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INTRODUCTION

[by Herbert MOORE]

I. The Subject of the Memoir
This treatise, obviously written by one who had full
information, and was an eye-witness of many of the
incidents which he narrates, is our best authority for
the life of St. Chrysostom; we have other "lives," of
no great value, by Theodore, Bishop of Trimithus (c.
680), George, Bishop of Alexandria (c. 620), " Leo the
Emperor" (c. 900), and an anonymous writer; and
accounts contained in the fifth-century Church
Histories of Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret and
Philostorgius, the theologian Photius (c. 850), and the
pagan writer Zosimus, besides a few other references
in ancient authors. From these various sources we are
able to draw not only a record of Chrysostom's life,
but also a picture of the man himself; and,
incidentally, to gather light upon the life of the Church
in his days, and information as to uses and
observances, some of which have fallen into
desuetude, while others are still practised among us.
The more carefully we study his life, the more lovable
the man appears, and the more conscious we are of our
debt to him, for the noble standard of devotional,
ministerial and intellectual Christian life which he so
fearlessly, faithfully and outspokenly maintained,1 and
bequeathed to us; and the more admirable seems his
life, by contrast with the lives of many of his

contemporaries, pagan and, alas! even Christian. But

he had the defects of his good qualities. "He was a
man who in his enthusiasm for virtue was over-bitter,
and given to wrath rather |viii than to modest dealings;
from the uprightness of his life he took no thought for
the future, and from his simplicity of character acted
without deep consideration. He used unmeasured
freedom of speech with those whom he encountered,
and as a teacher greatly benefited his hearers; but was
considered by those who did not know him to be
arrogant in his behaviour." 2
The Dialogue shows us the grounds on which these
criticisms were based, and the author offers various
answers to them. "He had qualities admirable in a man
of action; what could be more precious than his
generous and sanguine enthusiasm? He lacked the
command over himself, the coolness and tact, of a
politician; we shall often notice this; but if he had
possessed these, would he have been Chrysostom?"
(Puech).3
It is impossible here to deal with Chrysostom's literary
work, which is more abundant than that of any other
Greek Church writer. While at Antioch he preached,
chiefly during Lent, series after series of homilies, or
expositions of Scripture, in which he dealt with most
of the books of the Bible. "I think," writes Isidore of
Pelusium, "that if the divine Paul had wished to
expound his own writings, he would not have spoken
otherwise than this famous master; so remarkable is
his exposition for its contents, beauty of form, and

propriety of expression." Suidas, in the tenth century,

says: "Since the world began, no one has possessed
such gifts as an orator: he alone merited the name of
Golden-mouthed 4 and divine orator." Most of these
homilies were taken down by shorthand writers, and
apparently corrected by himself. There are also extant
a large number of sermons on special subjects, the
most famous of |ix which are the twenty-one "On the
Statues," delivered at Antioch in 387, when the city
was threatened with destruction by the Emperor, in
punishment for a disloyal outbreak; and many treatises
on moral and theological subjects, including his
splendid work "On the Priesthood." Most of his
remains are of the period of his life spent at Antioch;
at Constantinople he lacked the time, if not the
opportunity, for such highly intellectual work.5 A
considerable number of spurious works are also
attributed to him, including some which were
probably forged, or at least misreported, by his
enemies, in order to enrage the Empress against him.
II. The Teaching of the Dialogue
Chrysostom's career is one more exemplification of
the perennial conflict between the Church and the
world. The Church is to act as the salt of the earth, the
city set on an hill, the light of the world, the temple of
the Living God; her ideals will always be too high
even for the saints to attain, but it is the few who reach
forth unto those things which are before that raise the
average attainments of mankind. Yet she must not
break the bruised reed, or quench the smoking flax, by

pitching her requirements too high for the practical

use of the ordinary man living in the world, and
condemning things which God hath not condemned.
She may neither make the heart of the righteous sad,
nor strengthen the hands of the wicked, by promising
them life.
Thus the problem before the Church at all times is to
steer her way between the two extremes of undue
severity and compliant subservience. Hence men of
different temperaments will form different judgments
upon Chrysostom's career. One temperament is all for
severity, sometimes with the highest motives,
sometimes, unconsciously it may be, |x otherwise; it
demands asceticism in life, rigour in doctrine,
strictness in the enjoyment of the pleasures of the
world. Another, with high or (again perhaps
unconsciously) with low motives, thinks that men may
best be won by being content with a low standard,
with an eye to the possibilities of the multitude, rather
than of the few; it seeks to teach that all worldly things
are gifts of God, richly given us to enjoy. The first
condemns the second as truckling to the world; the
second looks upon the first as a dreamer of vain
dreams. The first rebukes out of season as well as in
season; the second marvels at his want of tact.
There can be no doubt which is the point of view
taken in this Dialogue. Records of events which so
deeply stirred the hearts of men are naturally coloured
by the prejudices of their writers; it is hard to believe
that all the denunciations of Chrysostom's enemies

contained in the treatise were truly deserved. The

strong common sense shown in Chrysostom's
writings, though sometimes obscured by extravagance
of expression and ignorance of economic laws, in
regard to the riches, the pomps and the vanities of the
world, generally preserved him from the bitterness
with which his disciple denounces them. But those
who fall short of our author's ideal have "leaped upon
the ministry," dealt deceitfully with the word of God,
and perverted the Christian teaching. No language is
too strong; the priest who has not the virtues of the
monk is worthy only of a company of satyrs, or a
priesthood of Dionysus. True, " the sword could not be
blunt, or the bold word be left unspoken," and
Chrysostom did indeed "lift up his voice more clearly
than a trumpet." Yet in spite of Palladius' defence of
Chrysostom's zeal, it is difficult to rise from the study
of the various records without forming the conclusion
that in regard to Eudoxia he spake unadvisedly with
his lips; it seems impossible to doubt that the charges
of comparing her publicly to Jezebel and Herodias |
xi were founded on fact. Because his eloquence had
stirred the populace to reform, and he had the support
of many warm friends, he thought himself, like
Savonarola in later days, strong enough to attack her;
and the shining of his light in the midst of a crooked
and perverse nation was extinguished for ever. Was he
right or wrong? We answer the question according to
our respective temperaments. Yet whatever be our
judgment, we know that the world does, after all,
respect high ideals, and unconsciously is raised by
them, though it may seem to go on its own way, and

prefer to join in the censure upon the outspoken

tongue. Chrysostom's life and death were not in vain.
So far as we can judge, making all allowances for the
prejudices of our author, Theophilus' motives were not
good, but evil. Chrysostom, like Cranmer, appealed to
an oecumenical council, which never was held, and
never can be held. "This world is a wrestling-ground,"
and Palladius sees that there is no such rough-andready way to solve our problems. We are come to the
general assembly of the firstborn, which are written in
heaven; but we are also come to God, the Judge of all.
But the world is not only a spiritual force, seductive
and attractive, continually tending to drag the ideal
down to its own level. It has also its coercive power;
its rulers bear the sword, and can help forward or
restrain the work of the Church. Its good-will may be
won by "tables" or by "flattery," but always with
disastrous results. We find Chrysostom and the monks,
no less than Theophilus and Atticus, appealing to the
civil power, and using it, not as an impartial judge
between conflicting parties, but as a means of
forwarding their respective views of the doctrine and
discipline of the Church. But Chrysostom found at last
that the sword borne by the temporal power is twoedged. Theophilus' party gained the upper hand, by a
dexterous use of the selfish passions which animate
rulers and subjects |xii alike; and the Church never
regained her position as a power for righteousness. No
check was left upon the absolutism of the Emperor,
henceforth supreme in Church and State. No Ambrose

said to him, " Thou hast imitated the guilt of David;

imitate him also in thy penance;" no Hildebrand could
raise the swan-like cry, "I have loved righteousness
and hated iniquity, therefore I die in exile." But as the
world advances in its conceptions of the worth of the
individual, and of his rights and liberties, absolutism
becomes impossible, and the long-pent-up forces at
last break out in revolution, the more savage in
proportion to the repression of the past. "Though the
wheels of God grind slowly, yet they grind exceeding
small." Our author, like other early historians, may or
may not have been right in attributing various
disasters to the Divine wrath at the judicial murder of
Chrysostom; we see God's Hand in greater things than
these. A meeting of forty discontented bishops in a
suburb, fourteen hundred years ago, may seem of
small importance to us; but it was one of the first steps
to the placing of the Church, like the State, under the
heel of the Emperors----the conception which has
prevailed through the centuries in the Eastern Church.
A certain nameless bishop is represented as paying a
visit to Rome, where he has a conversation, lasting
several days (p. 148), with a deacon, Theodorus, who
has heard only one side of the story, emanating from
Chrysostom's enemies, and wishes to know the truth,
both as to the facts, and as to the cavils at
Chrysostom's personal character, embodied in the
charges brought against him at The Oak. Other
persons are present during the discussion (pp. 6, 60,
119, 165), one of whom joins in for a moment; and the
final result is that Theodorus rejects the disparaging

accounts he has received, and utters an eulogy upon

the martyred saint. The supposed date of the Dialogue
is shortly after Chrysostom's death, as the news of it
which has reached the deacon needs confirmation (p.
33). |xiii
The events referred to in the Dialogue may be
arranged in historical order thus:---A.D.
PAGE
344-347. Chrysostom born at Antioch
37
His education
37
370. Baptized
38
373. Enters monastery near Antioch
38
381. Ordained deacon at Antioch
39
386.. Ordained priest at Antioch
40
398 (Feb. 26). Ordained bishop at
42
Constantinople
Reforms in the Church and in the city
44 ff.
399. Healing of the schism at Antioch
50
400. Revolt of Gainas
122
Eusebius' accusation of Antoninus
117 ff.
401 (Jan.). Visit to Ephesus
125
Deposition of six bishops
127
Theophilus' condemnation of Origenism
54
402. Arrival of the monks at Constantinople
58
403. The Synod of The Oak
65 ff
First expulsion of Chrysostom
73
Theophilus' intrigues
74 ff
404 (Easter----April 16). Tumult in the Church
81

Chrysostom's letter to Innocent

Attempt upon his life
(June 20). Second expulsion
Burning of the Church
Reception of the news at Rome
Deputation of Western Bishops
Cruel treatment of Chrysostom's supporters
(Sept.). Arrival at Cucusus
407 (June). Removal to Pityus
(Sept. 14). Death

10 ff.
177
85 ff
88
21 ff
28 ff.
174 ff.
90
94
96

Accounts are introduced of Olympias (p. 150), of

Porphyrius (p. 133 ff.) and of various monks (p. 145).
The charges brought against Chrysostom which are |
xiv met are those of eating alone (pp. 98, 112), of
deposing sixteen bishops (p. 116), of excessive
outspokenness (p. 160), of personal attacks upon
individuals (p. 163), and of haughtiness and insolence
towards clergy (p. 165). The author also moralizes at
great length upon various subjects, which will be
found in the General Index.
III. The Author
The treatise as it stands is anonymous, but it is
generally attributed to Palladius, Bishop of
Helenopolis. Its present title is "An historical dialogue
of Palladius, Bishop of Helenopolis, held with
Theodorus, Deacon of Rome, concerning the life and
conversation of the blessed John, Bishop of
Constantinople, the Golden-mouthed." And in the

margin the words are added, "In other (copies) it is

written, Bishop of Aspona."
Thus the title represents, not that Palladius of
Helenopolis, or of Aspona, is the writer of the treatise,
but that he is the nameless bishop who takes the chief
part in the Dialogue. Yet this is nowhere stated. He is
described simply as a member of John's synod (pp. 7,
66), from the east (p. 6), though not of Constantinople
(p. 150), who had suffered on his behalf (p. 173). Nor
can it be intended to identify the bishop with
Palladius; it is asserted that it is the bishop's first visit
to Rome (p. 6), yet within a few pages (p. 25) that
Palladius of Helenopolis had been one of the first who
brought to Rome the news of the troubles. He is
represented as an old man (p. 33), while Palladius was
not forty-five years old at the time of Chrysostom's
death. There is nothing except the title to suggest that
the interlocutor is Palladius, who is always spoken of
in the third person----a fact which some have
supposed to forbid the idea of his being the author.
The same argument would show that Boswell was not
the author of the Life of Johnson. In fact, it is quite
clear that the bishop of the Dialogue is an entirely |
xv imaginary person. Yet George tells us that he has
made extracts from "the Dialogue of Bishop Palladius
with Theodore," without naming his diocese;
Theodore of Trimuthus also regards him as the bishop
of the Dialogue. Neither of these writers had better
information than we possess; they simply accepted the
statement of the title as we have it.

Palladius, Bishop of Helenopolis (Drepanum, in

Bithynia), is known to us as the author of the Lausiac
History, an English translation of which, by W. K.
Lowther Clarke, is published in the present Series; this
consists of a number of brief biographies or anecdotes
of worthies, chiefly monks, whom he had known, or
of whom he had heard, during his life as a monk in the
desert, or in the course of his travels. The Introduction
to this work states that it was compiled for the same
purpose of moral instruction which is alleged for the
Dialogue. He was evidently a friend of Chrysostom,
who writes to him from Cucusus, asking for his
prayers, and saying that he ceases not daily to be
anxious for his welfare (Ep. 113).6 The History shows
that he was consecrated Bishop of Helenopolis after
leaving the desert, in the year 400, "having become
embroiled in the disturbance connected with the
blessed John"; 7 the Dialogue gives us the account of
his journey to Ephesus (p. 125 ff.), of his visit to
Rome (p. 25), his voyage to Constantinople (p. 29),
and his exile to Syene (pp. 174, 178). On his return, he
lived for two years in Galatia, and (in 417), as
Socrates 8 informs us, he was translated as bishop to
Aspona, in Galatia. Two years later he wrote
his Lausiac History, and some time between 420 and
430 he died. |xvi
IV. The Treatise
The only manuscript copy of the treatise appears to be
one of the eleventh century (Bigot in error says the
seventh) in the Medicean Library at Florence; the Life

of Chrysostom by George contains copious extracts

from the work, by which our text may be checked. It
was first edited, with a Latin translation, by Emeritus
Bigot, in 1680. It is written in late Greek, many words
being used in senses unknown to classical authors, and
grammatical mistakes are frequent. The historical
order of events is disregarded, as it is the chief object
of the author, not so much to write a biography, as to
set forth an ideal, to stimulate his readers to follow the
good example of the saint, and to warn them against
improperly seeking the priesthood (p. 173).
It is cast in the form of a dialogue, a recognized
method of presenting a moral treatise. Chrysostom's
famous work On the Priesthood is so written; the
"liberal education "----of which Palladius both here
and in the Lausiac Historyspeaks with admiration----which he had received certainly included the dialogues
of Plato, and it was natural to him to use this vehicle
of thought. Palladius' love for his master led him to
follow his example; but he had not his knowledge of
Plato, or his ability, and at times the Dialogue is
somewhat wearisome, and the form unsuitable to the
subject. He cannot do two things at once----give a
memoir of a good man, and compile a moral treatise;
when he introduces long accounts of historical
incidents, and, above all, the letter to Innocent (p. 10),
he makes a wide departure from the methods followed
in the Platonic dialogues which have a similar purpose
to his own, such as the Apology of
Socrates and Crito. We forget that we are reading a
dialogue, and have a sense of annoyance when the

deacon interrupts with his jejune questions and

remarks.
The titles of ancient writings are frequently |
xvii unreliable. I take it as probable that something of
this sort occurred; the original heading was simply
"An historical dialogue of Palladius"----that is, " by
Palladius." Some copyist, noticing that the chief
interlocutor was a bishop, and that "Palladius, Bishop
of Helenopolis," was mentioned in the treatise,
supposed that the indication of authorship was meant
to identify the imaginary character in the Dialogue,
and took upon himself to add the rest. Then a later
scribe, who knew that Palladius, the author of
the History, had been translated to Aspona, inserted
the correction. The title "Golden-mouthed," at least, is
unquestionably an addition; it took the place of "John"
in common parlance at a later time----about the middle
of the fifth century. This addition casts suspicion upon
the rest of the heading. But why should Palladius of
Helenopolis have been picked out as the interlocutor
from all the Eastern bishops mentioned, unless there
was a tradition, or more probably written evidence in
the heading as it then stood, specially connecting a
Palladius with the treatise, not as interlocutor, but as
author? There certainly was such a tradition; in a list
of eighteen persons who wrote on the life of
Chrysostom, contained in a "very ancient codex"
examined by Petavius, "Palladius, Bishop of
Helenopolis," is included; Photius says that "Palladius
was a bishop, and wrote of Chrysostom's doings in the
form of a dialogue."

Palladius was by no means an uncommon name at the

time; Dom Butler finds eleven persons who bore it. If
the author was named Palladius, the question arises:
Was this Palladius the Bishop of Helenopolis, the
author also of theLausiac History, or another man of
the same name? Bigot goes so far as to suggest that
another Palladius succeeded the Lausiac author at
Helenopolis, and wrote the Dialogue.
The learned Benedictine, Dom Cuthbert Butler, Abbot
of Downside Abbey, to whom we owe an |xviii edition
of the Lausiac History (Cambridge, 1904) which for
accurate scholarship and minute research ranks with
the finest works of the kind ever issued, forms the
conclusion that both writings have the same
authorship (in his monograph Authorship of the
Dialogus de Vita Chrysostomi, Rome, 1908).
Bardenhewer says 1 that " the author of the Lausiac
History is easily identified with the biographer of
Chrysostom," though, for reasons which he does not
give, he adds that "he must not be confounded with
the Bishop of Helenopolis." He had not the advantage
of reading Dom Butler's work, which shows
conclusively that the Lausiac History was written by
this bishop.
Abbot Butler first weighs the evidence of style, and
admits that there is a wide difference, not only in
vocabulary, but also in use of phrases and manner of
diction generally. We know that an author is usually
rather proud of a telling word or phrase, and is apt to
repeat it again and again; and every one has little

tricks of expression, which are apt to occur all through

his various works. About seventy words in Dom
Butler's Index appear in the Dialogue; but many even
of these are common in Patristic literature, and a great
many curious words, as well as a great many
characteristic expressions and phrases, are found in
the one, not in the other. Mr. Clarke remarks that a
distinguishing feature of Palladius 9 style is his
incessant use of the particle ; this is not the case in
the Dialogue. The Dialogue abounds in grammatical
mistakes; the author continually forgets the
construction with which he began one of his long
sentences, and changes the subject in its course. Few
such errors occur in the simpler narratives of
the History.10 The Dialogue has many more quotations
from Scripture, even in proportion to its length (219,
as against 50). This is partly because|xix in the nonhistorical portions the author is justifying
Chrysostom's actions by scriptural precedent; but
while the quotations in the History are brief, in the
Dialogue they are sometimes very lengthy. Only eight
are common to both treatises, though in two other
cases words from the same context are quoted to the
same effect.
On the other hand, Butler tells us that Dr. Zckler
speaks of "the essential similarity of style," 11 and that
Dr. Preuschen considers the dissimilarity not sufficient
to disprove common authorship. The reader of one
constantly meets with strange words, or uses of words,
or phrases, which recall the other; he feels that the
writer who devised, or appropriated, one set of words

or expressions was capable of doing so with the other.

If we do not find so many "tricks of expression" as we
should expect, we certainly find a large number.
Butler prints side by side thirteen such noteworthy
phrases, showing a remarkable amount of similarity. I
have collected about seventy more, which may be
found through the key-words given in my Index I.;
many other verbal coincidences might be added.
Further, Butler brings out a still more striking point:
that both authors (if they be two) use the same
expressions about the same persons and things. I think
that any reader who takes the trouble to compare, not
only the words and usages of words, but the phrases
and passages in which they occur, in the respective
treatises, will see how unlikely it is that two separate
authors should have used so many identical
expressions and descriptions. Even one who does not
know Greek will agree that so many characteristic
phrases occurring alike in Coriolanus and
in Cymbeline would be a strong argument for identity
of authorship.
Style, however, is largely a matter of taste; Abbot
Butler's scholarly instinct leads him to attach more |
xx weight to the comparative use of Scripture texts. In
both treatises the quotations are made freely, more
particularly in the Dialogue, variations being
introduced which are not found in any existing MS. It
must not be supposed that ancient writers habitually
"verified their references." There was no Authorized
Version in those days, and the discovery of a number

of passages in the cumbrous roll-volumes of

manuscript Scriptures, undivided into chapters and
verses, without the help of a concordance, would
require great time and trouble. We have to compare
the use of Scripture by ancient writers with that of a
preacher, rather than with that of a writer, of to-day.
But we know that the monks, of whom Palladius was
one, devoted much of their time to committing the
sacred writings to memory (pp. 131, 149); many knew
whole books by heart (Pall., L. H., xi., xxvi., xxxvii.).
Quotations may thus be regarded as tolerably well
representing MS. texts; at least, it is generally more or
less clear when a variation is due to defective memory,
when to difference in the original documents. Thus
our author gets into trouble over his quotation from
Ezek. xxxiv., in which he evidently trusted to his
memory; the two long passages from Deut. xxxiii. and
Ezek. ix. present but slight variations from the text,
and one of these (Deut. xxxiii. 16, 17) is of such a
nature as to suggest that it was found in the text the
author used.
Dom Butler points out that in both treatises St. Matt.
xi. 18 is combined with St. Matt. xxi. 32, and that in
each case the quotation is prefaced with "in reproach."
Also that St. Mark ii. 16 is combined with St. Matt. ix.
11; both in a manner which has no MS. support or
literary parallel. Both quote 1 St. John ii. 18, with the
remark that "it was the last hour 400 years ago." It is
almost incredible that this should be mere
coincidence.

Here again I have carried Dom Butler's argument

further. An examination of the O.T. quotations in the
two treatises shows that where such variations |
xxi occur from the text of the LXX known as "B"
(which Dr. Swete considers nearest the original
version) as are obviously not due to lapse of memory,
but are confirmed by MSS. which we possess, these
variations are all found in one, or both, of the MSS.
known as "Aleph" or "A." 12 It would certainly be
strange that, with the multiplication of copies of the
Septuagint which must have taken place by A.D. 400,
two different writers should have stumbled upon the
same texts.13 It is specially remarkable that in one text
(Ecclus. viii. 9) inaccurately quoted from memory in
both treatises, exactly the same alteration of words,
and exactly the same alteration of order, appears in
both. Is not this just what we find in the habitual
misquotations in which a preacher of to-day is found
to persist?
Again, the author of the Dialogue, like Palladius of
Helenopolis, has seen Egyptian temples (p. 36); he has
conversed with Hierax (p. 145); he is one of the forty
bishops who struggled on Chrysostom's side; he is full
of admiration for monks; he knows the same
people----Isidore, Ammon, Dioscorus, Chronius,
Macarius, Olympias.14 Finally, the knowledge of
Palladius' doings shown by the writer is extraordinary,
if he was other than Palladius himself. In four
passages he gives a vivid and minute account of
incidents in which "Palladius of Helenopolis" is stated
to have taken part: the deputation to Constantinople

(p. 29), the incidents connected with the Synod of The

Oak |xxii (p. 66 ff.), the mission to Ephesus (p. 125
ff.), and the journey of the Eastern bishops (p. 178),
which continues the narrative of the deputation. Only
the account of the death-bed scene approaches these;
details of this he would easily obtain. And he not only
uses the same literary devices as in the History (such
as "a soldier told me," "they say,"----p. 178----"it is
said") when recording incidents of which he was an
eyewitness; but once (p. 29) he forgets that he is
writing anonymously, and passes, like the author of
the History, from indirect to direct narration, as St.
Luke does in the Acts. We note that in both treatises
proverbs and sententious observations are frequent,
and that in both an inordinate amount of space is
devoted to food and drink----or abstinence from them.
It is, of course, possible that some later writer "edited"
the original work. It may be fanciful to suggest that
pains seem to be taken to avoid the use of the particle
"therefore," as though the author, or his editor, had
deliberately substituted other connecting words; the
particle appears at times in several sentences together,
as if the self-imposed rule had been forgotten. But we
may account for the difference of style which has led
some to deny to the author of the Historythe
authorship of the Dialogue, by considerations of the
difference of subject, the lapse of time, and the
likelihood of his employment of an amanuensis.
There is no need to argue the probability that the
smaller work preceded the greater, since the design of

both is stated to be the same----to edify readers by

setting before them high examples of the Christian
life. When the author found that the brief records of
the History proved of interest and value, he would
naturally try to do the same thing on a larger scale
with the life of a single man, the most eminent
Christian of the day. He could not write a lengthy
treatise at Syene, if only for the want of "prime
parchment" (p. 173), and is not likely to have done so
during his stay in Galatia, with his mind |
xxiii distracted by current events, and his uncertainty
as to his future. The reference to Theophilus (who died
in 412) on p. 190 does not necessarily imply that he
was still alive; on the other hand, the mention of a
collection of Chrysostom's writings, especially of his
letters (p. 100), seems to demand a certain lapse of
time.
Palladius wrote his History, as we saw, when he was
about fifty-three years old. He had gone about, like
Herodotus, with a notebook----mental, if not
material----from which he afterwards drew his
narratives and tales. Probably he had often rehearsed
them in conversation, as men do, to fellow-travellers,
and to little knots of friends interested in the monkish
life, in the winter evenings, and wrote them down
much as he had told them by word of mouth. Hence
the "simple and natural air" of which Tillemont
speaks. But in the Dialogue he is setting himself a
more serious task. He is aiming at the standard set him
by his models, Plato and Chrysostom himself; the
author of a chatty volume of reminiscences naturally

adopts a more grandiose style when making a solid

contribution to literature. But he had not the gifts to do
this successfully; he falls into the "more affected style
of a man who has some taint of naughty
rhetoric" 15(Tillemont). His mind had been widened,
and his vocabulary enlarged, by his intercourse with
men, since the days when, as a monk, he had conned
over the materials of his History; but the expressions
which he had used of his friends were still connected
with them in his mind.
But more. He had lived a hard life; after thirteen years
of ascetic toil as a monk, he had travelled through
Palestine, to Constantinople, visited Rome, suffered
on Chrysostom's behalf, endured a trying journey to
Syene, and there spent six years in exile. What had
been the effect of these years of hardship upon his
health, and especially upon his eyes, in the sand and
glare of Egypt? |xxiv
We have spoken of the kind of grammatical errors
which are frequent in the Dialogue; are they not just
such as might be expected to occur if a man who was
more or less accustomed to writing for himself was
dictating to an amanuensis? Not being able to see his
sentences as they rolled from his pen, his thoughts
wandering while the scribe committed them to paper,
he would be very likely to fall into such mistakes. In
several places where the text needs correction, the
slips seem to be due to mishearing as much as to miscopying; in one passage especially (p. 108) the words

are thrown down almost at random, as if the reciter

had gone too fast.
"My conclusion," Dom Butler is good enough to write
to me, "has been accepted by the great majority of the
critics, though a Dutch professor, Aengenvoort, has
contested it." I venture to hope that the additional
evidence which I have collected may have the same
effect upon the Dutch professor as the arguments of
the imaginary bishop in support of the scholarly divine
whom he held in honour had upon the deacon. "But if
any one can speak more truthfully," by tracing the
vocabulary of the author elsewhere in Patristic
literature,16 " I will welcome him as a corrector of
error and a lover of the brethren."
In any case, the author is so clearly a contemporary,
and in many cases a careful eye-witness, of the events
which he narrates, that his work may be regarded as a
reliable authority for the life of the saint.17
V. The Present Edition
I have followed Bigot's text, as given by Migne (Patr.
Gr., vol. xlvii.), though where Migne offers a |
xxv good emendation or conjecture, I have not
scrupled to avail myself of it, without necessarily
calling attention to the matter in the notes.
The notes are somewhat more full than those generally
given in this series of translations. It is my hope that
the attraction of St. Chrysostom's name, and the

simplicity of a biography as compared with a

theological treatise, may secure a wider circle of
readers from among those who do not make theology
and Church antiquities their special study. I have
therefore given some information upon points of
history and Church life which such readers may not
have leisure to investigate for themselves. I have
referred to other writers of the time, where their
records amplify, or explain, events in the Dialogue,
and given a certain number of quotations from
Chrysostom's writings, to show how far the author's
thoughts were directly influenced by them. Also I have
given references to the Lausiac History----not by any
means so fully as would be possible, but to keep in the
reader's mind the question of authorship, by showing a
few of the resemblances which justify the assignment
of both treatises to the same author.
The numbers at the top of the page refer to the pages
in Migne's text. I have provided headings for the
chapters and for divisions within the chapters for the
convenience of the English reader.
An excellent Life of Chrysostom was published by
Dean Stephens (John Murray, 1880), which
supersedes an earlier Life by Neander (1848). St. Jean
Chrysostome, by Aim Puech (Paris: Lecoffre, 1913),
a slighter work, combines French insight with French
grace of style and phrase, while Dom Chr. Baur has
published (Louvain, 1907) a "very complete and
conscientious" study of Saint Jean Chrysostome et ses
uvres dans l'histoire littraire.

[Footnotes renumbered and moved to the end]

1. 1 See especially pp. 154, 113.
2. 1 Socrates, Hist. Eccl., vi. 3. Sozomen has a similar
judgment.
3. 2 It is interesting to consider how far he was carried
away by the malign influence of Archdeacon Serapion
upon his impetuous disposition.
4. 3 "Chrysostomos. "
5. 1 The Homilies on Acts, the Psalms and the Epistles
to the Colossians and Thessalonians are of this period.
6. 1 The statement in D.C.B., that John sent his
"grateful thanks" to Pinianus, Palladius' host at Rome
(L. H., lxi. 5), is incorrect. The thanks are sent
(Chrys. Epp. 157-160) to the four bishops of the
delegation. The letters and theHistory both confirm
the accounts given in the Dialogue of the visit to
Rome and its sequel.
7. 2 Pall., L. H., xxxv. 12.
8. 3 vii. 36.
9.

Patrology (Shahan's Transl.), p. 381.

10. 2 But cf. Pall., L. H., Prologue, thirty-eight lines

without a full-stop.
11. 1 This is especially noticeable in the passages in
the Dialogue which deal with the life of monks, the
subject of the History. Dr. Reitzenstein agrees with Dr.
Zckler.
12. 1 Cambridge Companion to the Bible, p.
31; Oxford Helps to the Study of the Bible, p. 25.
13. 2 I do not mean that the writer or writers must
have possessed actual copies of either of the MSS.
mentioned; there were doubtless many other copies of
the original translation, with more or less numerous
variations. For instance, two quotations are made---Ps. cxix. 51 and Prov. xi. 4----which are omitted in
"B." Both occur in "A"; but the first, at least, must
have been in many other copies, as without them the
eight verses of the stanza would have been deficient.
14. 3 In both treatises acquaintance is shown with the
writings of Evagrius, one of Palladius' companions in
the desert.
15. 1 Dom Butler finds some trace of this in
the History. The seeds of naughtiness were awaiting
development.
16. 1 There are many parallel expressions in Isidore of
Pelusium, or whose authorship something more might
be said.

17. 2 Since this book was in print, Abbot Butler has

again dealt with the question of unity of authorship,
with greater fulness and detail, in an article in The
Journal of Theological Studies for January 1921,
which all Greek scholars interested in the subject
should by all means study.

THE DIALOGUE OF PALLADIUS

[Translated by Herbert Moore]

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY
The Sin of Self-seeking in Spiritual Things
The gifts of God,1 my excellent brother Theodorus,
seem to me to fall into three classes. Some are
common to all, and not apportioned to individuals,
while others are common to all, yet apportioned. The
third class consists of those which are not common to
all, nor apportioned to individuals, nor unapportioned,
but given as a special privilege to those to whom they
have been given.
Deacon. Your opening observation sounds reasonable;
please tell us the kind of gifts you assign to each class.
Bishop. The gifts which are essentially noble, without
which life would be wretched, are common to all, and
not apportioned.
Deac. For example, father?
Bish. First, the God of all, together with His |2 Onlybegotten Son, and the Holy Spirit, is common to all,
and not apportioned; every one who wishes can by
contemplation possess Him in His entirety, without
material aids.2 Next to God, there are the divine
scriptures, and the supra-mundane powers. Besides
these, the sky, the sun, the moon, and all the host of
stars, and the air itself, are common, and not

apportioned; they are shared in their entirety by all.

We need not give further illustrations of the class of
unapportioned gifts. The land was at one time
common to all, and unapportioned, and so were the
streams of water; but since the mad craving for
possessions became intensified in the souls of lovers
of pleasure, the weightier elements of earth and water
came to be apportioned.3
Deac. What you say is very clear; complete your
account of the second class, that of apportioned gifts.
Bish. I will; we cannot leave the web of our subject
incomplete. Well, gold, and silver, and every sort of
metal, and timber, and in short every kind of raw
material, are common to all, yet apportioned; for they
are not at the unreserved disposal of every one who
likes.
Deac. Again a very satisfactory account. I am
wondering if you will not be hard put to it to
demonstrate your third class, of special gifts. You laid
it down, that there are some gifts which are neither
common to all, nor apportioned, but are the special
privilege of those who are worthy of their bestowal. |
3 So make your final flourish,4 and then tell us where
you have come from, and the facts in regard to which
we desire to learn the truth.
Bish. If it lies in my power, and if I have the requisite
knowledge of these matters about which you wish to
inquire, I will not hesitate, and will add nothing; but

first, I suppose, I will pay off the debt 5 owing from

my argument as best I can. Well, you will find that
there is no apportionment in virginity, and in the
unmarried state generally; these do not belong to the
class of gifts common to all, or to that of those which
are apportioned. Not every one who desires it is
unwedded, but he who is able; for many married
people long that they might be in the virgin state, but
cannot attain to it, as they are already in wedlock. At
the Olympic games, the herald calls him who wishes
to run, but crowns only the victor; so it is with
chastity, as the gospel says. Peter, you remember,
raised the objection to the Saviour's teaching, that "If
the case of the man be so with his wife, it is not good
to marry"; and the Saviour answered, "But it is not for
all men to receive this saying, but they to whom it is
given." 6 Do you see, that it is not for all, but for those
to whom it is given?
Deac. I expected that you would have some difficulty
in your demonstration of the special gifts, but it
appears that you have won us to your view by your
forcible and scriptural language. |4
Illustrations from the Old Testament
Bish. As you have grasped this, I will enrich 7 my
argument with other scripture proofs, so that evilminded people may be persuaded to give up grasping
at what they cannot get. We find that in the divine
scriptures the priesthood is not common to all, nor
apportioned, but is the special privilege of those who

are worthy of it. Thus the great-souled Paul declares in

his instructions to the Hebrews: "For no man taketh to
himself the honour, but he who is called by God; so
also Aaron," he says, "did not glorify himself, to be
made a high priest." 8 For there were six hundred
thousand men, many of them full of zeal; but one,
Aaron, was proclaimed high priest, and the miracle of
the rod which put forth nuts convinced the mass of the
people that the priest was chosen of God. Some,
however, in their ignorance of what is good, were
bitten with the lust of vain reputation, and supposing
that this was one of the common or apportioned gifts,
leaped upon the office as self-ordained priests. They
received the reward which their madness deserved;
they made the very ground upon which their gathering
was held bear witness to their wilfulness. It was
Dathan and Abiram who were enamoured of the
dignity, like men looking upon an harlot; they and
their dupes were plunged into destruction beneath the
earth, and found their places of assemblage to be their
unexpected tomb.
Next, Uzzah, unmindful of the events I have
mentioned, was led by the lust of power to fall in love
with the office; and one day, as the ark was being
carried along the road upon a wagon, it happened that
the ox which drew it jolted and shook the ark. Uzzah,
who was in attendance, took hold of it with his hand,
to prevent the coffer from being |5 overturned. God
saw it, and it pleased Him not, as it afforded a
precedent to headstrong persons; He prevented this, by

smiting Uzzah even unto death, as a warning to

posterity to refrain from such folly.
An Illustration from the New Testament
Long afterwards, after the advent of Christ, Simon
Magus, of the village of Gethae,9 a cunning professor
of the teaching opposed to the truth, really a bad man
of wicked life, hit upon a subtle plan 10 to satisfy his
lust of power; afraid, apparently, of the punishment
which befel these men of old time, he did not wish to
reap as they reaped, through sowing as they sowed. So
he hid the wolf in the sheepskin, and approached the
apostles with flattery, offering them money, so as not
to seem to grasp what he was wrongfully anxious to
buy, and saying what we should expect of him and his
like. "Take this money," he said, "and give me the
power of your high office, that on whomsoever I lay
hands, he may receive (the gifts of the) 11 Holy
Ghost." 12 And he had been baptized into the name of
Jesus! The answer of the apostolic band was this:
"Begone, man; the grace of God does not allow itself
to be sold." And as he continued knocking at the door
with his appeals, they said again: "Why buy that
which you can get for nothing, if you live worthily of
it?" But as he considered the burdens of the life, and
his own unwillingness to bear them, and the
uncertainty of the matter,13 he again produced the
money from his purse, thinking to ensnare the
disciples of the Saviour by deceit. He Who takes |6 the
wise in their own craftiness 14 expressed His
indignation at this by the mouth of Peter. "Thy money

perish with thee, because thou hast thought to

purchase the gift of God with money." Yet He offered
him the medicine of repentance, applying oil to his
ailment, in His long-suffering. "Repent," He said; "it
may be that the thought of thine heart shall be
forgiven thee. For I perceive that thou art in the gall of
bitterness, and in the bond of iniquity." For God, in
His love of souls, wills not the destruction of
offenders.
The Characters in the Dialogue Introduced
Now, then, that I have explained my first remarks to
the best of my powers, Theodorus of noble name, and
deacon of the mysteries of the truth, ask us what you
wanted to find out.
Deac. "Where have you come from to give us 15 your
company?
Bish. From the east. You may be sure of that, for I
have never seen Rome before. 16
Deac. What particular object brought you here?
Bish. My desire for your peace.
Deac. Is our peace different from yours?
Bish. No, it is not different, but. one and the same; the
peace which the Saviour has given from heaven,
saying to His disciples, "My peace I give unto you."

