is loved all over the world for its look. Naqashi, or the art-making of camel-
skin lamps, is another example of local craft, along with colourful tile work, which is a Mughal
legacy.

Sufism has given birth to beautiful poetry and music

Mainstream Islam and Islamic mysticism are both prevalent in Pakistan, but often, hard-line
clerics, who follow the Wahhabi school of thought, reject the tradition of mysticism or Sufism that
has added great beauty to the already unique Islamic flavour of the country. Sufis show their
devotion through many means like dance, poetry, whirling, meditation, etc. Some of the country’s
most spiritually advanced and unifying messages of love are found in Sufi poetry. The hard-liners
may try to isolate them, but the population cannot help but be entranced by them.

Pakistanis love chai a little too much

Chai is everywhere in Pakistan, probably in a similar sense to how beer is in alcohol-consuming

countries. In fact, Pakistan is the third-largest importer of tea, although some tea is grown locally
too. Pakistanis make their tea strong and sweet in either milk or diluted milk depending on their
preference. Sometimes cardamom and other spices are added to tea on special occasions. Black
tea was introduced to the country by the English during the colonial years, but green tea has been

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a part of the local culture for thousands of years. Tea time is such an important time of day that
many people enjoy high tea in five-star hotels, which basically include a buffet of teas and all the
complimentary snacks that go with it.

Pakistanis are very hospitable

Guests, tourists and visitors, whether domestic or international, are always welcomed with open
arms. Even the poorest labourers go out of their way to help new visitors. Cultural and religious
beliefs encourage Pakistanis to show love and respect towards guests. In Islam especially, a guest
is a blessing from God, and it is taught that they must be given the best treatment possible.

Pakistanis love sports, especially cricket

Cricket may have been a sport that was introduced to Pakistan by the British, but today, the country
has not only made it its own but has also raised one of the world’s best cricket teams. Other sports,
like hockey, squash and badminton, are also widely played and appreciated. Polo has a special
place in northern Pakistan too, with one of the highest polo grounds in the world situated here.

Pakistanis are resilient and hard-working

It is common knowledge that the Pakistani nation has suffered from the country’s economic
situation with rampant poverty and high illiteracy. Terrorist attacks and misgovernment have also
led to terrible consequences. Regardless of these sufferings, Pakistan’s spirit lives on and the
nation continues to hope and work for a better future. The people of Pakistan would soar high if
they got the sincere political effort and leadership they deserve.

Pakistanis have big weddings

Pakistani weddings epitomise the richness of the culture. A single wedding will introduce you to
the many elements of these local traditions. Pakistani weddings are laden with a multitude of
colours, beautifully embroidered flowing fabrics in silks and chiffon, tantalizing food, traditionally
decorated stages and a lot of music and dance. Weddings in Pakistan are a serious deal, with
preparations starting months before. After all, most local weddings last anywhere from three to six
days. The celebrations usually start with a day dedicated to henna application, followed by a
musical night and a night of traditional rituals to bless the couple. Then, there are dinner parties
that last two days thrown by the bride and groom’s side of the family.

Pakistanis don’t keep calm and have no chill

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Pakistanis are a passionate, emotional, expressive and colourful people – just like their culture.
Whatever they love, they do with plenty of zest and excitement. They love to celebrate, no matter
the occasion, and feasting, giving presents, throwing parties and having regular large gatherings
with friends and family are all very common.

Generally, the creation of Pakistan is attributed to the political struggle launched by the All India
Muslim League under the leadership of Quaid-i-Azam. Among serious academics, Muslim League
and Quaid-i-Azam both represented Muslim modernism, inaugurated by the Aligarh Movement
during the second half of the 19th century.
Sir Syed Ahmed was the harbinger of Muslim modernism which largely was anchored in changed
circumstances wrought by the colonial modernity. I have argued in some of my write-ups that soon
after Pakistan’s establishment, its foundational story was re-scripted in the light of fundamentalist
ideology which contravened in a big way the very essence of Muslim modernism. The waning
space for Sir Syed Ahmed Khan in our national narrative provides testimony to the creeping
influence of exclusionary and fundamentalist streak drawn from religion.
Books like Ulema and Politics by Prof. Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi have specifically highlighted the
role of such clerics, who were steeped in literalist interpretation of religion. That book identifies
those individuals from among the Deobandi clerics, who were positively disposed towards the idea
of a separate state for the Muslims of the subcontinent. By doing so Qureshi tried to set at rest, the
narrative insinuating Deobandis as anti-Pakistan.
Thus the political instrument of Muslim separatism, as projected in our national narrative, has been
either Muslim modernists or the literalist ulema like Shabbir Ahmed Usmani, Mufti Muhammad
Shafi and Zafar Ahmad Ansari. Subsequent to the secession of East Pakistan, Maulana Maududi
too was added to the coterie of such people.From 1949 onwards, these clerics started asserting
themselves, the impact of which resonates to this day.
What remains to be properly investigated even to this day, is the role of supposedly more ‘eclectic’
and ‘inclusive’ section of the ulema with Sufi overtones in an extremely complex process of
securing a separate state for the Muslims of North India. In this particular regard, Mujib Ahmad’s
book Jamiyyat Ulama-i-Pakistan: 1948-1979 is a commendable effort, which sheds light on the
role of such section of the Sunni Ulema in the earlier part of his book; however, far more research
is required to properly bring their contribution into a scholarly focus. He does not deal with the
Sufis per se.
Much of the scholarship on Sufism tends to study it from an anthropological prism, thereby
discounting their political contribution towards pushing the separatist agenda. David Gilmartin
s magnum opus, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan is the first and undoubtedly
the foremost scholarly venture that investigates the socio-cultural influence of the Sufis and
Mashaikhs on to the separatist ideology of Muslim leadership, aspiring for Pakistan. From the
particular perspective of Sind, Sara Ansari’s widely cited book Sufi Saints and State Power rivets
its attention on the scarcely studied political role of the Sufis. Like Gilmartin, Ansari has opened
up a new vista of scholarship by entwining socio-cultural currents with the politics.

