Georgia State University

ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University

Art and Design Theses Ernest G. Welch School of Art and Design

5-7-2016

#Community: Café Culture and the Relevance of a

Traditional Third Place in the Social Media Era
Catherine Trugman

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Trugman, Catherine, "#Community: Café Culture and the Relevance of a Traditional Third Place in the Social Media Era." Thesis,
Georgia State University, 2016.
https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/art_design_theses/201

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#COMMUNITY: CAFÉ CULTURE AND THE RELEVANCE

OF A TRADITIONAL THIRD PLACE IN THE SOCIAL MEDIA ERA

by

CATHERINE WRIGHT TRUGMAN

Under the Direction of Stephanie Dawn Haynie

ABSTRACT

The third place of the corner café has historically served as a community living room,
providing an essential setting for social interaction and flânerie within the built environment.
With modern technology and communication methods, however, interaction that once required
physical proximity can now occur virtually. So where does this leave the corner café in today’s
society? Have our third places moved online into fourth places such as Facebook and Twitter?
A gallery exhibition entitled #Community is discussed as a visual representation of this written
thesis. Methods and frequency of interaction – with others in the physical space as well with
those not present – are discussed, providing information which may inform design and provide
insight into the relevancy of the built environment in the face of evolving technology.

INDEX WORDS: Third space, Fourth place, Fourth space, Flânerie, Coffeehouse, Interaction,
Technology, Virtual communities, Built environment, Texting, Communication, Suburbs,
Starbucks, Urban performance, Connectivity, Greenwich Village, North Beach, Beat Generation,
Lost Generation, Paris, Photography, Neighborhoods, Visual art, Familiar stranger, Digital native
#COMMUNITY: CAFÉ CULTURE AND THE RELEVANCE

OF A TRADITIONAL THIRD PLACE IN THE SOCIAL MEDIA ERA

by

CATHERINE WRIGHT TRUGMAN

A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Fine Arts

in the College of Arts and Sciences

Georgia State University

2016
Copyright by
Catherine Wright Trugman
2016
#COMMUNITY: CAFÉ CULTURE AND THE RELEVANCE

OF A TRADITIONAL THIRD PLACE IN THE SOCIAL MEDIA ERA

by

CATHERINE WRIGHT TRUGMAN

Committee Chair: Stephanie Dawn Haynie

Committee: Ryan Henderson Crooks

Emanuela Guano

Electronic Version Approved:

Office of Graduate Studies

College of Arts and Sciences

Georgia State University

May 2016
iv

DEDICATION

This thesis is dedicated to my husband Seth and son Noah. They selflessly supported me,

provided me freedom and encouraged me to follow my dreams. I am eternally grateful to them.

v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost, I give thanks to my thesis committee (Dawn Haynie, Ryan Crooks

and Dr. Emanuela Guano) for all of their help and advice. They have provided insightful

feedback and meaningful critique, which proved invaluable in the development of my work and

of my written thesis. I also express gratitude to my other professors in the Ernest G. Welch

School of Art & Design at Georgia State University (especially Jeff Boortz, Dr. Maria Gindhart

and Michael White) for the many great discussions which helped inspire me to formulate these

ideas.
vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................. v

LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................ vii

1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 1

1.1 My Perspective..................................................................................................... 2

1.2 History of Cafes ................................................................................................... 5

1.3 Fourth Place ....................................................................................................... 15

2 EXHIBITION............................................................................................................ 21

3 CONCLUSION ......................................................................................................... 40

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................... 42
vii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Auguste Renoir. Au café (In the café). c. 1877 ................................................... 7

Figure 2: Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec. At the Café La Mie. c. 1891 ................................... 9

Figure 3: Vincent van Gogh, Terrace of a café at night (Place du Forum), 1888 ........... 10

Figure 4: Unknown photographer, Ernest Hemingway at a café with friends, 1926........ 12

Figure 5: Photo by Ettore Sottsass, San Francisco 1965 .................................................. 13

Figure 6: #Community, exhibition floorplan ..................................................................... 21

Figure 7: #Community, exhibition signage at gallery entrance......................................... 22

Figure 8: #Community, exhibition signage at individual works ....................................... 22

Figure 9: Installation of photo series about disappearing landmarks, 2016 ..................... 23

Figure 10: Catherine Trugman, Bench, 2015 .................................................................... 24

Figure 11: Catherine Trugman, Forgotten Storefront, 2015............................................. 25

Figure 12: Catherine Trugman, individual square from Horatio Street Quilt, 2016 ........ 26

Figure 13: Catherine Trugman, installation of Horatio Street Quilt, 2016 ...................... 27

Figure 14: Catherine Trugman, detail of Horatio Street Quilt, 2016 ............................... 28

Figure 15: Catherine Trugman, screenshot of The Café Project, 2016 ............................ 30

Figure 16: Catherine Trugman, installation of The Café Project, 2016 ........................... 32

Figure 17: Catherine Trugman, installation of Something to Think About, 2016 ............. 33

Figure 18: Catherine Trugman, installation of Hang Up & Drive, 2016 .......................... 34

Figure 19: Catherine Trugman, detail of Hang Up & Drive, 2016................................... 35

Figure 20: Catherine Trugman, installation of Look Up, Talk to Me and Connect, 2016 36

Figure 21: Catherine Trugman, installation of Look Up, Talk to Me and Connect, 2016 37

Figure 22: Opening reception visitors interacting with furniture installations, 2016 ....... 38
viii

Figure 23: Opening reception visitors interacting with furniture installations, 2016 ....... 39
1

1 INTRODUCTION

“It was a pleasant café, warm and clean and friendly, and I hung up my
old waterproof on the coat rack to dry and put my worn and weathered
felt hat on the rack above the bench and ordered a café au lait. The waiter
brought it and I took out a notebook from the pocket of the coat and a
pencil and started to write.”
-Ernest Hemingway1

In many cultures, the corner café has served as a community living room, providing an

essential setting for social interaction and participation in the art of flânerie.2 These third places

have been integral in facilitating communication while their significance has increased during

specific historic periods, providing a petri dish for social action, cultural shifts and political

change. Café culture has even helped to form generational identities, tied to a specific time,

place and social group.

In more recent years, neighborhoods and communities in the United States have become

more homogenized as locally-owned and family businesses have given way to larger “big box”

stores and chain restaurants. Simultaneously, urban flight and the development of the American

suburb have caused a shift in the character of many communities. Our normative form of

transportation has changed from walking to automobile, altering our relationship with the urban

landscape. In addition to this, our communication methods have transformed with the

introduction of the internet and social media. Interaction that once required physical proximity

can now occur virtually, in fourth places such as texting, Facebook, Twitter and other forums.

