THE NAZI CONNECTION

Eugenics, American Racism, and German

National Socialism

STEFAN KUHL

New York Oxford

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
Oxford University Press
Oxford New York
Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogota Buenos Aires Cape Town
Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi
Kolkata Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi
Paris Sao Paulo Shanghai Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw

and associated companies in

Berlin Ibadan

Copyright © 1994 by Oxford University Press, Inc.

First published in 1994 by Oxford University Press, Inc.
198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016

First issued as an Oxford University Press paperback, 2002

Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or
transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or
otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press.

Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Kuhl, Stefan.
The Nazi connection: eugenics, American racism, and German national socialism / Stefan Kuhl.
p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-19-508260-5; ISBN 0-19-514978-5 (pbk.)
1. Eugenics—United States-History—20th century. 2. Eugenics—Government policy—Germany—
History-20th century. 3. Racism—Germany—History—20th century. 4. National socialism. I. Title.
HQ755.5.U5K84 1994
363.9’2’09730904—dc20 93-17283

987654321

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

For Rebecca Jo
Preface

While researching the connection of German National Socialists to American

eugenicists, I was able to view Erbkrank [Hereditary Defective] , a Nazi race
propaganda movie that was also used by the American eugenics movement
for informing high school students about the need to sterilize mentally
handicapped people. The movie showed mentally handicapped people living
in a luxurious asylum near Berlin and contrasted their “atypicality” to the
“saneness” of “hereditarily healthy” children who had to live in the slums of
Germany’s large cities. By stressing the “abnormality” of the handicapped
people, this movie helped to pave the way for Nazi policies of mass
sterilization and elimination of the mentally handicapped.
The years I spent working with such “atypical” and “abnormal” people
at Protestant Youth in Munich was the impetus behind my decision to begin
working on the history of mentally handicapped people under the Nazis.
Without having met Karla Weber, Peter Schonauer, Elmar Wanke, Wolfgang
Frisch, Franki Hausler, and many others, this book would not have been
written. By revealing one of the darkest moments in the history of
handicapped people, I hope to thank them for the many things they taught me.
Two of my history teachers deserve special acknowledgment. Horst
Dieter Geetz at the Gymnasium of Quickborn introduced me to the
multicausality of history, and helped me see the critical relevance of history
to my work in the social sciences. My adviser at the University of Bielefeld,
Gisela Bock, encouraged my interest in the development of scientific racism.
Over the past four years she supported me in nearly every aspect of my work.
She generously made time for lengthy discussions, shared many of her own
sources, commented extensively on several of my papers, and helped me to
gain financial assistance for the timely completion of this endeavor.
At an early stage of my work, Peter Weingart and Hans Walther
Schmuhl from the University of Bielefeld helped me to clarify the
Prefac
e
outline of my project; they later commented on an early draf t of this book.
Michael Schwartz from the University of Munster was especially helpful in
shaping my thinking about the concept of racism I used in this book. Paul
Weindling from the University of Oxford and Peter Lindley at the University
of Kent at Canterbury provided me with information and valuable comments.
My research was made possible by two different organizations: The German
Academic Exchange Service supported a one-year stay in the United States,
and the West- falisch-Lippische Universitatsgesellschaft agreed on short
notice to provide the necessary resources for my archival work.
Many archivists and librarians in the United States, Germany, Great
Britain, and France helped me uncover the explosive sources that show the
extent and character of the relationship between Nazi and American
scientists. I want to thank Martha Harrison of the American Philosophical
Society in Philadelphia, Odessa Ofstad of the Pickier Memorial Library in
Kirksville, Missouri, and Dr. Alan Burdock of the Milton S. Eisenhower
Library at the Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore.
Several teachers and colleagues from my year at Johns Hopkins deserve
my thanks. My adviser, Vernon Lidtke, patiently helped me organize my
research and commented on several drafts of this book. Sharon Kingsland
was exceptionally generous in sharing her impressive knowledge about
eugenics and genetics in the United States; she encouraged me to rethink
some aspects of my approach. I also want to thank Daniel Walkowitz and
Leslie Reagan, both visiting professors at Johns Hopkins in 1991-1992, for
commenting on a shorter version of this book.
Many American historians, notably Daniel Ke vies, Garland Allen,
Sheila Weiss, Robert Proctor, and Barry Mehler, introduced me to the latest
research on American eugenics. Sheila Weiss and Robert Proctor commented
on an early draft of this work. Barry Mehler provided insightful comments
and spent several days discussing aspects of my research. He also generously
shared many sources. Carl Degler and Robert Pois provided useful comments
and convinced me to rewrite some details of an early draft.
Writing a study in a foreign language is always difficult, particularly
under the burden of pressing deadlines and time constraints. At Oxford
University Press, Nancy Lane, senior editor, and Edward Harcourt, editorial
assistant, were enthusiastic about this project from the very beginning.
Because they made themselves so available for me, this book was readied for
the press in perhaps record time.
I also deeply uppiei uile the help of my friends and fellow graduate
students in Baltimore Colin Lssamuah, Wolfgang Splitter, and Jurgen Wagner
all gave editorial advice on various sections of an early draft. I'anya