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Another myth that has been called into question is the inclusive and peaceful disposition of the
Sufis and dargah as the site of mystic spirituality. As they are demonstrated in these texts, Sufis
had been politically oriented with separatist tendencies and at times they resorted to violence. That
is true not only of Sufis belonging to Naqshbandia Order, which is considered prone to religious
literalism but Chishti Sufi (taken in as peaceful and eclectic in their ideology) were no different.
Hussain Ahmad Khan employs the term neo-Sufism to make sense of ‘the tendencies among
nineteenth-century Sufis in Punjab’. To them Sikhs and British posed threat to the existence of
Islam. In the situation of political decline of the Mughals, the Sufis assumed the role of moral
reformers and propounded the notion of Khalifa or Imam for the Muslims. They also resorted to
purify the religion as they, like the Ulema, thought deviation from the righteous path had caused
the political decline.
Thus the separatist identity of the Indian Muslims had its initiation among the Sufis by ‘Othering’
the non-Muslims. Strangely enough no commonality could be struck even with the Sikhs, the creed
embedded in the local Sufi tradition represented in the poetic articulations of Baba Farid Ganj
Shakar.
Khan also argues that Hagiographic literature mentions several reasons for the violence that Sufis
resorted to, but importantly enough; the Sikhs were suspicious of Sufi circles because of their close
nexus with the Muslim power centres. In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, Hafiz Jamal and
his followers fought against the Sikhs, along with the army of Nawab Muzaffar Khan, the ruler of
Multan. Similarly a Sufi, Mian Muhammad Afzal spearheaded the revolt against Sikhs and was
killed along with scores of his followers.
One may argue here that Sufis, despite inclusive nature of their message, were at a loss to come to
terms with the situation in which they did not have political patronage from the rulers. Was their
existence contingent on the royal patronage? Another worth asking question is the amenability of
the Sufis towards non-Muslims. The much-trumpeted good will that Sufis had enjoyed from non-
Muslims stands contested if not entirely exploded. The Jihad Tehreek led by Syed Ahmed Shaheed
and Shah Ismael Shaheed is also mentioned in this regard. However, one may question the Sufi
dimension of the religious practice that these fellows professed.
Coming to the militant Sufis, one can quote Shah Ghulam Ali (1743-1824) of Shahjahanabad
(Delhi) and Fadl-e-Haq Khairabadi (1797-1861). Later was a Sufi scholar from Awadh. He waged
jihad against the British in 1857. Haji Imdadullah Makki (1817-99) is yet another example of such
Sufis who fought against the British and as a consequence had to flee away to Arabia into self-
exile. By that time, neo- Sufism seemed to have taken the centre stage. Religious literalism, the
primacy of the text and aggressive methods of proselytization became the principal features of
religious discourse of which the traditional Sufism was merely an appendage.
The fact however remains that the general impression about Sufis and Sufism must correspond
with historical reality and that contravenes the former.

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Quiz: https://www.ilmkidunya.com/online-test/pakistan-cultural-history-mcqs.aspx

https://www.activityvillage.co.uk/pakistan

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dj7RzIR7VU4
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8z506sobVrM
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lMvg4pBD0Rk
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=777TFuzkP6A
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=crel7bqgUhY
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KICGh3soTrg

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_QIDTWH7i8I

DR. ZIAUDDIN AHMED AS A PARLIAMENTARIAN

Hussain Imam
I met Dr. Sir Ziauddin Ahmad for the time in February 1931, when I entered in the Council
of State in a big jump from the municipal Council to that of the second chamber of the British
India. In those days only 8 Muslim members were elected to the Council of State and 30 to the
Central Legislative Assembly. Dr. Sir Ziauddin Ahmad hid established a reputation of his own
before he joined the legislative Assembly. His services and activities had started from the days of
M.A.O. College and had continued after the establishment of Aligarh Muslim University. His
name will always be associated as second only to Sir Syed Ahmad Khan in establishing and
developing this Institution, which was and shall forever be a pride of the Muslims of this sub-
continent.

His services in Aligarh will be _dealt with in detail by other friends. I wish to throw some
light on his activities in the Central Legislative Assembly of the British India. It was customary
among the prominent Muslim members of the Legislative to specialize themselves in certain
subjects. Quaid-i-Azam's specialty was the Defense Budget. Sir Abdullah Haroon usually dealt
with Posts and Telegraph. Dr. Sir Ziauddin had selected Railways for his subject of attention. Shah
Masood Ahmad, the new member from Bihar was always following Dr. Ziauddin in elucidating
the answers given by the Government members.