1
Ernest Hemingway and Séan A. Hemingway, A moveable feast: the restored edition (New York:
Scribner, 2009), 17.
2
The flâneur figure has evolved over time, beginning as primarily a gentleman of leisure, strolling through
a city, “wasting time.” My usage in this paper is more akin to Charles Baudelaire’s later description in "The Painter
of Modern Life" (New York: Da Capo Press, 1964), which describes the flâneur as a “passionate spectator” who
immerses himself in the observation and celebration of urban life, at home everywhere in the city.
2

Where does this leave the corner café? How have these community living rooms been

affected by our constant access to the internet and/or wireless communication? Activities like

talking with others (face-to-face) and people-watching have long been mainstays of café culture,

documented in fine art and literature over the span of centuries. But is this how café visitors

interact in today’s world? Is the built environment of a third place still relevant?

#Community (my thesis exhibition in the Ernest G. Welch Gallery at Georgia State

University) is a visual representation of this written thesis within an art gallery context. The

multi-media interactive exhibits are designed to encourage contemplation of these issues as well

as promote traditional face-to-face communication during the course of the exhibition and the

surrounding events. Methods of interaction and visitor reactions are discussed, providing

information which may inform design as well as insight into the relevancy of the built

environment in the face of evolving technology.

1.1 My Perspective

After I finished my undergraduate studies in 1991, I relocated to New York City to work

for a design firm. I loved the bustle of the city and appreciated the pedestrian-friendly scale of

my new neighborhood near Horatio Street on the west side of Greenwich Village. In many

ways, this was “old New York,” very different from today’s version of the city. Independent

retailers were the norm and Starbucks did not exist. Mobile technology such as smartphones,

MP3 players and cellular phones were nowhere to be found. While walking, I surveyed other

pedestrians and buildings, losing myself in thought and in the rhythm of the city since the

distracting screen of a mobile device did not exist. I walked everywhere, only taking the subway

the twenty-eight blocks to work when it was raining or I was running late. Everything I needed

was within easy reach, only a short stroll away, which enhanced the sense of community. The
3

neighborhood was filled with familiar strangers3 as I tended to see the same people frequently,

their predictable presence adding to the sense of stability and comfort I felt living among them.

Nearly every day, I stopped by a small café on Seventh Avenue near my apartment. I preferred

to enjoy an inexpensive quick breakfast and coffee in the company of others (technically

“strangers”) rather than dining alone in my small abode. Visiting the café provided a sense of

routine as well as both mental and visual stimulation. The café allowed me to be in a comforting

“private bubble” of sorts (if desired) while physically occupying the public sphere. Each day

was different – conversations with strangers, meeting up with friends, chatting briefly with

neighbors and café workers or silently writing in my journal. Over time, I developed a sense of

total comfort and belonging while visiting the small shop – it had evolved from “that place on

Seventh Avenue” to “my place.” The predictable presence of the regular cast of characters who

frequented the café suggested that others probably had similar feelings about the place as well.

Although I didn’t realize it at the time, the café on Seventh Avenue met all the criteria of a third

place as defined by Ray Oldenburg, an urban sociologist who has written extensively on the

subject of such gathering places and their importance in society:4

 The third place is on neutral ground.

 The third place is a leveler.
 Conversation is the main activity.
 The third place is accessible and accommodating.
 The “regulars” give the third place its character.
 The third place is typically plain and has a “low profile.”
 The mood is playful.
 The third place is a “home away from home.”

3
Stanley Milgram, John Sabini, and Maury Silver, The individual in a social world: essays and
experiments. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992), 68-71.
4
Ray Oldenburg, The great good place: cafés, coffee shops, community centers, beauty parlors, general
stores, bars, hangouts, and how they get you through the day (New York: Paragon House, 1999), 20-48.
4

Fast forward to 2013 when I returned to school as a graduate student. I was now married,

had a child and was living in Atlanta. My university was downtown and I found myself on a

college campus for the first time in over twenty years. Returning to school prompted me to often

reflect on differences between contemporary student life and my experiences as an

undergraduate many years ago. The most striking change was the proliferation of smartphones

and other portable technology in the urban university environment. Students walked around

campus wearing headphones or earbuds, looking down at the screens of various hand-held

devices as they navigated down the sidewalks and through buildings. In lobbies, dining halls,

cafes and lounge areas, I noticed that students did not talk to each other much, preferring instead

to engage with smartphones or laptops. Of course, this was not only a change in student

behavior on college campuses – our entire society had experienced a paradigm shift in the

concept of communication. The changes had crept in slowly, inconspicuously reshaping our idea

of interaction. The long lapse between my two college experiences had been an era of rapid

technology development. This lapse now served as a lens, bringing to focus the stark contrast in

routine interaction between the two time periods. I began to wonder what implications this

behavior might have on interpersonal connections, particularly since most of the students had

come of age in the era of social media and portable technology. Were traditional third places (as

a built environment) still relevant? Or was our third place now online, untethered by the

physical world?
5

1.2 History of Cafes

A typical café (also called a coffeehouse or coffee shop), with links to the Ottoman

Empire,5 is an establishment that typically sells coffee beverages and light fare while providing a

venue for relaxation and social interaction. Jürgen Habermas, in his influential book Structural

Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, describes

the coffeehouse as a more inclusive version of the previously-important aristocratic salons where

art and literature were discussed.6 Unlike the salons of the aristocracy, the coffeehouse became a

venue for political and economic discussions as well, topics not typically explored within the

salon context. In this way, the coffeehouse holds historical significance in the development of

our contemporary idea of democracy.

The corner café gained popularity during the Industrial Revolution as a meaningful

neighborhood fixture. During this period, the concept of a workplace that was separate from

home developed as the economy shifted from farming to factory work as the normative urban

lifestyle. The typical urban dweller lived close to his workplace and would walk to his place of

employment (often a factory). The city was designed for and inhabited by pedestrians since

walking was the typical mode of transportation. Typical urban architecture was designed to

human scale and cities were walkable, ensuring connectivity between neighborhoods. Within

this context, the third place developed, a place like a café or a pub, separate from the first place

(home) and the second place (workplace). These third places were often physically located

between the workplace and home, providing easy access as individuals moved between the two

5
Julia Landweber, "This Marvelous Bean: Adopting Coffee into Old Regime French Culture and
Diet," French Historical Studies 38, no. 2 (April 2015): 193-223.
6
Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of
Bourgeois Society (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989), 31-34.
6

destinations. Third places typically provided a comfortable environment, affordable food and

drink and a customarily accommodated long customer visits. They were the quintessential venue

for relaxation, joviality, conversation and connection with others in the community regardless of

profession, social background or economic standing. For these and a variety of other factors, the

café became a melting pot of people from various professions and social statuses mingling

together in these “community living rooms.” This eclectic mixture of personalities contributed

to lively conversations and provided visual stimulation for the urban flâneur to observe both café

patrons inside and pedestrians outside, often from the vantage point of a window or sidewalk

seating.