vii
i
Prefac
e
Kervokian looked over my German translations. Alisa Plant was always a
great help in clarifying uncertainties about the use of language. During the
final week of editing, Lynn Gorchov read and commented on the final
version. My two dear roommates in Baltimore, Lori Bernstein and David
Bemell, urged me to turn my research into a book and were unfailing sources
of encouragement while I was writing the bulk of the manuscript.
More than anyone else, however, Rebecca Jo Plant participated in the
genesis of this book. She painstakingly edited several drafts of the
manuscript, helped me to clarify some of my ideas, and improved the style of
the final draft. In the process, she convinced me that working on a fascinating
subject can be, for a certain time, nearly the most important thing in life.

Paris S. K.

vii
i
Contents

Introduction xiii
1. The “New” Scientific Racism 3
2. German-American Relations within the International Eugenics
Movement before 1933 13
3. The International Context: The Support of Nazi Race Policy through the
International Eugenics Movement 27
4. From Disciple to Model: Sterilization in Germany and the United States 37
5. American Eugenicists in Nazi Germany 53
6. Science and Racism: The Influence of Different Concepts of Race on Attitudes
toward Nazi Race Policies 65
7. The Influence of Nazi Race Policies on the Transformation of Eugenics in the
United States 77
8. The Reception and Function of American Support in Nazi Germany 85
9. The Temporary End of the Relations between German and American
Eugenicists 97
10. Conclusion 105

Notes 107
References 141
Index 159
Introduction

My interest in the relations between German racial hygienists and American

eugenicists emerged from my work in the archive of the largest Protestant institution
for mentally handicapped and epileptic IK'ople in Germany, the von
Bodelschwinghschen Anstalten in Bethel. My aim was to examine whether this
famous German institution was the stronghold of resistance against the Nazi race
program that it later publicly presented itself to have been. Fritz von
Bodelschwingh, director during the entire period of Nazi rule, has become known as
one of the main figures who resisted the extermination of mentally handicapped
people during World War II. Sources located at Bethel and other institutions,
however, led me to doubt the veracity of this interpretation.1
Like other leaders of the Protestant church in the late 1920s, Bodelschwingh
was sympathetic to eugenic ideals, favoring, for example, sterilization of certain
groups of the mentally handicapped. I was also impressed by the fact that, in
discussions about eugenics at Bethel, the United States had played an important role
as a model of a country in which eugenic sterilization and immigration legislation
were at least to some degree successfully implemented. American supporters of
Bethel mailed Bodelschwingh information about the progress of eugenics in the
United States.
When I realized that I would not have access to the full range of Bethel’s
sources, I decided to turn my examination toward the role that the United States had
played as a model for Germany, when under Hitler race improvement became a
central component of German policies. However, as I surveyed German journals and
newspapers from this time period, I was only secondarily impressed by references to
the success of eugenics in the United States by Nazi race politicians. Indeed, I was
more surprised by the broad coverage in Nazi propaganda of American scientists
who expressed support for Germany’s new policy of race improvement. When I
turned to available secondary literature for more information about this group of
American scientists, all active in the American eugenics movement, I was struck by
the fact that their support for Nazi Germany had received little attention and tended
to be obscured.
Historians writing in the 1960s and 1970s about the history of eugenics
mu uuutllUII