And to confirm His gift of grace He repeated, "My

peace I leave to you." 17The word "give" He applies to
His own work, "leave" to the Holy Spirit's; in the
Spirit, through Christ, they are to reveal to the
Gentiles the knowledge of the Father. But the sad
condition of the poor East is like that of a man with
his limbs paralyzed, who finds that the vital forces
make their way to the |7 healthier parts of his body.
Her limbs are paralyzed and unable to perform their
proper functions, because concord has fled from her;
most of us, her champions and lovers, have become
exiles from our country, as we cannot live in our
native land safely and quietly, on account of our
attachment to the truth. We venture to hope that we
may spend among you the few days of life that still
remain to us in accordance with the gospel.
Deac. It seems to me that you have been sent, to us,
excellent father, by divine providence; for I find that
your sorrow is in tune with our troubles. I think that
you must be a member of the synod of John the bishop
of Constantinople.
Episc. That is so.
Deac. I urge you then, as in the presence of God, to
give us a really true account of events there, the details
of which we are anxious to hear; remembering, that if
you tell us anything contrary to the truth, you will
have God as your inquisitor and judge, and will be
convicted by us as well, when we learn the
discrepancy. For it is not one, or two, or three, or ten

persons, but more, who have given us accounts of

what has happened at Constantinople; nor were they
casual travellers, but some of them bishops, and
presbyters, and members of the monastic order. As
you may wish to have a short statement of the part the
Roman Church has played, I will give you some
information on the point.
How the News reached Rome
The first to arrive here was a reader 18 from |
8 Alexandria, with letters from Pope 19 Theophilus,
notifying us that he had deposed John. Upon reading
this letter, the blessed Pope Innocent was
somewhat 20 troubled; he condemned the impetuosity
and pride of Theophilus, as he had not only written on
his own single authority,21 but also had neglected to
make it clear why he had deposed him, or who had
joined him in the sentence of deposition. He thus
found himself in difficulty; he was disinclined to
answer the letter, as the case was so obscure.
Meanwhile, one Eusebius, a deacon of the Church of
Constantinople, who was staying in Rome upon
ecclesiastical business, came to Pope Innocent, and
presented written memorials,22 adjuring him to wait for
a short time, to see the unmasking of the plot. Three
days 23 afterwards |9 arrived four bishops of John's
party, all devout 24 persons----Pansophius of Pisidia,
Pappus of Syria, Demetrius of the Second Galatia, and
Eugenius of Phrygia; they delivered two letters,
followed by a third, one from Bishop John, one from
forty other bishops in communion with John, the last

from John's clergy. All three letters agreed in their

representation of the disturbance caused by ignorant
persons. The substance of John's letter 25 was as
follows:---- |10
CHAPTER II. CHRYSOSTOM'S LETTER TO
INNOCENT
The Urgent Need for Action
"To my Lord the reverend and most holy Bishop
Innocent, John sends greetings in the Lord.
"Your piety 26 has doubtless heard, before the receipt
of this letter, of the daring illegalities committed here;
for the magnitude of the crime has left no part of the
world in ignorance of the cruel tragedy. Rumour has
carried the news to the furthest bounds of the earth,
and caused everywhere much grief and sorrow. But as
the circumstances call not only for lamentation, but for
remedial action, and consideration of the steps to be
taken to stay this furious tempest raging within the
Church, we thought it necessary to instruct my most
honoured and devout lords,27 the Bishops Demetrius,
Pansophius, Pappus, and Eugenius, to leave their own
Churches, and to face the dangers of a long sea
voyage, and set out for a lengthy absence from home;
to fly to your love, and explain all the facts clearly, so
as to arrange for the speediest possible redress. With
them we have sent the most honoured and wellbeloved deacons 28 Paul and Cyriacus.29 These persons

shall take the place of a letter, and quickly inform your

love of what has happened. |11
Theophilus reveals his Hostility
"The fact is, that Theophilus, to whose hands has been
entrusted the bishopric of the Church of Alexandria,
on representations made against him to our most pious
king,30 was commanded to appear before him alone;
but he arrived with a large company of Egyptians, as if
anxious to show, from the very beginning, that he
came for war and conflict. Next, on landing at the
great and godly city of Constantinople, he did not go
to Church, according to the rule which has prevailed
from ancient times, or have any dealings with us, or
join with us in conversation, in prayer, or in
communion, but came off the ship, hurried past the
porch of the Church, and went somewhere outside of
the city to lodge. We repeatedly invited both him and
his companions to make their stay with us (indeed, we
had everything ready, including rooms and all proper
accommodation); but both they and he refused the
offer. We were much perplexed at this conduct, as we
could not find any reason for such undeserved enmity;
none the less, we did all that could be required of us,
and acted correctly, continually inviting him to confer
with us, and to say why he, at the very outset, kindled
such a conflict, and caused offence to so important a
city. But as he still persisted in refusing to state his
reason, and his accusers were urgent, the most pious
king commanded us to go across to his lodging, and

hear his statement of his case; for he was charged with

violence and murder, and countless other crimes.
Chrysostom's Correct Attitude
"We, however, had too much respect and honour for
the laws laid down by the fathers,31 and for |
12 Theophilus himself; and we had in our possession
his own letter,32 in which he said that cases ought not
to be taken beyond the boundaries [of a province], but
the affairs of each province should be dealt with in
that province.33 We therefore declined to try the case,
and even protested most vigorously.
Theophilus Secures his Expulsion
"But Theophilus seemed to think he was dealing with
his old enemies; he summoned my archdeacon 34 |
13 in a very high-handed manner, as if the Church
was already a widow,35 and had no bishop, and
through him brought all the clergy over to his side.
Thus the Churches were in a state of disorder; the
clergy attached to them were led astray,36 and
persuaded to present memorials against us, and egged
on to become our accusers. Having succeeded so far,
he sent and called us to come before him for
judgment, although he had not cleared himself of the
charges brought against him; a thing distinctly
contrary to the canons and all the laws of the Church.
But as we were aware that we were not to come before
a judge (we would have appeared ten thousand times
before a judge!), but before an enemy and a foe, as his

actions before and afterwards showed, we sent |14 to

him the Bishops Demetrius of Pisinum, Eulysius of
Apameia, and Luppicianus of Appiaria, and the priests
Germanus and Serus; we answered with becoming
moderation, and said that we raised no objection to a
trial, but to trial by an open enemy and foe. Seeing
that he had as yet received no charges against us, and
had from the first acted as he had, and dissociated
himself from Church, and communion, and prayer,
and was bribing 37 accusers, winning over our clergy,
and leaving Churches without shepherds, how could
he with justice mount the judge's throne, which in no
sense belonged to him? For it was out of order for an
Egyptian bishop to act as judge in Thrace,38 when he
himself was under accusation, and an enemy and foe
of the accused. Yet he was unabashed by all these
considerations, and persevered in his design; when we
declared that we were ready to clear ourselves of the
charges in the presence of a hundred or of a thousand
bishops, and to prove our innocence, shown by the
very fact of our offer, he would not allow it. In our
absence, in spite of our appeal to a synod, and our
request for a trial (it was not a fair hearing, but open
hostility, that we wished to avoid), he admitted our
accusers, and set free offenders whom I had placed in
confinement, and without waiting for them to clear
themselves of the charges against them, accepted their
memorials, and drew up minutes. All this was contrary
to rule, and canon, and order. In fact, to make a long
story short, he left no stone unturned, until by |
15 sheer force and tyrannical action he drove us from
the city and the Church.

Chrysostom's Expulsion and Return

"Late one evening, when I was being escorted through
the streets by the whole of the populace, I was arrested
by the city governor's agent 39 in the middle of the city,
dragged away by force, and put on board a ship, which
set sail by night; when I was summoning a synod for a
just trial. Who could hear of these doings without
shedding tears, though he had a heart of stone? But, as
I said before, they call not only for lamentation, but
for redress; I therefore appeal to your love, to arise
and grieve with me, and do all you can to stay these
evils. For there is more yet. Even after my departure,
Theophilus did not put a stop to the lawless doings of
his party, but girded himself for further action. Our
most pious king expelled those who had so
shamelessly and unrighteously intruded themselves
upon the Church, and many of the bishops, when they
observed the lawlessness of my opponents, retired to
their own homes, so as to avoid their attacks, as they
would an universal conflagration; while we were
recalled to the city and to the Church, from which we
had been unrighteously expelled, thirty bishops
introducing us, and our most reverent king sending a
notary for the purpose.40 Then Theophilus, for no
rhyme or reason known to us, at once went off like a
runaway slave.
The Emperor summons a Synod
"Upon our re-entry into the city, we petitioned the
most reverent king to summon a synod to exact |

16 retribution for all that had been done. Conscious of

his guilt, and afraid of conviction, when the royal
letters had been issued throughout the realm and
gathered the whole episcopate from every quarter, at
dead of night he secretly flung himself into a boat, and
so made off, taking all his party with him. Even so, we
could not let the matter drop, in the confidence our
good conscience gave us, but renewed our request to
the most pious king. He did as became his piety,
sending a despatch to Theophilus, requiring him to
return at once from Egypt, with all his followers, to
give an account of what had taken place, and not to
think that his unrighteous proceedings, conducted in
our absence, with one side only heard, and contrary to
so many canons, were sufficient to exculpate him.
Chrysostom's Second Expulsion
"But he paid no attention even to the royal letters, but
stayed at home, pleading in excuse a possible uprising
of the people and an unfortunate outburst of zeal, on
the part, presumably, of some of his supporters;
although before the king's letter was issued this same
people had loaded him with abuse. But we will not
labour this point now; we only mention it to show that
his actions proved his guilt.
"However, even after this we did not rest, but persisted
in our claim for a trial, with proper inquiry and
response; for we were ready to prove our innocence,
and their outrageous lawlessness. Now he had left
behind some Syrians, who had accompanied him, his

fellow-actors in the whole drama. We were ready to

face these before a judge, and repeatedly pressed our
application, claiming that either minutes of the
proceedings should be given us, or the memorials of
our accusers, or at least that the nature of the charges,
or the accusers themselves, should be made known to
us; we were granted none of these requests, but were
again expelled from the city. |17
Acts of Sacrilege at Constantinople
"How can I tell you what followed, a tale more
harrowing than any tragedy? What words can express
it? What ears can hear it without a shudder? While we
were pressing the requests I have mentioned, a strong
body of soldiers invaded the Church, on the Great
Sabbath,41 when evening was fast closing in, forcibly
expelled all the clergy who were with us, and
surrounded the chancel 42 with arms. Women who
were in the houses of prayer,43 unrobed in readiness for
baptism on that day,44 fled naked in face of this savage
attack, not even allowed to clothe themselves as
womanly decency requires. Many of these were even
thrown outside injured, and the fonts 45 were filled
with blood, and the holy water dyed red from their
wounds. |18
"Even this was not the end of the horror; the soldiers
then entered the chamber in which the sacred vessels
were kept, some of them, we know, being
unbaptized,46 and saw all that was within; in the
turmoil the most holy blood 47 of Christ was poured

out upon the garments of the women of whom I spoke.

It was exactly like a barbarian man-hunting raid. The
people were driven out into the country, and all the
laity fled from the city; high festival though it was, the
churches were emptied of their congregations, and
more than forty bishops, in communion with us, were
driven out, with the laity, for no possible reason.
Everywhere, in the marketplaces, the houses, the
country districts, were cries, groans, wailings,
lamentations, and streams of tears; no part of the city
escaped these calamities. Lawlessness reached such a
pitch, that not only the actual victims, but even those
who had not actually suffered as we did, were
distressed in sympathy with us, including not only our
fellow-believers, but heretics, Jews, and Greeks,48 as
well; everything was in a state of disturbance, and
confusion, and lamentation, as if the city had been
captured by force of arms. And all this wickedness
was done against the wishes of the most pious king,
under cover of night, at the instigation of bishops, who
were not ashamed to have corporals 49 marching in
front of them, instead of deacons.
The Injury to the whole Church
"When day came, the whole city moved outside |
19 the walls, and kept the feast under trees and
thickets, like sheep scattered abroad. I leave you to
imagine all that followed; for, as I said, it is
impossible to go into all the details in words. It is
especially hard, that even now we have not seen the
end of all this long series of crying evils, or even any

prospect of it; on the contrary, the evil spreads every

day, and we are a laughing-stock to every one---though it would be more true to say that no one, even
the most hardened offender against law, laughs----but,
as I said, every one laments this new form of
lawlessness, the very crown 50 of evils. Who can tell
the disorders of the other Churches? For the trouble
has not been confined to Constantinople, but has
extended into the east. When some evil matter
discharges from the head, all the limbs are corrupted;
in the same way, now that the evil has begun in this
great city, disorder has made its way everywhere, like
water from a spring. Everywhere clergy are in revolt
against bishops, and as for the lay congregations,
some are split up into factions, others arc likely to be
so; everywhere we find the throes of evil, and the
undoing of the whole world.
An Appeal for Help
"With the whole of the facts before you, my most
learned and reverent lords, show, we pray you, the
courage and zeal which we expect of you, so as to
check this flood of lawlessness which has burst upon
the Churches. For if these proceedings become a
precedent; if it come to be within the powers of all
who wish, to invade other provinces, however distant
from their own, and expel whom they will, and to do
on their own authority whatever they will; be sure that
everything will go by the board, and implacable 51 war
will overrun the whole world. |20 Every one will expel
his neighbour, and be expelled in turn. To prevent such

universal confusion, I beg you to declare in writing,

that these lawless proceedings, transacted in our
absence, and with only one side heard, while we raised
no objections to a fair trial, have no force (as indeed,
from their very nature, they cannot), and that those
who have been guilty of such lawlessness lie under
penalty for breach of ecclesiastical law; while to us,
"who have not been arrested, nor convicted, nor
shown to be guilty, grant that we may have the benefit
of your customary good services,52 and of your love,
and your help in every way, as heretofore.
Request for a Trial
"But if these grievous law-breakers, even now, are
willing to declare the charges on the strength of which
they undeservedly expelled us, let the documents be
presented to us, the memorials of our accusers be
produced, and an unprejudiced court sit; so let us be
tried, and make our defence, and let us show ourselves
guiltless, as indeed we are, of the allegations brought
against us. For their present proceedings are beyond
all order, and all ecclesiastical law and canon. Such
outrages have never been known even in heathen
courts of justice, or even in a barbarian court.
Scythians and Sarmatians would never have decided a
case after hearing one side only, in the absence of the
accused, when he raised no objections to a trial, but
only to personal hatred, and when he asked for judges
to any number, declaring himself to be innocent, and
was ready in the presence of the whole world to clear

himself of the charges, and to show himself to be

absolutely guiltless.
"Take all these points, I pray you, into consideration,
and make full inquiries of our most reverent brother
lord bishops; and take such steps |21 as commend
themselves to you. In so doing you will render service
not only to us, but to the general welfare of the
Churches, and you will receive your due reward from
God, Who unceasingly works for the good of the
Churches. I address this letter also to Venerius, Bishop
of Milan, and to Chromatius, Bishop of Aquileia.
Farewell in the Lord."
CHAPTER III. THE EMPEROR OF ROME
TAKES ACTION
Innocent calls for a Synod of Inquiry
In answer to this letter, the blessed Pope Innocent sent
to each party a formal letter,53 declaring himself to be
in communion with them both, at the same time
nullifying the judgment supposed to have been given
by Theophilus, and stating that another synod, in
which full confidence could be placed, of western and
eastern bishops, must be summoned,54 first the friends,
and then the enemies, of the respective |22 parties to
retire from the assemblage, since as a general rule
neither of these gives an unprejudiced verdict.
After a few days, Peter, one of Theophilus' priests,
arrived, and with him Martyrius,55 a deacon of the

Church of Constantinople, who presented letters from

Theophilus, and what professed to be certain minutes;
in which it appeared that John had been condemned by
thirty-six bishops, of whom twenty-nine were from
Egypt, seven from other parts. Pope Innocent read
these minutes, and finding that the charges were not
serious, and also that John had not been present in
person at his conviction, renewed his denunciation of
the mad fury of Theophilus, in issuing, like an evil
discharge, a hasty sentence against an absent man. He
dismissed them, therefore, with letters expressing his
censure, and besought God with prayer and fasting,
that the breach of unity in the Church might be closed,
and brotherly love be cemented. The tenor of his letter
was as follows:---"Brother Theophilus, we recognize both you and your
brother John to be in communion with us; we
expressed our views to this effect in our previous
letter. And now, without departing from this our
determined policy, we can only write to you again the
same message, however many letters you may send
us. This is, that unless a proper judgment confirms
these childish proceedings, it is impossible for us,
without reason given, to separate ourselves from
communion with John. If then you are sure of your
verdict, meet a synod assembled as Christ
ordained,56 and there openly state your accusation
under appeal to the canons of Nicaea 57 (for the |
23 Church of Rome accepts no other canon); so you
will stand on firm ground against all cavil."

Further News Arrives

A little time slipped by,58 and then a priest of
Constantinople, Theotecnus by name, arrived,
presenting letters from John's synod, of twenty-five
bishops or rather more; in which they advised us, that
John had been expelled from the city59 with the help of
the military, and sent into exile at Cucusus, and that
the church had been burnt. Innocent gave him letters
of communion,60 addressed to Bishop John and to
those in communion with him, begging them with
tears to be patient, as he could not help them owing to
the hostile action of certain persons with power to do
wrong.
A Foul Charge
A short time afterwards a second messenger arrived, a
mannikin, ugly in appearance, difficult to understand;
Paternus was his name. He said that he was a priest of
the Church of Constantinople; he was in a state of
furious excitement, and showed his hostility by his
behaviour.61 After loading Bishop John with abuse, he
presented letters from a few bishops, Acacius, Paulus,
Antiochus, Cyrinus,62 and Severianus, and some
others, in which they laid against John the false charge
of having set the church on fire. The |24 story seemed
to us so palpably false, that John did not even offer
any defence in an important synod; 63 Pope Innocent
treated it with contempt, and did not think it worthy of
an answer.

Chrysostom's Friends denounced by Imperial Edicts

Bish. Be so good as to give me your attention, that I
may tell you the exact facts; for most truly, as Elihu
says to Job, "The spirit of my belly constrains
me" 64 ----meaning by "belly," his mind, filled with
words.
Deac. I must first insist upon making complete, as
well as accurate, my account of all that has happened
among us, most excellent father. Only then can I begin
to put my questions to you. Well, after a few days the
bishop of the Synadi65 arrived; he carried no letter, but
was qualified to give a harmonious narrative. He said
that he had left Constantinople in consequence of the
threat conveyed in the royal edict, containing the order
that "if any one is not in communion with Theophilus
and Arsacius and Porphyrius,66 he is to be restrained
from exercise of the episcopal office; and further, if he
appears to hold property in money or goods he shall
be deprived of it." 67
Later News
Cyriacus was followed by Eulysius, Bishop of
Apameia, in Bithynia, who presented letters from
fifteen bishops of John's synod and from the venerable
Anysius, Bishop of Thessalonica; in which the fifteen |
25 bishops described the pillage which had occurred,
and was occurring, all over Constantinople, and
Anysius declared that he abided by the judgment of

the Church of Rome. Eulysius' account agreed with

that of Cyriacus.
A month later, Palladius, Bishop of Helenopolis,
arrived, without letters, saying that he too had fled
from the fury of the civil authorities; he was able to
add point to his account by producing a copy of the
edict, containing the order, that "the house of any one
who conceals, or receives into his house, under any
pretext, a bishop or priest in communion with John, is
to be confiscated."
After Palladius arrived Germanus, a priest,68 and with
him Cassianus,69 a deacon, of John's party, both
discreet men, presenting letters from the whole of
John's clergy. They wrote that their Church had been
subjected to violence and tyranny; their bishop had
been expelled with the help of the military, and sent
into exile through a plot formed by Acacius of Berea,
Theophilus of Alexandria, Antiochus of Ptolemais,
and Severianus of Gabala. They also presented a
receipt, showing that they had deposited with the
magistrates, as witnesses to the deed, namely, Studius
the city prefect, Eutychianus, chief of the guard, John
the city treasurer, and Eustathius, chief of police, and
keeper of the records, valuables in gold, silver, and
clothing, by way of clearing Bishop John of the
charges laid against him.70 |26
After these came Demetrius, Bishop of Pisinum, for
the second time, from a long journey through the east.
He announced that the Roman Church was in

communion with Bishop John, as shown by letters

from Pope Innocent, and brought letters from the
bishops of Caria, in which they declared their
adherence to the communion of John, and from the
bishops of Antioch, appealing to the love of order of
the Roman Church, and lamenting the ordination of
Porphyrius, as illegally and impiously performed.
Last of all came the priest Domitian, steward 71 of the
Church of Constantinople, and one Vallagas, a
Nisibian priest, who related the troubles of the
monasteries of Mesopotamia, and presented
memoranda from one Optatus,72 the prefect, showing
that respectable women of the upper classes,
deaconesses of the Church of Constantinople, were
publicly brought before him, and compelled either to
communicate with Arsacius, or to pay two hundred
pounds in gold to the treasury. As for the treatment of
anchorites and virgins, I dare not speak of that. They
could point to ribs scraped upon the rack, and
mutilated ears. |27
Honorius Intervenes
Pope Innocent could restrain himself no longer; he
sent a letter to the pious King Honorius,73 submitting
in detail the main points of the letters. His reverence
was deeply moved by this statement, and ordered a
synod of the western bishops to be summoned, which
should pass an unanimous resolution, to be transmitted
to him. The bishops of Italy accordingly met, and
petitioned the king to write to his brother and fellow-

king Arcadius, that he should command a synod to be

held in Thessalonica. This would enable those from
both hemispheres, east and west alike, to attend
without difficulty, and so secure that a full synod,
characterized by good judgment rather than by
numbers, should issue an indisputable resolution. His
reverence was so much inflamed by this letter, that he
wrote to the Bishop of Rome, that he had sent five
bishops, two priests, and one deacon, of Rome, to
convey his letter to his brother. The import of this
letter was as follows:---Honorius' Letter to Arcadius
"This is the third time that I write to your gentleness,
begging you to take measures for redress in regard to
the plot against John, Bishop of Constantinople, and
so far as it appears, nothing has been done. Once
more, then, I address you, by the hands of the bishops
and priests, in my anxiety for the peace of the Church,
upon which the peace of your kingdom depends,
urging you to be so good as to command that the
bishops of the cast shall meet at Thessalonica. I may
add that our bishops of the west have made careful
choice of messengers, beyond the influence of malice
or deceit----five bishops, two priests, and a deacon, of
the greatest Church, that of Rome. Be so good as to
hold them worthy of |28 all honour, so that either they
may be convinced that Bishop John was justly
expelled, and instruct me to separate from communion
with him; or else, if they prove that the bishops of the
east were deliberately influenced by malice, they may

induce you to break off communion with them. To

show you the mind of the westerns in regard to Bishop
John, I append two of the various letters they have
addressed to me, which are of the same import as the
rest; those of the bishops of Rome and of Aquileia.
But what I specially press upon your gentleness is,
that you require the presence, however unwilling, of
Theophilus of Alexandria, who is alleged to be the
chief cause of all the trouble; that so the bishops
assembled in synod may meet with no hindrance in
deciding upon the peaceful settlement which our times
require."
CHAPTER IV. THE BISHOP BEGINS HIS
NARRATIVE
The Deputation from Rome
So the holy bishops Aemilius of Beneventum and
Cythegius, and Gaudentius, with the priests
Valentianus and Bonifacius and others, took charge of
the letters of Innocent and the Italian bishops,
Chromatius of Aquileia and Venerius of Milan and the
rest, and of a memorandum from the synod of the
whole of the west, and were despatched to
Constantinople at public expense,74 accompanied by
Bishops Cyriacus, |29 Demetrius, Palladius, and
Eulysius. The memorandum was to the effect that
John ought not to come up for judgment until his
Church and rights of communion were restored to
him; so that he might take his place in the synod of his

own free will, without any excuse for ignoring the

summons.
The Despiteful Treatment of the Delegates
They arrived safely at Constantinople, but returned
after four months, reporting proceedings 75 which
recalled Babylonian oppression. "We coasted Greece,"
they said, "and reached Athens; where we were
detained by some wretched officer, who at once put us
under the guard of a centurion, and forbad us to
proceed to Thessalonica," where they 76 proposed to
commence their mission by presenting the letters to
Bishop Anysius. "So he embarked us," the narrator
continued, "in two ships, and sent us off. A violent
storm from the south came on, and we were three days
without food, crossing the Aegean Sea and the straits,
and at the twelfth hour of the third day anchored
before the city, near the suburb of Victor. Here we
were arrested by the harbour masters, by whose orders
we did not know, and taken to the outskirts of the
city.77 We were confined in a fortress in Thrace, called
Athyra, near the sea, to our absolute torture;78 the
Roman envoys together in one small |30 building,
Cyriacus and his companions in others, without even a
slave to wait upon us. We were asked for our letters,
but refused to surrender them, maintaining that it was
impossible for us as delegates to present the letters of
the king and the bishops to other than the king
himself. As we persisted in our refusal, we were
visited first by Patricius, a notary, then by various
others, and last of all by a company captain named

Valerianus, a Cappadocian, who broke the thumb of

Bishop Marianus, and carried off the sealed letter of
the king, with the other letters.
"On the following day, messengers were sent to us
(whether by members of the royal court, or by Atticus,
who was reported to have leaped upon the throne of
the Church,79 we do not know), offering us three
thousand cash,80 and urging us to accept their offer,
and to communicate with Atticus, and say no more
about the case of John. We refused the offer, and
continued in prayer, that if we could do nothing to
bring about peace, we might at least return in safety to
our Churches----such was the ferocity we observed in
them. That this should be so, God the Saviour made
clear to them by various revelations. Paul, the deacon
of the holy Emmelius, a very gentle and sensible man,
while on the ship, saw a vision of Paul the apostle,
saying to him, 'Take heed how ye walk, not as fools,
but as wise, knowing that the days are evil.' 81 The
dream was a warning against their various
unprincipled efforts to persuade us to pervert the truth,
by bribes and flattery." |31
Return of the Delegates
"Captain Valerianus came again," our informant said,
"and placed us on board a very poor vessel, with a
guard of twenty soldiers drawn from different ranks,
after bribing the skipper, so it was rumoured, to get rid
of his episcopal passengers, and packed us from
Athyra at a moment's notice. So we sailed for a long

distance, and were like to lose our lives, when we

moored off Lampsacus; 82 there we were transhipped,
and on the twentieth day brought up at Hydrun 83 in
Calabria. As to the whereabouts of the blessed Bishop
John, or where were the Bishops Demetrius, Cyriacus,
Eulysius, and Palladius, who had accompanied our
bishops upon their mission, they could tell us
nothing."
The Authors of the Mischief
Bish. Come now, you have had your say, most
reverent sir. Now give me your attention, and listen
carefully to what I have to tell you; and I will make
known to you point by point the public disturbances,
worthy of a company of satyrs, which have
characterized the whole tragedy, and the sources from
which the delirium arose, and the point at which our
enemies expected to stop----but they have not stopped
yet. Well, the fountain-head and beginning of all the
troubles, I suppose one must say, was the devil, the
hater of good, who always opposes the
reasonable 84 flocks of Christ, pitilessly harassing the
experienced shepherds with various kinds of torments,
just as the King of Egypt treated the male children |
32 of the Jews, and seducing the impostors, the false
shepherds, with the deceits of earthly pleasures. The
channels conveying the foul effluence, as all the round
world knows, are Acacius,85 Antiochus,86 Theophilus,
and Severianus,87 who are called what they are not,
and really are what they cannot bear to be called; and
some of the clerical order, two priests and five

deacons, some of them gathered from the unclean,

some from the malicious----I do not know if one can
safely call such people priests or deacons. Then there
are two, or at the most three, from the royal court, who
strengthened Theophilus' party, lending them the
support of the military; and three women, besides
those who are well known, widows, left wealthy,
possessed of money made by extortion, to the loss of
their own salvation, husband-baiters and disturbers of
the peace.88 The three are Marsa, wife of Promotus,
Castricia, wife of Saturninus, and |33 Eugraphia,89 an
absolute maniac. For very shame, I will say no more.
These are the men and the women, sluggard-hearted in
the matter of the faith, who have formed themselves
into a kind of drunken regiment, united in their hatred
of Christian teaching, and have organized a flood of
destruction against the peace of the Church.
Theodorus desires the Truth, and Nothing but the
Truth
Deac. I understand. Now then, father, I beg you to tell
us, as in the presence of God, why they hated Bishop
John, and what grounds he had for persistently vexing
such highly placed people; and let us know where he
began his career, and how he reached the episcopal
throne of Constantinople, and how long he held office,
and his character, and how he came to his death, if it is
true that, as we hear, he has fallen asleep.90 True, the
man is universally held in respect and honourable
memory; still, I make it a rule not to believe hastily in

rumours, until their truth is confirmed by those who

have sufficient knowledge to bestow blame or praise.
The Tests of Truth
Bish. I commend your love of accuracy, most truthloving gentleman and man of God, Theodorus, but I
do not accept your distinction. You ought to have been
satisfied (excuse a personal remark) by the sight of my
white hairs,91 and by the office I hold, that you had the
truth laid before you; but as you have not done so, but
a second time call God to be my judge, do promise me
an unprejudiced hearing, at least from now, and let me
not pipe my chants to no purpose. I know what is
written in |34 the divine law----" The Lord shall
destroy all them that speak leasing," 92 and in the
apostle John, "He who speaketh a lie is not of
God," 93 and again in David, "For the mouth of them
that speak lies is stopped." 94 It is true that a liar does
harm to the man who believes him; but it is also true
that he who believes him does wrong to the liar, by
being ready to trust him. As both are equally guilty, let
neither of us do wrong to his neighbour. It is a virtue
in a speaker, to speak the truth, and a virtue in a
hearer, to test unrighteous statements; for the Scripture
says, "Be ye reliable money-changers," 95 rejecting the
spurious from among the genuine coins. We are not to
receive everything we hear merely because it rings
true,96 but to weigh it by the testimony of the facts,
whether it be spoken or written, with a good
conscience, and in the fear of God. Grave is the
danger from ears and tongue; this is why God, the

good artificer, has caused the tongue to be guarded by

two lips, and fixed the rampart of the teeth within, as a
secure defence to moderate its activity (as it is written,
"Set a watch, O Lord, before my mouth, a door of
confinement about my lips, that I offend not with my
tongue "),97 while He has bored the channel of the ears
in spiral form. The significance of this shape is, that
words do not enter too quickly, as the time occupied
by their winding course is sufficient to deposit the
crass matter of falsehood, and the sludge of malice,
which arc left upon the walls of the orifice. Not that
these |35 were the only organs upon which He
bestowed His care, as though they were the only ones
that trip; we find that He has set veils before the eyes,
like window curtains, to keep them from admitting the
death of licentiousness, to which the prophet bears
witness in the words, "Death ascended. through the
doors." 98
Grey Hair no Criterion of Truth
Deac. If our inquiry dealt with ordinary matters, most
holy father, your appearance would have been enough
to guarantee the truth of your account; but as we are in
quest of the truth, in a matter which involves no small
blame in this world, and condemnation in the next,
when rulers and peoples arc gathered before the awful
tribunal, pardon me, my dear sir, if I do not accept
your white hairs as evidence. Many bad men have
reached old age, men who have not whitened their
souls with virtue, but wrinkled their bodies with the
lapse of time; such as were the false priests at

Babylon, and Ephraim, in Jeremiah,99 of whom the

Word cries in reproof, "Ephraim is a silly dove, having
no heart; grey hairs have blossomed forth upon him,
but he himself knoweth it not." 100 And again, more
severely, "Ephraim is a cake not turned, and strangers
have devoured his strength." 101
And I must add, at the risk of being prolix, who is
whiter, or more amiable, than Acacius of Berea, whom
you and your friends accuse of being the rebel chief,
and the leader of the revolutionaries in misbehaviour?
Yet his very nostrils bore a crop of long white hairs,
when he visited Rome to bring the formal
announcement of the ordination 102 of John. |36
Bish. Now I know for certain, that you are a reliable
money-changer; you are not content with the look of
the tent-skins, but insist upon full knowledge of the
man who lives inside. The temples of the
Egyptians,103 we know, are very large, and glory in the
magnificence of their stones, but have within them
apes, and ibises, and dogs, which pass as gods; while
our Lord and God, in making known to Samuel His
will as to the appointment of a ruler for Israel,
instructs him not to look upon the condition and
moulding of the body of clay, with the words, "God
seeth not as man seeth; for man looketh upon the
countenance, but God upon the heart." 104 Hence those
who follow the example of God,105in everything
search out what lies beneath the surface. So I gladly
trust myself to you, now that I have found that your
scales are free from bias. Those two Babylonians, who

were old in body, but perfect infants in their clownish

minds, if they had believed in the resurrection of the
dead,106 would have been fortified in wisdom against
falling in love with Susanna, the wife of another man;
and further, if they had possessed the fear of God, they
would not have interwoven false accusations with
their licentiousness.107 The |37 misuse of youth is a
sure proof of dishonour in old age.108
CHAPTER V. THE EARLY CAREER OF
CHRYSOSTOM
Chrysostom's Birth and Early Years
This John was (yes, he has fallen asleep) by birth a
man of Antioch, the son of honourable parents, his
father 109 holding the office of military commander in
Syria; an elder sister was the only other child. He was
gifted with unusual ability, and was carefully trained
in letters,110 for the ministry of the oracles 111 of |
38 God. At the age of eighteen, a boy in years, he
revolted against the professors of verbosities; and a
man in intellect, he delighted in divine learning. At
that time the blessed Meletius the Confessor, an
Armenian by race, was ruling the Church of Antioch;
he noticed the bright lad, and was so much attracted
by the beauty of his character, that he allowed him to
be continually in his company. His prophetic eye
foresaw the boy's future. He was admitted to the
mystery 112 of the washing of regeneration, and after
three years of attendance 113 on the bishop, advanced
to be reader.114

But as his conscience would not allow him to be

satisfied with work in the city, for youth was hot
within him, though his mind was sound, he turned to
the neighbouring mountains; here he fell in with an
old man named Syrus,115 living in self-discipline,
whose hard life he resolved to share. With him he
spent four years, battling with the rocks of pleasure.
When |39 he found it more easy to master these, not so
much by toil as by reason,116 he retired to a cave by
himself, in his eagerness to hide himself from the
world, and there spent twenty-four months, for the
greater part of which he denied himself sleep, while he
studied the covenants 117 of Christ, the better to dispel
ignorance. Two years spent without lying down by
night or day deadened his gastric organs, and the
functions of the kidneys were impaired by the
cold.118 As he could not doctor himself, he returned to
the haven of the Church.
And here we see the providence of the Saviour, in
withdrawing him by his infirmity, for the good of the
Church, from ascetic toils, and compelling him by this
obstacle of ill-health to leave the caves.119
Chrysostom as Deacon and Priest.
Next, after serving the altar for five years, he was
ordained deacon 120 by Meletius. By this time his
brilliant abilities as a teacher were famous, and the |
40 people found in intercourse with him sweet
refreshment from the bitterness of life; Bishop
Flavianus 121 therefore ordained him presbyter. For

twelve years he was a shining light in the Church of

Antioch, lending dignity to the priesthood there by the
strictness of his life; some he salted with sobriety,
some he illuminated by his teaching, some he
refreshed with draughts of the spirit. Thus all was fair
sailing under the steersmanship of Christ, when the
blessed 122 Nectarius,123 bishop of the Church of
Constantinople, fell asleep. Immediately a crowd of
people who were not called for rushed forward to
secure the supreme position----men who were not
men, presbyters by office, yet unworthy of the
priesthood; some battering at the doors of officials,
others offering bribes, others again going on their
knees to the populace. The orthodox laity were much
disturbed by all this, and importuned the king with
petitions for an experienced priest. |41
Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople
The most influential man of affairs was
Eutropius 124 the eunuch, chief of the royal
chamberlains. It was his wish to have John in charge
of the city, as he had gained some experience of his
high character when some business of the king took
him to the further East; so he advised the king to send
instructions to the governor 125 of Antioch, to send
John quietly out of the city, without disturbing the
Church. The governor, immediately on receipt of the
letter, summoned him to present himself at the shrines
of the |42 martyrs,126 outside the city, near the gate
known as Romanesia; where he put him in a public
conveyance, and entrusted him to the care of the

eunuch sent by Eutropius, and the magistrate's guard.

Thus he reached Constantinople, and was ordained
bishop of the Church of that city.127
Theophilus' Hostility
Now Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, as he
observed his bearing,128 and the irreproachable
outspokenness of his language, was from the
beginning |43 bitterly opposed 129 to his ordination.
For Theophilus is very clever at judging faces; the will
and mind of a man are not easy to read.130
Deac. One moment, father. I must raise a slight
objection.
Bish. What is your difficulty?
Deac. If Theophilus is so sharp-sighted, how is it that
he was unaware that if he expelled John from his see,
he would disturb the whole world?
Bish. There is nothing wonderful in this, my dear sir;
even the demons recognized the advent of the Saviour,
and yet were unaware that they would be made
powerless by a single breath from those who believed
in Him.
Deac. Where do we find that they recognized the
Saviour's presence?

Bish. When they cried, "We know Thee who Thou art,
the holy one of God; why hast Thou come to torment
us before the time?" 131 You see that they knew, even
then, that He is not only holy, but also judge. But apart
from demons, unfortunate prostitutes recognize men
of self-control from the bearing of their eyes, and
avoid them, just as a diseased eye avoids the light of
the sun, or the vulture sweet scent. How is it that
"Godliness is an abomination to sinners," if they
cannot recognize godliness? So it was that Theophilus,
not finding anything in John's face corresponding to
his own eye, or that which he desired to find, inferred
his hostility, as a matter of unsupported conjecture. |
44
Deac. You surprise me, father. But why did he oppose
his ordination?
Bish. It was always his policy not to ordain good and
sensible men, except by inadvertence, as he wished
them all to be weak-minded persons, over whom he
could dominate; he thought it better to dominate over
weak-minded men than to hear the wisdom of the
prudent. None the less, willing or unwilling, he had to
yield to saving Providence.
Reforms of the Life of the Clergy
Thus John was ordained, and entered upon the care of
affairs. At first, he tested his flock by playing to them
upon the pipe of reason. But occasionally he exercised
the staff of correction 132 as well; he inveighed against

the mode of life, white-washed under the name of

"brotherly life," which he called by its right name of
"evil life," in connection with the women known as
"introduced." 133 He showed it to be worse, if a choice
of evils had to be made, than that of brothel-keepers;
for they live far from the surgery, and keep the disease
to themselves, for those who desire it, while the
"brothers" live within the workshop of salvation, and
invite healthy people to come and catch the disease.
This caused great indignation to those among the
clergy who were without the love of God, and blazing
with passion. |45
Reform of the Life of the Laity
He next took action against injustice, pulling down
avarice, that metropolis of evils, to build an habitation
of righteousness. This is characteristic of wise masterbuilders, first to pull down the habitation of falsehood,
and then to lay the foundation of truth, as it is said in
the prophet, "I have set thee over peoples and
kingdoms, to root up and to plant, to dig down and to
rebuild." 134 The first expressions refer to his work as
husbandman, the second as a builder. Next, he
disturbed the numerous purse-worshippers, and then
attended to their manner of life, urging them to be
content with their own earnings, and not to be always
dangling after the savoury odours of the rich. To
follow smoke as their torch-bearer meant handing
themselves over to the fire of licence; this was the
result of following the life of the flatterer and the
parasite. Then, most of the gluttons were dug out of

their holes, and the sharp people who bring false

accusations shared the same fate.
Reform of Church Finance
Then he examined the account books of the Church
treasurer, and found expenditure which was of no
benefit to the Church; these grants he ordered to be
stopped. This brought him to another financial
question----the bishop's expenditure. Here he found
extraordinary extravagance, and ordered the large
sums so spent to be transferred to the hospital. 135 As |
46 the need of treatment was very great, he erected
other hospitals, over which he appointed two devout
priests, as well as doctors and cooks, and kindly
workers from among his celibates to assist them; so
that strangers coming to the city, and there falling ill,
could obtain medical care, as a thing which was not
only good in itself, but also for the glory of the
Saviour.
Reform of the Order of Widows
Then he summoned the members of the order 136 of
widows, and made a searching investigation into cases
of misconduct; some, whom he found too fond of
carnal pursuits, he admonished either to adopt the
practice of fasting, and to abstain from the bath 137 and
from over-dressing, or else to proceed without delay to
a second marriage, that the law of the Lord might not
be brought into disrepute.