In Europe (particularly in France and Italy), cafés were an important part of everyday life

for most residents. The Impressionist artists, with their rejection of the Salon and the Académie

Royale de Peinture et de Sculpture, embraced the idea of depicting modern themes and ordinary

people rather than traditional biblical or mythological subject matter. They strove to separate

themselves from industrialism and return to a “more natural” human state, which was often

achieved by exploring themes of leisure in response to the transforming Parisian cityscape under

Baron Georges Haussmann and Emperor Napoleon III.7 During this period, many

neighborhoods (often working-class), with their medieval-era labyrinth of crooked streets and

narrow lanes, were leveled to make way for a more modern series of grand boulevards.8 The

city-wide changes were controversial and many residents (including the Impressionists) viewed

the finer things in life (such as leisure) in opposition to industrialism and modernity.9 In this

7
Robert L. Herbert, Impressionism: art, leisure and Parisian society (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1988), 303-306.
8
Colin B. Bailey, Robert McDonald Parker and Auguste Renoir, Renoir landscapes, 1865-1883 (London:
National Gallery, 2007), 33-49.
9
Herbert, 305.
7

way, much of the Impressionist artwork serves as a historical snapshot of life during this period,

café culture included. The depiction of the corner café as a fashionable destination to socialize is

romanticized in Auguste Renoir’s 1877 painting Au Café (Figure 1). In this piece, well-dressed

patrons hobnob in the “see and be seen” atmosphere of the neighborhood café.

Figure 1: Auguste Renoir. Au café (In the café). c. 1877

Oil on canvas, 35.7 x 27.5 cm. Kröller-Müller Museum, Otterlo, The Netherlands

Renoir’s brushstrokes capture the busy atmosphere and lively expression of satisfied

customers engaging in conversation while moving comfortably and freely around the café. A

stylish gentleman’s direct and welcoming gaze pointedly invites the viewer to join the others in

the space. Although the atmosphere is elegant, the arrangement of the figures in the composition
8

suggests an environment that is not restricted or exclusive, but accessible to anyone who wished

to visit, regardless of social ranking. Renoir favored subject matter depicting everyday French

life and everyday people, although his focus was often on the middle-class and upper-class

members of society. Influenced by photography (a new technology at the time), many

Impressionist painters created compositions and cropped figures in a manner which suggested

the spontaneity and impromptu style of a photograph.10 Au Café certainly implements these

photography-influenced tactics, which helps reinforce the idea that the painting depicts an

authentic slice of life captured in an instant.

Whereas Renoir’s depictions of French life were arguably idealized, the work of

Post-Impressionist artist Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec often featured people who were of low

social status such as prostitutes or cabaret performers. Rejected by his aristocratic family and

plagued with congenital deformities and health problems, Toulouse-Lautrec immersed himself in

alcohol and the Parisian nightlife. In his bohemian Montmartre neighborhood, he frequented

cafés and became intrigued with the “urban underclass” clientele, often featuring them in his

artwork.11 In the painting At the Café La Mie (Figure 2), Toulouse-Lautrec depicts a couple at a

café table drinking wine while looking away despondently. The slumped posture of the man

suggests that he feels the weight of the world on his shoulders while his tired eyes are fixed in a

stare, the stresses of the day softened by alcohol and the distraction of the café atmosphere. The

painting is based on a posed photograph featuring the artist’s friend Maurice Guibert.12 Again,

the new technology of photography allowed for a spontaneous “moment in time” sensibility that

10
Marylynne Pitz, "Carnegie Museum of Art show explores link between Impressionism and
photography," Pittsburgh Post-Gazette (Pittsburgh, PA), July 11, 2012.
11
Bernard Denvir, Toulouse-Lautrec (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1991), 7-19.
12
Julia Bloch Frey, Toulouse-Lautrec: a life (New York: Viking, 1994), 285-289.
9

Toulouse-Lautrec embraced as inspiration for his work. The painting feels authentic and

genuine, a glimpse into the life of everyday people. There is no pretense here, no posturing for

the viewer. The couple are living their life (not idealized), complete with their full range of

emotions, within their familiar third place. The painting narrates the blurred lines between

public and private life unique to the café and specific to this particular time and place.

Figure 2: Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec. At the Café La Mie. c. 1891

Oil paint on millboard mounted on panel, 53 x 67.9 cm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston

Where both Renoir and Toulouse-Lautrec focused on the occupants, Vincent Van Gogh

used the architecture of the café as subject matter to further his signature Post-Impressionist

style, exploring light and color in bold swaths of paint, creating the illusion of movement and

activity in The Café Terrace (Figure 3). In this work, Van Gogh explores the tension between

the built environment and the natural world, depicting an artificially-lit café terrace in contrast
10

with the night sky. Anonymous café diners and pedestrians are represented only by gestural

swatches of paint while the effect of the man-made lighting on the building’s color and materials

is examined meticulously. Like many other painters of this era, Van Gogh apparently painted

this piece on-site, during the nighttime hours over a period of several days, according to a letter

he wrote to his sister describing the work.13 Painting on location allowed Van Gogh to

thoroughly examine and interpret the quality of light rather than committing it to memory and

attempting to reproduce it later in the studio as was normally the process before this period.

Figure 3: Vincent van Gogh, Terrace of a café at night (Place du Forum), 1888
Oil on canvas, 80.7 x 65.3 cm. Kröller-Müller Museum, Otterlo, The Netherlands

13
Charles A. Whitney, Charles A, "The Skies of Vincent Van Gogh," Art History 9, no. 3 (September
1986): 352-353.
11

The Industrial Revolution had opened the door to mass production, introducing new

products to artists. Factory-made portable easels were now readily available, enabling artists to

easily move around between locations, complementing the plein air technique favored by many

Impressionist and Post-Impressionist painters. A new technology was invented by which pre-

mixed paints could now be packaged in metal tubes. Now the previously-laborious task of

mixing paint was eliminated, freeing up more of the artists’ time and contributing to the

proliferation of paintings during this era. The new metal tubes also offered portability and

allowed paint to be accessed quickly, enhancing the Impressionists’ art production practices and

spontaneity.14

With these new products, Van Gogh was able to thoroughly explore the atmosphere of

the café terrace and the interaction between the environment and its occupants. Movement,

color and composition create a focal point of the café terrace itself, emphasizing the importance

of the built structure. In this way, the café terrace becomes both the setting and the main

character in this compelling performance of everyday French life.