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Dr. Sahib was always listened with care and attention by the Government Benches. He
never indulged in politics of con-demining the Government in general terms, rather he used to pin-
point the deficiencies of the Muslims and in this way he materially helped all the Muslims of the
sub-continent. He was always willing to recommend candidates for jobs in the Central
Government. If he happened to be a scholar of Aligarh Muslim University then he would go out
of the way to help him as much as possible. His speeches used to be full of facts and constructive
suggestions instead of being purely condemnatory. On the lighter side he was in the habit of
inviting his colleagues and others often to Lunch. Quite a few times they found themselves alone
without the host, yet his servants were so trained that it often happened that at the time the guests
were finishing their lunch when he used to arrive. 17 Windsor Place was his almost permanent
abode just as Nawab Sir Yameen Khan had 18 Windsor Place as his permanent abode and Sir
Abdullah Haroon as long as he lived was fixed at 20 Windsor Place. In contrast to this, Quaid-e-
Azam did not have any fixed abode until he acquired 10 Aurangzeb Road from Dalmia in the later
part of the 40's. Dr Ziauddin's greatest service in Central Assembly was to get as many Muslims
appointed as possible and to get promotion for those Muslims who deserved but were neglected.
Many persons occupying high posts owe their present position to the indefatigable labor of Dr. Sir
Ziauddin Ahmad who secured high positons for Muslims. All this he did in his capacity as the
Parliamentary Secretary of the Muslim League Party in the Central Assembly; which position he
preferred to select as compared to that of being elected as the Vice-Chancellor of the Aligarh
Muslim University, simply because he wanted to serve muslims in their larger interest and wanted
to fix up the Aligarh Graduates on key posts in the services of the Government of India. (N.B. Dr.
Sahib's role as a member of the Central Legislative Assembly is described in detail in the Urdu
section of the book).

THE APEX OF EDUCATION

K. B. A. M. Kureishy

I took my admission in the First Year Intermediate Science Class at the M.A.O. College,
Aligarh in May 1903, three days after the death of Justice Syed Mahmood, a great son of a great
father.

Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed was at the time in Cambridge for higher studies, after having secured
his D.Sc. the highest available degree in India. He was away but the aura of his personality
pervaded the entire Educational, administrative and social atmosphere of the College, in which he
had studied for some time as a student, then worked as a teacher in the School, and acted as a
lecturer in the College; he had also helped in the advancement of some of the welfare societies,
such as Duty Society, the Students' Union, Muslim Educational Conference and games clubs. One
could hear among the student’s echoes of his extraordinary Mathematical acumen, his early resolve

143
to achieve distinction in Mathematics, and thereby remove the misconception that Muslims were
backward in Mathematics, and to encourage them by his personal example. Some of the students
who had studied under him in the School and at the College, remembered him with affection, and
related incidents about his solving difficult mathematical problems mentally even before he
reached the black-board. The students always mentioned him with feelings of devotion and
affection. His teacher the great Prof. Chakarvarti was proud of his pupil `JIAUDDIN'.

Dr. Ziauddin's keen interest in education was evinced by him even when he was a student
of B.A. in the College. In the meeting of All India Muslim Conference held in Delhi in 1892. Mr.
Morison proposed a resolution to the effect that census should be undertaken in all towns of the
subcontinent in order to determine the exact education position of the Muslims in general and
explore the reasons why some of the prosperous families neglected the education of their children.
The resolution was adopted by the Conference. In response to this resolution Dr. Ziauddin had the
census conducted with the help of some friends of a small town Mahrehra (U.P.) where some well-
to-do Muslim families resided and then induced them to establish a school there, the opening
Ceremony of which was performed by Mr. Morison in 1894.

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was alive when Dr. Ziauddin after securing his B.A. degree in 1895,
worked for a few months in the M.A.O. Collegiate School. In the same year he was appointed
Assistant Professor of Mathematics in the College on Rs. 60/- per month. On his appointment Sir
Syed remarked:

"If he continues to make progress in Mathematics we will consider him for further
promotion".

It may however be mentioned that he was on his brilliant success in B.A., recommended
by Principal Morison for Deputy Collectorship, the highest and the most coveted post for the
Indians in those days. The recommendation was accepted by the Government, but Dr. Ziauddin to
the great disappointment of Mr. Morison and his own relatives, preferred to stay in the College on
a salary of Rs. 60/- gradually rising to Rs. 100. At the time of his appointment an interesting
incident occurred. Sir Syed had prepared an agreement form which contained the condition that
Ziauddin should serve the College for 5 years at least and he wanted Dr. Sahib to sign that form.
Dr. Sahib's reply reveals the dignity of a great teacher and preacher of education among the
Muslims. He said: "My intention is to dedicate all my life to Aligarh, but to submit to such a
condition is a matter of shame to me and in fact my opinion is that no person should be allowed
stay in this national institute if he does not love the cause for which this institution is founded and
has to be secured only by such agreement".

On hearing this Sir Syed tore the agreement form and ordered him to go and work.

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In his budget report in 1897 Sir Syed observed:
“Those trustees of the college who watch the daily occurrences in the college must have noticed
that ever since Ziauddin Ahmad has joined the service of the college, devotion to learning and love
of study amongst the students have been on the increase and that his stay in the college promotes
the welfare of the students. Only recently the Principal has recommended his name to the
Government as a Deputy Collector, but he in spite of the inducement of his relatives and friends
prefers to stay in the college and devote himself to the cause of education and has written to the
Principal to withdraw his name. Under these circumstances the trustees of the college will do what
they can for his promotion in view of the fact that his association with the college helps to promote
Muslim welfare and Muslim education".

