Antonaras Harvard, Staklo
Antonaras Harvard, Staklo
Antonaras Harvard, Staklo
ISBN-13: 978-0-674-05322-9
HTS
64
From
Roman to Early Christian
Thessalonik
Studies in Religion and Archaeology
editors
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Abbreviations
Modern Sources
AA
AAA
AAA
Archologischer Anzeiger
Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology
Archaiologika analekta ex Athenon (Athens Annals of
Archaeology)
AASS
Acta Sanctorum (Paris, 1863-1925)
AB
Anchor Bible
AIS
Archaeology and Italian Society
AJA
American Journal of Archaeology
AM
Athenische Mitteilungen
AmerAnt
American Antiquity
ABD
The Anchor Bible Dictionary
AEMQ
Archaeologikon Ergon st Makedonia kai Thrak
ARA
Annual Review of Anthropology
ArchDelt
Arcaiologiko;n Deltivon Arkaiologikon Deltion
ArchEph
Arcaiologikhv Efhmevri~ Archaiologike Ephemeris
ASMOSIA
Association for the Study of Marble & Other Stones in
Antiquity
BAR
British Archaeological Reports
BCH
Bulletin de correspondance hellnique
BCHSupp
BCH supplment
BHTA
British Healthcare Trades Association
BE
(Ascough)?
BibInt
Biblical Interpretation
BMGS
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
BoJ
Bonner Jahrbcher
BR
Biblical Research
BSA
Bulletin de la Socit archaologique
Buzantiakav Buzantiakav
Byzantion
Byzantion, Revue internationale des tudes byzantines
CA
Cahiers archologiques
CBQ
Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CH
Church History
CFHB Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae
CIG
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. Edited by A. Boeck. 4
vols. Berlin, 18281877
xii
CIL
CNRS
CRAI
DNP
roia~ (Inscriptions
of Kat
Macedonia.
Fasciculus A. Inscriptions of Beroia).
Athens: de Boccard, 1999.
FAS
Frankfurter althistorische Studien
Gn
Gnomon
GOTR
Greek Orthodox Theological Review
HR
History of Religions
HTR
Harvard Theological Review
HTS
Harvard Theological Studies
IG
Inscriptiones Graecae
ICS Illinois Classical Studies
ILS
Inscriptiones latinae selectae (Berlin 1892-1916)
Int
Interpretation
JAC
Jahrbuch fr Antike und Christentum
JBL
Journal of Biblical Literature
JECS
Journal of Early Christian Studies
JFSR
Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion
JGS
Journal of Glass Studies
JHN
Journal of the History of Neurosciences
JJS
Journal of Jewish Studies
JRA
Journal of Roman Archeology
JRS
Journal of Roman Studies
JSJ
Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic,
and Roman Periods
JSNT
Journal for the Study of the New Testament
JSNTSup
Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement
Series
JSOT
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
JWI
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
Abbreviations
xiii
xiv
TM
Travaux et Mmoires
TRAC
Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference
TynBul
Tyndale Bulletin
TRE
Theologische Realenzyklopdie. Edited by G. Krause and G.
Muller. Berlin. 1977
WUNT
Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament
ZNW
Zeitschrift fr die Neutestamentlischen Wissenschaft
ZPE
Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und Epigraphie
Ancient Sources
Chapter Eleven
technically
impossible, Pliny connects the invention of glass with the Phoenician coast
and natron merchandisers, who sailed from Egypt. Today it is believed
that glasspresenting along with faience the first artificial, human-made
substanceswas probably invented in Mesopotamia around 2200 b.c.e.
Colored glass was already widely used in Egypt from the second half of
the second millennium b.c.e. For many centuries after its invention, glass
remained an extremely expensive material, used only as semiprecious stone,
and later for production of special vessels found only in palaces and temples.
From the classical Greek period onwards, small glass unguentaria became
more widely available than earlier, but were still products for the highest
social strata. The invention of glass blowing, a technological revolution
which took place around the early first century b.c.e. somewhere on the
Levantine coast, led to a gradual fall in the price of glass vessels by the
302
mid-first century c.e. and made possible their use by wider social strata in
the Eastern Mediterranean.