Cafes remained an important part of the French lifestyle that was appealing to even those

who visited or temporarily lived in Paris following World War I, including expatriate Americans

of the Lost Generation, a term coined by Gertrude Stein and popularized by Ernest Hemingway

in The Sun Also Rises.15 Besides Stein and Hemingway, other influential figures included James

Joyce, Ezra Pound, Pablo Picasso and Joan Miró. Writers, artists, performers and activists met in

Paris during this period and interacted in environments such as cafes (Figure 4), encouraging the

exchange of ideas which influenced a generation and, in turn, the world.

14
Bailey, Parker and Renoir, 19.
15
Jeffrey Meyers, Hemingway, a biography (New York: Harper & Row, 1985), 191.
12

Figure 4: Unknown photographer, Ernest Hemingway at a café with friends, 1926

L-R (at table): Gerald Murphy, Sara Murphy, Pauline Pfeiffer, Ernest Hemingway and Elizabeth Hadley Richardson
Ernest Hemingway Collection. John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, Boston

After influential members of the Lost Generation developed their worldview in the cafes

of Europe, the café environment continued to serve as a stage for social change, this time in the

United States. The cafes of North Beach (in San Francisco) and Greenwich Village (in

New York) served as meeting places and performance spaces for the Beat Generation.

Influenced by the modernist writers of the Lost Generation, the Beats continued to challenge the

status quo, now within the context of a post-WWII world. Figures such as Jack Kerouac,

William S. Burroughs and Allen Ginsberg were prominent in this counterculture movement

based on the exchange of ideas and the desire to live in continual flux.16 The rhythm of Beat

poetry, literature and music enhanced the atmosphere of cafes in North Beach and

16
Mel van Elteren, "The Subculture of the Beats: A Sociological Revisit," Journal of American Culture 22,
no. 3 (Fall 1999): 72.
13

Greenwich Village, frontiers for this movement whose ethos included “alienation and place-

bound estrangement from mainstream society.”17

Figure 5: Photo by Ettore Sottsass, San Francisco 1965

(L-R) Lawrence Ferlinghetti, Allen Ginsberg, Bob Dylan and Peter and Julian Orlofsky

The anti-conformist ideology of the Beat movement dovetailed with the American Folk

Music Revival which had been transformed into an art form associated with leftist politics during

the Red Scare of the 1950s.18 With performances in larger venues cancelled, folk musicians

were driven underground into the cafes of cities like New York and San Francisco, alongside the

poetry, art and literature of the Beats. From this, these so-called subversives (Figure 5)

developed an entire subculture associated with youth and protest which gained momentum and

influence that continued through the 1970s. The generation’s tradition of political discourse and

17
van Elteren, 72.
18
"How Folk Music History Came to Be Blowin' in the Wind," USA Today Magazine 144, no. 2844
(September 2015): 54-59.
14

challenging of the status quo can be credited with the monumental cultural changes that

developed during this period. And it all started within the third place of the corner café.

Today, café culture has been dominated by Starbucks, an international chain with over

22,519 locations (as of June 28, 2015).19 The company describes its locations as third places,

according to the corporate website.20 However, do they meet Oldenburg’s criteria of a third

place, with conversation being the main activity, a playful mood and the “regulars” providing

character? Starbucks, with its standardized interior design, menus and employee uniforms,

strives for a distinctive corporate identity across all locations, seemingly counterintuitive to the

concept of a third place. With over seventy million customers visiting Starbucks every week (as

of December 2013),21 streamlining operations and consumer experience increases productivity

and corporate profits. But should these really be considerations within the context of an

authentic third place?

One method of increasing revenue within the hospitality industry is to establish fast

service and customer turnover. For Starbucks, this has meant expanding their drive-through

business so that patrons can order and receive their beverage without ever leaving their vehicle

or entering the café. In 2013, the company announced that sixty percent of the 1,500 new

stateside locations planned to open over the next five years would have drive-through windows.22

Additionally, Starbucks’ recent development of a mobile app allows customers to place their

order before entering the store, pay remotely and bypass the line upon arriving.23 In utilizing the

19
“Starbucks Company Profile,” Starbucks Corporation, accessed April 15, 2016,
http://www.starbucks.com/about-us/company-information/starbucks-company-profile
20
“Our Heritage,” Starbucks Corporation, accessed April 15, 2016, http://www.starbucks.com/about-
us/company-information
21
Geoff Colvin, "Questions for Starbucks' Chief Bean Counter," Fortune 168, no. 9 (Dec. 9, 2013): 78.
22
Rick Aristotle Munarriz, “Starbucks Changes Direction with Big Drive-Thru Plans,” Daily Finance
(January 30, 2013).
23
"Skip the Starbucks queue with just a few taps," Fast Company no. 189 (October 2014): 110.
15

app, the consumer’s time within the café is greatly reduced (they can now enter, pick up their

pre-paid order and exit without even having to speak to an employee or anyone else, if desired).

These innovations are clearly in the interest of corporate profitability and efficiency, but are they

conducive to sustaining a legitimate third place?

1.3 Fourth Place

Our modern world feels smaller, with most people being connected via smartphones and

social media. Is this virtual existence the contemporary third place rather than the traditional

built environment of a café or pub? Rao has discussed the concept of Facebook as a third place24

based on its use for socialization, but the idea was rejected by Stenros, Paavilainen and Kinnunen

as a result of their study of Finnish Facebook users (in their twenties and thirties) during the

spring of 2010.25 They concluded that Facebook was not actually a separate place, primarily

because it was visited while physically at home or work (Oldenburg’s first and second places,

respectively).26 They asserted that Facebook, although part of everyday life, is simply a medium.

