ADVANTAGES OF RIDO
a. Impact of Rido
A mode of conflict resolution based on kinship is the kokoman a kambhatabata’a. This
mode promotes and maintains harmony among members of a kinship group. Prof. Intuas
M. Abdullah first articulated this in his article “Two Notes on Meranao Law” published
by the Mindanao State University in 1977. The Meranao must often decide whether to
apply the traditional taritib ago igma, kitab or Islamic Law, or Philippine law in resolving
conflicts. The indigenous political organization of the Meranao, from its nation state
equivalent down to the agama level, is also largely structured and organized along
kinship principles. Political and religious titles are generally ascribed and open only to
individuals who descend from the original holder of the title (grar). Another feature of
the kinship system of the Meranao is the awidan. Literally, it can mean “to carry” or
burden. As a reciprocity system, its scope is defined by the phrase rido-kapiya’an
(problem-benefit or conflict-benefit) that explicitly categorizes two general areas in
which awidan operates: problem and benefit. This shows that reciprocity in Meranao
society is far greater in scope than in other ethnic groups. The nature of a reciprocity
system is often made manifest when an individual is confronted with a problematic
situation. In his book Social Structure (1969) George Peter Murdock observes: When a
person is in danger or in trouble, when he needs help in the performance of an economic
task or a ceremonial obligation, whenever in short, he requires a measure of assistance
beyond what his family can provide, he can turn to the members of his larger kin group
for aid and succor. Because extended kinship ties bind them to him, their obligation to
help him is stronger than that of other members of the tribe or community. He in turn of
course is under reciprocal obligations toward them (Murdock, 1969:45; cited in
Sumaguina, 1988:38).
In a serious rido, after the settlement, the parties often work to build better ties. Still,
there are instances of rido recurrence after resolution.
The obligations of closely-knit groups in providing mutual self-help that covers various
aspects of everyday living including revenge, which in the end, may be necessary for the
survival of a community has significant role in most cases. Joseph Ginat (1997), in a
more refined explanation of mutual self-help as a collective cultural response, used the
notion of “collective responsibility”.18 In his study of blood revenge among Bedouins
and Arabs in Israel, Ginat explains that in a system of collective responsibility, “any act
or omission by one individual reflects on the group as a whole in the sense that the group
is responsible for, and must accept, the consequences of that act or omission” (1997, 2).
This means that each member of a group may be held responsible for the actions of any
one member, such that an injury inflicted on a member of a group would be considered
an injury to the whole group, and thus creating conflict with the injured group. The basis
of collective responsibility is the need to help each other in a hostile environment.
To be acquainted with relatives of conflicting parties is one possible benefit of resolving
Rido cases. As much as possible, all of the ethnic groups studied try to settle conflicts by
calling on the intervention of family members before seeking the assistance of an external
mediator or referring the case to the barangay captain. This is especially effective in
conflicts between people related by affinity or consanguinity. The parties usually seek out
a close common relative to serve as mediator.
For the Sama of Tawi-Tawi, having common relatives as mediators is founded on the
concept of common pehak (eggs or gonads of a fish). The saying da pehak kitam (we are
of the same gonad) describes the essence of communal unity. Family heads (
kamattoahan) and senior relatives common to conflicting parties, preferably those who
command respect, are tapped as go-betweens.
b. Beneficairies of settling a Rido Case
. It is believed that a conflict involving affluent clans requires someone of high office or
influence to resolve. Local executives do not only command respect but also financial
resources. The involvement of local chief executives as mediators often implies the use of
government funds as blood money. The success of such mediation also depends on the
continuance in office of the executives who are committed to peace or the election of
successors who are similarly inclined. There are instances when initiatives of mayors to
settle feuds were discontinued by the new administration.
Military. Clan conflicts involving influential and “powerful” families are very difficult to
resolve since the parties are well armed and have many supporters. In these situations,
military intervention is the most practical and effective way of resolving violent conflicts.
This approach is relied upon and often used in Sulu. Military intervention is deemed
necessary to prevent further bloodshed and restore normal economic activity. The
involvement of soldiers as mediators is premised on the fact that the military is far
superior to the feuding clans in terms of fi repower, discipline, and combat training and
experience.
THE FIVE coastal towns of Lanao del Sur — Balabagan, Kapatagan, Malabang,
Marugong, and Picong — are expected to reap economic benefits from the recent “rido”
settlement involving six clans. “Ending these feuds in Mindanao will breed not only
harmony but development in strife-torn areas,” Lt. Gen. Carlito G. Galvez, Jr.,
commander of the Western Mindanao Command (WesMinCom), said in a statement.
Rido is a type of localized conflict among families and involves violent revenge acts.
Last week, a rido settlement brokered by the Lanao del Sur provincial government and
WesMinCom was signed among the Dimatingkal, Manalocon, and Cadayon families of
Barangay Tiongcop, Malabang who have been in conflict with the Oting, Bacaraman,
and Pandato families of Barangay Diragun, Marogong. Following the settlement, the
military based in Lanao del Sur, together with the Ranao-Ragat Inter-Agency Task Force,
received seven powered firearms from the previously warring clans. “In the long run,
these settlements will bring the cessation of hostilities in Mindanao because they will
empower communities to converge for peace and economic stability. This is why we are
encouraging warring clans to take a decisive step through reconciliation and capitulation
of firearms,” Mr. Galvez said. — Albert F. Arcilla
[Link]
fbclid=IwAR0qJiPyZDoRX6ioE74Qdxys_uostMZwDIsl_VtHsZAvQri-H0J-qfoL9bA
[Link]
H5MRL7W0WfNwaM0D_ZcdmfMBZmpvFkdBBwlpiPp2Gi5cxCYC8k
[Link]
fbclid=IwAR1PbmDvQ9bGBYdlHgsmgRfaafsUWF3FCxvQnf_xzmr7URvtMZnZlP0Xv1s
[Link]