Reform of Devotion
Next, he urged the people to join in the
intercessions 138 offered during the night,139 as the men
had no |47 leisure during the day, while their wives
were to stay at home, and say their prayers by day. All
this annoyed the less strenuous clergy, who made a
practice of sleeping all night.
Then he put his hand to the sword of correction
against the rich, lancing the abscesses of their souls,
and teaching them humility and courtesy towards
others. In this he followed the apostolic precept to
Timothy, "Charge them who are rich in this world not
to be high-minded, nor to trust in uncertain riches." 140
Results of these Reforms
As the result of these reforms, the Church put forth
daily more abundant blossoms; the tone 141 of the
whole city was changed to piety, men delighting their
souls with soberness and psalmody. But the devil, who
hates all that is good, could not tolerate the escape of
those whom he held in dominion, now taken from his
grasp by the word of the Lord through the teaching of
John; so much so, that the horse-racing and theatregoing fraternity left the courts of the devil, and
hastened to the fold 142 of the Saviour, in their love for
the pipe of the shepherd who loves his sheep. |48
CHAPTER VI. THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLE

The Plot against Chrysostom

In consequence of this, envy took possession of the
minds of the hireling shepherds, who were by
implication convicted. As they could not get the better
of him, because they did not call upon the Saviour, the
destroyer of envy, they devised various slanders
against John; representing certain homilies of his as
jests at the expense of the queen and of the royal
court.143
Now it happened that just at this time Acacius, Bishop
of Berea, paid him a visit, and according to his own
statement, was not given a decent lodging; he was
much vexed at this, and swelled with indignation at
what he regarded as a slight put upon him by John.
Unable to control his feelings, he indulged in a witless
witticism, "out of the abundance of his
heart," 144 worthy of his great mind.145 He said in the
presence of some of John's clergy, "I am seasoning a
pot for him." At once he threw in his lot with
Severianus and Antiochus, and Isaac Syriscus, the
leading spirit of the impostor monks,146 a plausible |
49 rascal, who spent all his time in abuse of bishops.
These worthies looked themselves out arms,
nominally against John, but really against the glory of
the Saviour.
First, they sent to Antioch, and tried to discover any
youthful offences of his. But as "they that seek
failed," 147 and found nothing, they sent messengers to
Alexandria, to the unprincipled Theophilus, known as

"weather-cock," 148 who was very clever at

engineering such things. He at once opened the books
of his mind, with all the stealth of a thief, and set
himself to find any pretext whatever for taking action.
The Charge of a Breach of Canon Law
Deac. Stay the torrent of your words, father, before I
forget what is in my mind, and let me tell you the
charge which reached us from Alexandria, and
generally gained acceptance. The story is, that John
received into communion some clergy who had been
deposed by Theophilus. This improper action annoyed
Theophilus, who in consequence had a disagreement
with John, and proceeded to act against him.
Bish. Granted that the popular account is true; still, is
it for a bishop to remedy evil by evil? What then of
the gospel saying, "Let not the sun go down upon your
wrath"? 149 Or of the apostle's words, "Overcome evil
with good"? 150 Or the prophet's, "If I have rewarded
evil to them that dealt evil to me"? 151 Surely, then, it
would have been more gallant for him, in dealing with
devout bishops, to say, Brother John, in inadvertence
you have done this or that? And for John to be able to
plead in self-defence, that he knew nothing about the
matter?
Deac. That is true, provided that his will was |50 good,
and that he was not trumping up the charge of
befriending these clergy to satisfy his private
animosity.

Bish. Then, by the fear of God, Who ruleth over the

illimitable fears, I swear that I will speak no word that
is not consonant with fact, in regard to these clergy of
whom you speak.
Isidore and the Widow's Gift
There was one Isidore,152 one of the priests ordained
by the blessed Athanasius the Great, still surviving, in
his eightieth year. Most of the people of Rome know
him, as he visited the city on ecclesiastical business, as
the guest-master153 of the Church of Alexandria; and
you know him yourselves, from his coming with
Acacius to convey the announcement of the
establishment of communion 154 between Flavian us
and Theophilus,155 after it had been interrupted for
twenty years, on account of the blessed
Evagrius,156 who fought many a fight in the course of
his labours for the good of the Church. The widow of
one of the great men of the city gave this Isidore a
thousand |51 gold pieces,157 putting him under oath by
the table of the Saviour, for the purchase of clothes for
the poor women of Alexandria; he was not to mention
the matter to Theophilus, for fear that he would take
the money, and spend it on his stones. For Theophilus
is obsessed, like Pharaoh, with a craving for
stone 158 for buildings, of which the Church stands in
no need. Never mind that now; I want to come to the
point about Isidore.
Isidore took the money, and spent it for the benefit of
the poor women and widows. Theophilus somehow

got to know; nothing could escape him, wherever done

or spoken, with his gang of spies and eavesdroppers,
not to call them anything else. He summoned Isidore,
and with apparent civility asked if his information was
true. Isidore did not deny it, and gave an account of
his dealings in the matter. On hearing this, Theophilus
changed his behaviour, and he who a moment before,
when he made the inquiry, was gentle and kindly, next
moment swelled all over his body with wrath; his very
appearance changed, when Isidore's answer reached
his ears.
Theophilus' Accusation of Isidore
He kept quiet for a while, like a dog that bites you
when you are off your guard, but two months later
convened the clergy, before whom he produced a
document, and said in the presence of Isidore: "I
received this charge against you, Isidore, eighteen
years ago; but as I was very busy, I forgot the matter.
Just now, as I was looking up some other papers, I
found this document, which concerns you. What have
you to say in defence?" The paper contained a charge
of sodomy. |52
Isidore began his defence by saying to Theophilus:
"Granted that it is true, that you received the paper,
and also that it slipped your memory, was not the man
who presented the memorial available for a second
inquiry?" Theophilus answered, "No; the lad did not
appear, as he was a sailor." Then Isidore: "He did not
appear at the moment, as you say, Pope; did he not

appear after his voyage? Did he not appear the year

after, or the year after that? It is not too late even now;
if he is here, tell the fellow to stand forth."
Theophilus Excommunicates Isidore
Hereupon Theophilus, finding himself likely to be
humiliated in face of the actual truth, adjourned the
inquiry to another day; and by large promises induced
a boy to lay an accusation against Isidore, giving him
a bribe, it is said, of twenty-five gold pieces, which he
at once handed over to his mother. The mother refused
to accept the money, deterred partly by the thought of
the unbiassed Eye, partly by fear of the laws of the
land; she reflected that Isidore, if falsely accused,
might appeal to the magistrate.159 So she came and
told Isidore the whole story, and showed him the
coins, which she said she had received from
Theophilus' sister as "a reward against the
innocent." 160 The woman paid the due penalty for her
many sins, and for this one in particular; she died
under an operation on the breasts. All this time Isidore
stayed at home, making supplication to God. The boy,
partly in fear of the laws, partly at the thought of
Theophilus' rage at his failure, fled to the efficacious
protection of the Church, and took refuge at the
altar.161
Thus, on a revolting allegation, the rights of which
were never heard, Theophilus declared Isidore to be
outcast from the Church; a solemn farce to disguise
his own wickedness. Isidore now took alarm, lest |

53 Theophilus in his increasing fury should take

measures against his personal safety (for by all
accounts, he actually went as far as this), and made his
way with all speed to the community of monks of the
mountain of Nitria,162 where he had spent his youth;
here he sat in his cell, and addressed himself in prayer
to the long-suffering God.163
The Charge of Origenism
Meanwhile Theophilus, conscious of the indecency
and doubtfulness of his victory, sent letters to the
neighbouring bishops, ordering some of the principal
monks, the heads of the monasteries, to be expelled
from the mountain and from the further desert,
without giving his reasons. These monks went down
to Alexandria, with their priests, and begged
Theophilus to state the grounds on which they were
condemned to expulsion. Theophilus stared at them,
like. a dragon, with bloodshot eyes, glaring like a bull;
in his uncontrollable temper, he was livid one
moment, pale the next, the next again smiling
sarcastically. He took the tippet 164 upon the shoulders
of the aged Ammonius, and twisted it round his neck
with his own hands, punching him in the face, making
his nose bleed with his clenched fists, and |
54 shouting, "Anathematize Origen,165 you heretic!"
when the only point at issue was the petition on behalf
of Isidore. This is the way with bad tempers; their
actions and words are like puppies, born blind. So
they returned, all bloodstained, to their monasteries,
without receiving an answer; and continued their usual

life of austerity, sharpening their natural powers by the

study of the scriptures, through which we win
salvation. They thought the less of the man's frenzy,
because they were conscious of their own innocence. |
55
CHAPTER VII. THEOPHILUS, THE MONKS
AND CHRYSOSTOM
Synodical Action against the Monks
Not content with this, Theophilus sent to the
neighbouring bishops, and convened a synod to
condemn the monks; without calling them to defend
themselves, or letting them speak a word, he declared
outcast three of the most eminent of them (he was
afraid to issue sentence of punishment upon the whole
body at once), trumping up a charge of perversion of
doctrine. The very men whom he had often honoured
above bishops as teachers, for their lives, their gifts of
speech, and their length of service, he was not
ashamed to call impostors, for their attitude towards
Isidore. Following up this declaration, he
secured 166 five mannikins from Mount Nitria itself,
who never had a place in the chapter-meeting of the
elders of the desert, creatures not fit, much as it pains
me to say so, to keep the doors; one of them he
ordained bishop, and as he had not a city at his
disposal, placed him in charge of a little village. He
had no scruples about revolutionary acts, as he called
himself a second Moses. Another he ordained priest,
and the other three deacons. These were not

Egyptians, but from different countries----one from

Libya, one from Alexandria, one from Pharana, one
from Paralus; as they had no hope of making anything
out of their native countries, they fell in with his
ridiculous measures.
Appeal to the Civil Authority
Next, he persuaded them to present memorials against
the three excommunicate bishops, concocting the
terms of the accusation himself; their only
contribution was the signature. This done, he |
56 accepted the memorials from them in the presence
of the Church, and proceeded to the governor under
the crown,167 with whom he lodged a representation
against them in his own name, as archbishop of the
diocese of Egypt,168 together with the falsely
incriminating memorials, demanding the expulsion of
the men, with the help of the military, from every part
of Egypt.
Savage Attack upon the Monasteries
Armed with the governor's order, and taking the
military with him to cover his doings, he gathered a
mob of ruffians, who cared nothing about dignities,
and fell upon the monasteries in the dead of night,
after priming his young fellows with liquor. First, he
ordered their saintly brother Dioscorus, bishop of the
mountain, to be expelled from his throne, literally
dragged away by Ethiopian slaves, probably
unbaptized 169 into the bargain, and took possession of

his |57see,170 which since the coming of Christ had

been in the possession of the city of Dioscorus. Next,
he raided the mountain, and gave the trifling property
of the monks to his youths; when he had stripped the
cells, he searched for the three bishops, whom they
had let down into a well, putting rushes upon its
mouth. As he could not find them, he set their cells on
fire with faggots, burning up with them all their copies
of the canonical 171 scriptures, and other valuable
writings, as well as a boy (so eye-witnesses said), and
the sacred elements.172
Flight of the Monks to Palestine
When he had thus relieved his senseless fury, he wcnt
down again to Alexandria, giving the saintly men an
opportunity of escape; they at once took their
sheepskin habits, and fled to Palestine, making their
way to Aelia,173 accompanied by 300 of the |58 worthy
monks of the mountain, and a body of priests and
deacons. The rest were scattered abroad in different
places.
Theophilus pursues Them
The serpent who creeps by crooked ways could not
tolerate their freedom, and again stirred up Theophilus
against them; boiling with rage, he wrote letters to the
bishops of Palestine, as follows: "You ought not to
have received these men into your cities, contrary to
my judgment; but as you did it in ignorance, I grant
you pardon. Look to it then in the future, that you

admit them neither into ecclesiastical, nor into private

premises." In the extravagance of his pride, he not
only said, but actually imagined that he was a god.
The Monks arrive at Constantinople
The fugitives, sorely distressed by this continual
movement from place to place, arrived at the
capital,174 where Bishop John had been enthroned
under the good hand of God for the spiritual care of
our rulers; they fell at his feet, begging him to help
souls slandered and plundered by men better
accustomed to this sort of thing than to doing good.
Appeal to Chrysostom
John stood up, and saw fifty first-rate men, their habits
worn grey with their holy toils. With his keen sense of
brotherly love, he was deeply moved, and bursting,
like Joseph, into tears, inquired what wild boar from
the forests, or rogue beast, had been doing mischief to
this fruitful vine. "Be seated, father," they answered;
"give us dressings for our ghastly wounds, inflicted
through the frenzy of Pope Theophilus, and see if you
can bind up our swelling gashes. If even you give us
no attention, through respect to, |59 or fear of,
Theophilus, as the other bishops have done, there is
nothing left for us to do, but to go to the king, and
inform him of this man's ill-doings, to the disrepute of
the Church. If then you have any concern for the good
name of the Church, receive our petition, and persuade
him to allow us our home in Egypt. We have

committed no offence, either against the law of the

Saviour or against the Pope himself."
Chrysostom' s Dealings with the Monks
John thought that he would have no difficulty in
changing the revengeful feelings of Theophilus
towards them, and gladly took the matter in hand. He
instructed the men, for the love of God, to keep
silence, and to tell no one why they were there, until
he should send word to his brother Theophilus. He
gave them sleeping-quarters in the Church of the
Resurrection,175 but did not supply them with any of
the necessities of life. Some godly women provided
them with food, and they made their own contribution
by the labours of their hands.
It happened that at that time there were some of
Theophilus' clergy in Constantinople, who had come
to purchase promotion from the newlyappointed 176 governors in the province 177 of Egypt,
and to secure their favour towards him, in carrying out
his plans for the destruction of those who were an
annoyance to him. So John called these men, and
inquired if they knew the ascetics who were in the
city. They frankly gave the men a good character. "We
know them," they told John; "it is true that they have
been treated with great violence. If it please you, my
lord, refuse them communion in the spiritual |60 feast,
so as not to annoy the Pope, but deal kindly with them
in everything else. This will be expected of you, as
bishop."

Chrysostom' s Letter to Theophilus

So John did not receive them into communion,178 but
wrote to Theophilus, courteously asking him to do
him, as Theophilus' son and brother, the favour of
taking the men like little children in his arms.
Theophilus refused to do John the favour, and sent to
him certain persons well versed in verbal disputes
----the men we have just mentioned----instructing
them to present requirements, which as usual he
dictated himself, containing statements admittedly
false, but dressed out with all sorts of calumnies in
regard to the men's spiritual condition,179 as he had
nothing to bring against their outward lives. Thus they
were to be pointed at as impostors at the palace.
Theophilus Implacable
Seeing that Theophilus, so far from coming to a right
mind, was all the more bitter against them, the ascetics
sent a numerous deputation to him, declaring that they
anathematized all false doctrine; and presented a
petition to John, detailing the various forms of
oppression from which they suffered, and some
specific points of complaint. I am ashamed to speak of
them in the presence of these young people, for fear of
shaking their confidence in my veracity; perhaps, too,
even more experienced Christians might not believe
me.
John again, both in person and through other bishops,
urged them to drop the charges against Theophilus, in

view of the mischief which the suit would cause, and

wrote to Theophilus: "They are |61 reduced to such
extremities, that they are filing a formal indictment
against you. I leave it to you to deal with it as you
think best; for I cannot persuade them to leave the
capital."
At this, Theophilus blazed with anger, and suspended
the brother of the monks, Bishop Dioscorus, a man
who had grown old in the service of the Church, from
ministering in his own church; while he wrote to John:
"I think that you are unaware of the order of the
Nicene Canons, in which it is laid down that a bishop
shall not exercise jurisdiction beyond his
boundaries; 180 if so, now that you know it, leave these
charges against me alone, if there was any need for me
to be put on my trial, it should be before Egyptian
judges, not before you, at the distance of a seventyfive days' journey."
CHAPTER VIII. FIRST EXPULSION OF
CHRYSOSTOM
The Monks' Appeal to Eudoxia and its Result
John received the letter, but kept it to himself, and
discussed measures for peace with the ascetics of both
parties. Both were exasperated at what he said to
them; the exiles, because they had been tyrannically
treated, the others, because they had no power to make
peace without Theophilus, as it was at his orders that
they had presented the falsely incriminating petitions.

This done, John dismissed the matter from his mind,

as he considered them to be answered.
Hereupon the monks of the aggrieved party withdrew,
and compiled a lengthy petition, formally charging the
other monks with libel, and Theophilus |62 ----well, to
tell the truth, with everything that any one of them
knew him to have done. They appealed to their
majesties, approaching the queen in the shrine of the
holy John, with the petition that the case of the
disputant monks might be investigated before the
prefects, and that Theophilus, however much against
his will, might appear to stand his trial before John.
The petition was made, and the answer was, that
Theophilus should be summoned by the magistrate to
appear, whether willing or unwilling, and take his trial
before John; and that Theophilus' monks should
substantiate the charges preferred against the aged
saints or pay the penalty of false accusation.
Theophilus Summoned to Constantinople
So Captain 181 (retired) Elaphius was sent to
Alexandria to bring Theophilus, while the justices
carried out the rest of the Empress' answer. The
investigation was held, and an indecisive result
obtained; but as they were still threatened with the
glittering sword of the law, the poor wretches took
fright at the possible issue, and got the matter
adjourned until Theophilus' arrival, on the ground that
he had suborned, them, and had dictated the petitions.
So the officials put them in prison, until Theophilus

should arrive, bail being refused under the

circumstances of the case. Some of them lingered in
prison until they died, owing to the slow movements
of Theophilus; 182 others, subsequently to his arrival,
when he |63 hurried forward the matter by means of
bribes, were at the final inquiry sentenced to
transportation to Proconnesus for malicious
accusation.
Theophilus' Arrival
So Theophilus arrived at Constantinople, like a beetle
loaded with the dung of the best that Egypt, or India
itself, produces,183 emitting sweet scent to cover his
stinking jealousy; he entered the city at mid-day on the
fifth day of the week, cheered by a mob of
sailors.184 Such was the palm of dishonourable glory
which he had to bear----the glory of which the apostle
said long ago, "Whose glory is in their shame," and
added, "who mind earthly things." 185 He took up his
quarters in the tents of the unrighteous, and avoided
the Church, forgetful of David's verse, "I had rather be
cast away in the house of my God, than to dwell in
tents of sinners." 186 It was his own conscience that
shut him out from the Church. |64
Theophilus' Machinations
In the course of three whole weeks he never held any
conversation with John,187 such as is customary among
bishops, and never went near the church, but linked
his new hostility with the old, and spent night and day

in his efforts to expel Bishop John not only from the

Church, but even from life itself. He lavished money
in purchasing the support of the superstitious 188 spirits
among the authorities against the truth, made the
greedy ones his slaves by the abundance of his table,
and further, by flattery and promises of promotion,
won over his fellow-impostors among the clergy.
When he had put all these in bonds----of pleasure, not
of rope----like some seducing demon, and bewitched
the discerning faculties of their souls, he looked about
for some demoniacal person to be his understudy in
the play, and succeeded in finding what he wanted.
The Memorials of the Renegade Deacons
There were two deacons, who had been expelled from
the Church by Bishop John for criminal offences. He
availed himself of their frailty, and persuaded them to
present memorials against John, promising to restore
them to their office. Their offences were murder and
fornication respectively.189 He fulfilled his promise;
for after the banishment of John he restored them to
their places, obviously because they had presented the
memorials which Theophilus himself dictated. They
contained not a word of truth, except the one point,
that he advised every one, after communion, to take a
little water, or a pastille, for fear that they might
involuntarily spit out a portion of the elements 190 with
the saliva or phlegm. He first adopted the practice
himself, to teach reverent care to those who would
learn. |65

The Conclave at Eugraphia' s House

On receiving the memorials, Theophilus held a
meeting at the house of Eugraphia; at which were
present Severianus, Antiochus, Acacius, and every one
else who had a grudge against John for his seemly
exhortations. For the blessed bishop, like St. Paul,
made a practice in his teaching, "both publicly and
from house to house," 191 of urging dignified
behaviour; he was especially severe with women like
Eugraphia. "At your age," he would say, "when you
are really old women, and widows into the bargain,
why do you force your bodies to become young again,
wearing curls on your foreheads like the women of the
street, bringing every other lady into disrepute, and
giving people generally a false impression?"
The Hostile Synod Meets
So they held a gathering,192 and took steps to bring a
suit against John. One of them suggested that they
should present petitions to the king, and insist upon
his appearing before the synod, however unwilling.
This was the course adopted; as with the Jews, so with
them, money made everything easy.193 |66
Chrysostom' s Forebodings
We were seated,194 a company of forty bishops, in the
refectory at the bishop's house, with Bishop John,
marvelling that a man who had been put on his trial,
and ordered to appear at the capital on disgraceful

charges, had arrived with such a numerous following

of bishops, and that he had suddenly brought about
such a change in the minds of the authorities, and
perverted the majority of the clergy. While we could
see no answer to the question, John was inspired by
the Spirit, and said to us all: "Pray for me, brethren,
and, if ye love Christ, let none desert the Church of
which he is in charge on my account; for like the
writer of the words, 'I am already being offered, and
the time of my departure is at hand.' 195 And I shall
endure much persecution, and depart from this life, I
see. For I know the cunning of Satan; he can no longer
bear the annoyance of my invectives against him. The
Lord have mercy upon you.196 Remember me in your
prayers."
Words of Consolation
So profound was our distress, that some of us began to
cry, others left the gathering with tears, and broken
hearts. We kissed his eyes, and his sanctified head, and
his facile and blessed lips. But he bade |67 us, as we
were flying hither and thither, like bees buzzing round
a hive, to come back to the gathering, and said: "Be
seated, brethren, and do not weep, to give me greater
pain. For to me 'to live is Christ, and to die is
gain.' 197 It was often said, that I should lose my head
for being too outspoken. I think you will remember, if
you look into your memories, that I always used to say
to you, This present life is a journey, and its joys and
sorrows are ever passing away. What is before our
eyes is but a fair; we finish our buying and selling, and

we move elsewhere. Are we better than the patriarchs,

the prophets, the apostles, that this state of life should
abide with us for ever? "
Then one of the company sobbed aloud, saying, "Nay,
we lament our orphaned condition, the
widowhood 198 of the Church, the confounding of
ordinances, the ambition of those who do not fear the
Lord, and leap upon high offices in the Church, the
defenceless state of the poor, the famine of teaching."
The Christ-loving bishop tapped the palm of his left
hand with the forefinger of his right, a familiar gesture
when he was in deep thought, and said to the speaker:
"Say no more, brother, only remember what I said; do
not desert your Churches. The teaching office did not
begin with me, nor did it come to an end in me. Did
not Moses die, and was not Joshua found? Did not
Samuel end his days, and was not David anointed?
Jeremiah departed this life, but was there not Baruch?
Elijah was taken up, but did not Elisha take his place
as prophet? Paul was beheaded, but did he not leave
behind him Timothy, Titus, Apollos, and countless
others?"
Eulysius, Bishop of Apameia in Bithynia, was the next
to speak. "It is inevitable," he said, "if we keep our
Churches, that we shall be forced to communicate
with them and to sign (your sentence of
condemnation)." Said the holy John, "Communicate
with them, lest you rend the Church; but |68 do not
sign. For my conscience is clear of any thought
deserving my deposition."

The Summons from the Council of The Oak

At this moment, messengers from Theophilus were
announced. John ordered that they should be admitted;
and on their entry, asked to what order they belonged.
"We are bishops," they replied. He requested them to
be seated, and to state their business. "We only have a
letter," they said, "to be read aloud; cause it to be so
read." John directed that it should be read, and they
ordered Theophilus' young servant 199 to read the
communication, which he did. The substance was as
follows: "The holy synod assembled at The Oak" (that
was the name of the place where they had met----in
the suburb of Rufinus,200 on the other side of the sea),
"to John" (they omitted his proper title of bishop; the
darkened soul never does see things as they are, but
imagines what its evil desires dictate). "We have
received certain memorials, containing countless
grave charges against you; appear, therefore, bringing
with you the priests Serapion and Tigrius; for they are
needed." The two bishops who came to John were
Dioscorus and Paulus, young men who had recently
been consecrated in Libya.
The Answer of Chrysostom's Friends
When the document had been read, John's fellowbishops replied with a statement drawn up by three
bishops, Luppicianus, Demetrius, and Eulysius, and
two priests, Germanus and Severus, all of them saintly
and honourable men. "Overthrow not the estate of the
Church, and rend not the Church, for whose sake God

from above entered into flesh. As it appears |69 that by

your disorderly action you are overthrowing the
canons of the 318 bishops at Nicaea, and are trying a
case beyond your boundaries, do you cross over to us,
that we may first hear what you have to say, in this
city where good laws prevail, and do not be like Cain,
when he invited Abel to come into the field.201 For we
have memorials against you, under seventy counts,
alleging palpably criminous actions. Moreover, we,
assembled by the grace of God, not for the overthrow
of the Church, but in peace, are more in number than
your synod. For you number thirty-six, from one
province; 202 while we are forty, from various
provinces, and among us are seven metropolitans. It is
only reason that the smaller body should be judged
according to the canons by the larger and the more
honourable. Besides this, we hold your letter, in which
you press upon our brother-minister John, that he
ought not to accept cases from beyond his boundaries.
Wherefore do you, in obedience to the laws of the
Church, urge your accusers either to desist from their
accusations against you, or from their approaches to
John." 203
Chrysostom's own Answer
John was distressed at this answer, and said to his
bishops, "Write what seems good to you; I feel bound
to make a statement for myself in answer to the
allegations." So he sent the following reply to
Theophilus and his party: "I hereby declare that if any
man has aught to say against me, up to this moment I

do not know what it is; but if any one has spoken

against me, and you wish me to appear before you, put
out of your assemblage my open enemies, who are
filled with malice towards me |70 because they think
themselves slighted. Further, I raise no question as to
the venue of my trial, though the fittest place would be
the city. Those to whom I object as judges are
Theophilus, whom I call to account for having said
both at Alexandria and in Lycia, 'I go to the court 204 to
depose John.' I know this to be true, because when he
arrived, he did not have any intercourse with me, or
communicate with me. If then he behaved as an
enemy before the hearing, what would he do after the
trial? Similarly, I charge Acacius with saying, 'I am
seasoning a pot for him.' As for Severianus and
Antiochus, whom the divine sentence will soon
overtake, what need to speak of them, when even the
secular theatres make songs upon their revolutionary
doings? I beg you therefore, if you really desire me to
appear, in regard to these four; if they are entered as
judges, remove them from the panel; if as accusers,
put them into the witness-box, that I may know how to
prepare to meet them----whether as opponents or as
judges. Then I will appear at all costs, not only before
your love, but before any synod in the world. Now,
then, I give you notice, that however often you write
to me, you will hear no more from me."
The Emperor's Summons to Trial
So the envoys withdrew, and a notary immediately
arrived, bearing a letter from the king, enclosing the

petition (of Theophilus' synod) that John should come

up for judgment whether he would or no, and bade
him hasten to the trial. When the notary had received
his answer, two of John's priests appeared; one
Eugenius, who was given the bishopric of
Heracleia 205 in payment for the part he had played in
the plot against Bishop John, and Isaac, the monk
under rule of silence----not to call him anything else.
These said, "The synod sends you this message; |
71 come over to us, and defend yourself against the
charges.'"
Chrysostom Refuses to Appear
To this John answered, through other bishops, "How
can you judge me with any show of order, when you
have not put forth from among you my enemies, and
when you send my own clergy to summon me?"
They seized the bishops, and beat one, and stripped
another of his robes, and put round the neck of a third
the chains which they had in readiness for the saint,
intending so to put him on shipboard, and carry him
off to some unknown place; the devil had made them
as savage as lions. The holy bishop, aware of their
shameful intention, took no steps to meet it; but these
worthy gentlemen compiled some paltry dockets,
more frail than spider's web,206 for the sake of form,
making representations against the blessed bishop,
whose face they had never seen and whose voice they
had never heard, and in a single day consummated the
villainy which they had long been forging. For the

onslaught of the devil none can restrain; it waits not

for reflection.
Chrysostom Guilty of Lse Majest
So they sent an address to the king setting forth that:
"Whereas John is accused of various offences, and in
consciousness of his guilt has refused to appear,207 he
is by the laws degraded from his bishopric, and this
has been done. The memorials include a charge of
treason.208 Your piety, therefore, will command, |
72 that whether he will or no, he be expelled from his
office, and pay the penalty for his treason, as we have
no powers to inquire into this charge."
You thrice miserable wretches, what thoughts are
these? What deeds? They should fill you with shame,
if you have any fear or reverence for men, much more
any for God. The treason consisted in offensive
language against the queen, whom, as they alleged, he
had called Jezebel.209 So this was the allegation of
these wonderful people, longing to see John killed
with the sword; but God brought to light the malice
lurking within them, and softened the hearts of the
magistrates, as with Daniel at Babylon. For there, the
lions turned gentle, and spared Daniel, while the men
turned savage, and did not spare the prophet; but God
vanquished the unnatural savagery of man, by the
unnatural gentleness of the savage beasts. |73
CHAPTER IX. INTRIGUES AND VIOLENCE AT
CONSTANTINOPLE

Chrysostom' s Expulsion and Return

Thus was John ejected from the Church;210 a court
official was despatched for the purpose, with a body
of soldiers, as if it was an expedition against
barbarians. On his expulsion he went first to the
country district of Prametum, in Bithynia.211 But only
a single day had passed, when a
catastrophe 212 occurred in the royal palace, which
caused such alarm, that a few days afterwards they
recalled John, through a notary of the household, and
restored him to his own throne.213 So Theophilus, with
the Egyptian |74 bishops, secured his own safety by
flight; for the populace wished to drown him.214
But two months later, recovering from their wound,
they again uplifted themselves against John; and as
they could not find a promising opening, they sent to
the clever man who managed such things at
Alexandria, to this effect: Do you either come here
again to take the lead in the campaign against John, or,
if you will not do this for fear of the people, suggest to
us some scheme, so that we may make a beginning.
Theophilus' New Ground of Accusation
In answer to this, Theophilus did not go himself,
remembering how he had escaped, but sent three
miserable bishops, Paul, and Poimen, and another,
newly consecrated, and at the same time despatched
certain canons,215 which the Arians had framed against
the blessed Athanasius, suggesting that by use of these

they might manipulate a suit against John for having

on his own initiative re-entered his bishopric after
deposition. For Theophilus is naturally an impetuous
person, headstrong, bold, and extraordinarily fond of
quarrelling; whatever it be that presents itself to his
vision, he rushes at it in needless haste, without any
restraint, giving himself no time for judgment or
consideration. So he proceeded with a mad fury which
carried him beyond the bounds of order, to secure
John's submission, and in sure confidence in the
verdict passed upon him, vigorously opposed all who
wished to bring a counter-charge; |75 his one aim, as
ever, being to show that his own judgment and
decision conquered and prevailed.
The Plotters and the Plot
Knowing his character, his agents fell in with his
scheme. They summoned metropolitans and bishops
from Syria, Cappadocia, and the whole province of
Phrygia, and Pontus, to a conference at
Constantinople. These on their arrival communicated
with John in accordance with the canons, so as not to
repeat their first mistake. The authorities were
annoyed to hear of their act of communion;
Theodorus, the respected Bishop of Tyana, aware of
the conspiracy from the information which had
reached his ears, refused to join in the hasty action of
Theophilus, and deserted the main body without
further concern, bidding a long farewell to the capital
as he retired to his own Church. He fortified his own
province with the rampart of his piety, and continued

to the end in the communion of the faithful of Rome,

to whom Paul bears witness in the words, "Your faith
is spoken of in all the world." 216 On the other hand,
Pharetrius, Bishop of Caesarea, near Mount Argaeus,
alarmed beyond measure, like a little child frightened
by a bogey, without even leaving his own city,
conferred by letters with John's enemies, although he
had not even been invited to take any part in the
matter; in his ignorance of episcopacy, he knew no
better. Leontius, Bishop of Ancyra in Galatia, joined
with Ammonius, Bishop of Burnt Laodicea,217 in
burning the church. These two, yielding to the threats
of the authorities, and at the same beguiled by the
hope of gifts from the king, at the second session
made a vile suggestion |76 to the party of Acacius and
Antiochus: namely, that Theophilus' judgment, which
was no judgment, should prevail, and that no
opportunity should be given to John even to defend
himself, appealing to the canons sent by Theophilus,
which the forty bishops in communion with
Arius 218 had passed, containing the clause, "If any
bishop or priest who has been justly or unjustly
deposed of his own initiative re-enters his Church,
without sanction of a synod; such an one shall
thereafter have no opportunity of defence, but shall be
absolutely excluded." This canon was rejected, as
being illegal and passed by illegal persons, at
Sardica,219 by the bishops of Rome, Italy, Illyria,
Macedonia, and Greece, as you know better than I, my
famous friend Theodorus, when Liberius, or rather
Julius,220 in the reign of Constans received into

communion Athanasius and Marcellus of Galatia, on

whose account the canon was laid down.
The Question of Canon Law
This wonderful pair, Ammonius and Leontius, formed
a league with Acacius and Antiochus, and |77 Cyrinus
of Chalcedon,221 and Severianus, and came before the
king, recommending that ten bishops of John's party,
which numbered more than forty, should be
summoned, to maintain the authority of the canons; as
some asserted that they were the work of orthodox
persons, while others maintained that they were of
Arian origin. However, Elpidius,222 old in spirit and in
the years which had whitened his head, Bishop of
Laodicea in Syria, and Tranquilius, with their
supporters, came and urged upon the king that John
ought not to be unreasonably ejected. "For," they said,
"John had not been previously deposed, but was
expelled by the civil official; nor did he re-enter it
upon his own initiative, but obeyed the order of your
piety, conveyed by a notary; moreover, we can prove
that the canons to which they appeal are of heretical
origin."
John's opponents continued very improperly to press
their views, some shouting at the top of their voices,
others, wild with excitement, impudently
gesticulating, and twitching their chests in the
presence of the king. Then Elpidius, a most profound
student of Church law, in a moment of silence said
meekly to the king: "Your majesty, let us not trouble

your gentleness further, but let this be done; let our

brothers Acacius and Antiochus subscribe the canons
which they put forward as the work of orthodox
persons, and declare themselves to be of the same
faith as those who issued them.223 Then the whole
dispute is at an end."
Failure of the Plot
The king noted the simplicity of the solution
proposed, and said to Antiochus, with a smile,
"Nothing could be better." The king was throughout
entirely free from blame; it was others who |78 altered
his excellent decrees. Severianus and his party reeled,
and began to swirl against one another like water that
has burst its bounds; they were struck dumb at the
bishop's thoughtful observation, and at the opinion
expressed by the king. Their faces turned livid, but in
the king's audience chamber they had to restrain
themselves. So they promised, sorely against their
will, to subscribe the canons, and departed. But as
they were afraid of being worsted, they did not carry
out their promise, on the ground that it was given
against their will; and began instead to devise means
to secure John's expulsion.
In these various manuvres and counter-manceuvres
nine or ten months passed, John foregathering with his
forty-two bishops, while the people enjoyed the
benefit of his teaching with much gladness. For the
unselfish mind always expresses itself with greater
grace and power in times of difficulty.224

The Emperor takes the Side of the Enemy

Such was the state of things when the Lord's fast
recurred, like the spring which puts forth its blossoms
year by year. Again Antiochus and his party
approached the king, in private, and informed him that
John had been deposed, begging him to order his
expulsion at the approaching Paschal season,225 and the
king, wearied by their importunity, could not but listen
to them, seeing that they were bishops. |79 For the
true priest or bishop knows not falsehood; these titles
belong to the higher sphere, since there is nothing
more priestly or more episcopal than God, for it is
God Who is the bishop 226 and beholder of all things.
The true bishop, then, or the true priest, inasmuch as
he bears these titles in fellowship with God, ought also
to be in fellowship with Him in His actions. The king
accordingly sent word to John, "Leave the Church." "I
have received this Church," John sent word back,
"from God our Saviour, for the care of the salvation of
the people, and I cannot desert it; if, then, this is your
will----for the city is yours----thrust me out by force,
that I may plead your authority in defence of my
desertion of my post."
Chrysostom Ejected by the Civil Power
So they sent men from the palace, with a certain show
of respect, and ejected him; but in apprehension of a
possible visitation of the wrath of God, bade him stay
in the bishop's house for the time being, so that if
any misfortune should occur which affected them,

they could at once appease the Divinity by restoring

him to the Church, while if nothing happened, they
could proceed further against him, as Pharaoh did
against Moses.
The Storm Gathers
Meanwhile, the Great Sabbath drew near, in which the
Saviour spoiled Hades by His crucifixion. Again they
sent word to John, "Leave the Church"; to which he
sent a suitable reply. So the king, in consideration of
the sanctity of the day, and the disturbed state of the
city, summoned Acacius and Antiochus, and said to
them, "What is to be done? |80 Take care that you are
not acting unadvisedly." Then the worthies, highspirited to a fault, said to the king, "Your majesty, the
deposition of John be on our heads." As a last
resource, the bishops on John's side, to the number of
the days of the holy fast,227 approached the king and
queen in the shrines of the martyrs, and besought them
with tears to spare the Church of Christ, remembering
especially the Paschal festival, and those already
prepared 228 for the sacrament of the new birth to be
received on that day, and to restore to her her
prelate.229 The request was unheeded; Paul of
Crateia 230 went so far as to say, with fearless outspokenness, "Eudoxia, fear God, and pity your own
children; do not dishonour the festival of Christ by the
shedding of blood."
The Easier Vigil