The Finnish study indicated that most participants preferred to access Facebook via a

desktop computer rather than a mobile device.27 However, since the study’s publication, location

services have been introduced and enhanced on Facebook as well as a number of other

applications. Tinder (a location-based social media app), for example, merges an individual’s

online presence with their physical location. Rather than meeting strangers via traditional face-

to-face interactions, Tinder tracks a user’s physical location and provides profiles (including

24
V. Rao, “Facebook Applications and Playful Mood: The Construction of Facebook as a ‘Third Place,’”
MindTrek ’08, Proceedings of the 12th International Conference on Entertainment and Media in the Ubiquitous Era,
Tampere, Finland, October 7-9, 2008: 8-12.
25
Jaako Stenros, Janne Paavilainen and Jani Kinnunen, “Giving Good ‘Face:’ Playful Performances of
Self in Facebook,” MindTrek ’11, Proceedings of the 15th International Conference: Envisioning Future Media
Environments, Tampere, Finland, September 28-30, 2011: 153-160.
26
Oldenburg, 20-48.
27
Rao, 8-12.
16

photos) of other nearby users for review. Once the profile photos appear, the user can swipe

their finger across their smartphone screen (right for potential interest, left to skip to the next

profile). If both parties indicate mutual interest, the app will allow the users to “meet” online

and potentially in person. In recent years, the use of location-based social media has grown

exponentially. As of 2014, Tinder was registering more than one billion “swipes” per day.28 A

number of other apps (including Grindr and OkCupid) use location services to merge a user’s

online presence with their physical environment, bypassing “unnecessary” face-to-face

interactions in the interest of efficiency in meeting a new friend, love interest or sexual

encounter. Even in other daily online activities such as shopping or searching for a nearby

restaurant with good reviews, users have become accustomed to their mobile device utilizing

location services. The ease of use and frequency of visits to this virtual realm has arguably

resulted in another place altogether (a fourth place). This space exists independent of our body’s

physical location but is able to interface with our physical world as desired. It is ours and other

simultaneously.

With contemporary society’s focus on convenience, efficiency and speed, our visits to

fourth places have become part of everyday life. Often, they are the preferred method of

communication in our current era favoring increased automation and immediate gratification.

Facebook, the most widely-used social media application, reported over 1 billion users logging

in on a single day in August of 2015 (1 in 7 humans on earth).29 During this period, there were

over 1.5 billion users who logged in at least once per month and the tech industry predicted that

28
Nick Bilton, “Tinder, the Fast-Growing Dating App, Taps an Age-Old Truth,” New York Times (New
York, NY), Oct. 30, 2004.
29
David Lee, “Facebook has a billion users in a single day, says Mark Zuckerberg,” BBC News, August 28,
2015, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-34082393.
17

users would continue to increase as Facebook focused on expansions in Asia, South America and

Africa.30

Like the neighborhood cafes used by previous generations as meeting places to organize

political action and cultivate revolutionary ideology, modern social media has served as a space

for people to assemble in pursuit of similar objectives. In January and February 2011, pro-

democracy protesters in Cairo staged a revolution and overthrew the Egyptian regime in a mere

eighteen days by using Facebook, Twitter and YouTube to organize protesters and disseminate

information to Western media outlets.31 Rather than depending on the physical environment

(such as a traditional third place), the Egyptian Revolution of 2011 was arguably a “digital

revolution,” organized online by young tech-savvy activists more familiar with social media than

the older generation of despots. The revolution served as a demonstration of the power of social

media and mobile technology, the fourth place playing a major role in the description of events

reported in the international press. By many accounts, a narrative developed in which

technology itself was a revolutionary figure, representing freedom and power in the hands of its

users (the political protestors). But was technology responsible for the Egyptian Revolution? Or

were the users (the revolutionaries) really the ones who should be credited? By many accounts,

most of the political activists were young and previously apolitical, such as 29-year-old Google

marketing executive Wael Ghonim.32 Ghonim, in his biographical account of the revolution,

describes himself as a “real-life introvert yet an internet extrovert” who began a Facebook page

that was credited with organizing the revolutionary movement by giving young Arabs a voice in

30
David Lee, “Facebook has a billion users in a single day, says Mark Zuckerberg,” BBC News, August 28,
2015, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-34082393.
31
Sam Gustin, “Social Media Sparked, Accelerated Egypt’s Revolutionary Fire,” Wired, Feb. 11, 2011,
http://www.wired.com/2011/02/egypts-revolutionary-fire/
32
Jose Antonio Vargas, “Spring Awakening,” The New York Times, Feb. 17, 2012,
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/19/books/review/how-an-egyptian-revolution-began-on-facebook.html?_r=0
18

their homeland.33 The political unrest that began online spilled out onto the street, ultimately

leading to an overthrow of the existing regime. Subsequently arrested and tortured, Ghonim

(albeit reluctantly) became a real-life political figure of martyrdom and revolution. As a tech-

industry executive, Ghonim has often been viewed as a physical representation of the power of

the internet and social media within the context of the Arab Spring. For many, social and social

media are difficult to separate, blurring the lines between technology, people and the places they

occupy. But should they be viewed as separate? What are the implications of this perceived

overlap?

In 2010, the Kaiser Family Foundation published a study about media usage among

tweens and teens aged 8-18 in the United States.34 The study reported a number of social trends

among these “digital natives” who had, for the most part, come of age in the era of the internet,

mobile technology and social media. Some disturbing implications surfaced surrounding the

habits, attitudes and perceptions of young people regarding their use of media. The study

reported that the average teen 11-14 years old experienced nearly 12 total hours of media

exposure each day, accounting for a larger block of their time than any other activity.35 “Heavy

users” of media described themselves as often bored, sad or unhappy and reported “getting into

trouble a lot” more frequently than “moderate” or “light users” of media.36 Related studies by

the American Academy of Pediatrics reveal that media and technology usage increase the risk of

childhood obesity and that nearly a third of American children are overweight or obese.37

33
Wael Ghonim, Revolution 2.0: the power of the people is greater than the people in power: a memoir
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2012).
34
V. Rideout, U. Foehr and D. Roberts, “GENERATION M2: Media in the Lives of 8- to 18-Year-Olds,”
The Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation (January 2010).
35
Rideout, 5.
36
Rideout, 4.
37
V.C. Strasburger, “Policy Statement: Children, Adolescents, Obesity, and the Media,” The American
Academy of Pediatrics, Pediatrics, volume 128, no. 1 (July 2011).
19

Because this national health epidemic will undoubtedly have a negative effect on the overall

health and life expectancy of future generations, the American Academy of Pediatrics

recommends limiting media exposure to no more than two hours per day.38

Besides the documented detrimental effects on public health, technology’s interface with

the physical environment can have negative safety implications as well. According to the

National Traffic Highway Safety Administration, there were 3,154 people killed and an

estimated additional 424,000 injured in motor vehicle crashes involving distracted drivers in

2013.39 For teenagers (digital natives), the statistics are even more alarming. Ten percent of all

drivers 15 to 19 years old involved in fatal crashes were reported as distracted at the time of the

collisions.40 This age group has the largest proportion of drivers who were distracted at the time

of automotive crashes.41 Is the interface between the physical environment and a virtual fourth

place so commonplace, so habitual that the lines between the two are blurred, even to the point

of danger?