In 1897 when Prof. Arnold resigned and left the college, his work was distributed amongst
the professors as a temporary measure because no intermediate appointment could be made on
account of the financial condition of the College. No one on the stage was prepared to undertake
the teaching of Logic, which was taught by Prof. Arnold. It was Ziauddin Ahmad of the department
of Mathematics who came forward and took responsibility of teaching Logic. His notes and
lectures were so perfect that in 1899 Mr. Venice, Principal Queen's College Be-nares, who was an
examiner in Logic, remarked in his report that the best teaching of Logic was done in Aligarh and
the students of the college had answered questions on fallacies so beautifully that one was
compelled to give them marks even when the conclusions that they drew were not correct.

In 1898, Dr. Sahib put forward a scheme of extension lectures in the College, which were
to be given in Urdu, so that the public and the students could easily follow. This scheme was
approved and accepted by the Principal. He himself delivered lectures on the latest discoveries in
Astronomy. He ridiculed in them the beliefs of the common people in Astrology. These lectures
were published in the College Magazine.

Dr. Ziauddin was keenly interested in encouraging young students to take serious view of
their subjects of study. It is reported that if any student absented himself from his class, he would
immediately go and get hold of the truant and bring him back to the class room. He also gave free
private coaching to the backward students, and called some of his good students every week to his
room and over a cup of tea discussed general educational topics with them. He invariably went to
the hospital to find out how sick students were being treated and looked after them. He also started
a Scientific Society in the College, which in fact was a revival of the Scientific Society established
much earlier by Sir Syed. Its scope was, however, larger than the parent body. Dr. Sahib worked
enthusiastically for the All India Muslim Educational Conference and made collections for Sir
Syed Fund. Nawab Mohsinul Mulk, a stalwart of the Aligarh Movement and Honorary Secretary
of the College, in his speech at the annual session of the above Conference, held at Rampur in
1905 said:

145
"Sir Syed ever longed to hold a session of the conferences at Calcutta but for 13 years his
wish remained unfulfilled. It was then decided to send a special envoy to Calcutta to prevail upon
the Muslims of Calcuta to invite the Conference to hold its session there. For this enterprise
Ziauddin Ahmad was deputed. A young scholar prepared to shed his blood for the Muslim
Community, a person who was on the verge of appointment as a Deputy Collector but preferred to
stay and serve in the College on a petty salary of Rs. 100 per month, for the love at his work as a
teacher and deep concern for his community. Had he gone away as a Deputy Collector, he would
have been drawing a salary of Rs. 500/- per month by now. In short it was Ziauddin Ahmed who
showed willingness to go as an envoy to Calcutta. He went and stayed in Calcutta for three weeks
at his own expense and did not accept a single pie from the College or the Conference. This
sympathetic and sincere well-wisher of our community started to make collections for Sir Syed
Fund but he had to face and overcome a difficult situation. There were two opposite camps of
leading Muslims there. Whatever efforts were made by one group for the good of the Muslims was
opposed by the other, simply to deprive the other group from the reputation it would gain if
successful.

(Whichever land we migrated to, the opposing sky was there)

Disunity amongst the Muslims was there, but Ziauddin Ahmad's three week's stay resulted
in the establishment of a committee to raise money for Sir Syed Fund and in gaining an invitation
from a group of Muslim leaders for the session of the Conference at Calcutta. This session was
held there in 1901. The Lieutenant Governor of the Bengal Province came as a visitor to that
Conference and the session as a whole was a great success both from financial and general utility
points of view".

Dr. Ziauddin Ahmad did yeoman's services to the Duty Society, one of the most useful and
prominent societies of the college to help the students with stipends during their education at
Aligarh. This society was started by Sahibzada Aftab Ahmad Khan and his friends in 1890 under
the guidance of Prof. Arnold. In 1895, the All India Mohammaden Educational Conference held
its session at Shahjahanpur. Prof. Arnold directed Dr. Ziauddin and Sheikh Abdullah to open a tea
shop near the Conference pandal, where tea, sweets and daily papers were provided. This was done
in the hope of receiving donations instead of mere prices of articles listed. This proved a great
success. The Principal of the College was the Keeper of the society and now Dr. Zia Uddin was
elected Assistant Keeper. Dr. Sahib devised yet another way of collecting money for the Duty
Society. Deputations of senior students were sent out in the country where in addition to collecting
money they advised young Muslim students to visit and join College. These deputations submitted
reports about their work alt. The Hon 'tile Sir Syed Raza Ali, then a student, referring to Dr. Sahib's
Assistant-Keepership in one of his speeches said:

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"During these two years there have been remarkable changes in the objects and methods
of the Duty Society. The Society was even before considered a respectable and useful institution
but the fact is that apart from the few students of the College who were being directly helped by
the society, a great majority of the students did not take any practical interest in the society. Its
importance was limited to the college premises and with the exception of some well-wishers of
the college here and there, people generally did not know that any society of this name existed in
the college. It is Dr. Ziauddin Ahmad who has established the significance and usefulness of the
Duty Society in our hearts. He used various and unique methods to bring to our minds the benefits
of this society which was unknown to us previously. In short he created a passion in us to devote
two or three weeks of our vacation to raise funds for the society and help our poorer brothers to
get the same sort of education that we were having at Aligarh."

Dr. Ziauddin Ahmad took interest in games also. When a student, he himself was a member
of the second cricket eleven of the College and of the first eleven when he joined the M.C. College
at Allahabad after his B.A examination.