So the forty bishops returned to their lodgings, and

spent the night without sleep, some weeping, others
grieving, others again held inactive by a stupor of
pacificism which dulled their minds-according as their
individual feelings disposed them. However, those of
John's priests who had the fear of God in their hearts,
gathered the faithful laity in the public baths, called
the baths of Constans, and occupied the night
vigil 231 in reading aloud the divine oracles, or in
baptizing the catechumens, as usual |81 at the Paschal
festival. These proceedings were reported by those
corrupters of mind and perverters of sense, Antiochus,
Severianus, and Acacius, to their champions, with the
demand that the people should be prevented from
assembling there. The magistrate on duty objected that
it was night, and that the crowds of people were large;
some regrettable incident might well occur. Acacius
and his party urged against this: "Not a soul has stayed
in the churches; we are afraid that if the king goes to
church and finds no one there, he may recognize the
affection of the people for John, and condemn us as
slanderers, especially after our telling him that there is
absolutely no one who is kindly disposed towards
him, but that he is regarded as an outlaw." So the
magistrate, under protest, on the ground of what was
likely to result, granted them the services of one
Lucius, reported to be a Greek, and his commando of
armed men, giving him instructions to go and call the
people, gently, to the church. This he did, but as they
would not obey, he returned to Acacius and his party,
and explained the zeal and dense numbers of the
people. Hearing this, they seduced him with golden

words,232 and promises of further promotion, urging

him to hinder the glory of the Lord; instructing him
either to bring the people to church by verbal
persuasion, or to excite them, and by drastic action
prevent the festival from being celebrated.
The Outrages in the Church
So Lucius at once set out upon his mission,
accompanied by the clergy of Acacius' party. This was
in the second watch of the night; for in our parts of the
world they keep the people at church till the first cockcrow. He took 400 Thracian swordsmen (the same
number that Esau had), newly enlisted, and absolutely
reckless, and at a moment's notice threw himself, like
a savage wolf, with the clergy |82 to guide his
movements, upon the crowd of people, hacking a way
through with flashing swords. He pressed forwards to
the blessed water within, to stop those who were being
initiated into (the sacrament of) the Saviour's
resurrection, pinioned the deacon, and poured away
the sacramental elements;233 he beat the priests, men
advanced in years, about the head with bludgeons,
until the laver was dyed with blood. Sad it was to see
that angelic night, in which even demons fall prostrate
in terror, turned into a labyrinth.234Here were women,
stripped for baptism, running by the side of their
husbands, glad so to escape in dishonour, in their
terror of murder or dishonour; here was a man, with a
wounded hand, making off, crying; another fellow
dragging after him a maiden whose clothes he had torn

off. All of them were carrying away loot which they

had pillaged.
The Devotion of the Faithful
So those priests and deacons who were seized were
thrown into the gaol; the better-class lay folk were
expelled from the capital. Orders were issued one after
the other, containing various threats against those who
would not renounce communion with John. Yet in
spite of all this, the bishops of whom I have told
devoted themselves to their duties in the open air all
the more earnestly; and the gathering of those who
love Christian teaching, or rather, love God, was not
brought to an end. As we read in the book of Exodus,
the more they killed them, the more numerous they
were.
Further Imprisonments
So when the king went out next day, to take exercise
in the plain beside the city, he saw the |83 waste
ground round Pempton 235 clothed in white; and in
astonishment at the sight of the newly baptized, thick
as blossoms in spring (there were about 3000 of
them), he asked the guard what was the great crowd
gathered there. Instead of telling him the truth, they
said that they were the mis-believers; 236 so as to bring
upon them the wrath of the king. Hearing of this
incident, those who were responsible, for the affair,
the champions of envy, sent to the suburb 237 the most
pitiless of their followers, to scatter the audience and

arrest the teachers. So once more some few of the

clergy, and a larger number of the laity, were arrested.
Blessed are the Poor in Spirit
Deac. Most blessed father, how was it that, when they
were so many that the newly baptized alone numbered
3000, these few soldiers mastered them, and broke up
the assemblage?
Bish. There is no indication here of small numbers,
nor proof of want of zeal. It only shows their
exceeding piety, and proves their attention to their
teachers, who continually urged them to cultivate a
peaceful habit of mind.
And Theodorus said---Deac. Excellently spoken; certainly it was not to be
expected that men who had learnt prudence and
gentleness from the holy John should maintain his
cause by folly and turbulence. |84
CHAPTER X. CHRYSOSTOM'S DEPARTURE,
AND ITS SEQUEL
Prisons become Churches
Bish. So you are satisfied with this explanation. Do
not, then, I beg, interrupt my words; they are begotten
of sad events. As a general rule, it is events that beget
more words than anything else.238 Well, the wives of

some eminent men were arrested, as well us the clergy

and laity who were taken prisoners. From some of
these they snatched their veils,239 and tore their
earrings, with the lobe of the ear, from others; seeing
this, a very wealthy lady, the wife of one Eleutherus,
threw off her veil of her own accord, and ran into the
city, disguised in the dress of a female slave, to shield
her modesty. For she was endowed with a beautiful
face and comely figure. So the prisons of the
magistrates were filled, but they were turned into
churches; hymns were sung, and oblations of the
mysteries celebrated in the prisons, while in the
churches floggings and tortures and terrible oaths were
brought to bear, to compel people to anathematize
John, who had fought against the malice of the devil
even to the death.
Final Appeal to the Emperor
The feast of Pentecost 240 passed, and five days
afterwards Acacius, Antiochus, Severianus, and
Cyrinus came to the king, and said: "Your majesty, as
by God's appointment you are not under our
authority, |85 but have authority over all, you can do
whatever you will. Be not more mild than a priest, and
more holy than a bishop; we said to you publicly,
Upon our heads be the deposition of John. Do not then
be unmerciful to all of us, in being merciful to one
man." They employed the same language, I might say
the same actions, as the Jews, to persuade the king.
"Leave the Church"

So the king despatched Patricius the notary, with the

following message to John: "Acacius, Antiochus,
Severianus, and Cyrinus have taken your
condemnation upon their own heads. Commend,
therefore, your affairs to God, and leave the Church."
So Bishop John came down from the bishop's house,
with the bishops, and after giving them clear and
definite instructions, said to all, "Come, and let us
with prayer take leave of the angel 241 of the Church."
He rejoiced at what had happened, but grieved over
the misfortune of the people.
Farewell to the Devout Women
At this moment one of the officials who loved God
sent word to John: "A savage and brazen-laced man, |
86 named Lucius, is waiting with his commando in the
public bath, ready to drag you out, and expel you from
the city by force, if you refuse to go, or delay; and the
people of the city are in a ferment. Do your best to get
away unnoticed, to prevent the people from coming
into conflict with the military, in trying to help you."
Then John with tears kissed some of the bishops (his
emotion would not allow him to do so to all), and took
his leave of them, saying to the rest, within the
vestry,242 "Stay here for the present, and let me go and
have a little rest." But he went into the baptistery, and
called Olympias, a lady who spent all her time in the
church, and Pentadia, and Procle, the
deaconesses,243 and Silvina, the widow of the blessed
Nevridius,244 who adorned her widowhood by a
beautiful life, and said to them, "Come here, my

daughters, and listen to me. I see that the things

concerning me have an end; 245 I have finished my
course 246 and perhaps you will see my face no
more.247 What I want to ask you is this: let no one
dissever you from the good-will you have always
borne to the Church; and whoever succeeds me, if |
87 he be brought forward for ordination not by his
own wish, and without place-hunting, with the
approval of all, bow your heads to him, as you have
done to John. The Church cannot exist without a
bishop. And so may you find mercy. Remember me in
your prayers."
Chrysostom's Departure from the Church
The ladies burst into tears, and threw themselves at his
feet. Then he made a sign to one of the reverend
priests, and said, "Take them away, for fear of their
raising a disturbance." So they were kept under
control for a while, and apparently acquiesced. And so
he moved away to the eastern part of the church (there
was nothing western 248 about him!); but he had given
orders for the mule which he generally rode to be
waiting at the west end, where was the porch of the
church, in front of the main door, so as to mislead the
people, who were waiting for him there. With him
went forth the angel, unable to bear the desolation of
the Church, brought about by wicked principalities
and powers, who had produced a sort of theatrical
exhibition. Yes, there was a roar, like that one hears in
a theatre; the ungodly hissed and booed, Jews and
Greeks yelled at the top of their voices. And there

were blows and body wounds, inflicted by the

soldiers, as if they were dealing with criminals in a
prison; while every faculty of the soul was tortured by
the withdrawal of the teacher, and by the blasphemy
against God. For in the place appointed for the
remission of sins, there took place the shedding of
blood.
The Church on Fire
Now after this scene of awful and inexplicable |
88 darkness, a flame 249 appeared from the middle of
the throne in which John usually sat, like a heart set in
the midst of a body, to expound to the other organs the
oracles of the Lord; and sought for the interpreter of
the Word. Not finding him, it devoured the chamber
used for the Church vessels. Then it spread like a tree,
and crept through the rafters to the roof; and
consuming the belly like a viper, it leapt upon the back
of the church building. It seemed as though God was
paying the reward of iniquity 250 appointed as its
penalty, to admonish and warn those who will not be
warned, except by the sight of such heaven-sent
calamities; and more, leaving to posterity a memorial
of the savage synod.251
The Strange Behaviour of the Flames
But what happened to the church was nothing
wonderful, in comparison with the destruction of the
building, commonly called the Senate, which lies
opposite the church, many paces away to the south.

The fire seemed to be possessed of reason; it passed

over the heads of the people in the street between, like
a man crossing a bridge, and first caught, not the part
nearest to the church, so that we cannot ascribe the
misfortune to the proximity of the two buildings, but
the part on the side of the king's palace. This clearly
showed that the marvel was heaven-sent; for one
could see crowds of people passing without harm
upon their ordinary business |89 between the
mountains of fire. In the same way the flames,
whirling and surging like the sea tossed by a fierce
wind, seemed to advance in obedience to signal; they
seized the buildings all round without mercy, but
showed consideration for one little outhouse, that in
which the bulk of the sacred vessels was stored. Not
that they reverenced the gold, or the rest of the
precious materials; it was to give no ground to his
accusers for the false charge 252 against the good
bishop, that he had appropriated part of the valuables.
So the fire, after doing all this mischief, gradually
withdrew to the back parts of the city, following the
track of the malice of the criminals; to expose the
madness of Theophilus, who apparently had been
scheming to use the treasures of the Church as a plea
for John's ejection. There was no loss of life from the
fire, of man or beast, among the great crowd; but the
filthiness of the men who were behaving so foully was
purged by the violence of the flames, which in three
hours of a single day, between twelve and three
o'clock,253 destroyed the work of years.

CHAPTER XI. EXILE AND DEATH OF

CHRYSOSTOM
Chrysostom sent to Cucusus
Deac. And where were John and the rest of the
bishops, father, while this was going on?
Bish. The rest of the bishops were put in prison, or
haled out of the city, or found means of concealment;
John, Cyriacus, and Eulysius were carried off in bonds
to Bithynia by the soldiers of the prefect,254 |90 under
threats of punishment for setting fire to the church.
Later on, Cyriacus and Eulysius, with other clergy,
were brought up for trial, but were acquitted, and set
at liberty, while the holy John, outspoken as ever, sent
them this last message: "You refused to give me the
opportunity of defending myself on the other matters;
at least let me have a hearing in regard to what
happened to the church, as to whether I am guilty, as
you allege, of the incendiarism." His request for a
hearing on this point was equally unsuccessful, and he
was sent in charge of soldiers to a very lonely village
in Armenia, called Cucusus,255 in the hope of getting
him killed by the Isaurians, who were continually
raiding the place, by night and by day.
Arsacius succeeds Chrysostom
The successor appointed in the place of John the
inspired teacher was Arsacius, brother of the blessed
Nectarius; a man with less power of speech than a

fish, and of action than a frog.256 For there are times

when action speaks, especially when it is for good.
However, Arsacius only held on to life for fourteen
months, when he died; for he had broken an oath upon
the gospels. He had sworn to his brother Nectarius,
that he would never accept consecration as bishop,
when Nectarius reproached him for refusing to be
Bishop of Tarsus, saying that he was waiting for his
own death. What led to his perjury was first of all
ambition, for the sake of which he wooed, so to speak,
his brother's wife; and after that, shame. His brother's
reproof was indeed prophetic. |91
Atticus succeeds Arsacius. Coercive Edicts against the
Johnnites
A priest named Atticus,257 who had taken an active
part in the schemes against John, was appointed as
successor to Arsacius. Observing that none of the
eastern bishops, or even of the laity of Constantinople,
would communicate with him, because of the lawless
and irregular proceedings which had taken place, in
his ignorance of the divine scriptures he set to work to
coerce those who would not communicate with him by
means of rescripts.258 The edict against the bishops
contained the following threat: "If any of the bishops
does not communicate with Theophilus and
Porphyrius 259 and Atticus, let him be expelled from
the Church, and deprived of his personal property."
Some of them, crushed by the pressure of
circumstances, thereupon communicated, against their
will; those who were poorer, and less firm in a sound

faith, were induced by promises of gifts to

communicate, while those who set no store by birth
and possessions and fatherland, and perishable glory,
and bodily suffering, preserved the nobility of their
souls by flight, mindful of the gospel oracle, "If they
persecute you in one city, flee unto another," 260 and
repeating to themselves the words of the Proverb,
"Possessions shall not benefit in the day of
wrath." 261 Some of them reached Rome, some the
mountains, and others escaped from wickedness like
that of the Jews in the retreats of anchorites.
The edict against the lay-people contained the clause,
"Those in high position are to be deprived of their
official dignities, soldiers are to lose their |92 girdles,
the common people are to be heavily fined, and
submit to banishment." In spite of all this, the prayers
of the devout were offered in the open air,262 amid
much suffering; because they were friends 263 of the
Saviour, Who said, "I am the way and the truth," and
again, "Be of good cheer, I have overcome the world."
Chrysostom Transferred to Arabissus
Meanwhile, the blessed John resided at Cucusus for a
year, feeding great numbers of the poor of
Armenia,264 where a great famine occurred at the.
time; not with corn, so much as with words. This
again roused the malignity of the fratricides, who
transferred him to Arabissus,265 exposing him to
hardships of all sorts, in the hope of bringing about his
death. Here once more the light of his virtues shone

brightly (for a city set upon a hill cannot be hid, nor

can a clearly burning lamp be hidden under a wooden
bushel-measure); 266 he awoke people from all the
surrounding districts who were slumbering in the
depths of unbelief, from the sleep of ignorance to the
rays of the word.267 |93
Renewed Malevolence
Then the flames of malignity blazed yet more fiercely
in Severianus and Porphyrius and other bishops of
Syria, and they set to work to get him again
transferred elsewhere; for he was obnoxious to them
not only in his days of what men call prosperity, but
also, and much more, in his adversities. They were
dunces in knowledge of the nature of
temptations,268 and forgot the divine message to the
apostle when tribulations befell him, "My grace is
sufficient for thee; for my strength is perfected in
weakness." 269 So when they saw the Church of
Antioch migrating to the Church of Armenia, and the
gracious philosophy 270 of John chanted from there
back again to the Church of Antioch, they longed to
cut short his life. The accounts they heard tortured
them like blows of a whip----such is the power of
malice, which hates the good----until their clerical
followers saw what was going on, and said in
astonishment, Here is a formidable dead man, who
frightens living men, and men in authority too, as
bogies frighten children. The wonder of it! Men
supported by the powers of the world and by the
wealth of the Church, men with authority and control

of affairs in their hands, turning pale and writhing |

94 in fear of a priest, alone, disfranchised, infirm,
exiled! 271
The Terrible Journey to Pityus
At last they could hide the serpent in their tent no
longer; so they sent to the capital, and again produced
a rescript, more severe than the last, prescribing a
narrow limit of time, within which, under penalty of a
fine, John was to be transferred to Pityus, a desolate
spot in Tzane, situated on the shore of the Black
Sea.272 The soldiers of the praetorian prefect who
formed his escort accordingly hurried him over the
ground at forced speed. They said that such were their
instructions; if he died by the roadside, the higher the
promotion they would earn. One of them, who thought
less of service in the present world, showed him by
stealth a certain amount of kindness; the other was so
savage and ill-tempered, that he took as insults the
courteous requests made to him by persons who fell in
with them, that he would spare the saint. The only
thing he cared about was, that John should die a
miserable death. For instance, he started out regardless
of a heavy shower of rain which was falling, so that
the water ran in streams down his neck and chest.
Another time, an unusually hot sun gave him great
delight, as he knew that the head of the blessed
bishop, which was like Elisha's, ached under it. When
they reached a city or village where the refreshment of
a bath was available, the wretch would not allow a
moment's delay. This most distressing journey took

three months; yet the saint among all these

annoyances was always the same shining star, his poor
body like an apple reddening in the sun at the tip of a
branch. |95
Chrysostom' s Last Hours and Death
They approached Comana,273 but passed through the
town as men cross a river by a bridge, and lodged
outside the wall in the shrine of a martyr, five or six
miles from the town. The name of the martyr of the
place was Basiliscus, who was Bishop of Comana,
martyred under Maximian at Nicomedia,274 at the same
time as Lucianus, priest of the Church of Antioch in
Bithynia. That night the martyr 275 stood by him and
said, "Be of good cheer, brother; to-morrow we shall
be together." It is said that he had first called to the
priest who shared his abode, "Get ready the place for
our brother John; he is coming." John took this as a
sure warning, and next day begged them to stay where
they were till eleven o'clock. They refused, and
pushed on; but when they had covered about thirty
furlongs, he had such a sharp attack of illness, that
they had to return to the shrine from which they had
started. On his arrival, he asked for white
clothes 276----clothes befitting his life----and taking off
those he was wearing, he put these on,
deliberately 277 changing everything down to his shoes.
All but these he distributed |96 among those present.
Then he partook of the symbols of the Lord's
appointment,278 and offered his last prayer, in the
presence of those who stood by, using his customary

formula, "Glory to God for all things;" 279 and signing

himself 280 at the last Amen, he raised his feet, which
were so beautiful as they sped for the salvation of
those who chose repentance, and the reproof of those
who persistently cultivate the fields of sin. If reproof
did not benefit the wicked, it was not from the
carelessness of him who had spoken out so
fearlessly,281 but from the recklessness of those who
would not accept them.282
His Burial
Thus was he gathered to his fathers, shaking off |
97 the dust from his feet, and passing over to Christ,
as it is written, "Thou shalt come to thy grave, as ripe
corn gathered in its season; but the souls of the
transgressors shall die before their time." 283 Such a
concourse of virgins and ascetics and men renowned
for their devout lives came together from Syria, and
Cilicia, and Pontus, and Armenia, that many supposed
that they had been summoned by signal. The rites of
internment and the funeral gathering 284 took place;
and so his poor body, like a victorious athlete's, was
buried in the same shrine as Basiliscus.
CHAPTER XII. A DEFENCE OF
CHRYSOSTOM'S ABSTEMIOUS HABITS
Theodorus, amazed at what he had heard, here asked a
question, quoting scripture words---The "Cyclopean Meals"

Deac. As it is written, "Neglect not the recital of

elders, for they also have learnt from their
fathers," 285 |98I will trouble you to tell us what was the
reason for his custom of eating alone, and whether it is
true that he used to eat alone, as they say he did.286
Bish. I admit that he used to eat alone; but I am sorry
to find such a very careful person as you, Theodorus,
asking the questions that greedy children put. A grown
man like you ought to inquire about the virtues which
belong to men; what was his disposition in regard to
courage, wealth, self-control, gentleness and
righteousness, almsgiving, practical wisdom,
manliness, memory or forgetfulness. For meat does
not commend us to God, neither if we eat nor if we do
not eat; 287 but knowledge working with activity.
Personal Reasons
Yes, he did eat alone, and I know that in part at least it
was for the following reasons: 288 first of all, he drank
no wine, because it sent the blood to his head, except
that in the heat of summer he took rose-water.
Secondly, owing to some ailment, his stomach was
disordered, so that often he found the food prepared
for him distasteful, and asked for something not on the
table. Next, at times he forgot his meals, and put them
off until evening; either because he was occupied in
ecclesiastical concerns, or because he was absorbed in
spiritual meditation.. For he was ever striving to
grapple with every difficulty in holy scripture, and
such researches require a light diet, or no diet at all.

Again, bons vivants, if they have a friend 289 to sit at

table with them, or to swill with them, or to cackle
with them in unseemly mirth, with the cup of warm
wine held in the tips |99 of his fingers, generally turn
the good fellowship of the table into malicious gossip.
Delicate Living an Abuse of Stewardship
But in my opinion, the whole secret, and the truer
explanation, was this: he was careful to excess in
dealing with men of pleasure, counting the
expenditure of money on such people as
sacrilege.290 At the same time, it was a way of
minimizing opportunities for theft on the part of his
stewards, preventing them from multiplying by ten the
costs of the food, and securing for themselves what
the poor needed. Besides this, with the whole
population 291 of the city in his mind, he considered
that as the steward of Christ he ought to regard every
one, of whatever rank, as worthy of the honour of
dining with him, or else to grant the privilege to none.
And he dwelt upon the bad behaviour which occurred
at table, and the many expenses which fell upon the
poor, until he detested the whole business, and would
put out of his mind the malicious comments you
mention, repeating to himself the words of the Acts,
"Men and brethren, it is not meet that we should serve
tables; but let us appoint devout men over the matter,
and let us give ourselves to the word and to prayer." 292
The Snare of the Table

When a racehorse is too old to run a race, he is

relegated to the mill, and tramps round and round in
an endless circle. In the same way, a teacher, if he
lacks the spirit to speak the words of virtue, sets
himself to catch men with the net of the table. And
well for him, if it be among the hungry and the needy,
from whom he may win the blessing promised by the
Lord, "I was hungred, and ye gave me meat." 293 |
100 Alas, it is often only among the rich that he lays
his snare, to earn a good name, or reputation which
fades away, or to secure return-invitations of the same
kind, or at least to avoid having a bad name. Such a
man forgets the curse pronounced by the Lord, "Woe
unto you, when all men speak well of you."294 He did
not say, "All the poor," but, "All men." "For even so
did their fathers unto the false prophets." Let us not,
then, Theodorus, seek for the reputation of a false
prophet, as the vainglorious do. "For John came
neither eating nor drinking, in the way of
righteousness, and they say, He hath a devil. The Son
of Man came eating and drinking, and they say,
Behold a gluttonous man, and a wine-bibber, the
friend of publicans and sinners." 295
The Need of Discretion in Hospitality
Deac. It was not, O excellent father, to blame, or to
run down such austerity, that I put my inquiry to your
accuracy; for I knew the mind of the man from
common report, and from those writings of his,
homilies and letters,296 which have come into our
hands. I wished to learn his aim, and so to emulate his

actions. Who could be so absolutely stupid, as to be

unaware that one loses more than one gains from the
table, unless there be need to entertain saints in their
necessity?
Bish. Nor did I say what I did, Theodorus, most
careful seeker after truth, to belittle the virtue of |
101 our fathers, least of all their virtue of hospitality.
It is one of the many virtues which make for piety,
practised by the lord 297patriarchs. One caught in the
snare of his table the Saviour God,298 another
entertained the angels; one was rewarded by a son in
his old age, another by deliverance, with his
daughters, from Sodom. The apostle himself speaks of
them, urging us to follow their example. "Be not
forgetful," he says, "of hospitality; for by it some have
entertained angels unawares." 299 But an host must
have the practical wisdom of the serpent, as well as
the harmlessness of the dove; he must give heed to
both the oracles, "Give to every man that asketh of
thee," 300 and also "Admit not every man into thine
house," 301 or else he will entertain a wolf instead of a
sheep, or a bear instead of an ox, and barter away his
gain for loss.302 And first he ought to investigate the
place in which a man has been set----whether it be
desolate or populous; and then his own fitness for the
position of host----whether he can bear with the
manners of other people. Then he must use
discrimination in regard to the man who claims his
services----whether he be rich or poor, well or ill, in
need of food, or of clothes; for it is with these things
that operative charity deals.

The Danger to a Priest of Excess in Hospitality

The blessed Abraham did not entertain governors, or
generals, or the great men of the world around him,
vaunting horses with glittering bits and bridles, or
trousers 303 set with metal bells, eructating their
conceited tinkling far abroad. He lived in a desolate |
102 district, and entertained those who visited it; they
came to the patriarch across the desert, either attracted
by his virtue or under the stress of penury and poverty.
Poverty is a mean between excess and deficiency; the
excess of wealth, and the deficiency of penury.304 In
the same way, Lot lived in a city which was worse
than a desert, and entertained the strangers who visited
it, because of the bad manners of its inhabitants. But a
priest living in a very well-ordered city, like
Constantinople, where everybody entertains,305 may
easily come to neglect the ministry of the word, even
to excess, and be always busy with food-bills. Such a
man unconsciously comes to regard himself as an
innkeeper, rather than as a teacher, till pure knowledge
vanishes in wishy-washy talk; and he earns the
reproach of the prophet, "Thine inn-keepers mingle
the wine with water." 306 For teaching is as much
superior to hospitality, as wine is to water if one is run
down. The one benefits a man's contemporaries, the
other posterity; the one does good to those present at
the time, the other to those who are not present as
well; those present, by word of mouth, those not
present, by writing. So it was with the Saviour, in the
days of His flesh. He fed five thousand men with the
loaves, not in a city, but in a wilderness; but He taught

those who were present by word of mouth, while He

saved the world through the written gospels. This is
true especially of the words of inspired men.
Bodily and Spiritual Food
And do not be impressed, Theodorus, when a man
satisfies the hungry with food, but when he delivers a
soul from some form of ignorance. For plenty of |
103 people can be found to feed the belly, either
gratis, or for money, with bread or vegetables, in case
of need; while it is rare to, find one who provides the
nourishment of the word, and when he is found, he
wins acceptance for his message with difficulty, if at
all. For the evil spirits always do their best to prevent
the salvation of souls. It was this famine of the word
of teaching, that the Lord God threatened to bring
upon the people by way of punishment, when He said
to the prophet, "I will bring upon them a famine, not a
famine of bread and water, but a famine of hearing the
word of the Lord." 307 Moreover, in the case of a
famine of material food, it is always possible to leave
the city or the country where the shortage exists, and
find safety in another, as the holy patriarchs did, when
they went down to Egypt from Palestine; while in
regard to famine of mental food, which befalls the
Churches only for want of teachers, the prophet said
again, "They will run from the east to the west,
seeking the word of God, and shall not find it." 308
Old Testament Warnings against High Living

Why, what good thing is there, that does not spring

from teaching? And what trouble, that is not to be.
traced to errors of eating and drinking? I mean
ailments, quarrels, disorders in the sub-gastric regions,
and the sequelae of these. When was it that Eve was
expelled from Paradise? Was it not when she ate of the
tree at the serpent's suggestion, instead of being
satisfied with her appointed food? When did Cain
commit the foul crime of fratricide? Was it not when
he kept the best for his own greedy self, and ate the
first-fruits before offering them to God? When did the
children of Job meet with the disaster which at a
moment's notice made their table a grave? Was it not
when they were eating and drinking? |104 When did
Esau lose the blessing? Was it not when he yielded to
the lure of the kitchen, a slave to his belly? When did
Saul lose his kingdom? Was it not when he ate the best
of the sheep, contrary to the law? And when did the
people of Israel provoke God? Was it not when they
lusted after the table of Egypt, and required of the
teacher flesh and cauldrons? Why were Hophni and
Phinehas, the sons of Eli, slain in one hour, in the war?
Was it not because they used to draw the meat which
belonged to the sacrifice out of the cauldrons with
their flesh-hooks? And why did Jacob, the
blamed,309 kick? Was it not when he was "filled with
bread, and anointed, and waxen fat, and
enlarged"? 310 When did the people of Sodom ran
unnatural riot? Was it not when they had ruined their
powers of sound judgment by continual drinking? So
they are scornfully referred to by the prophet
Ezechiel,311 in the words, "In abundance of wine and

fulness of bread they lusted, themselves" 312 (that is,

the city) "and her daughters" (that is, the villages,
which always follow the example of the city). When
was it that the principle of moderation passed away
from the people of old? Was it not when they, too, had
grown old upon their beds, as the prophet complains,
"They that eat the lambs out of the flock, and sucking
calves out of the stalls, that drink strained wine, and
anoint themselves with the chief ointments, and they
were not grieved for the affliction of Joseph." 313 Upon
whom did Isaiah pronounce the woe? Was it not upon
those who rise up early to drink? Here are his words:
"Woe unto them that rise up early, and follow strong
drink; who tarry late into the night; for wine shall
inflame them; for with the harp and the lute they drink
wine, but they regard not the work of the
Lord." 314 When were the priests of Bel put to shame
by Daniel? Was it not when the |105 dust ensnared
them, and proved their guilt by means of food and
drink? 315
No need for me to talk of those who have chosen to go
by the broad way, and abuse the narrow; the words of
the Saviour are to my mind sufficient condemnation of
the roast-hunters, in the passage in which he shows the
unnamed rich man, who fared sumptuously every day
in this life present, longing for the poor man Lazarus
to bring him crumbs and drops of water, and not
getting them. Let us look, too, at the company of the
saints of old, and see what kind of teaching they
employed; whether that of a devout life and words of
uprightness, or that of drinking parties and high living.

Enoch was the first to be translated; was it by faith, or

by joining in drinking parties? Then Noah preserved
the human race on the face of the earth, by faith, in the
ark of wood, when the world around was purified; was
this through a course of drinking parties and unclean
works, or by fasting and prayers? And when after this
tremendous flood he found a little relief in
drinking,316 do not the scriptures proclaim his disgrace,
and not his honour? When the blessed Abraham
overcame the five kings at Sodom, and rescued Lot,
was it by faith and righteousness, or by eating and
drinking?
A Single Instance no Basis for a Universal Rule
Then Theodorus said---Deac. If you bring Abraham into the discussion, let me
call your attention to this point; some one will tell
you, that he won the war by faith, but he ensnared
God, as you yourself explained just now, by means of
the table.
Bish. What an idea! As Abraham ensnared God by
means of the table, had we not all better abandon faith
and the rest of the virtues, and cultivate |106 drinking
parties? Then we shall be no better than inn-keepers
and caterers, who line the streets with buildings for the
purpose, for filthy lucre's sake. And then the virgins,
who strive to be holy in body and spirit, for the glory
of God, had better bear children, because Mary bore
Christ; if they do so, they will be no better than

prostitutes. If our teachers must furnish the pleasures

of the table because Abraham did so, then our virgins
should bear children because Mary did so.
No, no, my honoured friend; we must not bring
ridicule upon things which have been done, or are
being done, with the justification of special
circumstances; for each man's conscience tells him his
duty, if he will have it so.
Further Old Testament Illustrations
Again, did Jacob the wrestler carry off the goods of
Laban by austerity, or by taking the chair at drinking
parties? "I was consumed by the heat," he said, "and
by the frost at night, and sleep departed from
me." 317 And he asked in his prayer for no more than
bread and clothes: "If thou wilt give me bread to eat,
and raiment to put on, of all that thou shalt give me I
will give the tenth part unto thee." 318 He did not say,
"I will spend it on tables." What sort of table did
Moses, the spokesman and faithful minister of God,
prepare, when he gathered the people to the assembly
upon the mountain? What sort of drinking cups did he
have? He melted the rock with his rod, because of the
unbelief of the people; he led six hundred thousand
men out of Egypt; he carried the tables of the law to
guide the people in the right way; was it transparent
bowls, and pork haggis, and birds from Phasis,319 and
fish from the sea, and Tyrian wine well refined, and
snow-white loaves, that he set before those under
instruction, or was it words? |107

Deac. But some one will meet your argument by

saying, Give me too manna, and the water that Moses
produced, and I ask for no more.
Bish. Who is so dull of wit as to prefer material
manna, and water from the stream, to spiritual
teaching? Let us pass on. Whom did Samuel, the
teacher of the people, after his twenty-five years of
retirement at Armathem,320 ever turn away from idols
by means of the table, and not by words? And the king
who was at the same time prophet and psalmist; he
who said, "I have eaten ashes as bread, and mingled
my drink with weeping";321 when did he set a
luxurious table? Elijah the Tishbite, who brought
about a fast all the world over, and made the greedy to
go short of food against their will for three years and
six months-----by what sort of table did he deliver
them from their sin? What cooks had he? Did he not
receive his daily bread through ravens?
Daniel the wise, the seer of the future----by what sort
of table did he instruct the Assyrians? Was it not by
prayer and fasting that he destroyed the dragon, and
overthrew Bel, and stopped the mouths of the lions,
and moved the king to deny his ancestral gods by the
confession of the God who essentially is? 322 What
tables, and what sort of good cheer, did the rest of the
company of prophets, or of apostles, employ? Were
they not teachers? Was not the whole world entrusted
to them? Are we not their successors? Does not the
word wish us to be imitators of them and observant of
their ways, as Paul teaches, when he says, "And

considering the issue of their manner of life, imitate

their faith"? 323
The Teaching of John the Baptist
What sort of honey-cakes had John the Baptist, the
herald of repentance, in the wilderness; he who was so
far from providing meals for those who came to him,
that the bitterness of his reproofs actually |
108 offended his visitors' taste? His fierce looks, and
even his appearance, shook their defiled consciences
like an earthquake; much more did his words cut away
the abscesses of their souls like knives. "Ye offspring
of vipers, who warned you to flee from the wrath to
come? Bring forth therefore fruits worthy of
repentance," 324 and do not rely upon baptism by itself,
or upon your descent from Abraham.
The Teaching of the Apostle Paul
What of the teacher of the Gentiles, who
abolished 325 circumcision, to establish the
circumcision of faith, the chosen vessel, Paul? Do we
find him busying himself with a table? He was a
debtor;326 but this was the last item of his debt. Does
he owe it to the unbelieving Gentiles, first of all, to
have table relations with them?
Again, what does he write to Timothy, Bishop of
Ephesus? "Take heed unto"----the splendour of thy
table? Or "Unto the reading, the exhortation, the
doctrine "? 327 These were just the duties in which the

blessed John was diligent and strenuous. "Be instant

out of season, in season," he continues. "Reprove,
rebuke, exhort." 328 No one raises the objection that
two of these methods of address are bitter, and one
pleasant; or suggests that he brings in the third with a
touch of leniency. The exceedingly bitter "Reprove,
rebuke," are coupled with "Exhort" (not
"flatter").329 Exhortation, given scientifically, is more
bitter to lovers of pleasure and degenerates, than
reproofs, though they may find these the more
vexatious. For under the influence |109 of some
passion, the soul may perhaps set itself in opposition
to reproof, and remain indifferent to what is said; but
by exhortation, gently and gradually administered in
kindly and truthful language, it is consciously
devoured, so to speak, in a slow fire, and sawn in
pieces. Now of what does he remind Timothy? Of
drinking parties and festivities, or of the revered
stories 330 of his tribulations? "Thou hast fully known,"
he says, "my manner of life," 331 how in my
persecutions I set myself with purpose of heart to do
all to the glory of God. Does he anywhere mention a
table, when reproving error?
Again, let us see what he writes to Titus, Bishop of
Crete. Does he discuss meat and drink, or reproofs and
teaching? This is what he says: "For this cause left I
thee in Crete, that thou mightest set in order the things
that are wanting, and persuade them not to teach a
different doctrine, nor to give heed to tales and endless
genealogies";332 and he adds the kind of reproof
needed: "The Cretans are always liars, evil beasts, idle

gluttons." 333 We may ask the belly-olaters, and tablegiants, and women-preying hawks,334 who find fault
with John's asceticism, to look through the Old and the
New Testaments, and tell us when they find drinking
commended, except perhaps in dealing with aliens,
and that only as a pledge of peace, since barbarians,
like wild beasts, are softened by table law?
The Mischief wrought by Excess
And when did drinking parties lead to anything but
sin? When I say "sin," I ought perhaps rather to say,
"more grievous idolatry, and fratricide"; as it is
written, "The people sat down to eat and drink, and
rose up to play." 335 The play was the issue of |
110 drunkenness. "Come, let us make gods, who shall
go before us." 336 They were so much shaken by wine,
that they looked for gods who could be moved, and
departed from the God Who is unshaken, and fills all
things without walking a step. And what says the
prophet? "The priest's lips should meditate upon
drinking parties, for they shall seek from him dinners
and lunches"? Or that, "The priest's lips shall guard
law, and they shall seek the word from his mouth"?
"For he is a messenger of the Lord," 337 and not a cook.
Once more, when was it that the, tower was built in
Chalane? 338 Before wine, or after wine? Was it not
with wine, when Noah had planted the vine-stock, and
was the first to gather the fruit of reproach? This
shows that it was not the result of drinking, or of
planting, but of excess.

When was Joseph sold by his brethren? Was it when

they were busy tending the sheep, or when they were
killing and eating the best of the flock in idleness, and
devising malicious schemes against him over their
cups? When did they deliver the head of John the
Baptist on a charger to the young harlot? In an
assemblage of the wise, or at a drinking party of the
lawless? Was it in drinking and eating that the blessed
Paul continued his discourse until midnight, or in
fasting and teaching, and leading to faith those who
knew not God?
As for the Chief of shepherds, the Chief of teachers,
the Chief of wise men, Jesus the Christ, the Corrector
of human error, where do we find Him eating in a city,
except at the Passover?----and this was the fulfilling of
mysteries.339And what do we find Him discussing with
His disciples, when they were anxious? Food, or
reading? "Labour," He says, "not for the meat which
perisheth, but for that which endureth." 340 |111
Chrysostom's Action Justified
So the good John may well say, with the Lord, My
drinking-party is the teaching and distribution of the
word, for which I was chosen, for the salvation of the
people. For meat does not commend us to God, neither
if we eat it, nor if we do not eat it.341 It is with the
Gentiles that the custom prevails, of winning with
tables those whom they seek to ensnare; as they
cannot persuade them with words, they say, "Let us
eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." The apostle

launches upon them an unusually severe

correction: 342 "Be not deceived; evil communications
corrupt good manners." By "evil communications" he
means the whirl of talking which goes on over such
things.
CHAPTER XIII. A DEFENCE AGAINST THE
CHARGE OF TYRANNICAL DEPOSITIONS
No Exception made for Bishops
Deac. You have delivered yourself with sincerity and
learning; your contention is sound. "Woe unto him that
calleth sweet bitter, and bitter sweet. Woe unto him
that setteth darkness as light, and light as
darkness." 343 Still, some one will say, We do not
assert, any more than you do; that John was given to
such tables as these. It is true that extravagant
ambition is at the bottom of the love of
pleasure; 344 excessive parsimony is equally a proof of
slovenliness |112 and pettiness of mind. He might
have invited bishops only, especially the more devout
bishops; if not bishops, at least his own clergy, after
the example of the Lord when He ate with the twelve
apostles.
Bish. The objection you raise, most truth-loving of
men, would be most valid, if only the clergy would
have been content to have their meals with John, and
get their food an hour, or a day, late;345 but they
expected lavish hospitality, and great style, punctually
to the minute. It would have been absurd to waste the

food of the sick or the poor on feasting the healthy.