Today’s teenagers, perched precariously between childhood and adulthood, are

particularly vulnerable as their psychological and social development remains very much a

“work in progress.” Since this age group uses mobile technology and social media more than

any other,42 the effects are troubling. A large, nationally representative sample of high school

students in the United States revealed that cyberbullying (online bullying) is quite common, with

more than 27% of participating teens reporting being victims.43 The effects of bullying within a

38
Strasburger, 204.
39
U.S. Department of Transportation, National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Distracted Driving
2013, DOT HS 812 132 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. NHTSA’s National Center for Statistics and Analysis, April
2015): 1.
40
Ibid., 1.
41
Ibid., 1.
42
Rideout, 5.
43
Erick Messias, Kristi Kindrick and Juan Castro, "School bullying, cyberbullying, or both: correlates of
teen suicidality in the 2011 CDC Youth Risk Behavior Survey," Comprehensive Psychiatry 55, no. 5 (2014): 1063.
20

fourth place are alarming, with increased risk for depression, suicidal ideation, suicide planning

and suicidal attempts over in-person (traditional) bullying alone.44

So are virtual communities somehow more powerful, more intense and filled with

potential than traditional physical spaces? For digital native millennials raised in an era of

increased homogenization of the American city and its suburbs, fourth places are arguably more

frequented and commonplace than the built environment of third places. However, the

publicized dangers of fourth places (especially when they interface with our physical

environment, such as in cases of texting while driving) don’t seem to deter usage as media

consumption by teens continues to increase each year.45 Will this generation’s perception of

community continue to evolve, resulting in a completely free-form fourth place environment,

untethered by specific time or place? Does this model benefit society? Or does culture still need

third places rooted in the physical world of the built environment?

44
Ibid., 1063.
45
Rideout, 2.
21

2 EXHIBITION

My thesis exhibition, #Community, focuses on fourth place and how our built

environment promotes, controls or inhibits access to this space. I explore the paradigm shift that

has occurred with the introduction of virtual environments and communication methods into the

traditional physical markers of communities. The exhibition is a visual representation of my

thesis research within a gallery context.

One of my goals of the exhibition is to question how we exist and communicate within a

space (both physical and virtual). From a curatorial standpoint, the design and arrangement of

the exhibit is important as the sequencing of the pieces is meant to tell a story by introducing

questions or issues in a particular order (Figure 6). To guide the gallery visitor, I designed and

installed signage which was numbered utilizing the hashtag (“#”) from the exhibition’s

#Community logo (Figures 7 and 8), referencing the dual meaning of the symbol.

Figure 6: #Community, exhibition floorplan

Ernest G. Welch Gallery, Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia
22

Figure 7: #Community, exhibition signage at gallery entrance

Ernest G. Welch Gallery, Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia

Figure 8: #Community, exhibition signage at individual works

Ernest G. Welch Gallery, Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia
23

Upon entering the gallery, the exhibition begins at the right with a photography series

about the disappearing landmarks of my current community in metro Atlanta (Figure 9). Once a

small but self-sufficient town outside of the city, urban sprawl and expanding highway systems

have swallowed up the area and its former identity. In the process, independent retailers and

community landmarks have all but disappeared in favor of strip malls filled with big box stores

and large parking lots. My photographs document these markers (like a barbershop, a produce

stand, an old pharmacy and a picnic pavilion) in the midst of their transitional existence.

Currently, some of these relics remain (although rarely used) while others stand abandoned. The

photographs are meant to elicit discomfort as the viewer contemplates these once-meaningful

community markers in their current blighted state. The documentary-style photos capture these

landmarks mid-disappearance, freezing in time the choice between a community’s unique

identity and homogenization.

Figure 9: Installation of photo series about disappearing landmarks, 2016

#Community, Ernest G. Welch Gallery, Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia
24

Bench (Figure 10), depicts an example of public seating sponsored by a civic association

whose name is emblazoned across the back. Upon closer examination, one can see that the

structure has quite a worn appearance and its foundation has settled over time, resulting in an

“off-balance” effect as the bench leans slightly in one direction. Apparently painted and repaired

many times, the bench now sits against a blank wall (its old mural having been painted over

somewhat haphazardly), its legs and surrounding areas uninvitingly splattered with mud from

recent rainstorms. The bench sits lonely now, rarely used, its once-vibrant location now all but

deserted in a sea of shuttered small shops on the town’s former main street.

Figure 10: Catherine Trugman, Bench, 2015

Digital photograph, 10 in. x 14 in.

Similarly, Forgotten Storefront (Figure 11) documents an abandoned grocery store, its

parking lot overgrown with weeds and littered with debris. In years past, the market served as an

important community amenity, a place where one was guaranteed to run into neighbors as they
25

carried out their essential task of weekly shopping. After a big box retailer opened nearby,

customers dwindled and the store was forced to close. The closure began a domino effect of

decline in the area as nearby houses and apartments became undesirable due to the unsightly

view of the abandoned store. Over time, the entire area fell into disrepair and became a magnet

for crime and vagrancy. The storefront remains, its dated façade frozen in time. Since the area

now holds no reason for a visit, the lingering effect is rarely seen by most community residents.

Forgotten Storefront challenges us to consider the consequences of such closures on

neighborhoods and on our society at large.

Figure 11: Catherine Trugman, Forgotten Storefront, 2015

Digital photograph, 10 in. x 14 in.
26

Continuing through the exhibition, Horatio Street Quilt is displayed on a large

freestanding wall centered in the gallery (Figure 13). As with other quilts constructed for a

commemorative purpose (a marriage, new baby, etc.), this piece commemorates my return visit

to my former neighborhood in New York City’s Greenwich Village area near Horatio Street

where I lived as a young adult just out of college beginning in 1991. I chose to return to the

neighborhood during December 2015 and re-explore the sights and sounds of the community.

Besides the absence of the café on Seventh Avenue where I had spent so much time, most of the

historic neighborhood’s architecture and physical character remained. However, the occupants’

behavior deviated drastically from the urban performance I remembered. I noticed that, even

here, in a neighborhood often identified with an interactive culture of art, music and politics,

many people frequently used technology as a barrier between themselves and the physical

environment (Figure 12). Horatio Street Quilt documents the neighborhood and its people as it

stands today, complete with the incorporation of mobile devices into the street landscape.

Figure 12: Catherine Trugman, individual square from Horatio Street Quilt, 2016
Digital photograph, 10 in. x 10 in.
27

Figure 13: Catherine Trugman, installation of Horatio Street Quilt, 2016

Digital photographs, tape, yellow adhesive paper, 130 in. x 100 in.

This large-scale piece is created by assembling printed digital photographs in a geometric

pattern, reminiscent of a simple quilt design with yellow accents (Figures 13 and 14).