Although glass vessels had functions similar to pottery ones, glass needs
to be treated quite differently from ceramics, and any researcher should
keep in mind a few basic differences while studying comparatively these
two groups of finds. During the entire period under consideration, glass
was thoroughly recycled. Glassblowers kilns melted all evidence of the
true quantitative distribution and the diversity of original forms. Also, it
should be kept in mind that all didactic parts of vessels, like rims, handles,
and bases, weigh the most and therefore were collected and recycled most
consistently, leaving mainly smaller, noncharacteristic fragments on site.
Thus archaeological finds do not reflect the everyday life of the period or
area under consideration. Rather, they reflect the consistency of recycling.
The only exceptions come from undisturbed strata of abruptly destroyed
and/or abandoned sites, which unfortunately are not the case with the finds
from Thessalonik. Grave goods do offer an undisturbed picture of the past,
but unfortunately reflect only the burial habits of society and not necessarily
everyday life. In addition, because the vast majority of excavations conducted
in Thessalonik are salvage, we glimpse the always already obscure past
through a deforming prism created by the segmented and circumstantial
character of the excavated finds. Furthermore, we must also stress that glass
objects were found almost exclusively in graves; therefore they only represent
part of the repertoire of the vessels and objects used in burial and memorial
rituals and as grave goods.
Glass Workshops
Fig. 1. Remains of the local glass working activity have been spotted in three
parts of Thessalonik: outside the eastern city walls in a building, which
probably was also used as a workshop for clay lamps; in the citys abandoned
public Forum; and in the abandoned ruins of the Roman public bathhouse
where the basilica Acheiropoietos was erected in the mid-fifth century. All
finds are generally dated between the fourth and sixth centuries c.e. Only the
Israeli,
Invention
of Blowing,
4655;
eadem,
What
did Jerusalems
First-Century
B.C.E. Glass Workshop Produce? 44647.
On that matter, see also Antonaras, Uavlina kai keramikav aggeiva, forthcoming.
Trowbridge,
Philological, 1067;
Stern,
Roman Glassblowing, 451.
It appears that
recycling of glass shards was widely introduced only during the Flavian period (6996),
along with the spread of free-blowing technique.
303
Glass Vessels,
forthcoming.
304
is
preserved
:
arybaloid jugs,
biconical bottles
with indentations, and pear-shaped flasks. Also
, large,
jar-like
unguentaria
are found,
possibly
of
Western
origin
.
Finally
,
during
this
period
,
if
nota
bit
later
, spouted
vessels
appear
with
an
inherent
as baby-feeders but were probably used as lamp fillers. These vessels were
produced both in the West and the East, although their handleless variants,
which appear in Thessalonik, seem to be an Eastern product. They continue
to be used and produced in the fourth century, mainly with an applied spout,
as well.
Around
the
end
of
the
second and
during
the
flasks;
cylindrical, engraved
beakers; as well as indented, ovoid,
and conical
unguentaria
with horizontal
shoulders, which were Western products.
In
the
second
half
of
the
third century
a
new
period
of
development
started in Thessalonik. In general this was a prosperous period for the city,
as is evident from the erection of new monumental buildings. Its prosperity
was a result of its strategic position on the Via Egnatia and its position on
the sea; both of these elements, which made Thessalonik important for the
305
constant military events of this period, led Galerius to choose the city as his
imperial capital.
Fig. 3. After the middle of the third century, the use of glass in Thessalonik
was more widespread; such glass was now mostly produced as large-sized
306
widespread
in
eastern and western provinces, appeared in the mid-third century and seem
to have lasted until the beginning of the fifth century. The following tall
tableware vessels appear in large numbers: jugs in new shapes, known both
from East and West; pointed and flat-bottomed amforisks; spherical bottles
with cut-off rim and constriction at the base of their neck; spherical and
pear-shaped bottles with outsplayed rim or funnel mouth, ribbed and plain
ones. Aforementioned forms were widely used and produced both in the West
and the East, but probably a large number of them were produced locally.
Also
, flasks
-
shaped,
squat
or
slender
; spherical
ones
with
short
or
long
neck
;
ovular
and
cylindrical
the
same
time
cubical
these
forms
survived
throughout
the
fourth century.