Besides, what an idea it is, for the pupils to lay down
the law for the teacher, or the patients for the doctor,
or the passengers for the pilot.346 It is always the
doctor who cures the sick, the teacher who instructs
the pupils, the pilot who woos the welfare of the
passengers. Moreover, the love of life makes those
who take the advice of a doctor or a pilot willing to
bear any pain or hardship, though they cannot
guarantee success; the teacher of the higher life is
entrusted with the duty of eradicating diseases and
infirmities, and trained to overcome the fiercest waves
of lust. Yet people do their utmost to oppose him with
their unbridled tongues, and stir up all the mud with
unwashed feet. And if John had surrendered himself,
and given himself over to tables, how many of the
important people could he have satisfied, living as he
did in a great city, where every one wanted to dine
with him, either to get a blessing,347 |113 or because he
was poor, or because he was greedy? And how could
he have found time for religious meditation, the
ministrations to his flock, the study of holy scripture,
the care of the widows, the en couragement of the
virgins, the nursing of the sick, the assistance of those
in distress, the conversion of those in error, the
anxious thought for the broken in heart, the visiting of
the prisoners? How could he have escaped the
reproachful curse of God, pronounced in Ezekiel?
"Woe unto the shepherds who feed themselves, and
feed not the flock! Ye did not bring again that which
had wandered, that which was lost ye sought not, the
weak ye visited not, that which was broken ye bound

not up; the fatlings ye killed and ate." 348 Of whom

Paul writes, "Ye bear with a man, if he bringeth you
into bondage, if he devoureth you, if he taketh you
captive." 349 "And ye clothe yourselves with the wool,
but ye feed not the flock." And He says in Jeremiah of
the idle shepherds, "Many shepherds have destroyed
my vineyard." 350
The Good Name of a Priest
Deac. In time, he might have paid his respects to these
people, without neglecting ecclesiastical duties, so as
not to get himself a bad name, when in everything else
he was so eminent.
Bish. This is just what is wanted in a priest----not to
get himself a bad name, so as to have full scope for his
gifts of speech, his energy, his zeal, and |114 all the
other right dispositions of a priest.351 Do you not
know, my most honoured Theodorus, that one of the
beatitudes laid down by the Lord deals with
unreasonable accusations? "Blessed are ye, when men
shall reproach you, and say all manner of evil things
against you.352 But woe unto you, when all men shall
speak well of you; for so did their fathers to the
prophets." 353 And how could lips trained in divine
oracles, and an car accustomed to listen to divine
precepts, endure the gossip of the table, when the Lord
says, "No man can serve two masters," 354 continuing,
"Ye cannot serve God and mammon"? We had better
find out what is mammon, or we may find ourselves
not even serving the two masters, but mammon only.

For in this passage He does not mean by "mammon"

"the devil," but the vain industry of this world, from
which the word of God bids His disciples to stand
aloof.
True Priestly Work not in Earthly, but in Spiritual
Things
Deac. I am quite satisfied with the light you have
thrown upon this question of the table. Now, most
holy father, come back to your narrative of events.
And do not be vexed with me for raising objections; it
is only because I wanted to learn more that I kept
questioning your abundant learning at greater length
than you liked.
Bish. Let me make this point still more clear to you,
Theodorus, most earnest lover of learning. I was
myself once one of those who are bent on pleasing the
masses with the table; and I say that a bishop,
especially the bishop of a large city, who leaves the
ministry of the word, and has not in his hands by night
and day the tables of the law, and performs his
ministrations to the poor not in person, but by proxy,
is quite a different person from those who said, "Lo,
we have left all, and followed thee; what |115 shall we
have therefore?" 355 He must be ranked with those who
said, "Lord, did we not in thy name do this or that?"
and like them, he will hear the answer, "Depart from
me, ye cursed; I know you not whence ye are." 356

For the Word 357 knows not wordless 358 workers; His
eye is too pure to look upon evil things. For many socalled bishops, anxious to get rid of the quite
reasonable hatred in which they are held, owing to
their own characters, and their indifference to spiritual
things, do but exchange one evil affection for
another----covetousness for vain-glory. While with
one hand they do wrong without stint for the sake of
unrighteous gain, with the other they set elaborate
tables, and rear pillars for lofty buildings,359 so as to
gain a reputation for being good and laborious
workers, and win honour instead of dishonour. They
forget the Ecclesiast, who built great buildings, and
hated them; and clearly forbad such things, when he
wrote, "I built me houses and gardens," etc., "and
behold, all are vanity; and I hated all my labour,
wherein I labour under the sun." 360 He did not say,
"Above the sun," or he would have brought spiritual
toil into disrepute. In saying this, I do not include in
my condemnation those who build reasonably, and of
necessity, or beautify Church property; I am thinking
of those who waste the money of the poor on hanging
corridors, and water-cisterns raised into the air three
storeys high, and disreputable baths, hidden from
sight, for effeminate men; or spend their gifts of
energy upon buildings, either as an excuse for
collecting more money, or again, to win the esteem of
popular favourites. That is simply to sacrifice
everything to give pleasure to sinners. As for me, God
forbid, famous Theodorus, that I should ever |
116 please bad people, for I shall never please them,
except by methods which do not please Christ.

The Alleged Deposition of Sixteen Bishops

The deacon, much impressed by these remarks, here
made a request to the bishop:---Deac. Your observations are perfectly sound, and
there is nothing to be said against them. Now, if you
have any knowledge of the arrangements 361 made by
the holy John in Asia, as it is with him that our
discussion is concerned, let me share it.
Bish. Certainly I have such knowledge.
Deac. From being personally present? Or did you gain
your information from others?
Bish. No; I did not miss a word of the trial.
Deac. Then tell me in detail what followed, and how it
ended, and how it began. I especially wish to know,
because Theophilus said in his indictment, in his
anxiety to dignify or to hide his own rash conduct, that
the blessed John was so much influenced by the love
of power, that he deposed sixteen 362 bishops in a
single day and ordained creatures of his own in their
stead.
Bish. It was just what one would expect from the
character of this wonderful person, to write, and to
write falsehoods, against John. By the very steps
which he took to hide his own shame, he made it the
more conspicuous, and involuntarily established the

innocence of John; just as it was in the case of

Balaam. If he had succeeded in deposing him, there
would have been no need of indictment, or of
banishment, |117 as the deposition is enough to
disgrace a deposed person; but as our bishop stood
firm in his virtue, against the attempts to depose him,
and won victory in defeat, his opponent's malice is as
fierce as ever, bearing the palm of defeat for its
senseless victory. He swells like a bubble, chafing
against himself, writing tracts and detractions. This is
what Isaiah meant, when he cried woe upon him who
seizes every opportunity of doing, and telling, and
writing, lies; "Woe unto them," he says, "who write;
for they write iniquity." 363
The Accusation brought by Eusebius against
Antoninus
The number of the bishops whom John deposed in
Asia was not sixteen, but six; I make the assertion as
at God's judgment throne, not subtracting a single unit
from the figures, nor adding a single qualification of
his action. My statements are in exact accordance with
the facts.
In the thirteenth year of the sixth indiction364 some
bishops from Asia came to Constantinople on business
and stayed with us. Besides these, there were other
bishops, including one from Scythia,
Theotimus,365 one from Thrace, Ammon the Egyptian,
and one from Galatia, Arabianus----all metropolitans,
advanced in years; making a total of twenty-two

bishops.366 A certain Eusebius, from the district

known |118 as Kilbia, Bishop of
Valentinopolis,367 took the opportunity of these being
assembled and holding communion together to come
forward in the assembled synod,368 on the first day of
the week, and lay memorials before it, against
Antoninus, Bishop of Ephesus; to these charges, so as
to be in order, he of course prefixed the name of John.
The charges fell under seven heads; first, that he had
melted down Church plate, and placed the proceeds to
the account of his son; second, that he had carried
away marble from the entrance of the baptistery, and
used it for the improvement of his own bathroom;
next, that he had set up pillars belonging to the
Church, which had been in position for many years, in
his own dining-room; fourth, that his servant had
committed murder, and that he was still keeping him
in his service, without bringing him to trial; fifth, that
he had sold some land bequeathed to the Church by
Basilina, the mother of King Julian, and kept the
money; sixth, that after separating from 369 his married
wife, he had taken her again, and had had children
born to him by her; seventh, that he regarded it as law,
and dogma, to sell consecration to bishopricks at
prices in proportion to the emoluments. He added that
there were persons present who had paid such money,
and been consecrated, as well as the man who had
received it; and that he had proofs of his statements. |
119
CHAPTER XIV. THE TRIAL OF ANTONINUS---CHRYSOSTOM 'S VISIT TO EPHESUS

John's Moderation
Deac. Pray, father, cut your narrative short; for those
who are here with us 370 are grieved to hear of bishops
making such assertions, to say nothing of bishops
doing such things.
Bish. Woe is me, that I have lived to see these days, in
which a sacred office----if under the circumstances it
is a sacred office----is being sold for money. "I have
become a fool" 371 in giving my account of the doings
of John's accusers, who have brought us to this pass.
But be patient with me, and you will be surprised at
the reasonableness which John showed in this matter,
as in others. He restrained his indignation for the time,
and said to Eusebius: "Brother Eusebius, as
accusations made in a moment of vexation are often
not easy to prove, I beg you not to bring a written
charge against our brother Antoninus; we will set right
the matters which have vexed you."
Eusebius' Persistence
At this Eusebius was very angry, and indulged in
harsh language, raging with all his might against
Antoninus, and persisting in his accusations. So |
120 John requested Paul of Heracleia,372 who seemed
to be a warm supporter of Antoninus, to bring about a
reconciliation between the two. Then he rose, and
went into the church, as it was time for the sacrifice;
gave the people the usual salutation,373 and took his
seat with the other bishops. But Eusebius, the accuser,

came in unobserved, and in the presence of all the

people, and the bishops, presented another memorial,
containing the same charges; conjuring John by
terrible oaths, nothing less than "by the salvation of
the king and queen." He made such a disturbance that
the people took alarm at his audacity, and supposed
that he was urging John to petition the king for
reprieve from a death sentence. So John, struck by the
man's persistence, and anxious to keep the people
quiet, accepted the document, and after the reading of
the divine oracles requested Pansophius, Bishop of
Pisidia, to offer the gifts, while he himself retired with
the rest of the bishops. For he always objected to
offering the sacrifice with a disturbed mind, as the
gospel requires: "When thou bringest thy gift," etc. 374
The Charges made Public
After the dismissal of the people, he carefully
considered the situation, and taking his seat in the
baptistery 375 with the other bishops, called the
accuser, and said to him in the presence of all, "I
repeat what I said before, that people under the
influence of |121 vexation or anger, often say and
write a great deal, while their proofs are feeble. If,
then, you have certain knowledge of the charges
which you wish to bring----for if you can maintain
them we do not reject them, nor, if you cannot, do we
invite them----before the memorial is read, decide
what is best to be done; for after the charges are read,
and reach the cars of the public, the proceedings will
be on record, and you cannot then, as a bishop, ask for

an annulment.376 However, Eusebius still persisted; so

orders were given for the document to be read, and the
seven counts which I detailed were read.
The Charge of Simony to be first Investigated
With the contents of the document thus brought to
their ears, the senior 377 bishops said to John, Without
doubt, each single point of each single count is
impious, and forbidden from every point of view by
the sacred laws; but we must not appear to spend all
our time upon the less weighty charges. The
investigation therefore should begin with the most
awful of the points; for if that be found to be true,
there is no answer to be made upon the other counts,
as that one count contains the root which bears fruit in
every kind of evil, as the writer said, "The love of
money is the root of all evils." 378 For if a man has
accepted bribes against the innocent, and thought fit to
barter for money his powers of distributing the Holy
Spirit, how is he likely to spare the plate,379 or the
stones, or the property, of the Church?
Then John began the investigation, asking Antoninus,
"What answer do you make to these charges, brother
Antoninus?" He, of course, denied them; |122 for how
could he admit his disgrace at the very beginning?
Those who had paid the money were questioned, and
they, too, denied the charge. These stages of the
carefully conducted investigation lasted till two in the
afternoon, when the verdict began to take shape on the
strength of certain points of evidence.

Absence of the Necessary Witnesses

At last, the result of the inquiry turned upon the
question of witnesses, in whose presence the money
had been given and accepted. These witnesses were
not at hand, and their presence was necessary. In view
of the trouble which their attendance would involve,
John expressed his readiness to secure the purification
of the church, and to save the witnesses
inconvenience, by going to Asia in person, and
completing the investigation there. Then Antoninus,
conscious of his guilt, and observing the resolution
and impartiality of John, went secretly to one of the
officials, for whom he was looking after some estates
in Asia,380 and begged him to arrange that John should
be prevented from going to Asia, promising that he
would himself see to the attendance of the witnesses.
This man at once had a communication sent from the
palace to Bishop John, to this effect: "It is out of the
question for you, the bishop, the champion of our
souls, to leave the city, when there is such grave
expectation of disturbance, and commit yourself to a
long absence in Asia, when the witnesses can easily be
brought over." It was Gainas, the barbarian, who was
expected to cause the disturbance.381 |123
The Delegation of Bishops to meet the Witnesses
Well, to make a long story short, he consented to stay
in Constantinople, as he had to consider not only the
burden placed upon the witnesses, but also the claims
of justice. This postponement for the appearance of

the witnesses was a godsend for the accused, as it was

now possible to get rid of them by bribery or by
pressure. This John foresaw; and accordingly
deliberated with the assembled synod the question of
sending to Asia some of the bishops present, to
examine the witnesses.
Chicanery and Delay
Three bishops were at once appointed to go----Syncletius, metropolitan of Trajanopolis,382 Hesychius,
Bishop of Parius,383 and Palladius, Bishop of
Helenopolis; a resolution of the synod being entered
upon the minutes, that if either of the litigants did not
within two months appear, and stand by his pleas, in
Hypoepi, a city of Asia (chosen as at a convenient
distance both for the accused persons, and for the
other bishops who had to take part with Syncletius and
his companions in, the trial), he should be |
124 excommunicated. Two of the bishops nominated,
Syncletms and Palladius, went down to Smyrna; for
Hesychius, who was a friend of Antoninus, pretended
that he had fallen ill. They at once notified both
parties, by letter, of their arrival, bidding them to go
together without delay to the city designated in the
resolution, and carry out their promises. Instead of
this, they came to terms with one another, thanks to
bribery384 on one side, met by an oath on the other, and
before the judges arrived, had become friends. Then
they made a great show of hastening to the district of
Hypoepi, and calculated to fool the judges by putting
off the appearance of witnesses again, on the ground

that they were away from home for various

unavoidable reasons. Upon this, the judges asked the
accuser: "Within how many days will you produce the
witnesses? We will wait for them for so long." As he
expected that they would soon leave the place, owing
to the oppressive weather ----it was the hottest period
of summer----he promised in writing that within forty
days he would either produce the witnesses, or submit
to the penalties prescribed by the canons. He was
accordingly set free to look for his witnesses; but he
did nothing of the sort, but came down to
Constantinople, and there remained in hiding.
Death of Antoninus
The judges duly waited for the forty days, and as he
did not appear, they sent word to all the bishops of
Asia, declaring him to be excommunicate, either as a
shirker 385 or as a false accuser. Then they held out for
thirty days more, and as he still did not appear, they
departed, and came to Constantinople, where they fell
in with him, and reproved him for his contemptuous
action. He again pleaded the excuse of ill health, and
promised to produce the witnesses. |125Thus matters
dragged on, until Antoninus, the defendant in
Eusebius' suit, died.
The Invitation from Ephesus
At this juncture John received a resolution forwarded
from Asia, on the part of the clergy of the Ephesian
Church, on the one hand, and of the bishops on the

other, making requirement of him, with an awful

adjuration, as follows: "Whereas for years past the
laws of the Church, and we ourselves, have been in a
sad state of confusion for want of good shepherds, we
beg your honour to come and lay down an
order 386 issued of God for the Church of Ephesus, so
long oppressed, on the one hand, by persons holding
the views of Arius, on the other, by those who make a
great show of professing the views we hold, to secure
advantage and domination for themselves; especially
as there are many who are lurking like savage wolves,
eager to seize the episcopal throne with the help of
money."
Chrysostom' s Visit to Ephesus
Now John was seriously ill, and it was the stormy
season of winter; but he dismissed every difficulty
from consideration, and thought only of the settlement
of the troubles from which the whole province of Asia
was suffering through the inexperience, or lack, of
shepherds. Strengthened by his zeal, he embarked and
left the city. A violent storm from the north came on,
and the sailors were afraid of being cast upon the
Proconnesus,387 so they set the prow to windward, and
ran under Mount Trito, where they |126 cast the
anchors, and rode, waiting for the south wind to
enable them to reach Apameia. For two whole days
they lay without food, the ship rolling heavily, but on
the third they arrived at Apameia, where Bishops
Paul,388 Cyrinus,389 and Palladius 390 were waiting for

them; for John had appointed them to be his

companions on his visit.
They accomplished the journey to Ephesus on foot,
and on their arrival gathered together the bishops of
Lydia, Asia, and Caria, making in all seventy persons.
Thus they held the ordination,391 the majority meeting
them in the most friendly spirit, especially the
Phrygian bishops; so much did they appreciate the
wisdom which fell from his mouth, as it is written,
"Wisdom is praised in the streets"----that is, in those
that speak; "in the broad places she uttereth her voice
with outspokenness," 392 that is, in the hearts that have
been enlarged through manifold distresses, as the
scripture saith, "In distress thou didst enlarge
me." 393 For wisdom is straitened in those that cultivate
tares, and choke the word. |127
CHAPTER XV. SIX BISHOPS DEPOSED---CHRYSOSTOM'S WORK UNDONE
Eusebius' Request for Immediate Procedure
This was the state of things when the man who caused
us all this long story, Eusebius, the accuser of the six
other bishops, presented himself to the whole body of
bishops, claiming to be admitted to communion with
them. Some of the bishops objected, maintaining that
as a false accuser he ought not to be admitted. Upon
this he played the suppliant, saying, "As the main part
of the case has been under investigation for two years,
and the adjournment was made to enable the witnesses

to be examined, I beseech your love of God, to let me

produce the witnesses this very day. For although
Bishop Antoninus, who accepted the money, and
performed the act of ordination, is dead, there yet
remain those who gave the money, and received
ordination."
Confession of the Accused Bishops
The assembled synod resolved that the inquiry should
be held, and the proceedings began with the reading of
the minutes of the previous transactions. Then the
witnesses were introduced, and also six of those who
had given bribes and received ordination. At first they
denied the charge; but the witnesses, some of whom
were laymen, others priests, in whom they had
evidently trusted, others again women, held to their
assertions, and stated the nature of the pledges
exchanged, the places, the dates, and the amount. At
last, their consciences so much troubled them, that
with very little pressure they confessed of their own
free will. "We have given bribes," they said; "the thing
is admitted, and we have been made bishops, in the
expectation that we should be |128 regarded as exempt
from civil duties.394 And now we beg to be allowed to
continue in the ministry of this Church, if there is no
impiety in our doing so; or, if that is impossible, that
we may receive back the money we have paid. For
some of us have given furniture belonging to our
wives."
The Sentence

John in answer promised the synod, that with the help

of God he would present a petition to the king, and get
them freed from civil duties; and bade them order the
accused to recover what they had paid from the heirs
of Antoninus. So the synod ordered, that they should
recover from the heirs of Antoninus, and should
communicate within the sanctuary,395 but not be
reckoned as priests, for fear that if their doings were
condoned, a custom might arise worthy of Jews or
Egyptians, of selling and buying the priesthood. They
say that the pestilential patriarch 396 |129 of the Jews,
whose acts belied his title, used to change the rulers of
the synagogues every year, or every other year, as a
means of raising money; and that the Patriarch of
Egypt emulated him by doing the same, that the word
of prophecy might be fulfilled, "Her priests made
answer for gifts, and her prophets divined for
money." 397
Re-introduction of the Condemned Bishops
The minutes of all those proceedings, and the names
of the judges, are on record. Further, the investigation
was not a matter of a single day, as Theophilus falsely
asserted, but of two years. Moreover, those who were
deposed acquiesced, thankful to be delivered from the
judgment to come; indeed, one of them was appointed
solicitor for dealing with public affairs.398 In their
places six others were instituted, unmarried men,
adorned by graces both of life and speech. And the
noble and quarrelsome gentlemen, after John had been
exiled, got what they did get (for their villainy has no

name,399 any more than it has a substantial

existence),400 and brought back into the Churches
those who had four years before been expelled, while
those who had been enthroned with due order they
thrust out, scattering the sheep of Christ.
A Vile Person enthroned at Ephesus
Yet the most ridiculous thing of all, though it calls for
lamentation rather than laughter, Theodorus, |130 best
friend of learning, is yet to follow. As the prophet
says, "Both thine ears shall tingle," 401 if you hear it,
but as a lover of God you will mourn for the bishops
who are behaving as madmen, and with
darkened 402 hands outraging the gifts of Christ. The
ordinations which Peter and John and their brethren
administered with fasting and prayer, and with careful
testing by lot, and fear, they administered with revelry
and drunkenness, and lamentable bribes, to
abortions 403 of men, not worthy to be set with pigs or
dogs, creatures without reason; as Job prophesied,
impersonating the Saviour, "Whom I thought not
worthy of the dogs of my flocks, who lived beneath
the nettles." 404
So these companions of actors and Jews are entrusted
by our clever friends with the secrets 405 of the
priesthood, as if they were friends 406 of the Saviour,
and in consequence the orthodox laity avoid the
houses of prayer. For this new and most contemptible
form of audacity has actually spread from the Church
of Ephesus as far as to us; and it is not to be wondered

at, as Ephesus stands upon the sea, and exports its

news as easily as its cargoes. For in the place of 407---no, I will say, in the place of John, the author of the
gospel, the loyal disciple who leaned upon the bosom
of wisdom, called in Scripture the disciple whom
Jesus loved; who was succeeded by Timothy, the
disciple of Paul, to whom are addressed |131 the two
epistles of the apostle----there succeeds an
abomination of desolation.408 For they consecrated and
enthroned the eunuch 409 Victor the tribune, and cast
into prison, where he is still languishing, the bishop
enthroned by seventy bishops; a man who had lived a
solitary life in the desert, trained in every branch of
learning,410 possessed of a profound knowledge of
Holy Scripture, and with three years of service as
deacon to his record. Would that the eunuch who was
consecrated had been trained by a holy life, for then
the evil would have been halved; but as it is, we have
a worm of earth, a slave of the belly, lustful, fierce,
drunken, profligate, venal, illiberal, covetous, a jailbird 411 from his birth, a sexless creature, neither man
nor woman, raging mad; a man who (so I have often
been told) carried theatre girls upon his shoulders at
drinking parties lit for satyrs, his head garlanded with
ivy, and a bowl clasped in his hand, playing the rle of
Dionysus 412 in the fable, as master of libations. All
this he did, not before his initiation into the mysteries
of Christ, but after his baptism;413 from which it is a
plain inference, that he does not even believe in the
resurrection. For how can a man believe in the
resurrection, who has made rotten the foundation 414 of
the resurrection? As the apostle says, "How shall they

preach, unless they believe?" 415 He is moral, thanks to

the knife, as to deeds which bring no reward; but |
132 he is mad upon unfruitful works,416 from his
natural depravity.
Now I have answered your inquiry as to events in
Asia, which arose from the statement in Theophilus'
letter that John had deposed sixteen bishops. You may
be quite sure that the number is six. We have the
records preserved, with the signatures of the twentytwo bishops who heard the case from the beginning,
and the seventy who effected the deposition, and
brought the trial to a conclusion.
CHAPTER XVI. PORPHYRIUS
The Deacon's Inquiry
Deac. Pardon me, father; such deeds
overpass 417 drunkenness, and madness, and youthful
folly. Madmen, drunkards, and young men, when they
are sober again, or have digested their food, or when
they have come to years of discretion, as the case may
be, are ashamed of their disgraceful or disorderly
doings or sayings, and renounce them; these people,
after all they have done in mature age and apparently
in a sober frame of mind, so far from repenting of
their deeds, hope and pray that their wickedness may
be permanent and undisturbed. When men have not
shrunk from placing the gospel on a polluted
head,418 upon which coarse women have danced; |
133 with whom are they fit to be ranked, but with

those who put the crown of thorns about the head of

the Son of God? However, if you have personal
knowledge of the circumstances of the
consecration 419 of Porphyrius to the bishopric of
Antioch, or of those who performed the act of
consecration, or of the previous life of the man,
whether it was distinguished or not, and of his
teaching, whether it be true or false, tell us what you
know; especially as he has sent a letter to the Church
of Rome, and was not considered worthy of an answer.
A Protestation of Veracity
Bish. My words shall again be the words of truth, for I
will not forget the voice of the Master, which says,
"For every idle word shall men give account in the day
of judgment." 420 Let me venture to add a clause, and
say, "For every idle hearing." Do you then guard
yourself; if you find me not speaking the truth, do not
let my grey hair weigh with you, but only the veracity
of my statements. For what profit shall I have from
what I have said to-day, or yesterday, if I have told
lies, when I am put to shame for ever before the
unerring judgment throne? And how shall I bear the
mill-stone 421 of slander cast about the neck of my
mind, when I am cast down into the pit of hell for the
souls who have been caused to offend by my lies?
Porphyrius' Career Well, this Porphyrius 422 had long
been in the Church, |134 and held office both as
deacon and as priest in the presbytery; but his
character was quite out of keeping with his long tenure

of office, and he was never of the slightest spiritual

benefit to the Church. He was always in opposition to
the devout bishops in his neighbourhood, and used his
position as bishop of the most important city, with the
magistrates under his jurisdiction, to make ordination
a matter of barter; he exerted his ingenuity to prevent
seemly ordinations, and by his uncanny abilities
wormed himself into friendship with the bishops in
office for the moment, as one may call them, even
dragging them down with him against their will, to
hold ordinations blasted by the wind.423 Flattery,
coupled with an evil disposition, is a terrible thing; as
the comic poet Menander says, "It is hard, Pamphile,
for an honest woman to fight with an harlot." 424
Porphyrius' Character
The more such a man knows the more harm he does.
He is ashamed of no one, but the worse a man is, the
more he flatters him. As the wise Solomon says, "The
words of flatterers are soft; they smite upon the
innermost chambers of the belly." 425 He is as much a
stranger, or rather an enemy, to self-control in the
pleasures of the flesh, as the vulture is to scent;
indeed, common report credits him with the unnatural
wickedness of Sodom. Nature imposes upon our
pleasures laws, and limits, and barriers; if what they
say is true, he has trodden down the barrier, burst |
135 the limit, and made despite of the law, until he has
produced the impression that he takes the chair and
joins in the convivial gatherings of jugglers, and
jockeys, and actors who represent incidents of ancient

times with improper posturings and distortions of the

leg.426 He had the hardihood to enter into contests of
skill with jugglers, and have friendly intercourse with
them; indeed, charges of so doing are entered in the
records of several of the magistrates. Pie has not read
the gnomic poet's words, "What thou ought-est not to
do, do not even think." [Thanks to him the Mediator
was slain with blows,427 and "he who found was
exiled, and the juggler was put to flight."] 428
They say that besides all this wickedness, he was
guilty, after his ordination, of melting down (Church)
plate, and lavishing the proceeds upon the magistrates,
to produce the appearance of having the authority, not
of a spiritual guide, but of a tyrant, over those who
unhappily fell into his power.429
Constantius desired as Bishop
Now the death of Flavianus, Bishop of Antioch,
coincided with the exile of John to Armenia.
Porphyrius observed that the whole population, men
and women alike, hung upon the neck of Constantius
the priest, longing to have him (as bishop). He had
been the servant of the Church from his earliest
childhood; an ambidextrous man, to use a term from
the book of Judges.430 What is generally considered
the left hand, was in him stronger than the right of
other men. He had first rendered service by writing
letters,431 and been found blameless in regard to
unrighteous gain and bribes; next he had been
promoted to be reader and |136 deacon, and without

an effort had mastered the sexual delights which reign

among men. As the author of Proverbs says, "The
hand of the elect shall easily prevail." 432 For possibly
even the vilest of men can master pleasure; either
through fear of consequences, or from shame, they
may by great exertion restrain their bodily impulses.
But it is only those that love God, who through love of
the higher can rise superior to the lower----those
whom the scripture calls "elect," in the text, "The hand
of the elect shall easily prevail." If ever a man was
gentle, it was he; or if ever a man was self-disciplined,
penetrating of vision, sharp of comprehension, slow to
punish, thoughtful, able to draw inferences by
reflection, merciful, generous, just in judgment, longsuffering under insults, of ability to win men, oft
continuing fasting until evening, so as to relieve the
oppressed, of dignified appearance, stern of look,
swift of step, celibate, as a bishop should be, ever
wearing upon his face, even in sickness, the blossom
of a smile.
Porphyrius' Private Ordination as Bishop
Such a man it was whose banishment Porphyrius set
himself to bring about by means of bribery; and his
method was this. He sent to the capital a message
addressed to the officials in authority over the bishops,
and procured his exile to Oasis by royal edict, as a
seditious agitator. Constantius, however, at once heard
of this, and with the help of his friends escaped to
Cyprus. But Porphyrius himself had Cyriacus and
Diophantus, priests, and other clergy, put under arrest;

and then, keeping by his side in hiding the party of

Acacius, Severianus, and Antiochus, he waited for the
occasion when the whole city went abroad to the
suburbs on one of the great pagan festivals, observed
every four years in honour of the labours of Hercules,
called Olympia, upon which flocks of women stream
out with the crowds to Daphne,433 to |137 see the
sports. Bursting into the church, with the bishops I
mentioned, and a few clergy, he was privately
ordained, with closed doors, and in such haste,
through fear of discovery, that they did not give
themselves time to finish the prayer. Such is adultery,
its offspring and its deeds ever bastard.
Porphyrius' Acts of Violence
Severianus and his friends took their bribe-money, and
fled through mountains and pathless wastes; they
escaped the terror of man, but were pierced through by
the terror of God, which they had ignored. Now when
the public theatre emptied, and the crowds re-entered
the city, they were told what had been done to
Porphyrius, and of the drama that Acacius had played.
That evening the people forbore, like men flogged for
adultery; but next day they rose, and poured through
the streets in a great throng, with fire and faggots,
determined to destroy Porphyrius with his house.
Porphyrius, however, quite aware of the hatred in
which he was held, deserted God, and fled to the
officer in command of the camp,434 put money in his
hands; and so diverting him from the war with the
Isaurians, opened a campaign against the disciples of

the Saviour. So the marauding Isaurian savages

ravaged Rhosus 435 and Seleucia, while Porphyrius and
Valentinus the governor pillaged the Church of the
orthodox with an armed force; trampling with their
own feet upon the most awful sign of the Cross, which
they (the orthodox) bore upon their shoulders 436 to be
their teacher, while they offered litanies 437 upon the
desolated land. |138
The Indignation of the People
A few days afterwards, Porphyrius sent to the capital
in great haste, and urged upon the magistrates, who
were such men as himself, that a certain creature of
their own, old but active, and of an evil disposition
and a twisted mind, should be appointed 438 nightprefect, that he might so make himself master of the
city by bringing false charges against the good citizens
without fear of consequences. It was a fine imitation
of the ways of Nero the fighter against God. It is not
in him to win men by reason, but to vex them with
unreason and cruelty; since he does not make it his
aim to please God by leading to Him wandering souls,
but to fill his serpent-like belly 439 that crawls upon its
chest. So a certain number of the laity, in fear of rough
treatment, unwillingly assembled in the church, for the
sake of appearances, but in reality, they vituperated
the lives of the men, and awaited succour from God.
Cruelty Preferred to Flattery

At this point Theodorus said, in amazement----Deac. I

note something contrary to natural order in these
events, father. As a general rule, vainglorious persons
are men-pleasers, and prove to be flatterers, and
provide sumptuous tables, to get themselves liked and
well spoken of. Often they will even let people spit
upon them. So I cannot see how Porphyrius, or any
one else, can have practised methods of threats, and
punishment, and banishment.
Bish. Yes, this is the extraordinary thing, Theodorus,
that they reached such a pitch of wickedness, that so
far from being anxious to please men, they did not
even give a thought to the disgraceful character of
their doings; for wickedness outdoes wickedness in
wickedness. Wickedness casts the net of vainglory,
when it hopes to catch simple folks by means of |
139 flattery; but when the quarry proves to be superior
to flattery and the pleasures of the table, it brings up
threats and torments, to terrify by cruelty and fear
those whom it could not seduce by the pleasures of the
table or by flattery. We have seen this in the case of
the martyrs. Both methods were employed against
them; the snare constructed of bribes and honours,
which caught those who had their mouths open for
worthless reputation, and also the threat of
punishment, which provided the roasting iron, the
rack, and the wild beasts, and every kind of horrible
torture, and revealed the courageous and the lovers of
God.440 But to return to my story. The leading clergy
of Antioch met in secret, without even going near the
walls of the church, and all the leading women, for

whose sake more particularly the covetous prelates

have gone out of their wits. I need not tell you what
happened in Constantinople, or what numbers of
people, as I told you before, left the church, and
gathered in the open air, so that not even our rulers in
ecclesiastical affairs had so many auditors----of their
silence, for they never tried to speak.
Olympias and Theophilus
Deac. You have relieved the doubts which were in my
mind, father, by your presentation of the facts to my
eyes. The consistency of your narrative, and your
ingenuous explanation, convinces me that these events
really happened; for a fictitious narrative cannot be
consistent with itself. If it will not burden you, please
tell us about Olympias, if you know anything of her.
Bish. Which Olympias? There are several ladies of
that name.
Deac. The deaconess of Constantinople, who was the
wife of Nevridius the ex-prefect.441 |140
Bish. I know her very well.
Deac. What sort of a woman is she?
Bish. Do not say woman, but manly creature;442 she is
a man in everything but body.
Deac. How so?

Bish. In life, and in work, and in knowledge, and in

her patience under afflictions.
Deac. Why then did Theophilus revile her?
Bish. Which Theophilus?
Deac. The Bishop of Alexandria.
Bish. You appear to me, Theodorus, to have buried in
oblivion oceans of words.
Deac. How so?
Bish. The man who did not spare the truth, but trod it
underfoot, as my narrative has established, and did not
respect the Church universal, for whose sake the Onlybegotten, as we proclaim, was done to death, that He
might make it one, but disgraced it by his
behaviour----has he it in him to spare a widow
woman, who spends her life in prayer? Look all round,
and see if he ever reviled a bad man; he always has
hated devoutness. Why do you not gather from his
very letters, how contrary they are one to another? He
vituperated Epiphanius, the blessed Bishop of
Constantia in Cyprus, who for thirty-six years ruled
the Church there, as a heretic, or a paltry schismatic,
in the time of Damas us or of the blessed
Sericius; 443 but afterwards, in his letter to Pope
Innocent, in which he reviled the blessed John, we
find him calling Epiphanius a most holy saint. How
often do you suppose he kissed Olympias' knees,

when he |141 hoped to get money from her, the

woman whom he now reviles; while she threw herself
upon the ground in vexation, and shed tears at such
things being done by a bishop. However, what were
the grounds on which he reviled her?
Olympias' Reception of the Monks
Deac. He said that she had received into her house the
monks whom he had expelled.
Bish. Well, is it right or fitting for a bishop to expel
any disciple whatever; to say nothing of a monk?
Deac. Yes, if they have offended him, or slandered
him.
Bish. Even if they did, ought he to have satisfied his
personal indignation? How then shall Theophilus look
for the insults which Christ endured, when he is
always thinking of his own reputation? Why did he
never imitate the teacher who said, "Being reviled, we
bless"? 444
Deac. Then what was he to do, if the monks were
unorthodox?
Bish. Whatever they were, he ought to have corrected
them and convinced them, not to have expelled them.
Deac. But what if he did this, and they were so
contentious, that they refused to be convinced?

Bish. He ought to have carried out the apostle's

precept, "The man that is an heretic after one or two
admonitions refuse, knowing that such an one is
perverted." 445 He does not say, expel him, and rob
him, and drive him from his native land, under threat
of magistrate's sentence.
Deac. You tell me of rules for a perfect man, a lover of
God, enduring of evil.
Bish. And yet it is not a matter for great praise, to bear
with an inferior. But if a man is not perfect, so far as is
possible, how can he be a bishop? The imperfect will
never have consideration for the |142 imperfect. And
how can he be called Theophilus, if he does not love
God,446 for Whose sake he ought readily to have borne
the insults of men? And if he does not love God,
clearly he does not love himself either; and how shall
he who is his own enemy love others? So it is not at
all strange, that he blamed Olympias for receiving the
monks.
Deac. I admit that Theophilus was carried away by his
temper when he expelled them, whether they were
orthodox or heretical; still, the deaconess ought not to
have received them.
The Rightfulness of Olympias' Action
Bish. Well, what did you think of it? That she did right
or wrong?

Deac. I said, that she did wrong.

Bish. And doing good is sometimes judged?
Deac. Most certainly, when good is done to bad
people, and people who ought not to be treated well.
Bish. Then what were the five thousand, whom the
Saviour fed with five barley loaves----good or bad?
Deac. As they were fed by the Saviour, clearly they
were good.
Bish. If they were good, why did he feed them with
loaves of barley?
Deac. Perhaps because wheaten loaves were scarce,
and they were hungry.
Bish. Then how is it that they are reproved for want of
faith; as good, or as bad men?
Deac. If they are reproved, clearly they were bad.
Bish. Well, can the same man be both good and bad?
Deac. Certainly.
Bish. How?
Deac. They can be good in comparison with the
worse, and bad in comparison with the better.

Bish. Splendid. According to this, the monks were

both good and bad. And the most faithful |
143 deaconess provided hospitality for them, as good
men, but our wonderful bishop expelled them, as bad.
He ought not to have done so.
Deac. But he will say to you, "You received my
enemies, to my hurt."
Bish. I object. It was wrong for him to call them
enemies at all. As an imitator of Christ he ought to
endure insults.
Deac. One moment; where are the five thousand
reproved, as you said they were, by the Saviour?
There is no record of reproof of them in scripture.
Bish. When they assembled and came to Jesus the
second time, and were told, "Ye seek me, not because
ye saw signs and wonders, but because ye did eat of
the loaves, and were filled." 447
That is very clear, said Theodorus.
Bish. If a man is blamed, he is so far bad.
Deac. Very true.
Bish. Then were those whom the Saviour fed bad, or
good?

Deac. I admit that they were bad; for "they that are
whole have no need of a physician, but they that are
sick." 448
Bish. Well then; did Olympias do wrong in imitating
her Lord, who "maketh his own sun to rise, and
sendeth rain, upon righteous and
unrighteous"? 449 Even though the Pharisees reproach
Him, and say to the disciples, "Your master eateth and
drinketh with publicans and sinners." 450
Deac. It appears that, contrary to the general instincts
of mankind, noble actions are being condemned, and
disgraceful actions approved.
Bish. What makes you say that, Theodorus, most
truth-loving of men?
Deac. I mean that, if you had not made the matter |
144 clear to me, by your logical explanation, I should
have been led astray to hold the same senseless
opinion as other people; the babblings of Theophilus
caught my attention more than the ideal of truth.
Bish. Then conversely, if these holy men are proved
not only to be not bad men, but men who have turned
many from vice to virtue, clearly their persecutor
deserves not to be persecuted in his turn, but to be
pitied,451 as one who is always oppressing the good,
and receiving 452 the bad.