Traditionally, quilts have been created by groups of women in a community known as a quilting

bee. Typical large quilt sizes often benefited from more than one set of hands to stitch patterns

into the sections of sewn-together fabric. These gatherings of women became an important part

of life in eras such as colonial America where women were not typically viewed as having an

identity or even a function outside the boundaries of home. These groups became invaluable
28

venues for much-needed social interaction and were culturally acceptable since their purpose was

to create utilitarian objects for use in the home. However, rather than a quilting bee, my

collaborator on Horatio Street Quilt was technology itself. Rather than gathering in a group of

people to produce the squares and piece them together, I used a camera, a large scale printer and

various software programs to capture, edit and print the components of the project. When

determining how to attach the pieces to one another, I consulted with an internet search engine to

research options and purchased the appropriate materials online for home delivery.

Figure 14: Catherine Trugman, detail of Horatio Street Quilt, 2016

Digital photographs, tape, yellow adhesive paper, 130 in. x 100 in.
29

Quilting and textile arts have conceptual ties to both the home and the human body,

having traditionally been used for warmth and home décor. Rather than textiles,

Horatio Street Quilt uses printed paper, which allows the composition to be visually identified as

a quilt while lacking the comforting tactile quality typically associated with the textile arts. I

chose to display the finished piece hanging freely from hooks installed at the top of the gallery

wall, similar to methods utilized for traditional quilts on display during various quilt shows and

state fairs (Figure 13). In this way, the stiff “non-textile” quality of the digital photo paper is

featured, highlighting the contrast between traditional quilts and this digital one.

In most traditional quilt patterns, there is a prescribed system and order within the

arrangement and composition of the design. Horatio Street Quilt’s system is that of identifying

technology users in the individual photos by the addition of yellow adhesive paper within the

affected blocks. The arrangement of the yellow accents forms a “ordered” appearance

reminiscent of a city grid or pedestrian pathways and energizes areas of the composition by

drawing attention to the activities documented within particular squares. The squares of the quilt

feature documentary-style digital photos captured in a single afternoon during December 2015 as

I became an urban flâneur on Horatio Street. Set against a backdrop of historic architecture and

cobblestone streets, people utilize smartphones and other technology to transport themselves into

a virtual community of sorts. Are these people really on Horatio Street or are they somewhere

else? Or are they nowhere at all?

The next component of #Community is The Café Project (Figure 15), a film featuring

modern-day café patrons and their activities within the context of a neighborhood café.

The Café Project has a “security camera” quality as I utilized very few editing techniques,

choosing to capture a modern-day candid slice of life in my neighborhood outpost of a popular

30

café chain. Filmed on a Sunday afternoon in February, I ordered my usual beverage, sat at my

usual chair, placed a small video camera on my table and pressed “record,” letting technology

document the real-life activities as they occurred in my third place. The concept behind the film

is to create a contemporary version of Toulouse-Lautrec’s At the Café La Mie (Figure 2),

complete with the interface of the fourth place into the built environment. As Toulouse-Lautrec

referenced the then-new technology of photography in his composition and cropping of figures, I

reference the recent technological innovations of portable “action cameras” (my choice to film

The Café Project) by allowing the camera to set the parameters of the shot, including the “fish-

eye effect” of the café table that it rests upon. Unlike Toulouse-Lautrec who trained and toiled

for years to refine his painting technique, I taught myself how to use this camera by reading

blogs and viewing YouTube videos in a single afternoon. As with Horatio Street Quilt, I used

technology as my collaborator, commenting on the mainstreaming of art production in our era of

instantaneous information and expectation of immediate gratification.

Figure 15: Catherine Trugman, screenshot of The Café Project, 2016

8-minute film with sound and music
31

In the film, most café visitors utilize smartphones, laptops and other mobile tech devices.

For the most part, they do not communicate with others in the physical environment except for a

few who interact at the service counter where patrons retrieve their drinks after ordering. One

man using a laptop computer meets up with a friend, exchanges a few words and then quickly

goes back to his laptop while his friend proceeds to take photos of himself and text using his

smartphone. At another point in the film, a man and woman enter the café together, the man

carrying a laptop computer and a set of headphones. They proceed to a now-unoccupied set of

small tables side by side, while the woman can be overheard asking “so we’re not going to sit

together?” The woman, now apparently with no one to talk to (we assume the man has begun

working on the laptop while wearing the headphones), stares ahead briefly before occupying

herself on her smartphone while drinking her beverage.

The resulting performance is one of disconnectedness, with café patrons rarely making

eye contact or speaking to each other. The exception is a young couple waiting by the café

service counter, smiling and hugging each other. They seem almost out of place, their behavior

so different from the others in the café, more akin to Renoir’s portrayal of café patrons from the

late nineteenth century in his painting Au café (Figure 1). Several minutes into the film, a man at

a nearby table places ear buds in his ears, synchronizing with the start of Bob Dylan’s song

“Don’t Think Twice, It’s Alright.”46 The Dylan ballad, recorded in a folk revival style, is often

associated with the cafés of New York’s Greenwich Village in the 1960s where he often

performed.47 Only the song is dubbed in, with the other sounds of the film having occurred

46
Bob Dylan, "Don’t Think Twice, It’s All Right," by Bob Dylan, The Freewheelin’ Bob Dylan, Warner
Brothers, Inc., 1963.
47
"How Folk Music History Came to Be Blowin' in the Wind," USA Today Magazine (September 2015):
54-59.
32

spontaneously during recording. The Dylan melody, reminiscent of a bygone era, stands in sharp

contrast to the contemporary café environment depicted in the film.

In my thesis exhibition, The Café Project is shown on a loop (repeating automatically) on

a flat-screen monitor atop a white pedestal with headphones hanging below (Figure 16). The

presentation layout is meant to evoke a sense that the film is an artifact, an archeological or

anthropological relic worthy of display on a museum-quality pedestal. In order to hear the sound

elements of the film, the visitor is forced to engage with the physical elements of the display by

picking up the headphones and placing them on their head. Whether they are rewarded with

hearing the film’s music depends on how long they choose to participate and remain engaged

with the display.

Figure 16: Catherine Trugman, installation of The Café Project, 2016

Film shown on flat-screen monitor on pedestal with accompanying headphones
33

The next piece in the exhibition is Something to Think About, a graphic triptych which

includes information from a number of published studies about how tweens and teens interact

with, communicate through and are affected by technology (Figure 17). Analysis of various

health, sociological and safety statistics surrounding this age group (primarily digital natives)

suggest some troubling trends which are included in the piece. The font sizing and its contrast

with the background color require the viewer to step back in order to read the text. At the top

(where one would begin reading), the text is aligned from one panel to the next. Continuing

down the panels, however, the text shifts slightly out of position, making the sentences more

difficult to read as the viewer progresses through the graphic. The subtle effect is disconcerting,

adding to the sense of unease evoked by the subject and content described in the text itself.