They
seem to have originated
in
the
West
or
even
in
the
Balkans
, while
only
a few
appear
to
be
of
oriental
origin.
Fig. 4.
are mainly
Syro-Palestinian
or
imitate
Syro-Palestinian
forms.
Vessels for serving
liquids
vessels
consist of
bowls,
both shallow and
deeper
ones,
and tall
conical
beakers
without
bases
, which were
probably
used
also
as
lamps
.
The following bowls appear: free-blown hemispherical ones, and
mold-blown ones with a honeycomb pattern. Present also are calyx-shaped
bowls and short cylindrical ones with scalloped rims.
Fig. 5. Unguentaria appear in a great diversity of sizes and forms: as small
amphorae, craters, and jugs; as handleless and biconical, squat and spherical,
pear-shaped, cylindrical with short and tall neck; as square bodied with tall or
short neck; and as jar-like. Glass
was
also
used
for
the
production
of
lamps
,
like
the
three-handled hemispherical
and
calyx
-
shaped
bowls.11
A special
group consists of
octagonal
jugs
,
plain
and
with
oblique
ribbing,
which
appear
to be
local
products
of
the
Antonaras,
Glass
Lamps, forthcoming
.
Idem, New Glass Finds,
2:41320.
307
308
309
Fig. 6.
At
the
end
of
the
fourth
and
during
the early
fifth centuries,
tall conical
beakers with ring bases, indented bowls, and tall cylindrical flasks appear in
Thessalonik. These may have originated in the northwestern provinces.
Fig.
7. In Thessalonik during
the
fifth and
forms
of
the
fourth-century tableware
, like jugs, bottles,
and drinking
vessels, survived. The latter were also used as lamps. The well-known form
of stemmed beakers prevails.
T
he
other
forms
of
lass lamps
known
from
the
area of Thessalonik
are
equally
of
vessels
found
throughout the in
habited
areas
of Thessalonik
are
few
and
date in the second half of the fourth and in the fifth centuries.
Vessels for carrying liquidslike jugs, deep and shallow bowls, and others
for drinkingprevail. Some bear engraved decorations, indicating their use
by the wealthier people. These engraved vessels, which are probably mainly
of Italian origin, also show Thessaloniks relationship to Rome and the
Italian peninsula in general. Although pagan themes occur, mainly Christian
or nonreligious, geometrical themes prevail. The most interesting fragments
are the following:
Fig. 8.1. Depicted on a fourth-century spherical bottle is a hunting scene
with a female, most likely Diana, with a bow, hunting two deer assisted
13
Idem,
Glass
Lamps, forthcoming.
310
311
by dogs.14 The scene takes place among bushes and trees, and the deer are
running toward a stretched net. Above the scene a partly preserved inscription
reads: USUCI PIE . . . HS META . . . /WN PIE Z . . . S. Although
it
has
been
published
with the names of these OIKEIOIa pattern well known from other similar
finds.16 Therefore, the inscription might be reconstructed as follows: Usuvci,
pive zhv s h/ ~ meta; tw` n sw` n oij k eiv w n pav n twn. Piv e zhv s h/ ~ . Hesychios,
drink
;
may
you
live
with
all
your
intimates
.
Drink; may you live! All other
decorated vessels (shallow bowls and plates) are open-shaped.17
Fig. 8.2. On a plate18 a standing figure is preserved, holding a plant in the
right hand which looks like a poppy (?) and showing what would appear to
be the seed pod. Perhaps also from the same vessel is a herringbone band
preserved around the rim and parts of what once were eight-pointed stars.19
Archaeological
vessels
form
see Isings,
Roman Glass, 12223, form 103; Antonaras, Rwmai>khv kai palaiocristianikhv
ualourgiva,
32224, form 145. For Dianas representations on glass vessels, see
Whitehouse,
Roman Glass,
1:26869, no.
457;
Loeschcke and Willers, Beschreibung rmischer Altertmer,
vol. 2, plate 28; Fremersdorf, Die Rmischen Glser, 2:16566, plate 218.