Deac. Just so. Even if they cannot be proved to be

wise and holy men, as most people say they are; by
the lines of reasoning we have been following,
Olympias must be freed from blame, as she put into
practice the imitation of the Saviour.
Bish. And which testimony to the value of actions do
you regard as strongest; that of the gospels, or that of
Theophilus?
Deac. Hush, I beg you; I admit that he expelled the
men through ill temper and love of domination, and
that he reviled Olympias through superstition 453 and
enmity, making the monks his excuse. The fact is, that
when he found his servile flatteries fail in getting
anything out of her beyond food and hospitality, he
turned and reviled her; this is his way with every one. |
145
CHAPTER XVII. THE VIRTUES OF THE
MONKS, AND OF OLYMPIAS
Hierax and Ammonius
Bish. Listen, then, best of deacons. [You are worth the
trouble], for I see that you will do much good in the
world; your youthful zeal is a pledge of an honourable
old age.454
These men from their earliest childhood, brought up
by Christian parents, submitted themselves to God,
and when quite young refused to be the slaves of

vanity, and to associate with the multitude, but found a

desolate spot far out of the world, in the south, where
they set up huts, to shield them from the fierce heat of
the sun, and the dew from the air. Here they lived,
spending their time in prayer and reading, producing
by manual labour enough fruit of their toil to provide
for their frugal nourishment; thinking it better to herd
with deer and sparrows and buffaloes, than to feast
with people who knew not God. The eldest of them,
who was called Hierax,455 and is still generally known
by that name, once an associate of the blessed
Antonius,456 had attained the age of ninety years, or
thereabouts; another was Ammonius, sixty years old,
and there were besides two anchorite brethren, and
one bishop, who were put in pillory and banished
under Valens, as all Alexandria knows. Such masters
of learning were they, that not a single |146 point of
difficulty which men generally find in the scriptures
escaped them. Two of them fell asleep, ending their
days in Constantinople; Ammonius, as Aurelius and
Sisinnius 457 related, had prophesied of his decease,
that there would first be a great persecution and
schism among the Churches, but that the originators of
it would come to a most disgraceful end, and that so
the Churches should be made one. This shall come to
pass, as it has already come to pass in part.
The Divine Punishment of the Persecutors
For presently certain of the bishops, and of the lay
people as well, were attacked by disease, which rent
them with sufferings of various kinds, burning their

vitals with slow fever, and setting up such intolerable

itchings, that they excoriated with their nails the whole
surface of their bodies, and by continual intestinal
pains. One man had livid dropsical swellings in the
feet; another found the fingers which had written the
unrighteous signature 458 shaking with discharges, now
hot, now cold, which ran from his four limbs. The
abdomen was inflamed, and putrefaction in one
member exhaled a far-reaching stench, and bred
worms. Other symptoms were asthma, and difficulty
of breathing, and tensions of all the limbs; nightmares
of ravening dogs changing to savages brandishing
swords and yelling in strange tongues like the roaring
of the sea, made their sleep to be no sleep. One had his
right leg broken like a cabbage stalk, by a fall from his
horse, and died immediately from the shock; another
entirely lost the use of his voice, and for eight months
suffered torments 459 upon his bed, unable to lift his |
147 hand to his mouth. Another's legs were almost
eaten away as far as the knees, apparently by
aggravated erysipelas; the tongue of another swelled
so terribly, they say, with raging fever, that it pressed
against his teeth, and blocked the [main channel of]
the body. As there was no room for his tongue in the
space naturally appointed for it, he wrote a confession
of his sins upon a tablet.
One could see the divine wrath carrying out its
punitive operations by various forms of
vengeance.460 For as they had provoked the Physician
who brings relief to souls, and had driven His mouthpiece 461 from the workshop of salvation, they were

delivered over for torture to physicians of the body,

who administered pains by the drugs usually
prescribed as remedies, and wrought no salvation. For
who shall heal him who is being punished by God? As
the prophet says, "Shall physicians rise, and praise
thee?" 462 Thus perished all who work against the
peace of Thy Church, O Lord.
More of the Monks
On the other hand, it is said that the tomb of the monk
Ammonius expels the shivering fever;463 he was buried
in the shrine of the apostles, beyond the sea. Bishop
Dioscorus, they say, had made it his special petition,
that he might see either the peace of the Church, or his
own death; as the world was |148 not worthy of peace,
he was granted death, and was buried in the martyr's
shrine facing the gate of the city,464 with the result that
most of the women gave up taking oaths by the
martyr, and now swear by the prayers of Dioscorus.
As for the rest of the anchorites, the telling of the tale
would take many words; and perhaps you cannot spare
the time, famous sir.
Deac. Nay, who is so sorely pressed, that he must
refuse a hearing to tales of heroism? Speak, I pray
you, and by every fair word at your command draw
away my mind from earthly thoughts.
Bish. Well, there is another Hierax; though he bears a
Greek name, his life is adorned by the beauty of his
character. On first embracing the life of solitary

retirement, he withdrew to Mount Porphyrites,465 quite

outside the boundaries of Egypt and Thebais, free
from the breath of men; where he lived for four years
of strict devotion, finding the virtues of the life
themselves sufficient for his comfort. Then he spent
twenty-five years in Nitria, with the fathers I have
mentioned. He was assailed by demons, as he told us
himself, who were transformed into angels of light,
and tried to shake him from the hope set before him,
by promising him a long life. "You have fifty years to
live," they said; "how shall you endure, here in the
desert?" But he with the intelligence of faith replied,
"You distress me when you tell me of a period shorter
than my purpose; I had prepared myself for two
hundred years in the desert." Hearing this they
vanished howling. Such was the man, whom demons
could not shake by the invention of a vast space of
time to bring him to accidie,466 whom Pope |
149 Theophilus drove from his home by an edict, and
brought to such distress, that he made his way to the
capital; a man who now has again, since the falling
asleep of Ammonius, returned to the sheer desert, in
fearful remembrance of the parable of the plough.467
Another, a priest called Isaac, a disciple of
Macarius 468 the disciple of Antonius, a man who
loved the desert to a fault, fifty years of age, who had
the whole scripture by heart, and took up horned
snakes in his hands unharmed, a virgin from his
mother's womb, who at seven years of age had taken
to the desert, after forty years was sifted out 469 by
Pope Theophilus, with the aforesaid monks.

Another priest Isaac, also the disciple of a disciple of

Antonius, the priest Cronius,470 whom he succeeded,
extraordinarily learned, like the first Isaac, in the
scriptures, hospitable if ever man was----so much so,
that in his extraordinary love of his fellow-men, he
established a hostel in the sheer desert for the
refreshment of sick monks, and of strangers who
visited the district to see the blessed fathers----a
stranger, they say, to anger, who had lived for thirty
years in retirement, was cruelly treated along with the
others. The first of these Isaacs had a hundred and
fifty ascetics under him; Theophilus, while he was
really a Theophilus,471 appointed disciples of his, to
the number of seven or eight, as bishops. The other
had two hundred and ten, and many of his disciples,
too, are on the roll of bishops.
These are the men of whom I told you two days
ago; 472 how they were driven by Pope Theophilus |
150 from the desert, on account of Isidore the priest.
Those are the men, whom priests and Levites passed
by, and whom to the shame of men a manly woman
received, and to the condemnation of bishops a
deaconess hospitably entertained; a woman whose
praise dwells in the Churches for many reasons. She
followed the example of the famous Samaritan,
whoever he was, who found the man maltreated by the
robbers half dead in the descent to Jericho, and set him
on his own beast, and brought him to the inn, and
mingled the oil of love for his fellow-men with the
astringent wine, and so healed his swelling wounds.

The Life of Olympias

Now I must leave the monks, to speak of her. What
wealth of money or of goods she distributed to the
needy it is not for me to say, but for those who
benefited by her generosity; 473 as I lived elsewhere, I
had no need to be a burden to her.474 But listen while I
tell of greater virtue yet. She was an orphan, and
married; but she was not allowed by the foreknowing
God, Who sees the issues of men's lives before they
come to pass, to be the slave of the pleasure of the
flesh which claims the obedience of all, even for
twenty months; her husband being speedily called to
pay the debt of nature. It is reported by common
rumour that she is still a virgin; while she might have
yielded to the apostolic rule, "I will that the younger
widows marry, keep the house," 475 she could not bring
herself to do so, although she had all the advantages of
noble birth, and wealth, and an expensive education,
as well as personal beauty and the grace of blossoming
womanhood----but leapt free as a gazelle over the
snare of second marriage. "For the law is not laid
down for a righteous man, but for lawless persons,
profane," 476 insatiate for destruction. |151
Now it happened that through some kind of satanic
malice, her premature widowhood was reported to the
ears of King Theodosius, who at once set himself to
marry her to a kinsman of his own, one Elpidius, a
Spaniard. He again and again urged the brave
creature 477 to consent, but to his vexation she refused,
declaring, "If my King had desired me to live with a

husband, he would not have taken away my

first; 478 but as He knew me to be unsuitable to the
conjugal life, since I am unable to please a husband,
He at once set him free from the bond, and delivered
me from the burdensome yoke, and from slavery to a
husband, while He laid upon my mind His gentle yoke
of continence." At this reply, he ordered the prefect,
that her property should be held under trust, until she
reached her thirtieth year. The officer, instigated by
Elpidius, carried out the king's command by causing
her all possible annoyance; she was not allowed to
have any dealings even with the most eminent of the
bishops, or to attend church, in the hope that in utter
weariness she might be driven to prefer the proposed
marriage. But she rejoiced all the more, and gave
thanks to God, and made answer to the king: "You
have shown towards my humble self kindness worthy
of a king, and suitable to a bishop, in commanding this
very heavy burden, which caused me anxiety, to be put
in trust for proper administration; you will do better
yet, if you order it to be dispersed among the poor, and
the Churches. Indeed, it has long been my prayer, to
be delivered from the vainglory which might come
from distributing it in charity, that I may not be so
engrossed in material things as to lose the soul's true
wealth." Hearing on his return from the war with
Maximus 479 of her enthusiasm for the disciplined |
152 life, the king ordered that she should have the
control of her property.
Deac. Then John had good reason to hold her in
honour, if she was so strict in her self-discipline.

Bish. Yes indeed; she abstains from flesh food, and

seldom visits the baths; if her health requires it (she
has chronic stomach troubles) she enters the water in
her chemise, because, they say, modesty forbids her to
look upon herself.
Olympias' Charities
Deac. It is reported that she has entirely maintained
the blessed John.
Bish. Even if she has, what kindness did she show to
him that was worthy of his virtue? She certainly
spared him anxiety for his daily barley bread; and this
is no small thing for Christ's workers, whose care,
night and day, is for the things of Christ. As Paul says,
in saluting Persis, who probably had toiled like
Olympias; "Salute," he writes, "Persis the beloved,
who laboured much in the Lord," 480 "for all seek their
own, and not the things of Christ." 481 I know that she
did more to maintain the blessed Nectarius----so much
so, that he took her advice even in ecclesiastical
affairs----and I need not mention Amphilochius,
Optimus, Gregorius, Peter the brother of Basil, and
Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus, those saints to whom
she actually made gifts of lands and money. When
Optimus was dying in Constantinople, she closed his
eyes with her own hands. Besides these, she
generously provided everything they required for the
wretched Antiochus, Acacius, and Severianus; and to
put it briefly, for every priest who visited the city, and
a host of ascetics and virgins.482 |153

Chrysostom's Sparing Acceptance

However, as John had decided that he was sent to be a
pattern, so to speak, to future bishops of the manner of
life required of them, and therefore, that he should
preach Christian repentance, as Paul says, at his own
charge,483 without touching anything that belonged to
the Church, he accepted meat for each day as it came,
and avoided anxiety about such things. They say that
he was like a man ashamed of himself,484 when he
partook of material food. When apples are fully ripe,
they cannot endure to stay on the branch, but look for
the hand of their master; so it is with the saints. When
they rise above nature in their love for the beauty of
heavenly things, they long, even before the time
appointed for their decease, to attain to the promise.
We see the same thing in the children of great houses;
when they know that honey-cakes are to follow, they
often refuse to touch the food set before them, so as to
save their appetites for the sweets with which they
look forward to satisfying themselves. I leave my
observations to the judgment of those who have set
out upon the same track in the spiritual journey; for "if
the wise man hear a prudent man, he will commend
him, and add unto it." 485 |154
CHAPTER XVIII. CHRYSOSTOM'S IDEALS
The Example of St. Paul
Deac. You have eased my mind, honoured father, by
your painstaking and complete explanation; your

narrative is quite consistent with the rumours which

had reached our ears, but gives them a new flavour of
grace. Yet I must say, that the maintenance of the
bishop would have been no burden to the Church, if
the holy John had taken his share from the Church; as
the writer says, "For the labourer is worthy of his
food," 486 and again, "Who feedeth a flock, and eateth
not of the milk of the flock? Who planteth a vineyard,
and partakes not of its fruit?" 487 Do we not find these
words, and many others to the same effect, in
scripture?
Bish. Appropriately and intelligently spoken,
Theodorus; but add to the texts you have quoted the
words that follow. True, the sacred law gives to those
employed upon sacred things the right to eat of the
sacrifice, but note what Paul, ever covetous of the
good, adds: "I did not use the power" 488 in things of
the body, "that I may be a partaker of the gospel" 489 in
things of the spirit. He would not be "a stumblingblock to the weak"; as he says, "If any one see thee,
who hast knowledge, sitting at meat" in weakness,
"will not his conscience, as he is weak, be
edified" 490 into imitating thy weak doings? If the
matter ended with us, and there were none coming
after us to receive in their turn maintenance from the
laity, it would be possible for an offender to say, Let
us live as we will, and enjoy the good things of life.
But as those who come after us treat us as teachers,
and set our rule and our behaviour before their eyes,
we are bound to live |155 not only for ourselves, but
for Him Who died and rose for us;491 to constrain the

weakness of the laity, and to lead their ranks to a

higher standard of temperance and simplicity,
admonishing ourselves. As the writer says, "What man
is he that feareth the Lord? He will lay down for him a
law in the way that he hath chosen." 492
The Sense of Responsibility
For the Master lays down the law for the self-willed
and miserable people who sin in thoughtlessness,
welcoming the spirit of bondage; as the psalmist
David says, "The Lord shall lay down a law for
sinners in the way," 493 but will punish transgressors.
But the righteous man, breaking the bounds of the law
of bondage, for his love of the Master, presses on to
his rights of sonship by adoption, and becomes his
own law-giver. Such was Job, both in deed and
word---- "I made a covenant with my eyes; I will not
look upon a maid." 494 Now what was this covenant?
That they who rebel against temperance should have
their eyes cut out.495 In the same way David says, "I
have sworn, and am steadfastly purposed, to keep thy
righteous judgments;"496 where his will was hesitating
and wavering, he bound it with an oath.
John followed the example of these fathers, as no
bastard, but a true son, and in his longing to make the
way easy for the common herd of men, enervated
through divers lusts, to a sounder standard of life, he
made himself his own law-giver;497 steeling himself by
an unalterable decision, he withdrew himself from
drinking parties and gatherings of triflers, jokers, and

gossips, arming the eye of his soul with the panoply of

the spirit, lest folly should find an entrance through
revelry and improper talk, and make havoc of |
156 temperance. As the writer says, "Evil
communications corrupt good manners." 498
Chrysostom's Action in Accordance with Scripture
This is why plots were laid against him; for even when
his light shone brightly, he was offensive to them, as a
lamp is offensive to watering eyes. Such was his
fellow-sufferer, Jeremiah, who lamented with tears the
faithlessness of the rulers and the priests, crying,
"Who will give to my head water, and fountains of
tears to my eyes? And I will weep for my people day
and night;" and again, "Who will give me a lodgingplace, the furthest in the desert? And I will leave my
people, and go from them, for all commit
adultery." 499 He calls the assembly of the false
prophets and priests a gathering of them that disannul
the law.500 So in another passage he appeals to God,
not because God did not know, but because we have to
follow his example: "Lord, if I have sat in the
assembly of them that make merry; but I lived in
godly fear away from thy face; I sat alone, because I
was filled with bitterness." 501 Similarly David sings,
"I have not sat with the assembly of vanity, and with
the transgressors I will not enter;" and he adds, to
make his meaning clear, "I have hated the
congregation of the evil-doers, and with the ungodly I
will not sit; I will wash my hands"----my active

powers----"in innocency, and will go round thine altar,

O Lord." 502
But these men cared less than he for the altar, and
turned their back upon it, not only in purpose, but in
their manner of life; not content with defiling it with
unwashed and blood-stained hands, with giving and
accepting bribes, and making false statements in
writing, they trampled upon it with muddy feet. It is of
them that Ezekiel speaks in figure: "And he brought
me to the door of the court, and I saw, and behold a
hole in the wall. And he said unto me, |157 Dig
through, son of man. And I dug through, and behold, a
door. And he said unto me, Go in, and see the wicked
lawlessness, which they do here. And I went in, and
behold, every likeness of creeping thing, and beast,
and vain idols, abominations. And he said unto me,
Thou hast seen, son of man, what the elders of the
house of Israel do in the dark, in the chamber" (he
means, in their minds). "For they said, The Lord seeth
us not, the Lord hath forsaken the earth. And he said
unto me, Thou shalt see yet greater lawlessness, which
these do. And he brought me to another place, and
showed me; and behold, there sat women weeping for
Tammuz." And again, "He brought me into the inner
house of the Lord; and behold there, twenty and four
men, and their faces turned away, and their backs to
the altar. And he said unto me, Are these small things,
that the house of Israel doeth?" 503
We could not help calling to mind the passage of the
prophet, at the thought of these particularly reckless

people, who think that they are somewhat 504 and

deceive themselves; who disturb the peace of the
Church, because they have given their backs to the
Lord's table, "Whose judgment ceaseth not, and their
destruction slumbereth not;" 505 "who mind earthly
things." 506 Of them Judas the brother of James says,
"These are they who are hidden rocks in your love
feasts, feasting with you without fear, shepherds that
feed themselves; clouds without water, carried along
by winds, wild waves of the sea foaming out their own
shame, wandering stars, for whom the blackness of
darkness hath been reserved for ever." 507 In calling
them "clouds without water," he suggested the evil
hail with which they mar the vine; "wandering stars"
more distantly suggests the plot against the ship. Both
ship and vine are the Church. What consequences are
bound to follow from such things? Hear again the
same prophet Ezekiel, telling us: "And he |158 showed
me, and behold men came from the way of the upper
gate, which looketh toward the north, every man with
his slaughter weapon in his hand. And one man in the
midst of them, clothed down to the feet, and a girdle
of sapphire upon his loins. And they went in, and
stood beside the brazen altar, and the glory of the God
of Israel which was upon them went up from the
cherubim to the threshold of the house. And he called
the man who was clothed down to the feet, who had
the girdle upon his loins. And the Lord said unto him,
Go through the midst of the city, even Jerusalem, and
set the sign upon the foreheads of the men that sigh
and that cry for all the lawlessness that is done in the
midst of them. And to them he said"----clearly, to the

six who had the slaughter weapons----"in mine

hearing, Go into the city after him"----clearly, after the
man who put the signs upon their foreheads----"and
smite; let not your eye spare, neither have ye pity; slay
utterly the old man, the young man, and maiden, and
little children and women. But come not near any man
upon whom is the sign, and begin at my sanctuary.
Then they began at the elders which were in the house
of the Lord."508
A Piece of Exegesis
If any one should imagine that this prophecy is
concerned only with occurrences in Judaea, I should
consider him to be in ignorance of the fact of the
Lord's sojourn upon earth; for Ezekiel was not a priest
prior to the Captivity. Under the dispensation of God,
he was carried into captivity while quite a child, with
the rest of the tribe of Levi, and only in his thirtieth
year, while fulfilling his office as a priest among the
exiles, was he found worthy of the vision of things to
be; as he tells us himself, "And it came to pass in the
thirtieth year, in the fourth month, on the fifth day of
the month; and I was in the midst of the captivity by
the river Chebar." 509 And again, shortly |
159 afterwards: "The word of the Lord came to
Ezekiel, the son of Buzi, the priest, in the land of the
Chaldaeans by the river Chebar."
If our objector, finding himself in difficulties, should
now say to us: It is the Saviour who went first and set
the sign of the cross upon the foreheads of the men,

and then, when they would not believe the Saviour,

the Roman empire followed, in the days of Vespasian,
who forty years later destroyed the synagogue which
had worked iniquity; we accept 510 [as a Christian] a
man who holds these views, but we urge him, as a son
of the New Covenant,511 to follow the guidance of Paul
our instructor in these mysteries, who says of all the
books of this kind, "These things happened to them in
figure, and they are written for our admonition, upon
whom the ends of the world are come." 512
Now I do not say this because I make it my prayer that
the sword may come upon the enemies of God. God
forbid. The prophet does not indicate a sword of steel,
but some other punitive force, of which the same
Ezekiel says, "The land upon which I bring a sword"
("I bring" for "I will allow"), "and the people of the
land take a man, and set him for their watchman, and
the watchman seeth the sword coming, and bloweth
with the trumpet, and warneth the people, and he that
heareth hear, and keepeth not guard; and the sword
come and take any one, his blood will I require of him,
because he heard not the sound of of the trumpet."
And again: "But if the watchman seeth the sword
coming, and blow not the trumpet, and give not
warning to the people, and the sword come and take
any one, his blood will I require at the watchman's
hand, because he saw the sword, yet did not blow." 513
Now the blessed John slept not the sleep of unbelief, |
160 nor was he heedless with the heedlessness of
pleasure-seeking, but with this peril ever before his

eyes, he cried more clearly than a trumpet;514 no

uncertain sound he uttered,515but gave men certain
knowledge of the sword of the devil, and urged all
men to flee from it. And all who had a clear
conscience like a sign upon the forehead of their souls,
by the grace of God were saved with you the faithful
of Rome,516 while all whose conscience is defiled set
people and priests on fire with quarrels among
themselves, so as to hide their own in the general
wickedness.
The Use of the Opportunity
Deac. Admirably said. But it is admitted that it is
impossible for a man to be found blameless and
perfect in this earthly life; for the Scripture says
repeatedly, "Who shall boast that he hath his heart
pure? Or who shall be confident that he is clean from
sin?" 517 Be that as may be, the blessed John at any rate
did not know how to use the opportunity, for one
ought not to interfere with those in power.518
Bish. My good Theodorus, I believe you are a rascal.
At first you showed us the sympathy that we expected
of you, and a certain amount of compunction;519 but
little by little you are proving to have a liking for
scurrilities. Why, even his recognized enemies never
found such severe fault with his behaviour.
Deac. Why are you angry, father, you who have the
reputation for being a lover of truth, because I said
that the blessed John did not grasp the opportunity?

The scripture says, "Stand not in the place of

rulers," 520 and again, "Buying up the opportunity."521 |
161 A specially necessary rule in dealing with men
who will not accept advice or improvement.
Bish. Blessed are ye, who so interpret the scriptures.
The verse in Ecclesiastes,522 "Stand not in the place of
rulers," is addressed to those who are unworthy of,
and unequal to, the priesthood, to prevent them from
seizing upon it. By "rulers," he means the teachers of
righteousness; first the apostles, who were rulers,
clothed with the spirit of power, and next, those who
follow their example. And the phrase "to buy up the
opportunity" is used, not to make us hypocrites, but to
bid us, when the opportunity of sin arises, to buy the
opportunity by means of virtue, and not to sell it to
sin. He who little by little thus buys up the
opportunity, finds that he has bought up his whole
existence; he has passed by the pleasures of life, to
find those that are above life.523 This is what the
martyrs have done; they gave away their life in the
flesh, and inherited immortality. So they bought up the
opportunity in the true sense.
Scriptural Illustrations
If my view is unsound, it will appear that Moses,
Elias, Michaiah, Daniel, John the Baptist, Esaias,
Peter and Paul, not to mention others, were ignorant of
their own opportunities. Moses, because he reproved a
man, secured his safety by flight, and fed the flocks of
a Gentile upon the mountains; Elias, overcome by

drowsiness in his grief, fell asleep, but as he could

find no shade of wall or rock, it was under a juniper
bush, which gave him scanty shelter. Esaias was sawn
asunder; Daniel for his piety was let down into a den
of lions; Michaiah was kept a prisoner in gaol |162 (by
which we must understand some underground
chamber), condemned to be fed with the bread of
affliction and a bare allowance of water, that after
prolonged languishing there his life might be cut short
through his bad treatment; all because of his
outspoken language to one of the kings. What will you
say to me of John, unequalled among them that are
born of women? Did he not know how to use the
opportunity, because he had his head cut off for his
undisguised reproof of the king's adultery; he who
showed the same care for Herod as a physician, when
he cuts away, or cauterizes, the incurable ailment of a
patient?
No Shrinking from Reproof
On the same principle, John reproved his patients,
from pity or from affection. If the Baptist did not
know the opportunity, how is it that he recognized the
Artificer and Maker of the ages, when he said,
"Behold the Lamb of God, who beareth the sin of the
world "? 524 And how is it that Paul and Peter did not
know the opportunity; those pillars of the Church,
who even after their deaths shut and open the
opportunities of repentance to those who desire it, and
knock at the door? I suppose they were specially
ignorant, as one was crucified with feet in air, as a

sign of his heavenward journey, the other beheaded,

because of his bold speaking in Christ; that he might
not fall away from the Head Who is Head indeed. Do
not then listen to those who criticize and revile the
bold speaking of the saints. This is the practice of the
Gentiles, and of those who think themselves clever, to
whom life, and scurrilous jests at the courage of the
saints are dear.
Reproof must not be Personal
No, the sword must not be blunt, and the bold word
must not be left unspoken. Kindness and bold
speaking are as inseparable as scent and perfume. I |
163 will admit that if reproofs were offered
personally,525 before a man's own household, or
friends, or relatives, in whose presence he would not
like even to blush, the bold speaker would be open,
possibly, to the charge of ignorance of the right
opportunity or place; but if the Church is like a
butcher's shop, in which praise is given to those who
do well, and blame to those who are careless, why
should we be vexed at reproofs given without names
being mentioned, and for our good? That means
feeding our faults, instead of obeying him who said,
"All that is sold in the shambles eat, asking no
questions." 526 Otherwise, we shall again 527 find the
saints to have been the occasion of stumbling to some
cities and countries through their reproofs, and to have
ruined others by their praises.
.

The Universal in the Particular

Job is the first instance in point; he censures the land
of Phoenicia,528 for inviting his enemy, Satan; as he
says, "The peoples of the Phoenicians part him among
themselves." 529 Next, Moses and the prophets censure
Egypt, and call it an iron furnace,530 and darkness,
while they praise Palestine, and call it a land of
promise; yet Egypt proves to be a land of promise to
the good, and Palestine, not only an iron furnace, but
outer darkness, through unbelief, to the |164sluggard.
It is not the places that are blamed or praised, but the
practices of their inhabitants. However, I need not
elaborate my argument at length; it will serve for a
beginning, briefly to suggest instances. When Paul
calls the Cretans liars,531 and the Galatians
foolish,532 and the Corinthians puffed up,533 and so on,
was he thinking only of the faults of these particular
peoples, and reproving them alone, or of those of men
in general? Or again, when he calls the Romans
faithful,534 and the Ephesians, to whom he writes in a
loftier strain, enlightened,535 and the Thessalonians,
lovers of the brethren,536 was his commendation
intended only for those peoples? Certainly not; guided
by the Spirit, he bestowed praise and blame, that the
man who is worthy of praise may know it, and be
strengthened in his zeal, while he who is otherwise
may be distressed as he reads, and purge himself from
the .cause of blame. So the Galatians are not the only
foolish people, the Cretans the only liars, the
Corinthians the only proud; for all these are universal
failings, because the human nature which sins and

works righteousness is one, and in one and the same

matter tends to sinfulness or to righteousness,
according to the man's conscious choice.
This was the principle of John's boldness of speech in
the Church;537 it would be more true to say, that to the
hungry he gave their portion of the meat of virtue, and
banished sin with open reproofs, in obedience to him
who said, "Him who sins, reprove before all, that the
rest also may fear." 538 But if some people are so
grievously afflicted with pride or |165 folly, that they
wish the pleasures in which they indulge to be
commended, the servants of God have no such
custom. You see, those who are indignant at reproof
given to covetousness, and fornication, and other foul
pleasures, virtualfy declare simply that these offences,
however poisonous, ought to be accepted (as
Christian).
CHAPTER XIX. A DEFENCE AGAINST THE
CHARGES OF PRIDE AND INSOLENCE
Pride shown by Self-isolation
Deac. Very many thanks, father, for the visit of your
brotherly love; it has been helpful to us, and a
remembrance for all our lives.
After these high compliments, Theodorus held his
peace; but one of the company burst in with:

Well then, how do you account for his being

haughty,539 if he was adorned with all these
excellencies?
Bish. Did you know him to be haughty by personal
experience, or did some one tell you that he was so?
The speaker answered:
I do not know the man; but I heard the remark made
by a certain tanner, that it was rare for him to enter
into company, except in the Church, and that he
chafed at lengthy interviews with persons who wished
for them. It is a proof of conceit and pride,540 to avoid
intercourse with those who desire it.
The Example of Our Lord and of the Baptist
Bish. Ah, a tanner; a man who takes the stench of his
workshop home to live with him. Quite the right man
to find fault with John's philosophy.541 |166 If it is a
proof of conceit to avoid crowds, according to your
argument, John the Baptist must have been a conceited
man, when he retired into the deserts. One step further,
and it will be the Saviour Himself; for it is written,
"Jesus, seeing the multitudes, went up into a
mountain, and when he was set, his disciples came
unto him" 542 ----not the multitudes----and again,
"Seeing the multitudes, he withdrew apart." 543 It was
to follow His example, so far as he could, that good
Bishop John too withdrew from the multitudes, while

he delighted in the company of those who really

wished to learn.
Deac. A good argument from scripture proofs. But
what have you to say to the charge that he was
insolent,544 when he kept himself in retirement not
only from large gatherings, but even from the society
of one or two individuals?
A Single Person can be a Crowd
Bish. A single person can be a particularly
unprofitable and misleading crowd. Such was the man
who said to Jesus, "Master, I will follow thee
whithersoever thou goest." 545 Do you not see that the
Saviour was escaping from the crowd, when He said,
"Foxes have holes," etc.? But you cannot convince
me, that after his baptism John ever swore, or made
another swear, or slandered, or lied, or cursed, or
indulged in frivolities.546
Deac. No, I make no assertion of this sort; only that he
was insolent.
Bish. My excellent friend, how was it possible for the
man who was guilty of none of these things to be
insolent, and lose control over his tongue? A small sin
defiles as much as a great one.
Deac. Well then, tell me, what do these popular
statements mean? And when will they cease? |167

Christ Himself was Similarly Reviled

Bish. Hear the whole story, and do not pay attention to
idle reports; you will never find an excuse for doing
that. People whose lives are not upright never have
upright thoughts; they are for ever gossiping, and have
no time for anything else, especially if no one dares to
disagree with them. Why, they made all sorts of
monstrous statements about the Saviour----God
Himself, Who in life, and speech, and act, was above
man, above prophet. They heaped insult upon insult,
as thick as a herd of swine or a swarm of flies; such
was the manner of the time. Some said, "He deceives
the world;" 547 others, "He casts out devils in
Beelzebul, chief of the devils;" 548 others, "Behold a
gluttonous man and a wine-bibber;" 549 others again,
"He is a Samaritan, and has a devil." 550 What would
be the good of my gathering all their vapourings
together? The Saviour Himself knew what was going
on, when He said to His apostles, "Whom do men say
that I, the Son of Man, am?" 551 The disciples replied
by mentioning the most complimentary of the current
ideas about Him: "Some say Elias, some Jeremias,
others, John the Baptist;" they do not quote the
language of the vilest of men. So He asked them
again, distinguishing them from the "men" of whom
He had spoken before (and rightly; for in mind they
were not men, but the sons of God, for to us the Word
"gave power to become children of God"),552 "But
whom say ye that I am?" Then Peter, expressing the
mind of them all, answered, "Thou art the Christ, the
Son of the living God." The Saviour accepted the

correctness of this answer, and declared, "Thou art

Peter, and upon this rock," that is, "the
confession," 553 "I will build my Church, and gates of
Hades shall not prevail against it." |168
Abuse of the Living turns to Honour of the Dead
You will find the same characteristics in the blame or
praise given not only to John, but to all. Just as at that
time all the work of Christ and His apostles was being
reviled----the Ephesians shouted, "These are they that
have turned the world upside down," 554----but all that
has ceased now, and they are glorified; so you will
find it when this generation has passed. John will be
honoured as a martyr,555 when those who are set
against his good reputation are brought to dust; people
on the level of pigs or dogs will say, "He deceives the
world," etc., while disciples will honestly and
cautiously inquire into his conduct, and say,556 "Thou
art the Christ, the Son of the living God." And if, in
the case, of the Saviour Christ, among so many
thousands of men only twelve were found at first to
recognize Jesus, while the majority even to this day
talk nonsense about Him; why need we be so
particular as to what is said about John, a man who
was not fit to be compared with the spittle of Christ?
With the spittle, do I say? Not with the hem of His |
169 garment. "All the nations," says Esaias, "shall be
counted as a drop from a bottle, and as spittle." 557
Jesting Words taken Seriously

As for what you said about his being insolent, the facts
are these. In the first place, it was impossible for him
to grant favours, much less to be insolent, to
everybody; but in dealing with any of his genuine
disciples, or clergy, or bishops, if he noticed them
boasting of their abstinence from anything, or of their
correctness in the practice of bodily discipline, he
playfully rallied them, by giving them nicknames
expressing the opposite.558 For instance, he would call
the teetotaller a drunkard, the man living in holy
poverty covetous, the charitable man a thief. It is a
kindly method of instruction for true men, to
strengthen qualities which they possess, by speaking
of qualities which they do not possess. The truth is,
that he used to honour a self-restrained youth more
than a licentious senior, a studious senior more than an
ignorant junior, a layman who had embraced holy
poverty more than a trained scholar who was
covetous, a virtuous man living in the world more than
an idle monk.
Scriptural Reproofs far more Severe
Perhaps people who are always on the look-out for
honours call this insolence; but John says to those who
came to put themselves under his instruction, "O
generation of vipers, who hath warned you to flee
from the wrath to come?"559 And Paul, in the Acts,
says to the chief priest, "God shall smite thee, thou
whited wall;" 560 and the Saviour in one place says to
the Jews, "A wicked and adulterous generation seeks
after a sign," 561 and in another, to all the apostles, |

170 "O fools and slow of heart." 562 In yet another He

calls Peter, Satan----" Get thee behind me, Satan; for
thou art an offence unto me." 563 Yet there was no
grave offence, which called for these severe
expressions.
The Purpose of Self-isolation; with Scriptural
Examples
Let us then make the love of learning 564 our delight in
silence, as we cannot judge spiritual persons.565 They
are not insolent to us because they hate us, nor do they
love solitude because they are puffed up with pride;
their one aim is service springing from love. This
again is why we find all those that are described to us
in the holy records as good men, declining and turning
away from ignorant 566 persons, for fear that they may
in time become used to their ways through familiarity,
and so adopt a lower standard of virtue, or acquire
their failings. Let Sarah be our first instance. She
urged her husband Abraham to banish from the
domestic hearth the son of the bond-maid, while he
was still quite a child; for she objected to his playing
with her son Isaac, for fear that if they amused
themselves together, he might be demoralized by
Ishmael's behaviour and manners. Then Jacob secured
his safety by flight, and set out for Mesopotamia, to
sojourn there. Next, Lot was warned by the angels to
move from among the impious men of Sodom; yes,
and Moses, as I said before, when he grew up, and had
refused to be called the son of Pharaoh's
daughter,567determined to separate himself from the

tyrant and his men-at-arms,568 and warned those who

were of the same mind as himself to start off with him,
and make the exodus their first care. The prophets,
too, shunned the |171 worthless crowd, and generally
lived in the deserts; the apostle said of them, "They
wandered in deserts, and mountains, and caves, and
the holes of the earth." 569 This was to avoid mingling
with the lawless, and because they knew that
association has power to deceive, and reduce to a
common level those who spend their days together,
and more, that such intercourse is of itself
blameworthy and poisonous, and even disgraceful. It
is against nature to put up with a thing one dislikes, or
even to 570 tolerate it for a short time; for like always
attracts like (as the saying is, "Every beast loveth his
like;" 571 but the unlike is hostile and alien). Who in
the world can train a grain-eating dove or pigeon to
feed with carnivorous martens or ravens? Or the
herbivorous goose or crane to herd with vultures that
pick bones? For what communion hath light with
darkness,572 or virtue with vice, or the bad with the
good?
The Meaning of "all Things to all Men"
Deac. How then is it that the apostle says, "I became
all things to all men, to the Jews as a Jew, that I might
gain Jews; to the weak as weak, that I might gain the
weak; to them that are without law as without law, that
I might gain them that are without law"? 573

Bish. This quotation, my dear sir, does not support

your contention; for Paul did not say, I became
careless to the careless, or frivolous to the frivolous, or
covetous to the covetous, or anything of the sort, but,
"I became as this or that"----not, "I became this." For
"I became as this" is not the same as "I became this."
The words and deeds of the apostle are "such as"
(those of others). His condescension possibly did no
great good, but it certainly did no harm; "I became to
the Jews as a Jew, that I might gain Jews." And yet he
was of the Jews, for he was circumcised; in what sense
then does he say, |172 "As a Jew," not, "I became a
Jew"? He was often to be found keeping the Sabbath,
and fasting, with Jews, without detriment to the
teachings of the Saviour, in hopes of leading them on
to a more perfect knowledge, through familiarity and
companionship with 574 him; just as physicians do not
always stay with their patients, or surfer from the
same complaints 575 or the same delirious cravings as
they. The manner of life which befits a teacher
requires that he does not spend much time among
crowds, but that he keeps quiet, and investigates the
differences between various characters by careful
research. This is the method of scientific physicians.
They devote themselves mostly to their books, and so
can diagnose the causes of complaints, and prescribe
the remedies for them; they only come near to the sick
so far as is necessary to discover the mischief, and
administer the medicine, and do not play, or take
meals, with them. Medical skill does not profess to be
able to eat or play with patients, but to restore the sick
to health.