We cannot help wondering, how a lecturer in addition to his daily teaching work and many
sided ultra-curricular activities managed to find time for his own studies. He was a lecturer in the
college when he took his M.A. degree from Allahabad (1898), and D.Sc. degree from Calcutta
(1901) and all these with distinctions.

In this short essay on Dr. Ziauddin as a teacher, we need not describe his achievements in
Cambridge and Germany, but we must notice one distinction which he gained at Cambridge along
with others and which I am sure will surprise the reader; he secured a teacher's training certificate
also. A professor of a University does not require this certificate but an education-ist must know
what methods are followed in our schools in order to become conversant with educational
requirements.

When the writer joined the College, Nawab Mohsinul Mulk was the Honorary Secretary of
the College and the glorious tribute that he paid to Dr. Ziauddin Ahmad for his self-sacrifices ior
the College and the Muslim Community has already been quoted. I must here mention the opinion
of some prominent Old Aligarians who were in Aligarh at the time of my admission. Foremost
among them was Sahibzada Aftab Ahmad Khan, a practicing barrister reputed for his knowledge
of Law. He had the distinction of being an Old Body of the College who had left his hometown of
Kunjpurah (Punjab) and also relinquished his father's adopted home at Gwalior and built a house
for his permanent settlement in Aligarh. He was a devoted follower of the great Sir Syed and took
keen interest in the affairs of the College and helped the administration with advice and was
consulted by them when any emergency arose.

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Shaikh Abdullah, the founder of the Girls School (now a flourishing Degree College) also
practiced Law in Aligarh. He and his noble wife (known as Alia Bee to the students of the Girls'
College were then struggling to devise ways and means to promote the education of Muslim girls.
He also took interest in the affairs of the College and was a frequent visitor to it. Mr. Tofail Ahmad
(also known as maulana Tofail Ahmad) Compiler of Aligarh Old Boys Directory was then a sub-
Registrar at Aligarh and was a devoted worker in the interest of the College.

Whenever any trouble arose in the College, never mind what its nature was, residence
difficulties or dining hall com-plaints etc., these gentlemen in a body or individually used to come
and pacify the students and always missed Dr. Ziauddin Ahmad and assured us that everything
would be alright when Ziauddin would come back it seemed as if the Return Home of a hero was
awaited. Mr Wilayat Hossain was another prominent old boy of the College who was Second
Master in the Collegiate School and Proctor of the College. He was a close friend of Sahibzada
Aftab Ahmad Khan and Mr. Habibullah Khan (generally known as Deputy Habibullah); the latter
built a house for himself in Aligarh which he had named Wilayat Manzil after Mir Sahib's name.
He was editor of the Aligarh monthly magazine and in its issue of October 1904 he paid a very
glowing tribute to Dr. Ziauddin for the work he was doing in England by writing articles and
holding meetings to intro-duce and popularize the College and its community. He writes:

"We notice with pleasure that Dr. Ziauddin Ahmad, even in Europe, is not free from his
anxiety for the welfare of the College. The time is fast approaching when on his return from
England, he will bestow the benefits of his vast learning and wide experience on the College and
the Community. Many other old alumni of our college are in for the completion of their studies
but just as Dr. Ziauddin is far superior to them in knowledge and learning, he is similarly far above
them in his objective and aspirations. In the words of a Persian poet Sa'di, they are trying to save
their own shirts but Ziauddin is trying to plunge in the sea and draw to safety the drowning. They
on their return will attain positions for themselves, but Ziauddin on his return will contribute to
the advancement of others".

Dr. Sahib stayed in Europe for about five years. When he reached Aligarh on the 1th of
December 1906, he was given a hearty reception at the Railway Station where members of the
staff and students all assembled to welcome him. He was driven in a coach to the College premises,
a distance of about one mile, not by the horses but by the students who had removed the horses
from the coach. Even before his return he had been offered by the U.P. Government the post of
Inspector of Schools but he had as before chosen Aligarh for his activates. He joined immediately
and began his work as a Professor of Mathematics within a day or two of his arrival.. I was then
in the final year of my B.A. with Mathematics as one of my subjects. We were only eight students
in the Mathematics group and it was our class that he was to take first of all. We looked at him
when he started his lecture with awe and affection. His lecture was profound and we listened to it

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with eyes full of wonder rather than with a sense to benefit by it. The activity of the feelings at our
hearts made our minds unreceptive. After a week's lectures he set a paper for us on what he had
taught and we were found wanting. Our answers were superficial and shallow, lacking the vigor
which should have been here. He changed his tactics and began calling us to his house and over
cups of tea showed us the right way of studying Mathematics. This type of coaching brought about
a significant change in us. We gave up the old habit of looking at .the subject only from
examination point of view and began to take interest in it for its own sake. The result was
marvelous. We were with him for a couple of months only. About the 2nd week of February there
occurred a big strike of the students of the College against the English staff. It created a very grave
situation. The 'boarding houses and dining halls were closed and the strikers had to decide upon
an exodus to Ailahabad to fight their battle from there. This disturbed our

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studies. But when ultimately the strike ended and normal conditions were restored the trial of the
final B.A. examination of the Allahabad University had to be faced. To put the story short, inspite
of all the disturbances, three students of our College secured 2nd, 3rd, and 4th positions in the
University and won University Scholarships. Two of the students were from the Mathematics
group, Syed Alley Nabi and myself. I must here mention the interesting manner in which I was
induced to take up Mathematics for my Master's degree along with Syed Alley Nabi. In my B.A.
Examination I offered Economics in addition to English and Mathematics. I was a good student of
Economics and Principal Towle, who lectured on that subject wished that I should continue my
studies in it in M.A. I had no particular inclination towards Mathematics then. It was Dr. Ziauddin
Ahmad who ultimately charmed me away from Economics and wedded me to Mathematics.