Figure 17: Catherine Trugman, installation of Something to Think About, 2016

Graphics printed on digital paper, framed in three panels

Having shown the presence of technology within our physical space and its effects on

communication and interaction within the built environments of our communities, the next piece
34

addresses the outright danger associated with these realities. Hang Up & Drive is an installation

(Figures 18 and 19) which includes a prototypical system I designed (a “HUD”) that prohibits

texting while driving. The layout includes a 3-D printed smartphone sleeve attached to a toy car

wired to a breadboard and other electronic equipment. Arduino coding used for the HUD

programming is included as a graphic backdrop for the assemblage (Figure 18).

Figure 18: Catherine Trugman, installation of Hang Up & Drive, 2016

Assemblage with toy car, 3-D printed sleeve, motherboard, battery and various electrical components, 120 in. x 100 in.

Although the design is successful in this prototypical format, the installation narrates the

great effort to control habitual access to technology. Before smartphone technology existed,
35

humans arguably did not have an expectation of constant and unrestricted access. Now that this

technology is commonplace, many people have difficulty controlling their own access, even

when it’s not safe to do so (such as while driving). This behavior borders on obsession or

addiction and, to combat it, the use of this complex prototype is proposed. Additionally,

Hang Up & Drive comments on the use of additional technology to lessen the danger of using

existing technology. In our capitalist society, designing yet another new product is often the

standard approach to correct or enhance an existing product. But is this really the best idea? In

the gallery display, the proliferation of technology components and computer coding language is

designed to confront (and even overwhelm), forcing contemplation of these important issues.

My hope is that the viewer considers their own driving behavior and attempts to make changes to

their technology access in order to improve safety.

Figure 19: Catherine Trugman, detail of Hang Up & Drive, 2016

Assemblage with toy car, 3-D printed sleeve, motherboard, battery and various electrical components
36

The final stop in #Community is a series of three installations comprised of tables and

chairs entitled Look Up, Talk to Me and Connect. A message appears on each tabletop (Figures

20 and 21) in stencil-type lettering reminiscent of the markings used for parking spaces or

municipal signage, suggesting uniformity and authority. The bare wood of the stenciled letters

suggests a more natural state of existence or perhaps a vintage idea. Much like a museum exhibit

or historic home tour explaining a relic of a bygone era, the display suggests an alternate

narrative in which the physical environment (and associated traditional face-to-face interactions)

moves towards obsolescence.

Figure 20: Catherine Trugman, installation of Look Up, Talk to Me and Connect, 2016
Pine tables and chairs with pigmented stain and polyurethane
37

Figure 21: Catherine Trugman, installation of Look Up, Talk to Me and Connect, 2016
Pine tables and chairs with pigmented stain and polyurethane

On the other hand, the seating is meant to be used by visitors and is designed as a point of

contemplation. The installation is created as an artistic experiment to explore how visitors

interact with the art and with each other. Once viewers sit on and interact with the furniture, they

become part of the exhibit. Will subsequent visitors follow the lead of others by inhabiting the

installation and “making it their own?” And, if they do, will face-to-face (traditional) interaction

and communication occur within the context of the exhibit? The installations of Look Up, Talk

to Me and Connect create a third place within the gallery, which encourages examination and

reflection about the disconnectedness of our everyday life in an age where we are constantly

“connected” to everyone via modern technology.

38

Figure 22: Opening reception visitors interacting with furniture installations, 2016
#Community, Ernest G. Welch Gallery, Georgia State University

During the course of the #Community exhibition, gallery visitors intermittently used the

installations as a place of social interaction, with the most activity occurring during the opening

reception (Figures 22 and 23). There were several occasions where visitors asked either myself

(if I happened to be in the gallery space) or the gallery’s security officer if they were “really

allowed” to sit at the tables. Since many galleries and museums have a “no touching” policy

regarding interaction with artwork, some viewers were unsure about the protocol and regulations

of the exhibit despite the gallery signage which gave permission for viewers to use the furniture.

As possible future work, I would like to explore the possibility of installing these in other (non-

gallery) locations and observing interactions within these other environments.

39

Figure 23: Opening reception visitors interacting with furniture installations, 2016
#Community, Ernest G. Welch Gallery, Georgia State University

#Community is important, particularly within a university setting where most attendees

and passersby are millennials who have, for the most part, come of age using portable

technology and social media. The exhibition gallery is located adjacent to the lobby of the

Ernest G. Welch School of Art & Design at Georgia State University in downtown Atlanta,

Georgia. The building serves as a pedestrian cut-through to other neighboring buildings on the

urban campus, allowing for a larger audience who might discover the exhibition while

en route to another destination in a nearby building.

One of the goals of #Community is to bring attention to our behaviors regarding

interpersonal interaction and communication within our built environment. With so much

communication occurring within fourth places, we must examine the long-term effects on

dwindling traditional (face-to-face) communication. Will the need for physical proximity

become obsolete in the future? What are the anthropologic implications of these changes? My

hope is that reflection on these issues will lead to a conscious effort to integrate more
40

face-to-face purposeful communication into our daily routine. In doing so, perhaps relationships

will be nurtured and meaningful new connections will be made.

3 CONCLUSION

Our environment is not simply the backdrop for our life’s story, it’s one of the main

characters. My work explores the complex relationship between human beings and their

environment. Through the ages, people have altered their surroundings in various ways to better

suit their perceived needs. Through this process, we become focused on change and the

evolution of our built environment, discarding outdated spaces now somehow seen as irrelevant.

In the midst of this constant change, it’s important to pause and consider the effects of these

perpetual revisions and bring focus to the cultural issues that urge us to evolve our habitats.

So will the evolution of fourth places render the built environment obsolete? If so, what

does this mean for the practice of designing those built environments? Obviously, this is the

topic for much additional exploration and debate. However, as an interior designer and educator,

I believe that we need to allow space for the development of these not-yet-known concepts and

realms in our teaching of design. Interior design regulation in the United States has pushed the

industry to establish parameters in order to define the profession within the context of

government regulation, licensing and trade organizations. Although many agree that these

developments have contributed to furthering the profession, we must use caution when

incorporating them as strict interpretations of what the future holds for design. Today’s

increasingly transparent, “open-source” movement will likely continue, and even increase in the

future. Interdisciplinary work, collaboration and improved communication methods will be

indispensable and should be emphasized to students and emerging designers. We must

41

encourage exploration of these concepts and allow students to evolve ideas surrounding the

relationships between places and with each other. And perhaps this could all begin with the

design of a café.
42

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