Extremely similar
is the entire hunting scene depicted on a second-century b.c.e. faience Calathos found in
a grave at Neapolis, Thessalonik
, where the hunter is also identified as Diana: DaffaNikonanou, Duvo emeivsakta aggeiva, 26975, fig. 3,
plate
56.
15
Petsas, Anaskafhv panepisthmioupovlew~ Qessalonivkh~, 391, plates
296
and
298,
fig. 12
;
Pallas, Les Monuments palochrtiens de Grce, 75. Pallas sees EUSUCI PIE
....HS META ...... WN PIE Z...S and reads it as: EUYUCEI. PIE ZHSHS
META TWN AGIWN. PIE ZHSHS (
75 n
. 163)
. Feissel
i
, Rimsko
staklo
Srbiji,
57 no.
1195, plate
43:14.
14
312
313
Fig. 8.3. From another plate20 a male, beardless head in profile is preserved,
over which letters ZH can be read; these are part of an inscription, probably
a salutation in the form of pive zhvsh~, which was equally
used
in
pagan,
Jewish,
and
Christian
sample
presents a young,
beardless, standing
figure with a nimbus and holding a long staff with his right hand, which ends
up in a chrism.24 Around the nimbus can be seen the letter M, and possibly
a second one, hardly visible today. The figure is flanked by two tabulae
ansatae (tablets with handles), possibly standards, placed perpendicularly at
each side. This plate is likely the product of a Roman workshop at the end of
the fourth to the early fifth centuries. This workshop is known from several
pieces that share the same Christian themes in their detailing, themes similar
to that of the aforementioned plate.25
Identifying
the
figure
is
not
an
easy
task,
23
Archaeological Museum of Thessalonik
36.
24
Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessalonik
, reg. no.
327/1.
25
Paolucci, LArte del Vetro Inciso, 2728; also, Sagu, Un piatto, 33758.
26
Schfer, Die Heilige, 33.
27
Paolucci, I vetri incisi, 52, fig. 18.
28
I would like to thank Dr. Charalambos Bakirtzis for suggesting to me this interpretation
20
21
314
the
middle
of
the
third
until the
early fifth century, the spread of glass vessels recovers in Thessalonik. A
large number of unguentaria appears, although tableware nevertheless prevails
even for carrying liquids. A few transporting vessels and some lamps are also
present. Vessels of this period represent fifty
percent
Iliffe, Tomb
at El
Bassa,
8191
;
from a grave of the last decade of the fourth century, represented in Paolucci, I vetri incisi,
7273, fig. 36.
30
Antonaras, Rwmai>khv kai palaiocristianikhv ualourgiva.
315
316
the same time the total number of local products also rises considerably.
Later, during the fifth and sixth centuries, lamps dominate among the
indeed quite scarce number of finds. Lamps, representing three percent of
the total number of forms and 2.7 percent of the number of vessels studied,
demonstrate one of the main needs that glass objects fulfilled throughout
the Byzantine era. No securely dated seventh-century finds have yet been
unearthed or published.
Fig. 10. As has already been mentioned, the majority of the extant material
was found in cemeteries. Therefore, the surviving samples elucidate the
general repertoire of vessels used during burials as grave goods and during
the memorials (i.e., mnmosyna).
Spouted vessels, pseudobiberons, or rather lamp fillers, as well as examples
of the entire repertoire of glass lamps have been found in large quantities
at the necropoleis of Thessalonik. These finds witness to the well-attested
custom of letting a lamp burn over the grave for the first forty days after the
burial and additionally on special occasions and fixed dates during the year.31
Several graves were equipped with a special rectangular niche (lucernarium)
where the lamp was placed.32
The presence of unguentaria and partly of larger, close-shaped tableware
vessels (e.g., jugs, flasks, and bottles) is connected with the mutually pagan
and Christian custom to anoint the deceased ones, mutual to the extent that
the fathers of the Christian church castigated it.33 Also, the vessels must have
held oil used in the symbolic act performed by the priest when he poured
it crosswise over the corpse at a funeral in order to show that the deceased
lived and died in accordance with the sacred canons.34 Additionally, this
custom was connected with an attempt by the deceaseds loved ones to render
the frequently luxurious burial garments useless and thus to discourage the
desecration of the grave.35
31
Koukoules, Buzantinw`n bivo~, 4:20814. For an early reference on the continuous
burning of a lamp on a grave, see Egeria
s
Travels,
12324,
47.3.