in the United States partially based their views on the selfportrayal of the
American Eugenics Society.2 After 1945 American eugenicists attempted to
portray the relationship of American eugenics to Nazi Germany as distant and
critical. The leadership of the American Eugenics Society after World War II
either simply ignored their earlier relationship to Nazi Germany or falsely
asserted that the Society had opposed Nazi race policies. They claimed that
only an unimportant and marginal wing of the eugenics movement had
reacted positively to mass sterilization, special support for “hereditarily
valuable’’ couples, prohibition of miscegenation, and “euthanasia” in Nazi
Germany.3 They argued instead that in the 1930s eugenics in the United States
became more scientifically oriented, while in Germany the Nazis “perverted”
all science, and eugenics in particular, for the political purpose of improving
the Nordic race.
In 1963, historian Mark Haller stated in the first monograph about
eugenics in the United States that “between the mid-1920s and 1940 racism
ceased to have scientific respectability, and as a result American eugenics and
racism faced a parting of the ways.” The idea of racial superiority survived
only among “innumerable right-wing anti-semitic groups and among white
supremacists” in the United States.4
Similarly, in the second important study of American eugenics,
published in 1972, historian Kenneth M. Ludmerer distinguished between
eugenicists critical of Nazi race policies and a small group of eugenicists who
failed to see Nazi measures as a “perversion of the true eugenic ideal as seen
by well-meaning men deeply concerned about mankind’s genetic future.” 5
This tendency to draw a sharp distinction between “true” eugenics and the
perversion of eugenics by the Nazis continued to shape the historiography of
eugenics throughout the 1970s. In a 1976 collection of essays about eugenics,
the editor, Carl Bajema, strongly denied that American eugenics included
“brutal racist evolutionary practices such as those of Nazi Germany.”6
Subsequently, the approaches of Haller, Ludmerer, and Bajema were
countered by attempts to show the involvement of American eugenicists in
Nazi race policies. In 1977 historians Garland Allen and Barry Mehler
revealed the connections of an especially prominent
American cugenicist, Hany II. Laughlin, to Nazi racial hygienists.7
< The same year, author Allan Chase published his comprehensive study/ The
Legacy of Malthus: The Social Cost of Scientific Racism, which ’
1 reanalyzed the American eugenics movement’s relationship to Nazi 4 (iermany.
He claimed that it was the eugenics movement in the United , States, and later in
Nazi Germany, that “prompted state and national governments to make
sterilization their weapon of choice against what
mu uuutllUII

I the scientific racists called ‘the menace of racial pollution.”’8 J The 1980s
witnessecT new attempts to stress the similarities between the writings of American
eugenicists and Nazi race policies. Scholars Thomas Shapiro and David Smith both
dedicated short passages of their studies to discussing relations between German and
American eugenicists after 1933.9 Similarly, in a study concerning ’ ‘ psychiatric
genocide’ ’ in Nazi Germany and the United States, Lanny Lapon, an activist in the
anti-psychiatry movement, wrote about the similarity and continuity of racial
ideology in both countries.10 “Mainstream” history, however, continued to
underemphasize the Nazi connection of American eugenicists. In 1985 Daniel J.
Kevles, historian at the California Institute of Technology in Pasadena, published In
the Name of Eugenics, focusing on eugenics in the United States and Great Britain.
Although Kevles claimed that his approach highlighted the influence of German
racial hygiene on eugenics in both countries, he underestimated the importance of
developments in Germany for the eugenics movement in the United States. In an
otherwise excellent study, Kevles identified only two American eugenicists,
Laughlin and Clarence G. Campbell, as supporters of Nazi Germany. In his view, by
the mid-1930s “such racists constituted a rapidly diminishing minority, most of
them isolated on the far political light.”11
Historians only recently have begun to explore systematically the exact
character of the relationship between American eugenicists and Nazi racial
hygienists. In an in-depth study of the American Eugenics Society, Barry Mehler
of Ferris State University in Big Rapids, Michigan, dedicated a chapter to
comparing American and Nazi sterilization measures, drawing attention to their
many similarities.12
Likewise, in a study about the history of coercive sterilization, scholar
Stephen Trombley provided interesting new evidence in a chapter concerning
Anglo-American cooperation with Nazi Germany. 13 In particular, he offered new
insights into the role that California eugenicists played in supporting Nazi race
policy.14 Trombley, however,
tended to view eugenicists without adequately distinguishing separate factions
within the eugenics movement. The full range of responses to Nazi sterilization
policy was therefore obscured. __________
Z'The historiography of the American eugenics movement as a /whole has
suffered from a failure to use German sources, which pro- / vide a critical
perspective on the interaction between German and / American eugenicists. By
drawing on such material, historian Robert Proctor succeeded in illustrating the
significant influence on Nazi race / policy of developments in the United States. 15
German historian Gisela Bock and scholars Peter Weingart, Jurgen Kroll, and Kurt
Bayertz reached the same conclusion in their comprehensive studies about the
German racial hygiene movement and the sterilization policy of Nazi Germany. 16
mu uuutllUII