Have done then, I beg, and do not keep worrying me

with the same objections. Virtue is never vanquished
by the cavils of chatterers. Instead of that, accept my
view, and set a guard at the doors of your cars, to keep
them from reporting everything they hear, and
receiving it into the store-room, to the disturbance of
your mind. And now allow me to tell the rest of my
story; for I must hasten on my way.
And Theodorus said---Deac. Where are the bishops who were sent with our
delegates, Eulysius and Palladius, and Cyriacus and
Demetrius?576 We have heard a vague rumour that they
were banished.
Bish. If my account of the career of the blessed John
appears to you clear, and to contain no hidden
falsehood, and if you bear in mind what I have said, I
will answer any question you wish to ask. |173
CHAPTER XX. THE SUFFERINGS OF THE
SAINTS, AND THE PROVIDENCE OF GOD
The Value of Saintly Example
Deac. I am as fully persuaded of the truth as if I had
been on the spot myself. The best proof of my
acceptance of your narrative is the attention I have
paid to it. While I have the recollection of it still
ringing in my ears, I shall possibly commit it to
writing 577 in ink, upon a prime piece of parchment, as

a memorial to our own generation, and for the benefit

of those who aspire to the episcopate; so that they may
either be such as was the holy John, or such as you,
who have emulated the way of the martyrs on behalf
of the truth, or else may give up trying to bear a
burden beyond their strength, and be content with the
unadventurous life of the layman.578
When experienced pilots are available, it is better to
pay one's fare, and get safely to port as a passenger,
than to take the pilot's place oneself, and lose vessel
and cargo together by shipwreck. , You have given us
an account of the career of the blessed John; of the
strict ordering of his life, of his splendid work in the
Churches of Antioch and Constantinople, of his
advancement, of the plots formed against him, and of
all his |174 bitter trials, laboriously brought upon him
by ill-disposed persons in carrying out these plots. You
have told us, too, about Porphyrius, and the eunuch of
Ephesus.579 Now tell us the rest. Who died in prison?
Which of those in communion with John were
banished? It is but common justice that we should
hold such men in memory, to encourage the living. In
things which belong to earthly life, servants who for
their masters' sake suffer imprisonment, or blows, or
torture, are rewarded by them with kindness and
emancipation; how much more do those deserve
honour and good-will from the Church who suffer for
the sake of Christ? The apostle says of them, "As
prisoners with the prisoners, evil entreated with those
that are evil entreated, as being yourselves in the

body." 580 For "right dear in the sight of the Lord is the
death of his saints." 581
The Sufferings of Chrysostom's Adherents
Bish. Excellently spoken. Listen then. At first, a
rumour was circulated that the bishops had been
thrown into the sea; but the true account shows that
they were sent into banishment beyond the boundaries
of their native provinces, into barbarian climes, where
they are still kept under the guard of the police. A
deacon who had been their fellow-traveller told us on
his arrival that Cyriacus 582 was at Palmyra, the
frontier fort of Persia, eighty miles further inland from
Emesa 583; that Eulysius of Bostra 584 in Arabia was
about three days' march away at a fort called Misphas,
near the land of the Saracens; Palladius was under
guard in the neighbourhood of the Blemmyans, 585 |
175 a tribe of Ethiopians, at a place called
Syene;586 Demetrius was far inland at Oasis----the one
in the neighbourhood of the Mazici (there are other
Oases)----and that Serapion, accused of countless
unproved charges, sustained personal injuries from his
savage judges (who went so far, it is said, as to draw
his teeth), and was then banished to his own native
country.587
Hilarius,588 a holy man, advanced in years, was
transported to the innermost Pontus, after being
beaten, not by the judge, but by the clergy; a man who
for eighteen years had not tasted bread, but lived on
nothing but herbs and boiled wheat. Antonius went

into voluntary exile among the caves of Palestine;

Timotheus of Maroneia,589 and John of Lydia, are said
to be in Macedonia; Rhodon of Asia made his way to
Mitylene; Gregory of Lydia is said to be in Phrygia;
Brisson, brother of Palladius,590 of his own free will
left his Church, and is living on his own little farm,
working the land with his own hands. Lampetius, they
say, is being maintained in some place in Lydia, by
one Eleutherus, and devoting himself to reading;
Eugenius is in his own native country; Elpidius, the
great Bishop of Laodicea, and Pappus, have spent
three whole years without coming down the housestairs,591 in their devotion to prayer. Heracleides of
Ephesus has been confined for these four years in the
prison of Nicomedeia.
As to the rest of the bishops in communion with John,
some lost heart altogether, and communicated with
Atticus, and were transferred to other Churches, in |
176 Thrace; others are lost to sight. Anatolius is said
to be in Gaul.
To turn now to the priests; some were banished to
Arabia and Palestine; Tigrius 592 to Mesopotamia.
Philip escaped to Pontus, and died; Theophilus is
living in Paphlagonia; John, son of Aethrius, founded
a monastery in Csesarea; Stephanus was banished to
Arabia, but was taken by the Isaurians out of the hands
of the guard, and allowed to go up to the Taurus
district. Salustius is said to be in Crete. I understand
that Philip the anchorite, priest in charge of the
school,593 is lying sick in Campania. Sophronius the

deacon is in prison in the Thebaid; Paul the deacon,

the assistant steward, is said to be in Africa; another
Paul, deacon of the Church of the Resurrection, is in
Jerusalem. Helladius, the presbyter of the palace,594 is
living on his own little farm in Bithynia. A large
number are in hiding in Constantinople, others have
gone to their own native countries. Silvanus the holy
bishop is in Troas, supporting himself by fishing;
Stephanus the ascetic was flogged at Constantinople,
and thrown into prison for ten months, simply for |
177 having brought the letters from the Church of
Rome.595 He was offered his freedom, on condition of
communicating [with Atticus], and on his refusal had
the skin most cruelly torn from his ribs and breast; I
myself have seen the marks. However, in the gracious
care of Christ his life was preserved, possibly for
struggles yet to come, and after ten months of medical
treatment he was banished to Pelusium.
A soldier named Provincialus, of the Imperial
guard,596 accused of being a lover of John, was first
flogged repeatedly and tortured unmercifully, and then
banished to Petrae. A servant of Elpidius the priest
accepted a bribe, they say, of fifty pieces of money, to
kill the holy John by treachery, but was caught in the
attempt with three swords upon his person, and
injured seven of his captors one after the other. Four of
them were at once buried, and three were under
treatment for a long time before they recovered; yet
the murderer was acquitted.597 The blessed Eutropius,
undefiled of women, a singer,598 was terribly flogged,
and the skin torn from his ribs and forehead; his

eyebrows were torn off, and finally his ribs were laid
bare on both sides, and burning oil-lamps placed |
178 against the bones, until he expired upon the rack,
and was buried at midnight by the priestly perpetrators
of the crime. But God bore witness to his death, by a
vision of singers, in token of its likeness to the passion
of the Saviour.
The deacon who came back to us from the
bishops 599 reported that the prefect's officers in charge
of them treated them so badly, in accordance with
instructions received from some source or other, that
they prayed for death and release from life.
They robbed the bishops of every penny they had for
the expenses of the journey, and divided it among
themselves; they set them on bare-boned asses, and
made a two days' journey into one, going on till late at
night, and starting off before it was light in the
morning, until their stomachs could not keep down
even the meagre food allowed them. They never lost
an opportunity of insulting them with foul and
disgraceful language. They carried off the servant of
Palladius, and compelled him to surrender his ledger.
One of those in charge, who had cruelly ill-treated
Demetrius, so as to reach Zibyne late in the evening,
was racked with pain from head to foot, and died in
agony; inspired men recognized this as the punishment
for his cruelty. Palladius had told him before, as a
fellow-soldier who returned informed us, that "Thou
shalt not make another journey, but shalt die in
misery." They would not allow them to go near a

church, but lodged either in inns, where there were

numbers of prostitutes, or in the synagogues of
Samaritans or Jews, mostly from Tarsus; where their
distress suggested to them a new thought, which had
not occurred to them before. Said one of the
bishops: 600 "Why should we trouble about our |
179 lodgings? Does it lie with us where to stay, so that
we can be responsible, as if we misbehaved ourselves
of our own choice? Do you not know, that by all this
that has happened, and will happen, God is being
glorified in all things? 601 How many of these
prostitutes, who have forgotten God, or never had the
knowledge of Him, have been brought by the sight of
us in this condition to the fear and thought of God, and
so perhaps been turned to better things, or at least been
kept from plunging into worse? It is no small thing, to
a reasonable soul, in a time of suffering, to have even
a little respite; we must regard it as a stimulus to selfcontrol. Paul the seer, who himself suffered like us,
says: 'We are a sweet savour of Christ among them
that are being saved and among them that are
perishing, because we have been made a spectacle to
angels and to men.'" 602
The local bishops in communion with Theophilus all
over the East went so far in their savage cruelty, that
some of them, so far from showing ordinary humanity,
actually bribed the officers to get them out of the cities
more speedily. The chief offenders in this respect were
the Bishops of Tarsus and Antioch,
Eulogius,603 Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, and
especially the Bishop of Ancyra, and Ammonius,

Bishop of Pelusium, who made the soldiers in charge

of them still more savage against them by bribes or by
threats, urging them not even to allow those of the
laity who wished to do so to give them hospitality.
History Repeals Itself
On similar grounds the blessed John, writing to Gaius,
in his Catholic epistles, condemns a certain bishop,
but commends the hospitality of Gaius, and exhorts
him not to imitate wicked bishops. The words are
these: "Unto Gaius the beloved, whom I |180 love in
truth. Beloved, I pray that in all things thou may est
prosper and be in health, even as thy soul prospereth.
For I rejoiced greatly, when some came and declared
to me, that thou walkest in truth, and wherein thou
didst refresh the saints. I have no greater joy than
this." 604 And after this he adds, "I wrote unto the
Church; but Diotrephes, who loveth to have the preeminence among them, receiveth us not, prating
against us with wicked words; and not content
therewith, neither doth he himself receive the brethren,
and them that would he forbiddeth, and casteth them
out of the Church." A little later he gives him the
advice, "Beloved, imitate not that which is evil; for he
that doeth good is of God; he that doeth evil hath not
seen God." 605
I have quoted this whole passage, relating to the
wickedness of by-gone days, to pourtray the mind of
the Diotrephes' of to-day.

But (my friend) praised and admired the bishops of the

second Cappadocia, for their deep sympathy, even to
tears, with the banished bishops; especially the most
gentle Theodorus of Tyana, and Bosphorus of
Coloneia, a bishop of forty-eight years' standing,, and
Serapion of Ostracine, who has held the episcopal
office for forty-five years.
The Problem of the Prosperity of the Wicked
Long was Theodorus speechless with distress, and at
last said---Deac. What shall we say to all this, father? Can it be
that it is the last hour, and the falling away of which
Paul speaks is being ushered in by these events, "that
the son of perdition, who opposeth, may be
revealed"? 606 The thought of the wicked prospering,
and succeeding in their aims, and going on for so long,
and having such power, while the good are |181 being
persecuted and pillaged, fills me with dread that this
person is near at hand.
The Last Hour
Bish. Very certainly, most intelligent sir, the end is
near; as we read, "Little children, it is the last
hour;" 607 and "The master of the house went out about
the eleventh hour to hire labourers into his
vineyard." 608 The last hour is the twelfth; and if the
apostle spoke of the last hour four hundred years ago,
much more, by all showing, is it the last hour now.609

The Test of Suffering

Again, we have to remember that from the first these
things have occurred by the permission of the Lord,
for the training of the saints; the devil desires to have
them, as the word of the Saviour says, "Simon, Simon,
Satan asked to have you, that he might sift you as
wheat; but I made supplication for thee, that thy faith
fail not." 610 Assuredly the Lord did not pray for
Simon alone, but for all who have Peter's faith; the
sieve can only mean, the circle of earth filled with
pleasures and pains, which form, so to speak, holes
through which earthly people fall down to hell,
separated as dust from nourishing grain by the
perforations.
Some pass through the hole of gluttony----those
"whose god is their belly"; 611 some through that of
love of pleasure, those of whom the prophet speaks,
who were "led astray by the spirit of
fornication"; 612 for "neither fornicators, nor adulterers,
nor abusers of themselves, shall inherit the kingdom of
God." 613 Others pass through the hole of
covetousness----those who have espoused the bride of
idolatry; others |182 through that of anger and
passion----those who loved bestial darkness, of whom
John says, "He that hateth his brother is in darkness
until now," 614 for "Anger," says the author of
Proverbs, "destroys even the prudent;" 615 others
through accidie and forgetfulness, because they do not
persevere in sleepless remembrance; whose address to
God is, "My heart slept through weariness." 616 "Woe

unto you," the word warns them, "who have lost

patience, and what will ye do when the Lord shall visit
you?" 617 Others pass through the hole of senseless
ostentation; of whom the Psalmist declares, "For God
hath scattered the bones of the menpleasers;" 618 others, again, through that of false
pretension 619 or pride, which is arrogance. It is these
whom the prophet rebukes as deserters----" The proud
have transgressed exceedingly, yet have I not swerved
from thy law." 620 Each of these vices is followed by
others, worse than itself; pride by envy, covetousness
by hatred, and stinginess 621 and lying, passion by
anger or revengefulness, insolence, and
envyings; 622 fornication by forgetfulness, deadness of
conscience,623 idleness, indifference, unprofitable loss
of sleep; vainglory by meddlesomeness, acts of
bribery, idle fancies, hypocrisy, respect of persons,
deceits; pride by foolish ideas, pitilessness, impiety,
folly; and so on. I need not over-weight my argument
by giving further illustrations, as what I have said is
perfectly clear.
Righteousness Revealed through Trials
To each of these vices God has appointed its contrary
virtue; for instance, self-control is opposed to lust,
temperance to greediness, justice to |
183 covetousness, gentleness to anger, joy to sorrow,
mindfulness to forgetfulness, patience to accidie, good
sense to folly, courage to cowardice, humility to
vainglory, and so on; and to all, holy scripture. Only to
pride has He not given its contrary virtue, because of

its exceeding viciousness, but has reserved Himself as

its contrary, as He said, "God resisteth the
proud," 624 So, too, the prophet prays, "Lift up thine
hand against their pride, even to the end," 625 and
again, "Render to the proud their desert." 626 And just
as the tree is known by its fruit (as the Lord says, "By
their fruits ye shall know them"),627 so is each man,
whether he be a saint in fact, or only in name.
Scriptural Illustrations
This is why the happiness of the wicked is always
long-continued; because God bears long with them.
This is always His property; He has told us to expect
it, in the part played by the afflicted saints in times
past, as an encouragement to us who suffer to-day.
Look first at Job, the son of patience; what says he,
after much suffering? Mark it well. "As for me, is my
reproof of men?" he points to his blamelessness. "Why
should I not be impatient? . Look unto me, and be
astonished, and lay your hand upon your mouth. For if
I remember, I am troubled, and pains take hold of my
flesh. Wherefore do the wicked live, and become old
in riches? Their seed is according to their desire, and
their children are before their eyes; their houses
prosper, nowhere is fear; the rod of the Lord is not
upon them. Their cow casts not her calf; she is
preserved from heat; she is with young, and faileth
not. They abide as sheep for ever. Their children play,
taking the psaltery and harp, and rejoice at the sound
of the psalm, they fulfil their life in good things, and
they sleep in the rest of Hades. Yet he saith unto God,

Depart from me, I desire not to know thy ways." 628 |

184
David the forbearing, the singer of the divine
judgments, uses similar language: "I will sing to thee
of mercy and judgment, O Lord." 629 "How good is
God to Israel, even unto them that are pure in heart.
But my feet were almost shaken; my steps had wellnigh slipped." 630 Why? "For I was stirred at the
lawless, when I saw the peace of sinners." And in
another passage he inveighs against their wealth, as
follows: "Their oxen are fat, their sheep bring forth
abundantly, abounding in their streets; their garners
are full, affording store from this unto that; their
daughters are beautiful, adorned in the likeness of a
temple." And he adds, in astonishment at the harmony
and peace which they enjoy, "There is no outcry in
their streets, nor falling of a fence in their houses."
Then he attacks the corrupted opinions of the common
herd of men, saying, "They counted as blessed the
people who have these things." And he adds, "Blessed
is the people whose helper is the Lord God of
Jacob." 631
I must not end my quotations here, or I shall imperil
my argument for want of completeness. Hear what
Habakkuk says, as he seems to beat his breast in his
distress at the same problem: "O Lord, how long shall
I cry, suffering wrongfully, and thou wilt not hear?"
He calls the wrongs of his neighbour his own; and in
his love for his brethren he adds, "I will cry unto thee,
and thou wilt not save. Why didst thou show me

iniquity, and that I should look upon labours that lead

to hardship and impiety? Judgment is against me, and
the judge taketh reward. Therefore is the law
perverted, and |185 judgment goeth not forth, unto the
end; for the wicked doth oppress the righteous." 632
In the same spirit Jeremiah, the most sympathetic of
the saints, perplexed beyond all other men, cries,
"Righteous art thou, O Lord, when I, shall plead with
thee; yet will I speak judgments unto thee, O Lord.
Why doth the way of the wicked prosper? All they that
set at nought are at ease; thou didst plant them, and
they took root" (this is instead of saying, "they spend
their days in profligacy"); "and they bore fruit"
(certainly not of the spirit). "Thou art near their
mouth, and far from their reins." 633 The prophet
Sophonias 634 the wise has a passage to exactly the
same effect. He is reproaching men for slandering
their neighbours, finding fault with the providence of
God,635 and calling the saints unhappy. "You," he says
in the person of the Lord, "made your words stout
against me, saith the Lord. And ye said, Wherein did
we speak against thee? Ye said, He is vain who serveth
God; and what profit, that we kept his charges, and
that we walked as suppliants before the Lord
Almighty? And now we call strangers happy, and all
that work lawless things are built up, and they resisted
God, and are delivered. These things spake they that
feared the Lord, each one to his neighbour."
Paul, the preacher of piety, adds his testimony to the
same truth: "But evil men and impostors shall wax

worse and worse, deceiving and being deceived." 636 |

186 Then he points out the low esteem in which the
saints are held: "For I think that God hath set forth us
the apostles last of all, as men doomed to death; for
we are made a spectacle unto the world, and to angels,
and to men. For even unto this present hour we both
hunger, and thirst, and are naked, and have no certain
dwelling-place, and labour, working with our own
hands" (a description of his bodily sufferings); "being
reviled, we bless, being persecuted, we endure, being
defamed, we entreat, we are made as the filth of the
world, the offscouring of all things even until
now." 637 The good and just God spreads the world
before us, for certain ineffable reasons, like a
racecourse; and has given us free will, that we may
deal with circumstances according to our own choice,
and pay the just penalty for our deeds. As the law says,
"1 have set before thy face, death and life, choose
what thou wilt." 638 Why He set it so, it is not for us to
say in this present life; the fact remains, that He has so
set it. It would not have been wise for us to be created
impeccable,639 with no struggles before us, and minds
not established in righteousness. Impeccability is the
attribute of the eternal Godhead alone.
Deac. You have met our difficulty admirably and
wisely, father; you have given eyes to the souls of our
friends here, who have found this matter a continual
perplexity, arising partly from their lack of
acquaintance with scripture, partly from the very fact
that the Church is throughout the ages appointed as a
training school.640 She points to her victors, |187 men

and women alike, as not having eaten of the flesh of

Christ in times past without paying a price. Yet the
disorders among you, and the break-up of the Church,
cause us distress.
The Blessedness of Truth Countervails all Suffering
Bish. You astonish me, most honoured of men. You
almost unreservedly admit the beneficial results of
suffering, and then turn round and say something to
the contrary effect. You call us blessed, as victors, and
yet you call us miserable, as banished men, because
we have been deprived of our Church
buildings.641 You seem to me to be in the same state of
mind as the rustic spectators at the Olympic games,
who gape with delight at the prizes, but shed tears of
pity at the blows exchanged between the combatants.
To my mind, it is better to hasten away to ravines, and
thickets, and seas, in company with the truth, than to
be burdened with falsehood, while enjoying high
honour for what is in this life considered prosperity.
For if I possess truth, I shall possess all things, for all
things are her servants; if I have made falsehood my
own, I do not possess even myself, as I am not hers.
But if I possess truth, I do not wish to possess her
merely as a mistress, or a servant, or a neighbour, but
as a sister; nay, if it be possible, as a bride, whose
sweetness I may enjoy and presently inherit 642 as my
very own wife. For she is the sister of the absolute
truth, whose son-in-law the good man is. For he that
bears this seal becomes young a second time, grows
not old, and |188 fades not away; he has zeal fiercer

than fire, words sharper than swords, life freer than an

eagle's; he devotes himself untiringly to meditation
upon the scriptures, as to a house-mother; he never
ceases to blossom with gladness, he is not overcome
by fear, he holds up his head undaunted, he dances in
his holy enthusiasm, he hates no man, he pities those
who misuse life, he calls blessed those who mind their
own business in contentment, he sorrows with the
sorrow of the spirit at the careless lives of priests, of
whom the apostle said, "Grieve not the Holy Spirit,
whereby ye are sealed unto the day of
redemption." 643 He it is that grieves the Spirit, who
turns his back upon Him in carelessness.
And at last (there is much that I must pass by) in his
out-spokenness he dies; he has given pain to none,
save to the demons, and to those who are like them.
His time has been more than enough; he did not higgle
away his days in evil doings. He doubled the
money 644 that was given to him, he forwarded interest,
of good works, in a short time he fulfilled long years;
he makes no will 645 disposing of his property, for by
his life and thought he wrestled with it, and gravelled
it. Did Death knock at the door of his frail flesh?
Before he sees him outside, he cries, Let us go hence,
and sings, "Woe is me, that my sojourn has been so
long;" 646 and were it not for the Master Who sent him
on his mission, he would have, served him with a
summons, and sued him at law, for coming too late.
Well content is he, when at last he is set free from the
frail flesh, with its manifold ailments, as if he were
leaving a ruinous hostel, threatening to fall; he pricked

up his ears at the voice of Him Who says, "Well done,

good and faithful servant," 647 confident of hearing the
rest as well. |189 Take this torrent of words as a proof
of my contention; "for out of the abundance of the
heart the mouth speaketh." 648
The Misery of Falsehood
But he who dwells with falsehood has a disturbed life;
one moment in boundless delight at an addition to his
wealth, or to his poor little reputation, or at the
friendship of a wretched harlot, or at the misfortunes
of his enemies; the next, sick to death with sorrow,
dreaming of changes and uncertainties. He passes
restless or sleepless nights, he imagines plots made
against him by his closest friends, he has no
confidence even in himself, and distrusts all men, as
liars. Such is he; cowardly as a hare, bold as a pig,
deceitful as a chameleon, unreliable as a partridge,
pitiless as a wolf, untameable as a mouse; his own
enemy, unceasingly jealous, inevitably punishing
himself, though he does not know it; for he who is
always planning evil against another, first brings evil
upon himself.
Did Death prick his skin? He gives away everything,
to gain a little respite, so precious is his life to him; the
time given him he higgled away to no profit, so far
from doubling his penny 649 he did not even keep it
safe. He trembles continually, like a leaf, in his dread
of the approach of old age; he is troubled with the silly
ideas of old men, he fears death as a god; for to him

the visible world is God. And what then? He turns

pale, he shivers with fright, he is in an agony of
distress; he anticipates the judgment of God, and
inflicts punishment upon himself. His conscience
torments him without mercy, and reminds him of his
evil doings one by one, till his sufferings are more
terrible than those of criminals under the lash. He
grovels like a slave to those in office for the
moment,650 and flatters the world to his disgrace;
instead of One Lord he has ten thousand |190 masters,
to save himself from being the servant of the truth. He
does all he can to get himself feared, yet he himself
fears every one.
The Decision of the Church of Rome
I will say no more; I have done all I can. If any one
can speak more truthfully or elegantly, and put my
nothingness right, I will gladly welcome him as a
corrector of error and a lover of the brethren, and give
thanks to the Saviour for all things.651 Now do you in
return give me an account of the decision of the
western synod, and set the seal upon my words, if they
commended themselves to you as being of any value.
So the narrator ceased, and Theodorus said---Deac. The Lord grant to you who have given us this
narrative, to find mercy in that day,652 for your refusal
to hold communion with such people, and for the clear
account you have given us. And may the Lord
remember every sacrifice of John, because he
surrendered not his out-spokenness, even unto death.
The decision of the Church of Rome was, under no

circumstances to communicate with the eastern

bishops, especially with Theophilus, until the Lord
grants the opportunity for an ecumenical synod,653 to
heal the putrefied limbs of the men guilty of these
crimes. For though the blessed John has fallen asleep,
yet the truth is awake, and for the truth search will be
made. |191
Chrysostom's Enemies Interrogated
As for those that have committed these offences in the
Church, gladly would I meet them face to face, and
ask them, Where is your priesthood? Where is the
holiness required of you? Where is the gentleness and
unselfishness 654 of the Christian character? Where are
the commandments of the Saviour----" If thou art
offering thy gift, and remem-berest that thy brother
hath aught against thee, go thy way, first be reconciled
to thy brother, and so offer thy gift"? 655Where is that
saying, "If any man smite thce on the right cheek, turn
to him the other also "? 656 Where is your meditation
upon the scriptures? What of the verse, "Behold, what
is beautiful, and what is pleasant, but for brethren to
dwell together in unity"? 657 Or, "Let brothers be
helpful in times of necessity"? 658 Why have you
perverted by your actions the words, "A brother
helped by a brother, is as a strong city"? 659 A brother
falsely accused, or robbed, by a brother, is like a city
distressed and defenceless. Why in the world then did
you, who are wretched, nay, wretched to the third
degree, try to carry through this project of yours, as if
no reconciliation were possible? 660 On what principle

did you let your murderous rage against John run its
course, as if he were your enemy? And how has it
come to you, to be so savage towards one another?
Why did you let the world see such an extraordinary
change in you, from gentleness to ungentleness and
savagery? I am amazed, indeed, I am overwhelmed
with amazement at your perversion; as I see
everything thrown into this hopeless state of
confusion.
And why have you so far exalted yourselves in your
daring, as to insult this suckling, nursing |192 mother,
this teeming womb, the Church of God, and hack her
in pieces? In you is fulfilled the prophet's words,
"Because they did pursue their brother with the sword,
and brought to destruction the womb upon the
earth." 661 With this womb the divine and saving Word
combined, to sow and to plant you and John alike, for
good and profitable works without number. What has
happened to you that instead of helping one another to
do your duty, you have made up your mind that you
will not keep quiet, and live at peace, even in the
future? You were created for mutual service; why did
you mishandle the grace of God, and instead of
lightening other men's burdens, actually thrust them
away from you, and cut them off from their own
kindred? while the prophet cries to you, "Have we not
all one Father? Did not One God create us?" 662
The Real Law-Breakers

But you will tell me that John sinned against the law.
What law? The law which you trod underfoot, and
shivered into fragments by your wickedness. Where,
then, is the law of nature, which bids us to right
wrongs with gentleness? Why, pray, do you abuse
even the law which holds between enemies, and
persecute them, and carry out these schemes which
you devise against them, schemes bearing all the
marks of hostility? How much better would it have
been, to live in harmony with them, and to share their
life; to join with one another in counsels for the
common good, unto rendering of thanks and wellpleasing of the Father of you all? Harmony in their
enjoyment of blessings is one of the virtues of
children; and this is specially acceptable to their
parents, who look for nothing else from their
offspring, save this. And be assured that there is no
other bond of friendship and goodwill, but to be in
earnest, and to do everything as it is well-pleasing to
the |193 Father, to Him Who is the source of our
being, of our sustenance, of our preservation.
The Divine Vengeance in Store
But you have despised Him as a fool, and kindled
wars within the Church, as the prophet said, "They
established madness in the Lord's house;" 663 instead of
spurring and urging one another forward. More, you
have carried on truceless wars among one another,
contrary to 664 the mind and purpose of the Father. I
will go further, and say, that the thing sorely maddens,
and stirs to wrath, even God Himself, and all who

draw nigh to Him----His sons, your brethren----and

suffers Him not to hold His peace. For He is not
neglectful, or unmindful of the welfare of His
children.
Therefore is He wroth at your folly, and at your
tyrannical oppression of those whom you wrong; and
therefore He judges it not right to pass you over
without punishing you, as indeed He has begun to do.
For this would not be becoming in Him, nor would it
be without peril to you; your complaint is intolerable,
and needs more than ordinary treatment. He sees you
actually the worse for bruises, and weals without
number, the result of your chastisement. Yes, a cloud
of senseless and most obdurate wrong rests upon you,
your brothers, your kinsfolk, and your households,
even your allies, those who share with you bed and
board, those who are bound to you by the closest ties
of blood----all these relationships you have perverted
into the bitterest hatred; insomuch that they are
expelled from their own countries and from their
family hearths, and wander far away, without a city or
a home to dwell in. Further yet, you have made them
exiles, so far as it was in your power, and that, not
with a limit of time fixed for their exile, but for ever,
so far as it lay with you; so savage were you, so
desperately thrown off your balance. |194
Chrysostom the Blessed
This is what you have gained by your victory over
them, and the blessed John; by fanning your spiteful

enmity, and letting your tongue run wild against him,

like a sharpened sword. Instead of profitable
instruction, you nurse your ill-temper, and pour out
upon the Church your false accusations, defiling the
cars of those who hear them; accusations against men
to whom the Lord in mercy and loving-kindness will
give according to their works. But for you, O blessed
John, with what words shall I weave you an unfading
crown? I need not fear to praise you now, as you have
passed from the field of combat, the fiercest waves of
struggle breasted. Shall they be the words of the law
of Moses, which he used in the blessing of Joseph the
strenuous, and Levi the contemplative, the priest? For
in you I see both of these. "Blessed of the Lord be his
land, and from the mountains of heaven, and dew, and
abysses of springs beneath, and in the time of fruits,
the turnings of the sun and the comings together of the
months, from the heads of the mountains which are
from the beginning, and from the heads of the
everlasting hills; they shall be on the head of Joseph"
(and every man who shall be as Joseph) "and upon the
head of the brethren whom he ruled, glorified among
his brethren as the first-born.665 The beauty of a bull
are his horns, his horns are the horns of an unicorn;
with them he shall push the nation, even unto the end
of the earth."
And to Levi he said (and to whosoever imitates him),
"Give to Levi his signs, and his truth to the holy man,
whom they tried in trial, and reviled at the water of
contradiction. Who saith to his father and mother, I
have not seen thee, neither did he acknowledge his

brethren, he observed thine oracles, and kept thy

covenant; he showed thy judgments to |195 Jacob, and
thy law to Israel. He shall ever place incense upon
thine altar upon thy feast day. Bless, Lord, his
strength, and accept the works of his hands; smite the
eyebrow of the enemies that rise up against him, and
let them that hate him rise not up again." 666 And I
would weave with these one word more: "Let them
that love him, O Jesus Christ, be not ashamed; for
Thine is the power for ever. Amen."
Bish. This is the constant effort of your understanding
mind, Theodorus, seeker of noble thoughts, to bring
forth from the treasure of your mind, as the Saviour
said, "Things new and old;" 667 things old, the lessons
of human wisdom; things new, the oracles of the Holy
Spirit. From these treasures you have given its due to
each side of his character. It was worthy of your sound
judgment to express yourself in language so well
suited to the offences committed, and to weave from
the blessing of Moses the crown John deserves; who
served as a priest without thought of self, and in his
extraordinary righteousness did indeed know not
father or mother, or ties of blood, but only those who
love, and practise, the word of God. But those who in
our time profess to be bishops, have run their muddy
breed aground upon money-getting, and military
operations, and high position; transgressing the law
which says, "The priests shall not give their sons to be
rulers, and them that run beside the king," 668 while
they waste the things of the spirit upon plots, and
vexations, and imprisonments, and banishments,

drinking madness undiluted, thinking by these

methods to dishonour the friends of virtue.
The Curse of Ambition
Of them the Saviour said, "The days shall come, in
which they who kill you will think that they do God
service." 669 I take it that He did not speak of |
196 Gentiles, for then He would have said "gods," as
they profess not one, but many, gods; when He made
mention of the One and Only God, He pointed to
those who are now despoiling us, under pretence of
benefit to the Church. They hide their own depravity
and jealousy, representing themselves in words as
concerned for the welfare of the Church which they
have ruined by their deeds. But however clever they
are, the outcome of events will prove them to have
been underlings of him who boasted, "I shall never be
shaken from generation to generation, without
evil." 670 For the serpent, the deviser of lawlessness
and cultivator of the vilest covetousness, as he could
devise no more novel form of heresy, goaded those in
authority in the Church to mutual destruction, to
satisfy their craving for high position, and the highest
position of all;671 for the sake of these they rent the
Church in twain.
The Satanic Work of Chrysostom's Enemies
For if the harmony of God the Spirit had existed
among the bishops, and John deserved deprivation
from his office, whether for causing wrong-doing, or

as being unworthy of the priesthood, or, as Theophilus

maintains, as being guilty of pride; the all-powerful
wisdom of God 672 was well able to debar him from
the exercise of the priesthood by constitutional
restraints, or devise means by which he could be
expelled without all this confusion and lamentation,
whether by death, or by paralysis, or by loss of
voice----as we know some of those who have thrown
themselves against him have suffered, and others will
suffer. But seeing that the steps taken against him
were unworthy of the Saviour----he was not deposed,
but exiled 673----it is |197 abundantly clear that it was
the work of the devil, whose kingdom was being
destroyed by John's teaching. I know that John
deservedly deposed from their office six persons, of
whom I spoke earlier, for buying the dignity of the
priesthood. Who wept then? Whose nose bled? What
spider's web was broken? Who left his home? Who
was fined a farthing? Who in the whole of Asia---vagabond, mob orator, farm-labourer, cobbler, or
plebeian----was not glad at what had been done to
vindicate the sacred laws? "How," each cried, "are thy
works magnified, O Lord? In wisdom didst thou do
them all." 674 For where God is at work, all is done in
wisdom; where the malevolent demon, everything is
correspondently done in unwisdom. And upon
unwisdom follow monstrous evils----envyings,
murders, strife, emulations, evil tempers, quarrels,
discord, noise, conspiracies of ignorant men, hotheaded actions of men in authority, crucifixions,
tortures, burnings, streams of blood, intolerable fines,
stakes, breaches of the divine ordinances, contempt of

law, rejection of self-control, world-wide schism,

watch set upon land and sea, engines employed on
shipboard, on horseback, on foot, to hinder those who
travel for the truth's sake.
God had not Forgotten
How then can they dare to say, John was expelled in
the dispensation of God? I ask those who use such
words, Was the all-powerful wisdom of God, as I said,
without resource to stop John, if he was unworthy, by
unseen power? Or to persuade those who disagreed
with him, patiently to bear with his action, without all
this exercise of force by the magistrates? For if God is
the same God Who worked with Moses for the
freedom and obedience of Israel, when Pharaoh
openly cried, "I know not God, and I will not let the
people go," 675 how, in dealing with |198 John, did He
need the help of earthly magistrates? He had grown
old, I suppose, or weak, or resource-less. And was He
Who brought to light the adulteries of some, the
unnatural crimes of others, and again the impostures
of others, now without resource to convict John? Or
again, He Who made the tongue of a man to swell
with constriction, until he had to make his confession
in writing, and allowed another to meet with his death
from a sudden seizure; He Who tormented another
with a brood of worms, as he lay speechless upon his
bed for nearly a whole year, or laid upon another
unspeakable horrors from chronic gout, or burnt the
legs of another, because He so willed; or Who
prematurely snatched away another, whom every one

knows, by a nauseating death; was He too weak, as

you assert, in the case of John, if he was a sacrilegious
man, to do any of these things, but was in need of so
and so, before He could expel John in disgrace, and
thereby add to His glory?
God will Recompense
No. They deceive themselves, in their ignorance 676 of
the command of the word of God. For he cannot
properly be called sacrilegious, who distributed to the
poor gold, and silver, and fabrics of silk, the food of
moths 677; but he who for money and reputation and
the pleasures of the table sells the teachings and
ordinances of the Saviour; and after him, he who ruins
a holy man, adorned by his life and words, through
whom, as by a chalice or a piece of plate, the Saviour
oft gave the drink of the word, the diet 678 of their
salvation, to those who love the word of God. No, let
them be called sacrilegious, who have sacrilegiously
robbed the apostolic Church, and |199 deprived her of
such teachers, and who sell ordinations for money;
whom divine justice will pursue, to correct their
wickedness. For if those who corrupted the law of
Moses were for their wanton heedlessness driven out
of the temple by the Saviour with a scourge, a scourge
of cords, because they were selling doves within it;
what punishment shall they have, who higgle the
priesthood of the New Testament, except to be
shattered by the Chief Shepherd with His rod of iron?
As the apostle says, "A man that hath set at nought
Moses' law dieth without compassion on the word of

two or three witnesses. Of how much sorer

punishment, think ye, shall he be judged worthy, who
hath trodden under foot the Son of God, and hath
counted the blood of the covenant, wherewith he was
sanctified, an unholy thing, and hath done despite to
the spirit of grace? For we know him who saith,
Vengeance belongeth unto me, I will recompense,
saith the Lord. It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands
of the living God." 679
May God, Who glorified this holy man, this saintly
shepherd, this lamp of righteousness, grant to us to
find part and lot with him, in His awful day of
righteous judgment; to Whom belongs glory, honour,
majesty, and magnificence, Father, Son, and Holy
Spirit, now and ever, and unto all ages. Amen.

[All footnotes have been moved here and renumbered.]

1. 1 The exordium is framed on the lines of Plato's Republic, in
which some apparently irrevelant remarks lead up to the real subject.
Palladius makes clear from the beginning his object in writing (p.
173), not only to tell the story of Chrysostom's life, but to encourage
and warn against clerical ambition and greed (pp. 40, 87, 121, etc.),
which led his enemies to bring about Chrysostom's downfall.
2. 1 As our text stands, it is God Who is "without experience of
things." The meaning is, no doubt, that of Chrysostom, de Bapt., xi.,
"There is no need to cross the sea, or traverse mountain ranges;
sitting at home, with reverence and compunction, you may find
Him." Cf. Wisd. vi. 14.
3. 2 "He made some things to be common, as the air, the sun, the sky
. . . distributing all things equally, as to brothers. He made other
tilings to be common, as baths, markets, cities . . . but strife comes in
when men use that cold word, 'Thine, mine.' . . . Necessary things are
common, but we do not observe their community even in the least
things. How then can the possessor of wealth be a good man?"
(Hom. in i Tim. xii.). In his sermon on the very day of his ordination
as priest, Chrysostom spoke strongly against riches: " Every rich
man is an unjust man, or the heir of an unjust man." Palladius
follows his example at the beginning of his treatise.

4. 1 As a writer, making an ornamental flourish at the close of his

work. The deacon is impatient of the sententious exordium, as he
does not know the circumstances which make it appropriate.
5. 2 " Since I promised above to tell of . . ., I am constrained to pay
the debt." Pall., L. H., lxi. 1.
6. 3 Matt. xix. 10, 11 (freely quoted).
7. 1 Lit. "anoint." Cf. "Almsgiving anoints the soul (Hom. in
John lxxxi.).
8. 2 Heb. v. 4 (freely quoted).
9. 1 So Just. M. Fragm. Gethae was a Samaritan village.
10. 2 "Acted as a Sophist"; the word in 2 Pet. i. 16. Cf. Acts vii. 19.
So p. 38.
11. 3 As Dr. Westcott shows (on John vii. 39), "Holy Spirit" without
the article refers to His gifts, not His Person.
12. 4 Acts viii. 19.
13. 5 As there is no tangible proof of the bestowal of a spiritual gift,
he wished to ensure it by a tangible gift on his part.
14. 1 1 Cor. iii. 19, quoting Job v. 13.
15. 2 Others are present, besides Theodore (pp. 60, 165).
16. 3 Palladius of Helenopolis obviously had visited Rome before (p.
25). He is not represented as the "bishop" of the Dialogue, who is a
purely imaginary person.
17. 4 John xiv. 27.