32
Marki, H nekrovpolh th~ Qessalonivkh~, 11516, 208, where local examples are cited;
Makropoulou, Grave Finds, 56. For representations of burning lamps and candelabra in
wall paintings from tombs in Thessalonik, see Mark, H nekrovpolh th~ Qessalonivkh~,
16768, figs. 11315, plate 15; 171, fig. 123, plate 17.
33
Koukoules, Buzantinw`n nekrika; e[qima, 380, esp. 89, 13. All the information
from this article with new thoughts on that matter can be found in English in
Kyriakakis,
Byzantine
Burial
Customs,
3772.
34
Kallinikou, O cristianiko;~ nao;~, 56061; Koukoules, Buzantinw`n nekrika; e[qima,
4344; Loucatos, Laografikai;, 47.
35
Kyriakakis, Byzantine Burial Customs, 51; Antonaras
,
Early
Christian
GoldEmbroidered
Silks
,
4547; idem,
Late Antique Gold-Embroidered
Silks
,
1819.
Fig. 10. Glass Vessels used as grave goods, thirdfifth century Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessalonik.
318
of
glass objects, see Barag,
Recent
Important Epigraphic
Discoveries, 11316;
and
Stern,
Roman Glassblowing,
466.
319
Use of glass window panes is well attested from the first century c.e.42
In Thessalonik, though, unlike other Macedonian sites like Philippi,43
few finds of this kind are published (fig.11). These finds date around the
fourth century.44 Due to the small size of the preserved fragments, their
manufacturing technique is difficult to determine. Nevertheless, it is
quite certain that muff-process or cylinders technique prevailed, as no
fragments are found with the characteristics of the bulls-eye technique or
of production in a mold. Besides, in Late Antiquity the muff-process was
almost exclusively used to make windowpanes. Before closing
this chapter,
I should stress that the paucity of finds does not really reflect the extent of
the use of glass window panes because recyclin was commonplace at the
time. As is only logical, but also supported by archaeological finds, broken
window panes were meticulously collected after the abandonment or the
40
The average bottle or jug widely used in Late Antique Thessalonik weighs ca. 80150
gm. So if a pound (327.45 gm.) costs twenty or thirty denarii, depending on the quality of
glass, a vessel of that kind would cost five to ten denarii.
41
Barag, Recent Important Epigraphic Discoveries, 11316; Stern, Roman Glassblowing, 466.
42
For the latest and most up-to-date information about glass window panes in the Mediterranean world, see discussions in De Transparentes
speculations,
1552.
43
Pelekanidis, H e[xw tw`n teicw`n, 11479;
,
for
sharing
this
information
with
me
.
Fig. 11. Window Panes from Museum Basilica, Philippi, sixth century. Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessalonik.
320
From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonik
321
Glass was used early as a substitute for colorful semiprecious stones already
in ancient Mesopotamia and pharaonic Egypt and may have been invented
for this purpose. During the early imperial period, fancy, colorful gems were
created, developing the Hellenistic tradition of the originally colorless gems
and representing objets dart per se. Buyers in Late Antiquity would not pay
the same prices for glass jewelry as for the crafted gems natural prototypes, as
consumers were well aware of the cheap and easy methods that the production
of glass jewelry involved. Thus, products had to be cheap. Plain artifacts were
created often as inexpensive and massively produced substitutes and handy
solutions of adornment addressed to the wider, less wealthy social strata.
The greatest portion of finds from Thessalonik can be dated to the late
third to sixth centuries (figs. 1213).45 It appears that Thessalonians, just
like other Eastern Mediterranean peoples, used larger beads and pendants
as central pieces for necklaces. Pendants were looped and dark colored with
trails or specks in contrasting colors. At least three to four variants of these
pendants exist: jar pendants,46 sometimes in an elongated47 or simplified
version;48 juglet pendants;49 and the popular disk pendants with stamped
motifs.50 Also, pendants in the form of simplified glass droplets occur.51 Largesized beads are also found frequently. Most were probably used as central
45
Makropoulou, Kosmhvmata, 5669
33238;
Makropoulou, Kosmhvmata, 64, plate 2, end
of third to early fourth century.