Before I end, I cannot help describing the future careers of those eight students on whom
the blessings of the teaching of that great teacher were first bestowed. In the photograph on the
opposite page, we see that class, along with their professors. Those who are sitting are from left to
right:—
(1) Late Syed Aley Nabi, who after his M.A. degree was appointed Deputy Collector, but
lived only for a short time after that and could not show his full worth.

(2) Late Manzoor Ahmad Khan. He took to accounts and served in the College accounts
department where he rose to the position of Chief Accountant and was there till his
death.

(3) Professor J.C. Chakarvarti.

(4) Dr. Ziauddin Ahmad.

(5) Myself. I followed in the footsteps of Dr. Sahib. Gave up Deputy Collectorship in
favor of service in the College. I spent nearly 39 years the in various capacities, was
lecturer in Mathematics; head Master of the College School for a year; principal of
the Intermediate College for 8 years; was Provost of the Viqarul Mulk Hall for 3
years; was Provost of Sir Syed Hall for another three years and I was Professor of
Mathematics when I parted company with the University for coming to Pakistan.

Students Standing:
(1) Late Syed Saghir Ali. He took his Master's degree in Persian and was Professor of persian
at Baroda College.

(2) Late Ali Ahmad. He joined Roorkee College, became an engineer in the Government
Service and rose to the position of the Chief Engineer in Sylhet.

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(3) Abdul Ghani. He also joined Roorkee College, became an engineer, and was an Executive
Engineer when I lost trace of him. i do not know where he is now

(4) Rehimuddin. He was from Bengal and left the College after B.A. I do not know of his later
career

(5) Mohammad Khan (known as "Khandan" in the College for a perpetual smile on his face).
He joined Forest Service and retired as Conservator of Forests. He lives in Model Town
Lahore, but I did not find that smile on his face when I met him three years ago in Lahore

Dr. Sahib indeed was a great teacher, large hearted, noble minded and sympathy
personified for the welfare of all college students. May his soul rest in peace!

THE GENIUS MATHEMATICIAN

Prof: A. B. Kamali
Dr. Ziauddin was M.A., Ph.D., D.Sc.-Newton-Scholar. These qualifications and degrees
are an ample evidence of his great scholarly traits as a mathematician. But they are not sufficient
to assess what an extra-ordinary genius he was in the realism of Mathematics. He was well up not
only in the details of this subject known so far but at the same time he had an anticipatory foresight
in what direction this was going to develop so as to influence the technology of the age.

It is about 45 years back that I had been his pupil. At that time set theory, matrices, vectors
and transfinite Arithmetic were not included in the syllabus of Math in any University of the sub-
continent. But he was insistent that his students should pay due attention to all these topics which
he used to call modern mathematics. He also insisted that mathematical facts should always be
presented in simple homely way and not in too formal language. It was he who brought home such
facts as to how minus into minus becomes plus, how a minimum may become gather than a
maximum, how (a x b) is not always equal to (b x a) and so on. The most basic thing that he
invariably taught his students was the characteristics importance of a 'definition' in math. His
words still ring in my ears when during a lecture he said. "You are free to adopt any definition
provided it does not break a previous one. "What a wonderful statement consisting both of freedom
of thought and limitations upon it!

He said, "you cannot neglect sets', for practically every mathematical concept can be
defined in terms of set-theoretical concepts. Not only this but every mathematical sentence can be
based upon a set-theoretical sentence".

There are several ways in which set theory is develop but he appreciated to develop it on
the six axioms, (1) extensionality (2) replacement (3) power sets (4) sum-set (5) infinity (6) choice.

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Though about 50 years have passed, I have not seen better discussions of set theory not
based upon the above axioms. From this, one can imagine how he anticipated the correct course,
the mathematical topics should adopt, so as to keep unchallenged for years to come.

He had a great love for modern math but at the same time did not like to desert classical
math also. Topics such as relations, order, equipollence and similarity were discussed along
classical lines in ordinary language. Ordinals and Cardinals and their arithmetic were lectured upon
in a very interesting way so as to include all transfinite arithmetic. Even a high school student
knows the importance of algebra. It is generally taught as generalized arithmetic. Dr. Ziauddin
agreed with this view. At the same time he held that in college classes not algebra but abstract
algebra should be taken up. He appreciated to take up abstract algebra in a way which should not
fail to emphasis the nature of the subject and the technique of rigorous proof so necessary for the
development of math. After one or two popular lectures, he presented the topics with rigorous
definitions and proofs. For instance the notion of equivalence relation was taken up for the
development of rational numbers. Mappings (functions) were defined as subsets of product sets.
The reader should know that to do it 50 years back, while this has not been properly done even
now. Only a partial treatment was introduced only two years ago.