Despite recent attempts to examine the support of Nazi race policy by non-
German scientists and politicians, inquiries have remained restricted to
exploring singular aspects of the Nazi connection to American eugenicists.
Support for Nazi race policy often has been mentioned only in a very general
sense, usually to illustrate the potential terror of eugenics. A more complete
examination of the complex interaction between German and non-German
eugenicists has been lacking. This lack of research concerning the collaboration
between Nazi racial hygienists and their colleagues in other countries is
surprising because the historiography of eugenics—in other countries as well as
in Germany—has been strongly affected by the radicalization of eugenics in
Germany after 1933. In other words, the Nazi uses of eugenics— including mass
sterilization, the killing of handicapped persons, the murder of ethnic minorities,
and the extermination of Jews—are always a silent presence in works about
eugenics, even when not mentioned specifically. This influence can be detected
by noting the manner in which historians have tended to construct their
arguments. Historians have generally written about eugenics in two ways: Either
they have emphasized similarities and continuities between eugenics and Nazi
policies, or they have argued that certain aspects of eugenics should be
distinguished from these policies.17
One reason why so little has been written about the interaction between
Nazi racial hygienists and the eugenicists in other countries is the fact that the
historiography has been limited by a national perspective. By focusing on
eugenics as a national movement and a national science, historians have tended
to overlook the issue of international collaboration. Although important recent
studies acknowledge the in- (crnational aspects ol eugenics, transnational
c<x>pcration has not been adequately explored.1"

My book seeks to correct this deficiency by providing such a perspective. I view my

research as a contribution to the comparative study of eugenics, racial hygiene, and
human genetics in different national contexts.19 My focus on American eugenics and
German racial hygiene opens up a new perspective for exploring the relationship of
national eugenics movements to forms of state control, in particular the relationship
of the German racial hygiene movement to the authoritarian Nazi system. As a
scientifically and politically motivated attempt to improve the quality of humankind,
eugenics existed under all types of governmental systems—democratic, fascist, and
socialist—but the relationship between eugenics and state power clearly varied
widely.20 Therefore, an examination of the reaction of a eugenics movement in a
Western democracy to the race policy of a totalitarian regime is further enhanced by
an evaluation of the relationship of German racial hygienists to their own
government. By analyzing how German racial hygienists were integrated into the
mu uuutllUII

Nazi government, we can gain insight into how social and political pressures shaped
the behavior of a group of scientists. Adding American eugenicists, who were never
under the authority of a totalitarian regime, into the analysis allows for an estimation
as to what racial hygienists’ and eugenicists’ collaboration with the Nazis resulted
from shared ideological principles. The thesis that the c<x>ption of the racial
hygiene movement in Germany was due to pressure imposed by the Nazis should be
carefully scrutinized.21
The first two chapters deal with the period after 1945 and before 1933 in order
to frame Nazi Germany within its historical context. In ('hapter 1, I illustrate the
present-day relevance of the historical rela- t ionship between American eugenicists
and Nazi racial hygienists by exploring recent developments in scientific racism.
Chapter 2 traces the development of the relationship of German and American
eugenicists within the context of the international eugenics movement before 1933.
In particular, I focus on how eugenic laws in the United States influenced
discussions among German eugenicists in the Weimar Republic.
Chapter 3 explores how German racial hygienists and Nazi race politicians
utilized the international eugenics movement for propaganda purposes after 1933.
Chapter 4 deals with the shift from German racial hygienists viewing the United
States as a role model to American eugenicists admiring Nazi race policies after the
passage in 1933 of the
Introductio
n
“Law on Preventing Hereditarily Ill Progeny.” Chapter 5 focuses on trips that
American eugenicists made to Nazi Germany in order to study the practical
applications of Nazi race policies. In Chapter 6,1 argue that even eugenicists
who attempted to limit themselves to “purely” scientific contacts in Germany
helped to stabilize the Nazi regime and that racism was the core of the
ideology of both American and Nazi eugenicists.
Chapter 7 puts the development of the American eugenics movement
into the context of the overall scientific community within the United States.
Chapter 8 focuses on German racial hygienists and race politicians. I show
how National Socialists used incentives to draw American eugenicists into
supporting their propaganda strategy, and how acutely aware the Nazis were
of the international reaction to their race policies. Chapter 9 analyzes the
demise of relations between German racial hygienists and American
eugenicists, beginning in the late 1930s and culminating with a complete
break in 1941. However, I draw attention to the fact that, immediately after
the war, German eugenicists asked scientists in the United States to support
their reintegration into the international scientific community. The
Conclusion summarizes continuity and discontinuity in the relationship
between German and American eugenicists.

xvii
i