47
Bead no. BYM 21/12, in the permanent exhibition of the Museum of Byzantine
Culture, Thessalonik.
48
Fig. 12. Glass Jewelry, thirdfourth century. Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessalonik.
322
From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonik
323
nn. 23738.
324
Glass bangles
of
the
earlier
La Tne period
do
not
occur
in Thessalonik or
ancient Macedonia in general.63
They appear for the first time around the third
segmented and patterned by the segmenting mold, ending in collars, with granular pattern
on their body, imitating granulation of their metal prototypes.
56
Ibid., 66, 76 nn. 56, 57, fourth century, possible eastern European or Pannonian
product.
57
For examples dated from the third to seventh centuries, see Ross,
Jewelry, Enamels,
and Art, 138,
99;
Kypraiou, Greek Jewelry,
156, no. 157; Pa
panikola-Bakirtzi,
Everyday
Life
in
Byzantium,
424 nn. 542, 558, no. 768.
58
An interesting multicolored bead decorated with drawn-trailing, made possibly in the
first century was used later in a composite necklace. For parallels, see Spaer, Ancient Glass,
108, 117 nn. 19899.
59
Folded, pear-shaped or cylindrical beads, similar in technique, but not in colors with
Egyptian date beads, of the second century (see ibid., 11 nn. 160ac).
60
Beads nos. BYM 10/6 and BYM 21/8 in the permanent exhibition of the Museum of
Byzantine Culture, Thessalonik.
61
Nalpantis, Anaskafhv, 133, plate 45, dated to the first quarter of the third century;
also, Spaer, Ancient Glass, 74 nn. 4849.
62
For color photos of necklaces see Antonaras, 2003Glass, illustrations of forty-eighth
to fiftieth weeks.
63
Haevernick, Die Glasarmringe. Venclov, Prehistoric Glass in Bohemia, 14245.
325
century c.e. and are of dark-colored glass usually called black, although
the color is in fact purple or dark green, only appearing black due to the
thickness.64 They appear in circular, semicircular, and flat, band-like crosssections. They were made by two techniques: There are seamed examples,
made from drawn out canes of glass, and seamless ones, made with the
perforation and centrifugal rotation of a hot mass of glass.65 The majority
are plain, while a few examples bear pressed, geometrical decorations in
the form of oblique ribbing.
Early imperial glass rings known in the western part of the empire are not
present in Thessalonik.67 In Late Antique sites of central Macedonia, a couple
of glass rings were unearthed, supporting the supposition that they must have
been sold in Thessaloniks market as well. What do occur in Thessalonik
are glass gems, used in many cases as substitutes for semiprecious stones in
rings, both in cheaper creations68 and in elaborate golden examples as well.69
Of course it should be kept in mind that the same gems were also used for
the embellishment of other luxurious minor objects.
In Late Antiquity, unlike the early imperial period, glass ring gems usually
are plain with no intaglios or other decoration except for their vivid color.
They are small, lenticular, or plano-convex pieces, occasionally in the shape
of a pyramid, sometimes found in graves with no metal remains of their
of Glass
, 33134.
Especially
for later
examples see Antonaras, Uavlina mesobuzantinav braciovlia, 42334
.
66
Nalpantis, Anaskafhv, 35, 133, fig. 10, plate 45, jet bracelet from a grave dating from
the first half of the fourth century.
67
Stern, Roman, Byzantine and Early Medieval Glass, 371 no. 204, with exhaustive
relevant bibliography.
68
Papanikola-Bakirtzi,
Everyday Life, 425, no. 544, a seventh-century copper alloy
example.
69
Nalpantis, Anaskafhv, 34, plate 46, BK 215/2, double, golden ring with green glass
gem, from the first half of the fourth century. Also, Makropoulou, Kosmhvmata, plate 4.
326
original setting. They are identical to the ancient Greek and early Roman
gaming pieces, which are not found in Late Antique graves or strata.