The proper system of teaching followed was this (1) integers (2) the integers modulo the
prime 7 (3) integers modulo prime 6 (4) Permutations of finite number of integers (5) Matrices
(particularly two-by-two matrices). Here were introduced many algebraic interesting properties in
the study of groups and rings. `Laws such as the commutative laws do not hold' in some of them
motivated the study of peculiar properties in new systems.
After the illuminating discussions of the above mentioned topics, the rigorous definitions (based
upon five postulates) of group used to be introduced. Concrete examples were given with the result
that theory of group was climaxed of a detailed study of the sub-groups of some important groups.

The great mathematician Cantor had died in 1918. His works gained importance in 1920
after his death. During his life, mathematicians were searching for the fact whether any two sets
have the same number of elements. For finite sets the answer was found by counting the number
of elements. For infinite sets it required great consideration. Before Cantor, all infinite sets were
considered to be equivalent. Dr. Zia was of service to Cantor when he pointed out that such could
not be the case. This fact revolutionized the theory of set. Dr. Ziauddin took zealous interest in
teaching his pupils what are known as Denumerable sets, and non-denumerable sets. How
interesting was his lecture when he began it with a negation. "Not every infinite set is
denumerable". He then proved the unit interval [0, 1] is non-denumerable.

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Of course voluminous topics and discussions can be quoted in support of his especial ways
of making his students efficient in real sorts of math beyond the general syllabus of those days.

He taught applied math also. He took his students in Dynamics and astronomy. These
subjects are considered very difficult but he taught us in such a nice way that we found them very
easy and interesting.

He deeply loved his students. He used to say, 'The students are for their good and we are
also for their good and hence there is no clash of interest. Of course there are no two sorts of
interests". But at times he showed anger also. I remember he taught us the classification of the 2nd
degree equations in three unknowns (ellipsoid, paraboloid, hyperboloid, cylinder cone etc.) and
then set the same topic as home work. He gave 2 weeks’ time to submit the home work. We wanted
to impress upon him our capability. We were a dozen students. We borrowed all the six books on
the subject from the Lytton Library and with their help finished the work in a week. Of course we
wrote every excellent point on the subject from each book available. Being monitor of the class, I
showed him my answer book first. Casting a cursory glance he threw my answer book away, saying
is it the type of home work you have done? You proved more copyist than a mathematician’. Other
students were so afraid as not to show their work for it was no better than mine. We were all almost
in tears. Then he became very affectionate and said. "Go through as many books as you like; Read
the matter, assimilate it and then write the answer with books closed according to your thinking,
and adopt your own definitions and symbolism". The advice was very timely. Each one of us acted
upon it and the answer which was prepared after 4 weeks or so was 'of very high character' as he
remarked. This anger of his made me, by the Grace of God, as successful author. I have written a
number of advanced math books and they have met due approbation.

Math, like philosophy, is intermediate between theology and science. Like theology it
consists of speculations on matters which definite knowledge has so far been unascertainable, but
like science it appeals to human reason. All definite knowledge belongs to science so does math.
All dogmas such as infinity, divergence, space and time, that in many ways surpass definite
knowledge belongs to theology, so does math, when it deals with infinity, and relativity , space
and time. It is no wonder that Dr. Ziauddin like a true mathematician was not only a man of science
but also a very great religious figure. He offered prayers, paid zakat, performed sacrifices, believed
in the Holy Quran and read it bit by bit every day. Like a religious man, he devoted his whole life
to the service of his fellow beings. Lacs of people derived benefit from him and lacs of rupees he
collected for the educational institutions of Aligarh and her students.

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May his life ever inspire us in the path of knowledge, human service virtue and
steadfastness. May we pay our gratitude to him by establishing an educational institution in his
name and perpetuate his memory with math as its outstanding subject.

THE LIFETIME AMBITION OF

DR. ZIAUDDIN
Ahmed Uddin Marehervi

Dr. Ziauddin's fertile brain may be regarded proverbial for devising new projects and then
trying to translate them into actualities. His scheme for setting up a first class medical college at
Aligarh with a practicing model hospital is too well-known to be mentioned, but only a selected
few are aware of the fact that his last trip to Europe and America was planned in connection with
the establishment of a technical University at Chittagong -- the blue print of which he carried in
his brief as to be placed before the late Sir Agha Khan on the one hand and the Directors of the
Ford Foundation on the other. This was a scheme brought out from the cold storage of his brain,
which was deposited there some ten years before.

In 1937-38 a Japanese representative of the Kayato Educational .Society, K. Kato, was

touring India and in his unscheduled itinerary came to Etawah as well. He stayed with me in the
hostel for junior students, who being enamored of his charms and sociability became very friendly
to him; while the young teacher reciprocated their love by prolonging his visit and opening his
heart to us. He depreciated the entire education system obtaining in the country specially its non-
scientific and non-technical bias and suggested ways and means to shift from Humanities to
technical fields within the shortest possible time. His brilliant plan appealed to me so much so that
I asked this newly-found Japanese friend to put all the salient points of the scheme in black and
white. At first he was rather reluctant, but later yielded to my percussion. The Japanese are very
thrifty people, and what struck me most in his plan was the low cost of tools, machinery, equipment
and even masonry involved.

I dispatched the entire roll of those papers, including the sketches of various department
buildings to Dr. Ziauddin, who, I knew, possessed an unsuitable appetite for such schemes. In
those days he was wielding the affairs of the University as Vice-Chancellor and must have been
very busy both with official and non-official business, but to my great surprise, he snatched a
few hours to go through it and lost no time in asking me to come with the originator of the plan to
Aligarh. Long discussions followed, and I was rather amazed to observe the Doctor's keen insight
into technical matters. His P.A., was all the time noting the counter-suggestions made by the
Doctor and the modifications in the scheme which were readily accepted by the Japanese visitor
as more feasible and practical in Indian setting.