Some larger, elongated pieces found in several sites at the vicinity of
Thessalonik, testify for the use of hyelia for the decoration of larger metal
objects, furniture, book binding, or other luxury-type objects.
Enamel
Another form in which glass was used in Late Antique Thessalonik would
be that of enamels. This technique, already fully developed from classical
antiquity,70 has been sporadically traced among our finds. For example, we can
find enamels among early third-century jewelry in the form of micromosaics71
and later as a single layer of glass that covered a greater area, as on golden
earrings with emerald-green inlays.72
Our jewelry finds come almost exclusively from graves, as they were
well-looked-after valuables in peoples everyday lives. A few of the excavated
graves, however, have yielded some jewelry. This rather small number of
finds might be connected to a pragmatic approach by the family of the
deceasedthat something valuable should not be buried in the ground and
be lost for future generations. This paucity of jewelry finds could also be
connected with the Christian familys beliefs. Generally speaking, it appears
that Christian folk indeed respected and followed patristic regulations about
burying their beloved ones without special adornments, rather than burying
them in luxurious vestments.73
In conclusion, we could say that in Thessaloniks glass jewelry we
recognize imports and prototypes deriving from the Levantine coast, which
is something natural and already noted in glass vessels. We see quite clearly
a different aesthetical approach among Thessalonians: a tendency towards
polychromy with the use of several different, smaller beads, sometimes in
large numbers, which was not so usual in the East and could be connected to
local or western traditions. We may assume that our finds were mainly local
products, as it was easy to produce glass beads and bracelets in simple, open
Mikou-Karachaliou, Greek Jewelry, 2829, 65, fig. 11; 74, fig. 26.
Copper alloy brooches covered with enameling, nos. BK 87/15 and BK 244/214, in
the permanent exhibition of the Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki.
72
Golden earrings, no. BKo 214/5, in the permanent exhibition of the Museum of
Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki.
73
Patristic texts focus mainly against the use of luxurious vestments and placing of money
in the graves (John Chrysostom, PG 55.231, 59.465,
50.582, 55.231). No
clear reference on
jewelry was traced, possibly because they were not placed in graves anyway and therefore
no need arose to castigate the custom. See Loucatos, Laografikaiv,
7577.
70
71
327
kilns or even braziers, and/or as sidelines of the glass workshops, which were
active in the city at that period. We also see connections with the northern
and central parts of the Balkans.
D. Mosaics
Glass was also used in Late Antique Thessalonik in the form of tiny tesserae,
which were used to form mural mosaics. Wide use of wall mosaics, as attested
in Thessaloniks early Christian churches, demanded huge amounts of
glass. Today, mosaics survive at the walls of the Rotunda, Acheiropoietos,
St. Demetrios, and the Latomou monastery. An average tessera weighs ca.
11.5 gm and covers 0.70.9 sq. cm. If we add the seam around each one of
them, we see that they covered ca. 1 sq cm with ca. 1.2 gm of glass. So, for
every square meter of mosaic, approximately 12 kgs of glass were needed.
The Rotundas wall mosaics originally would have covered ca. 1414 sq m. If
we multiply this figure by twelve, then we see that for Rotundas decoration
alone some seventeen tons of tesserae were needed out of which roughly
thirteen tons would have been made out of glass. Tesserae were often cut
on-site from large glass cakes.74 It is not known whether such cakes were
formed in the city or imported from elsewhere. In the case of Thessalonik,
musivarii were probably working with cakes made with imported raw glass,
which possibly were locally shaped. Supporting this hypothesis is the fact that
the shaping of the cakes is a simple process, which did not require any special
technical skills. In contrast, the work of coloring is difficult; it needs to be
done skillfully and in great quantities in order to get homogeneous coloring
in large enough batches to cover entire commissions.75 The only possible
exception might be presented by the gold-glass tesserae, which required a
certain degree of specialization in their production and might be products
of specialized workshops. Such gold-glass tesserae certainly arrived on site
either in cakes, or, less probably, in tiny already-cut cubes.
Conclusion
As far as glassmaking
and
glass
products
in
Late
,
Byzantine
Glass
M
osaic
Tesserae,
2947,
esp
. 39.
328
329
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