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Not long after that war drums began to beat; dark clouds hovered over the political horizon;
and the entire world was plunged in carnage never witnesses before. Kato, as I learned much later
perished in the war which subsequently engulfed japan also. Since then I heard nothing of this
scheme, but the retentive brain of the doctor preserved its minutest details. The papers, he told me,
were either misplaced or lost but, never-the less, he worked on the basis of what had been discussed
and reconstituted the project in post-war setting, considerate with the needs and requirements of
the newly established Pakistan.

Very few can foresee what the future has in store for them. Such was the condition when
the famous Lahore Resolution was passed in 1940 demanding a separate homeland for the Indian
Muslims. The natural forecast was that the two sister-states—one comprising a vast area, large
population and relatively opulent people will have cordial relations with the other in comparatively
humbler, smaller and infantile position. Even the sagacious farsighted Quaid could not divine the
venomous intentions of a Hindu junta which was planning to nip the newly-founded Pakistan in
the bud. Dr. Ziauddin had nourished the Aligarh University like a foster child, which was dearer
to him than his own kith and kin. But the Muslim youths, who’s cause he had spouse all his life
were a hundred time dearer. They were now leaving for Pakistan in a surging wave of emigration
which ultimately took the form of pell/mell exodus.

The Doctor could hardly reconcile himself to the new situation. His heart was rent into two.
He could not leave Aligarh at the sweet mercy of the antagonistic Congress leaders, whose bitter
taste was still fresh on his palate and who looked askance at the university due to the failure of
their on slough in 1920. Although out of office, he regarded it his national duty to stand as bullwork
against the evil designs of the majority community, which could hardly stand the existence of a
Muslim citadel of power in its midst. On the other hand Pakistan was a freshly constituted state
with nothing to boast upon except her illustrious creator, Quaid-i-Azam, who had rightly remarked
that we have to begin with a scratch. Progress in every walk of life had to be very quick, Education
especially technical, had to be put in top gear, so that the nation may stand upon its legs within the
shortest span of time. With this end in view the doctor turned to the practical side of establishing
a Technical University here.

He had long been in correspondence with His Exalted Highness the Nizam of Hyderabad
who claimed to be an old friend of the Doctor and was reputed to be a great philanthropist but
cold-shouldered him in this case as the unfortunate ruler had Too many political irons in the fire
at the time.

Then he sought the assistance of an equally enthusiastic protagonist of Muslim

Education—the late Sir Agha Khan, who not only evinced keen interest himself but introduced the

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scheme to the managers of the Ford Foundation with his personal re-commendations. The latter
somehow took a great fancy to it and were all too eager to discuss its details with the author of the
plan himself, promising "full backing" to it, in their letter to H.H. the Agha Khan. The Doctor now
doubly sure of his success in setting up a technical University at Chittagong packed his suit case
for America en route England saying good-bye to Aligarh—alas forever.

Dr. Ziauddin's occupation with the work of the University coupled with legislative business
at Delhi left him practically no time for conversation on personal or private matters but ever since
I embarked upon writing the native of his work in the Central Legislative, I found that he squeezes
out a slice of his invaluable time for talks with me on educational, economic and social problems
facing the Muslims of the sub-continent. I met him just before his departure and he showed me the
blue prints of the scheme which was to cost three and half crores in the first phase and ten in toto.
The project spread over ten years and was to be completed in three stages: the first one related to
Applied Chemistry and Leather Technology: the second dealt with Industry based on heavy
mechanical process and the last one with Atomic Energy. The learned Doctor had taken great pains
to work out the minutest details of the scheme and was almost certain that it would be approved in
its entirety and amply financed by the two agencies enunciated above.

In 1947 the havoc caused by the explosion of the atomic bombs at Hiroshima and Nagasaki
was still agitating the public minds, so much so that even the work 'atom' sent a thrill of horror in
the nerves of the common people. Scientists had just begun pondering whether it could be
employed in peaceful ways. I frankly admit that the third phase of the proposed University
appeared rather exotic—as some of his other projects did at their outset, but as time went on, the
sagacity and farsightedness of his pragmatic mind began to loom large upon me. What a difference
it would have been, had be scheme materialized.

"Basically" he told me, "the money should have come from contributions of the nation at
large, but the Muslims of India have already implied their pockets for the proposed medical
college, which was going to be established in the precincts of the Aligarh University campus and
not In Pakistan, as some of the donors suggest. It is both imprudent and futile to expect more from
the already overburdened community so I am going with my begging bowl to Europe and America
for funds. Wait and see what the Providence has in store for us."

These were his last word to me. Sometimes later he wrote a very optimistic letter to K.B.
Moulvi Basheeruddin (Founder of Islamic School and College Etawah) informing him that he was
in regular communication with the Agha Khan and was -=-.:plain the whole thing to him. What
transpired between the two stalwarts, I could never learn. A sudden stroke of paralysis on his return
journey from the continent not only rendered the doctor mute forever but strangled the project in
the womb also. It was never destined to see the light of the day.

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A few days later when the cruel hands of death snatched the Doctor away, the project also
breathed its last and Pakistan stood bereft of a mighty educationist on the one hand and a peerless
Technical University on the other.

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