18. 1 The order of "readers" is first mentioned in the third century;

the custom of allowing laymen to read the Scriptures was probably
taken over from the Jewish Church. In the East they read only the
Old Testament lections and the Epistles, announcing, "Thus saith the
Lord," while the deacon responded, "Let us attend," which
Chrysostom (Hom. in Act. xix. 5) complains that many did not do.
They read from the pulpit in the nave, not from that in the chancel;
Sozomen says that Chrysostom, in order to be the better heard,
preached "sitting in the reader's pulpit."
19. 1 "Papa." Until a.d. 230 the Bishop of Alexandria was the only
one in Egypt; he was called "Abba," "Father," the title common to all
bishops. "But in the time of Heraclius," when other Egyptian bishops
were appointed, "the Patriarch of Alexandria was called Baba" (i.
e." Ab-abba," "grandfather"). Thus Eutychius (Ann., cxi.).
Athanasius (Apol. c. Ar. 69, de Syn. 16) regards the title as belonging
to the Bishop of Alexandria only; but Tertullian speaks of any bishop
who pronounces absolution as "benedictus Papa," and Jerome gives
the title to Athanasius, Epiphanius, Augustine, etc. Later, the
linguistic origin of the title was forgotten, and it was supposed that
"Papa" was a special title of dignity given to the Bishops of
Alexandria because they ruled such an important see; hence it was
also given to the Bishops of Rome, and in time claimed by them as
their peculiar privilege. Cf. p. 52.
Theophilus, after spending his youth among the recluses of the
desert of Nitria, became secretary to Athanasius, was priest at
Alexandria, and bishop in 385. Jerome, among others, greatly
admired him as a learned and vigorous man; the more so, probably,
as sharing his views upon Origenism. He d ied in 412, and was
succeeded by his nephew, the famous Cyril.
20. 2 "Not" seems to have dropped out of the text. "Not a little
troubled."
21. 3 Without the support of his synod.

22. 4 "Libelli"; frequently in this treatise for "memorials of

complaint," "accusatory documents"; here, "of petition," as in Conc.
Eph., Can. VIII.
23. 5 These "three days" present a difficulty. Theophilus arrived at
Constantinople in June; the last events recorded in the letter occurred
at Easter. How, when nine months had elapsed, did the two
communications arrive so nearly together? We must not suppose that
either party would be in haste to communicate with the Bishop of
Rome, There was no love lost between the three sees; the record of
Rome was not without taint of heretical leanings, and neither the
Bishop of "New Rome," nor the successor of St. Mark, on the throne
of the largest province in the world, would welcome interference
from "beyond the boundaries," even if the canons did not
discountenance it. Moreover, Chrysostom would know that his
ejection might be regarded by Innocent as a personal matter, which
did not concern the Church as a whole, while Theophilus would have
to acknowledge defeat. But when Theophilus saw some prospect of
ultimate success, he would be anxious to secure as much support as
possible, and would hope by a formal notification to prejudice
Innocent's mind (always prepared to be jealous of the rising power of
Constantinople) against Chrysostom; while in the sacrilegious
occurrences at Constantinople, Chrysostom had a ground for appeal,
for the benefit of the whole Church, in offences committed against
her Lord, not against himself. Had he wished to bring the matter to
Innocent's attention earlier, it would have been easy for him to
instruct Eusebius to make the statement officially, which he made on
his own account, on hearing of Theophilus' communication.
24. 1 The word means "cautious," "circumspect "; so "careful in
religious matters," rendered "devout" in Luke ii. 25; Acts viii. 2, etc.
It is approximating to its later use as a title of a clergyman,
equivalent to our "Reverend."
25. 2 This letter is given among the "Epistles of Chrysostom," but
can hardly be what he actually wrote. The author professes to give
only the substance of it; the style is his own, though some of
Chrysostom's phrases occur. Possibly Chrysostom wrote in Latin,
which Palladius has freely translated, just as Sozomen translates
Innocent's answer. The letter ends, in harmony with the chronology,

with the Easter services held in the open air; a forgery would have
probably betrayed some knowledge of later events. Photius, with
some hesitation, thinks it is Chrysostom's own work, especially on
account of its rhetorical style.
26. 1 Phrases such as "Your love," "Your gentleness," are constantly
used by early Christian writers as complimentary terms of address,
some of which we retain, as "Your reverence," "Your holiness," etc.
27. 2 " I am dead to my lords the bishops." Pall., L. H., xvi.
28. 3 Deacons were frequently deputed to represent bishops even at
general councils. The diaconate was not regarded as a step to the
priesthood, but as a distinct and generally life-long office, with its
special duties and privileges.
29. 4 Sozomen (viii. 26) gives a Greek translation of Innocent's letter
to Chrysostom, exhorting him to patience, which he is sending by
"Cyriacus the deacon."
30. 1 Arcadius; "King" = "Emperor." The East had no such objection
to the title basileus as the West had for rex. For the reason for the
summons, see p. 62.
31. 2 Implied in Canons V. and VI. of Nicaea. Canon II. of the
Council of Constantinople (381) explicitly forbids such
interferences, using Theophilus' term "beyond the boundaries." "The
bishops of the east shall administer the east only."
32. 1 Pp. 61, 69.
33. 2 " Eparchia," the Roman "Province," of which there were
thirteen, each with its governor and council, under whom were the
governors of the respective districts and cities, with their councils.
The Church followed the civil division into provinces, with their
metropolitans or patriarchs, and their synods, under whom were the
local or suffragan bishops. Another word, "dioecesis," was used
sometimes for the whole civil "province," but more often for a

smaller "administrative division "; Cicero speaks of "my

dioceses" (ad Att. v. 21; vi. 2). The same indeterminateness attaches
to its Church use; sometimes it means a "province" (Conc.
Const., Can. II.), sometimes a "diocese" (Conc. Nic.,Can. XVI.), for
which. "parcia" (our "parish ") was also used (p. 57, n.).
34. 3 The archdeacon in the ancient Church was one of the seven
deacons (in the Church of Rome there were forty-six priests, but the
number of deacons was kept to the number of Apostolic
appointment), chosen either by virtue of seniority, or by election by
the other deacons, or appointed by the bishop. He attended upon the
bishop at the altar, ordered the other deacons and inferior clergy,
acted for the bishop in his absence, or during a vacancy in the
bishop's chair, and assisted him in managing the Church revenues,
etc.; his position being so important that he was frequently the
bishop's successor. Hence if the deposition was actual, it was quite in
order for the communication to be addressed to the archdeacon, as in
charge of diocesan affairs.
Stephens speaks of "John, Archdeacon of Constantinople." With the
most diligent search, I can find no mention of such a person. We read
of a deacon John, deposed by Chrysostom either for murder or for
fornication, who acted as his accuser at The Oak (p. 64); and Photius
tells us that John, a deacon, brought forward twenty-nine charges
against him, the first being that he had deposed him from his office
for flogging his own servant----evidently alluding to the same
person. But I cannot anywhere find him called archdeacon. The
archdeacon appointed by Chrysostom was Serapion, or Sarapion (so
p. 175), "an Egyptian, swift to wrath, prompt to insolence," whose
indiscretion and arrogance added greatly to Chrysostom's
unpopularity, and who no doubt acted as his agent in his reforms. In
the presence of a number of clergy, he said to Chrysostom, "You will
never subdue these mutinous priests until you drive them all before
you as with a single rod" (cf. p. 32,11.). Owing to his isolated life,
Chrysostom mistook his character, and attributed his intolerant
severity to holy zeal and loyalty towards himself. Leo's life of
Chrysostom says that Serapion, "through envy and the instigation of
a woman, stirred every stone to arouse hatred and stumbling-blocks
against the divine shepherd"; but as Chrysostom afterwards made
him Bishop of Heracleia (p. 70, 11.), the words here cannot mean

that Serapion turned against him, but that the communication gave
the discontented clergy, full of hatred towards Serapion, an
opportunity of rallying against both him and the bishop. One of the
charges brought against Chrysostom at The Oak was, that he had
ordained Serapion presbyter.
35. 1 Almost a technical term for a vacancy in a see; so in Can.
Chalc. XXV. Eudoxia claimed to have "restored the bridegroom" to
Constantinople (Chr., Serm. de red., iv.).
36. 2 The word in 1 Cor. xii. 2. But possibly "arrested" (even with
violence as in Acts xii. 19, cf. Gen. xxxix. 22, LXX) is the meaning,
as the Churches are said below to be "left shepherdless."
37. 1 Or, "Anointed (as wrestlers) for a campaign of calumniation."
But the word is frequent in this treatise for "greasing the palm,"
especially by bribes, as below, and p. 55.
38. 2 The author is quite correct in speaking of the province of
Thrace in conjunction with that of Egypt, not of the see of
Constantinople. The province of Thrace contained six dioceses,
stretching right up to the Danube; the mother see was that of
Heracleia, the old civil capital. The Council of Constantinople (Can.
III.) ordered that the Bishop of Constantinople should have honorary
pre-eminence, next to the city of Rome, "because it is New Rome,"
but Constantinople is still a single diocese in the province of Thrace.
39. 1 "Curiosus." The "Curius" was the responsible guardian to
whom was entrusted the care of minors and women (cf. our word
"curate"): so "Curiosus" is any functionary employed by a superior
official, in this case the "comes" (p. 41), for a public duty.
40. 2 Chrysostom anticipates the charge of "re-entry upon his own
initiative" (p. 76).
41. 1 The Sabbath in the "Great Week," Easter Eve. So called first in
the Epistle of the Smyrnaeans on the martyrdom of Polycarp. "Why
do we call it the 'Great week'? Not because its hours are longer, but
because in it unspeakable blessings came to us. Even emperors order

cessation from business, and prisoners are freed at this time" (Hom.
in Gen., xxx.). Eusebius (Vit. Const., iv. 22) speaks of the pomp of
the vigil, and the multitude of candles lighted. It was a tradition that
Christ would come at midnight, as He did upon the Egyptians;
therefore the people were not dismissed before midnight, in
expectation of the second Advent.
42. 2 "Bema," "the place to which you go up"; the east end of the
churches being raised above the nave floor. Here stood the altar, and
the seats or "thrones" of the bishop and clergy, and the lectern, from
which the Gospel was read (as distinct from the "ambo" in the nave,
from which the lector read less important scriptures, cf. p. 7, n.).
43. 3 The word is in the genitive, "women of the oratories," or, as we
should say, "women members of the congregation."
44. 4 Gregory Nazianzen speaks of persons who postpone baptism,
saying, "I wait till Epiphany, that I may be baptized with Christ; I
choose Easter, that I may rise with Christ; I wait for Whitsuntide,
that I may honour the Holy Ghost." Later Councils actually ordered
that, except for urgent reasons, all catechumens were to be baptized
at Easter; though this probably included the fifty days of Pentecost
following Easter Day.
45. 5 The word in John v. 2. So in Socr. vii. 17, and frequently.
46. 1 "Uninitiated" into the "mysteries" of the faith, which included
the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Sacraments. Chrysostom (in
Matt. xxiii.) speaks of the Eucharist held with closed doors; all the
ancient liturgies contain the proclamation of the deacon, "Let none
remain who is a catechumen, a hearer, or an unbeliever."
47. 2 The elements were obviously "reserved"; in this case for the
midnight mass. Cf. p. 57,11.
48. 3 i.e. pagans.
49. 4 Lit. "camp-officers,"

50. 1 "Colophon," "finishing stroke to a writing." So Chr., Hom. in

Ps. cxxiv., "death is the Colophon of ills," and elsewhere.
51. 2 So Chr., de Comp., i. 5.
52. 1 Or, "Your letters" ("grammaton" for "pragmaton").
53. 1 Lit. "The equal things of the communion." It was usual for
bishops to send to one another portions of the consecrated elements
as a sign of unity and good-will. Irenaeus refers to this custom
(Euseb. v. 24); Can. XIV. of Laodicea forbids such sendings, on the
feast of Easter, to other dioceses. But "equal things" is commonly
used in later Greek for "copies," "documents in prescribed form "---in Latin, "formatae epistolae." The eleventh canon of Chalcedon
deals with such "letters of commendation" (cf. 2 Cor. iii. 1, Rom.
xvi. 1) carried by travellers; described as "letters of peace," or
"letters of communion," guaranteeing that the bearers were members
of the Church. This will be the sense here. The letter would be akin
to the "letters of peace" sent from the west to Flavian (Soz. viii. 25);
see p. 50, and the first words of the letter below.
54. 2 Innocent's letter in Sozomen to the clergy of Constantinople
urges the need of a synod, though not with these stipulations.
55. 1 A panegyric of Chrysostom by "Martyrius, Bishop of Antioch"
(Migne, xlvii.), seems to be his work.
56. 2 Matt. xviii. 17; cf. 1 Cor. v. 9.
57. 3 " We write, that we must be led by the canons laid down at
Nicaea, which alone the Catholic Church ought to follow"
(Innocent's letter in Soz. viii. 26). The fifth canon prescribes that
persons excommunicated by the bishops of a province ("eparchia,"
as above, p. 12) may not be admitted to communion by other
bishops; but that to prevent undeserved excommunications, two
synods shall be held in each province each year, at which inquiry
shall be made into doubtful cases. Hence Chrysostom refused
communion to the Tall Brothers (p. 60). Innocent's proposed synod
would go further, being of the whole Church, not of a single

province; here Theophilus, having excommunicated Chrysostom,

would have to justify his action.
58. 1 Lit. "rode past" on horseback. So in Pall., L. H., vi. 7.
59. 2 Chrysostom's second expulsion (p. 89).
60. 3 Declaring himself to be still in communion with them (p. 21).
61. 4 Or, "his appearance."
62. 5 See p. 126.
63. 1 This could only be by proxy or by letter, as he went straight
into exile (p. 90). A synod was held after the first expulsion (p. 73,
n.), which the deacon may have in mind, but the author is not
concerned with his accuracy. The lack of logical sequence in the
sentence may point to corruption in the text.
64. 2 Job xxxii. 18.
65. 3 Cyriacus; p. 89.
66. 4 Bishop of Antioch (p. 13 ff.). For Arsacius, cf. p. 30.
67. 5 i. e. Chrysostom is a heretic. Theodosius, father of Arcadius,
had issued such edicts in regard to the Arians. George tells us that
Chrysostom obtained the same from Arcadius. The leaning of the
Church upon the civil power has always proved disastrous. Cf. p.
196.
68. 1 Innocent states in his letter (in Sozomen) that he writes in
answer to letters brought by these two.
69. 2 Cassian had lived long among the monks of Egypt, and was
ordained deacon by Chrysostom, for whom he had a great
admiration. His writings are our best authority for the monastic life

of the time, and were ordered to be studied in the Benedictine

monasteries. He afterwards settled at Marseilles, where he founded a
monastery for each sex, and took a leading part in the discussions
upon grace and freewill, originated by the Pelagian heresy, evoking
two treatises from St. Augustine.
70. 3 The third charge at The Oak: "that he had sold a great quantity
of the treasures of the Church."
71. 1 The revenues of the Church were originally entrusted to the
bishop, to be by him distributed among the clergy and poor; this he
did through the deacons, and especially the archdeacon. But as the
Church grew in wealth and extent, "stewards" were appointed,
always from among the clergy. Conc. Chalc. Can. XXV., XXVI.,
prescribe that during a vacancy in a see the revenues of a Church
shall be managed by the steward, "that the administration of the
Church may not be without witnesses, and the property of the
Church be wasted, and the clergy exposed to cavils." Theophilus
advanced two monks to be stewards (p. 54); in his canonical epistle
he orders that stewards are to be chosen by the clergy.
72. 2 A pagan, and bitter opponent of the Faith, who succeeded
Studius as prefect of Constantinople. He tried by torture those
accused of the burning of the church; Eutropius, a reader, died under
it. Tigrius (p. 176) and Serapion (p. 175) were similarly treated;
Olympias was brought before him, and after a lively passage of arms
heavily fined, for refusing to communicate with Arsacius.
73. 1 Theodosius, dying in 395, bequeathed the empire of the west to
Honorius, his younger, that of the east to Arcadius, his elder, but
feebler son.
74. 1 So Chrysostom is brought from Antioch to Constantinople (p.
42); as it was by the order of the Emperor, conveyance was provided
for them. The bishops were similarly brought to the Council of
Nicaea (Synthema, Lat. "Tessara," a ticket given to soldiers for their
rations, to delegates to a friendly city entitling them to hospitality,
etc.).

75. 1 Innocent's letter in Sozomen states that he has learnt the facts
from Bishops Demetrius, Cyriacus, Eulysius, and Palladius, "who
are with us at Rome." Our author is thoroughly conversant with the
facts.
76. 2 The Greek alternates between the first and third persons. This
can be well understood, if Palladius is describing his own
experiences, and occasionally forgets to preserve his anonymity by
using the third person. The same feature occurs in Pall., L. H., v. 1.
The accuracy of detail in the record (cf. pp. 66, 126, 178), where
Palladius is stated to be present, has much bearing on the question of
the authorship of the treatise.
77. 3 Lit. "the back parts "; cf. p. 83.
78. 4 The words can hardly bear their literal sense, "there put on the
rack."
79. 1 If the report meant that he had succeeded in his aim, it was not
true. Arsacius, brother of Nectarius, was appointed, and occupied the
throne for a year (p. go), when Atticus succeeded him.
80. 2 "Nomisma," Lat. "nummus." A
thousand nummi or sestertii made a sestertium, worth about 8.
81. 3 Eph. v. 15, 16.
82. 1 Lampsacus, on the east coast of the Dardanelles. The journey
to Hydrun was much longer, but Palladius was not with the western
bishops, and makes no remarks upon it. He would naturally be
interested to learn whether they had reached Italy safely, and where.
Dramatic propriety forbids the subsequent doings of Palladius and
his companions being known as yet in Rome; the story continues on
p. 178.
83. 2 Otranto, in South Italy.

84. 3 Or, "rational" (); cf. Rom. xii. 1, 1 Pet. ii. 2, where it
almost = "spiritual."
85. 1 Bishop of Beroea, who had been sent to Rome, on
Chrysostom's initiative (Soz. viii. 3), to secure the recognition of
Flavian as Bishop of Antioch by the Western Church. He seems to
have been about eighty years old, a man of great ability and
influence.
86. 2 Bishop of Ptolemais; he had visited Constantinople, and being
a learned and eloquent speaker (Sozomen adds the interesting note
that he was "called by some Chrysostom "), "departed to his own
city, having gathered much money" (Soz. viii. 10).
87. 3 Bishop of Gabala, a friend of Antiochus, who, hearing of
Antiochus' success at Constantinople, thought to do the same. He
spoke with a rough Syrian accent, but prepared a stock of sermons,
and on his arrival was welcomed by Chrysostom, and found favour
with the court. When Chrysostom went to Ephesus (p. 125) he
entrusted the see to his charge; but he only tried to please the people,
and to win them from their affection for their own bishop.
Archdeacon Serapion took every opportunity of showing his dislike
for him, and reported his doings to Chrysostom, even distorting a
remark made by him into a denial of the faith; whereupon
Chrysostom expelled him from the city. At Eudoxia's earnest request
he was recalled, and each made a public profession of reconciliation,
but Serapion never forgave the insult.
88. 4 Two curious words, apparently of the author's own coinage.
89. 1 Friends of the Empress Eudoxia (see p. 65).
90. 2 The words show the supposed date of the Dialogue.
91. 3 In 407, the year of Chrysostom's death, Palladius would be
only about forty-three years old. But as he does not represent himself
as being the bishop of the Dialogue, the point does not affect the
question of authorship.

92. 1 Ps. v. 6.
93. 2 An inference from John viii. 44, 45, 1 John ii. 22, 23.
94. 3 Ps. lxiii. 11.
95. 4 One of the "agrapha," "non-scriptural sayings" attributed to our
Lord, frequently quoted by the Fathers; e.g. Clem. Alex., Strom, vii.
90; Euseb., H. E. vii. 7; Cyr. Alex. in Joh. iv. 3; Clement. Homil. ii.
51; Const. Apost. ii. 36.
96. 5 The alteration of one letter in the text gives this meaning; "with
boasting" gives no sense. It is not enough for a statement to be
plausible, and couched in pleasant language; it must be tested by
facts.
97. 6 Ps. xxxix. 1, cxli. 3.
98. 1 Jer. ix. 21.
99. 2 Jer. vii. 15, "I have cast out the whole seed of Ephraim."
100. 3 Hos. vii. 9, 11.
101. 4 Hos. vii. 8, 9.
102. 5 The same words are used in Greek for what we term the
"Consecration" of bishops as tor the "Ordination" of other clergy.
Two words are generally used by ancient writers:
"laying on of hands," and "stretching forth of hands "----properly
expressing "show of hands" in voting, so of appointments generally.
Hence it is used on pp. 59,138 of the appointment of civil governors.
The Apostolic Constitutions(II. 41) say that "a presbyter lays on
hands, but does not stretch forth hands "----" gives a benediction, but
does not ordain "----with the implication that the power of
appointment, as in the State, has passed from the people to the higher

authority. Generally the terms are vised with little distinction; our
author uses "stretching forth" only. For another word, "catastasis,"
properly "appointment," see pp. 42, 153.
103. 1 A small point confirming Palladius' authorship; his residence
in Egypt had made him acquainted with these.
104. 2 1 Sam. xvi. 7.
105. 3 Eph. v. 1.
106. 4 "If I see you seizing the property of others, and otherwise
transgressing, how shall I believe you when you say that there is a
resurrection?" (Hom. in 1 Cor. iii.).
107. 5 "The history of Susanna," in our Apocrypha, is in one MS. of
the LXX. chap. xiii. of Daniel.
108. 1 The text is corrupt, "misuse," lit. "higgling" ("handling
deceitfully," R.V. "corrupting," 2 Cor. ii. 17). I have followed Bigot's
correction of the nom. "dishonour" to a genitive; but as we prove the
present by the past, not vice versa, I should prefer to change the
nom. "misuse" to a genitive, and render, "Dishonour in old age is a
sure proof of the misuse of youth." Cf. p. 145.
109. 2 Secundus, "Magister militum et equitum," who died shortly
after his son's birth, leaving his wife Anthusa a widow at the age of
twenty.
110. 3 He was taught rhetoric by Libanius, a famous sophist, not
only a pagan, but a resolute opponent of the Faith; philosophy by
Andragathius. "If I desired the smoothness of Isocrates, the
massiveness of Demosthenes, the sublimity of Plato, I must
remember St. Paul's words (2 Cor. xi. 6). "All these things I put
aside, with all outward adornments" (de Sacerd. IV. vi. 37). But these
things were part of himself, and his literary remains show that he
could not "put them aside." "What wives these Christians have,"
Libanius said, in reference to Anthusa. He would have wished

Chrysostom to succeed him as head of his school, "had not the

Christians stolen him." Symeon and the Vita Anonyma say, with
some detail, that he went to Athens to study. This, and the miracles
they attribute to him later, may be put aside by Savile's
consideration, that it is strange that writers, centuries later, should
know things which his contemporaries did not.
111. 4 Rom. iii. 2; 1 Pet. iv. 11.
112. 1 Or, "Sacrament" (p. 57, n.). The postponement of his baptism
was probably due, not, as often was the case, to the fear of sinning
afterwards, but to the disturbed state of the Church of Antioch, where
dissensions between the orthodox and the Arians were almost
continuous. Anthusa would hesitate to present her son to one of
whose orthodoxy there was any doubt.
113. 2 The word in 1 Cor. ix. 13. Such attendants were later
organized into the order of Acolytes, "followers," next to that of subdeacons in the Latin Church; their duties being to light the candles,
and attend with the wine for the Eucharist. Some think that they
accompanied the bishop wherever ho went. Theophilus apparently
took one such with him to Constantinople (see p. 68), where he is
called "young servant," like Elisha's "minister" in 2 Kings vi. 14.
114. 3 Chrysostom's teachers were Carterius and Diodorus, Bishop
of Tarsus, who held a kind of "Scripture study school," called by
Sozomen "asceterion," for young men. Chrysostom persuaded two
other of Libanius' students, Theodorus and Maximus, afterwards
Bishops of Mopsuestia and Seleucia respectively, to renounce the
world, and in the case of Maximus, to break off his engagement to a
lady he dearly loved, and devote themselves to Christian service. For
"reader" cf. p. 7.
115. 4 George says, "Hesychius, a Syrian."
116. 1 "I was in the full vigour of my age, and needed, not discourse,
but bodily hardships."----Pall., L. H., i. 4. Chr. tells us in his De
Sacerdotio, that Anthusa desired, by consideration of her widowhood
and her sufferings for his sake, to restrain his enthusiasm for the

ascetic life; it was probably after her death that he entered upon it
(a.D. 374-5), as George and Vit. Anon. say.
117. 2 The Old and New Testaments----more correctly "Covenants."
118. 3 He never recovered his health; see pp. 98, 125: "I have a
cobweb body" (Ep. iv.).
119. 4 He never lost his admiration for the ascetic life. "Monks in
monasteries live a life suitable to heaven, and no worse than that of
angels, free from quarrels and anxieties." But his sound common
sense showed him that there was not one standard for the monk,
another for the citizen. "I do not prescribe that a man should take to
the mountains or the desert, but that he be good, and sweetly
reasonable, and sober, while dwelling in the midst of the city." "All
the precepts of the law are common to us and the monks, except in
regard to marriage" (in Matt. vii.).
120. 5 In 381, at the age of thirty-six; he wrote his treatises On the
Priesthood and On Virginity during his diaconate.
121. 1 Meletius died in 381, during the Council of Constantinople,
leaving a rival bishop, Paulinus. It was said that six of the leading
clergy of Antioch had agreed, that on the death of either of these,
they would recognize the survivor as sole bishop. Yet Flavian, one of
the six, was consecrated, and the schism continued. Socr., vi. 3, says
that "on the death of Meletius, Chrysostom left his party, nor did he
communicate with Paulinus, but lived in retirement for three years;
on Paulinus' death he was ordained priest by Evagrius, Paulinus'
successor "-----whose episcopate was very brief, Flavian's title being
hereafter recognized. Sozomen does not name the bishop who
ordained him, but Socrates is in error.
122. 2 i. e. "the late."
123. 3 A man of senatorial rank, chosen as Bishop of Constantinople
by the Emperor, being only a catechumen, and consecrated "while
still wearing the white vestments of a neophyte" (Soz. vii. 8); though
such a departure from Apostolic rule (1 Tim. v. 22) was forbidden by

the second Canon of Nicaea. Cyprian, Ambrose, and Eusebius of

Caesarea were other exceptions to the rule. Nectarius was more of a
courtier than a bishop, and his social relations with the great ones of
the city established a precedent which caused Chrysostom's
strictness to be severely criticized (p. 99).
124. 1 When Theodosius died (395) he committed Honorius to the
charge of the famous general Stilicho, who had married his sister,
and Arcadius to Rufinus, a man of low birth who had raised himself
by his wits, and urged the Emperor Arcadius in like manner to marry
his daughter. Arcadius agreed; but Eutropius, the equally self-made
rival of Rufinus, plotted with Stilicho to ruin him, and on the very
day appointed for the marriage, the Imperial wedding gifts were
taken to the house, not of Rufinus, but of Eudoxia, a lady who hated
Eutropius, as he had brought about her guardian's death. Stilicho's
soldiers killed Rufinus, and Eutropius seized his property. But he
made himself equally unpopular by his pride and ambition, and his
sale of State offices; Gainas (p. 122) demanded his death, and
Eudoxia supported the request, which was granted. Eutropius had
shortly before secured the passing of a law, abolishing the right of
asylum in churches; now he fled to the altar of the church, imploring
protection. Chrysostom refused to surrender him, even when
summoned before the Emperor, and preached two sermons on the
vanity of human things, the first while the ex-minister lay prostrate
at the altar in abject terror. By these he aroused much ill-will from
Eutropius' friends, and from the upper classes generally, through his
harsh treatment, as was alleged, of a man in misfortune, his
condemnation of riches, and his insistence upon the power of the
Church. Eutropius was banished to Cyprus, where he was presently
killed; the law forbidding asylum was annulled.
125. 2 "Comes," "companion," our "count "; a companion of or
attendant upon a magistrate; later, a person in the suite of an
emperor, so an official in charge of a department. "The Emperor had
as many comites as he had duties." So there was a "comes" of the
Imperial purse, stables, etc.; "comes" of Britain, Egypt, the East, etc.;
until the title took the place of "dux" for the military governor of a
province or district.

126. 1 "As if to inquire about something" (Sozomen). The governor

was Asterius. Churches were very frequently built over a martyr's
grave, as the souls of them that were slain were seen "beneath the
altar" (Rev. vi. 9). The thought is not limited to any one religion, that
the spirits of the dead hover about the resting-place of their bodies.
There was such a shrine at Palladius' own city of Helenopolis
(Euseb. Vit. Const. iv. 61). Cf. pp. 62, 80, 95.
127. 2 This was upon a resolution of both clergy and laity, who
either knew him personally, or had heard of his fame. The people
were anxious to have one whom they knew to be ready to denounce
wrong doings; not so the rich, and those in power (Soz. viii. 2).
Possibly Eutropius proposed him, hoping to secure for the Emperor
the support of such a capable man. The day of the ordination was
February 26, 398.
128. 3 . The meaning is
doubtful. Our author uses the word for "observing" in this sense on
p. 77; in the liturgies it is the "Let us attend" before the reading of
scripture. Palladius twice uses it so in L. H.But it also means "was
foremost" or simply "was present." Again, the word for "bearing," so
used just below, is frequent in Church writings for "consecration"
(originally "appointment" of civil officers); p. 133. Hence some
interpret "was chief consecrator"; though this makes the grammar of
the next sentence awkward. It is likely that Theophilus, as bishop of
such an important see, should be chief consecrator, but it is doubtful
if that is here stated. Socrates says simply, "he ordained him."
Theophilus was anxious to secure the consecration of Isidore, whom
he had employed on a certain discreditable mission some years
before, upon which he wished to buy his silence. But the matter was
known to many of the bishops assembled in Constantinople, and
Eutropius showed him some documents, giving him his choice
between ordaining Chrysostom, and taking his trial on the charges
they contained (it must be said that Theophilus' subsequent treatment
of Isidore does not support this account, given by Socrates).
129. 1 A variant reading for an unusual word meaning "lost his
spirit," "fainted"; this will mean either "he was deeply mortified at
his ordination," or "he consented with a bad grace to ordain him," or

perhaps, as Socrates says, "he was frightened [by Eutropius] into

ordaining him."
130. 2 The text is corrupt. I would suggest "he is very clever at
reading the invisible will and mind of a man from his visible
countenance."
131. 3 Mark i. 24; Matt. viii. 29.
132. 1 "Being naturally disposed, to correction" (Soz.).
133. 2 i. e. as housekeepers. As the clergy were not allowed to marry
after ordination, they had to have women to keep house for them;
some of these were young, some even women of the Church under
vows of virginity, claiming to live with them as sisters in devotion.
The Nicene Council (Can. III.) forbade the introduction of any
woman but a mother, a sister, an aunt, or other person, above
suspicion; a rule frequently enforced by later councils. Chrysostom
issued two treatises against the practice; their date is uncertain, but
this narrative suggests that they appeared now. He admits that there
has been no great amount of actual wrongdoing, but points out that
scandal must inevitably arise, and makes it clear that these women
were in many cases leading the lives of smart society ladies.
134. 1 Jer. i. 10. Chrysostom's writings are full of denunciations of
wealth, and exhortations to charity. "Of all the fathers of the fourth
century, he is the panegyrist par excellence of almsgiving" (Puech).
135. 2 According to Suetonius, it was the custom at Rome to carry
sick folks to the temple of Aesculapius, on an island in the Tiber, to
die there, so as to save the trouble of attending to them. Jerome tells
us that the first hospital was founded by a Christian matron, Fabiola.
Chrysostom followed the lead of Basil, who had erected a very large
hospital at Caesarea, in charge of a "local bishop."
136. 1 1 Tim. v. 3 shows that from the first there was a "catalogue"
of Church widows; probably those needing relief (Acts vi. 1).
Presently it became clear that their care needed the work of women,
as well as that of the deacons, and some of the elder widows were

put in charge of the rest. In some parts of the Church only widows
who had borne children, who were of considerable age, and who had
been but once married, were admitted as deaconesses. Olympias is a
noted exception (p. 150). Thus it appears that the order of
deaconesses (p. 86) sprang from the order of widows.
137. 2 The public baths in a. great city were enormous buildings,
where much time was wasted in bodily pleasure, gossip nourished,
and immorality lurked. It was better for those who had to set a high
standard of life, to accept physical rather than moral uncleanness. Cf.
p. 115.
138. 3 " Litanies." The Apostolical Constitutions (viii. 6) give us an
early form, the deacon "bidding" the prayer, or naming the subjects
of intercession, while the people answer, "Lord, have mercy." Cf. p.
137.
139. 4 Pliny mentions the night services of the Christians, when they
"sang praises to Christ as God." Chrysostom recommends them in
his Hom. in Ps. cxix. (" At midnight I will rise," etc.) and cxxxii. "At
night our prayers are more pure, our minds lighter, our leisure more
abundant "; hence "the poor abide in Church from midnight until
dawn in prayer, and holy vigils are linked together, by day and by
night" (Hom. in Is. iv.). The services consisted chiefly of psalms, of
which twelve were in time fixed upon as the normal use. At this time
the Arians in Constantinople had been organizing street processions,
with singing of litanies, by night; Chrysostom arranged for rival
processions, for which the Empress supplied silver candlesticks. The
two parties naturally came to blows.
140. 1 1 Tim. vi. 17.
141. 2 Lit. "colour."
142. 3 "Some of those present yesterday have since then sat in the
theatres, and gazed at the procession of the devil" (Or. xc.). The
circus was a fruitful source of iniquity, frequently condemned by
Chrysostom (c. Anom. vii. 1; de Laz.vii. 1). During his first year at
Constantinople, he preached a sermon "Against the games and the

theatres," after a tumultuous race-meeting held on Good Friday, in

which many Christians had joined.
143. 1 His condemnations of luxury were said to be specially aimed
at the Empress, into whose hands the chief power in the State had
fallen since the death of Eutropius; cf. p. 72. From this time forward,
as our other authorities show, the good-will she had hitherto borne to
him turned to enmity, growing more and more bitter until, with the
help of Theophilus and his party, she had accomplished his ruin.
144. 2 Matt. xii. 34.
145. 3 Or, "Of his drunken madness."
146. 4 "Chrysostom continually showed his high esteem for monks,
and saw to their necessities; but those who left the monasteries, and
appeared in the city, he abused" (Socrates). It is evident that a large
number of indigent persons came to the capital to trade upon the
Christian generosity of rich ladies (p. 152). For Isaac, see p. 70.
147. 1 Ps. lxiv. 6.
148. 2 "Amphallax," "alternating," used for a tragic actor's highheeled buskins, which fitted either foot. Bunyan's "Mr. Facing-bothways."
149. 3 Eph. iv. 26.
150. 4 Rom.. xii. 21.
151. 5 Ps. vii. 5, LXX.
152. 1 Theophilus' candidate for the see of Constantinople. He had
spent his youth as a monk at Nitria, and was famous for his piety.
Sozomen says that he had embittered Theophilus against himself, by
giving evidence in favour of Peter, the "arch-priest" of Alexandria, in
regard to a charge brought by Theophilus against him. See p. 42, n.

153. 2 Most large cities and monasteries had a "Xenodochium," or

hospice, for the reception of stranger Christians bearing letters of
commendation. Can. X. of Chalcedon forbids a stranger to be
concerned with the affairs of the shrines, the poor-houses, or the
hospices of a Church.
154. 3 Lit. "the communion," cf. p. 21.
155. 4 See p. 40, n. The Churches of Rome and Alexandria at first
refused to recognize Flavian as Bishop of Antioch; shortly after
Paulinus' death Chrysostom negotiated successfully with Theophilus,
and Flavian "left no stone unturned to restore harmony." Acacius and
Isidore were sent to Damasus of Rome, and secured his recognition
of Flavian.
156. 5 Paulinus' successor, for a brief space, at Antioch. Theophilus
evidently wished the arrangement made by the six clergy to be
carried out (p. 40).
157. 1 Lat. "aureus," of the value of twenty-five denarii, about 18s.
6d.
158. 2 "Lithomania." "Isidore said it was better to restore the bodies
of the sick, which are more properly the temples of God, than to
build walls" (Soz. viii. 12; he does not mention this case of the
widow). Isidore of Pelusium calls Theophilus "the gold-maniac and
litholater." Cf. p. 115.
159. 1 The "tribune of the people."
160. 2 Ps. xv. 5.
161. 3 See p. 41, n.
162. 1 About sixty miles south of Alexandria, "so called from the
neighbouring village, in which they collect nitre" (Sozomen). There
were fifty monasteries there, containing 5000 monks (so Pall., L. H.),
some living a community, some an isolated life.

163. 2 Theodore Trim. says that seven Egyptian bishops, whom he

names, and twenty-two clergy, wrote about this matter to Innocent;
who remonstrated in vain with Theophilus.
164. 3 " Omophorion," a long band of white woollen stuff, draped
over the shoulders with the ends depending before and behind;
originally a piece of civil dress, retained by the Church as in the case
of other vestments, and in time acquiring an ecclesiastical and then a
symbolical significance. Apparently all bishops wore it in the east;
afterwards, as the Roman "pallium," it was conferred first by the
Emperors, then by the bishops of Rome, upon great prelates, as by
Gregory upon St. Augustine of Canterbury.
165. 1 Ammonius and Dioscorus (p. 147) were two of four "Tall
Brothers," famous for their piety in the monastery of Mt. Nitria; so
much honoured by Theophilus, that he made Dioscorus Bishop of
Hermopolis, and brought two others into Alexandria, making them
stewards of the Church revenues. Observing Theophilus' character
and architectural extravagances, they pleaded the attraction of the
desert, and returned to their seclusion; when Theophilus discovered
the true reason for this, he determined to ruin them, by stirring up
their fellow-monks against them. Many of the monks were illiterate
men, who took literally scripture expressions, such as "The eyes of
the Lord," and said that God had a body. Theophilus issued a
pastoral, explaining that these were symbolical expressions, which
was the principle followed by Origen in his "Mystical" interpretation
of Holy Scripture, 200 years before. The monks protested, lamenting
that Theophilus had "taken away their God"; Theophilus assured
their deputation that he, like them, condemned Origen's views. But
Dioscorus and Ammonius set their faces against such
"anthropomorphism," and so gave Theophilus the opportunity he
wanted of inflaming the illiterate monks against them. He informed
them that Dioscorus' party, following Origen, were introducing a
"blasphemous dogma," and issued a pastoral condemning the views
which he had just before upheld. Chrysostom knew nothing of all
this at the time.
166. 1 Lit. "anointed" (p. 14).

167. 1 "The Augustalian"; as in Pall., L. H., xlvi. 3, "the prefect";

app. used only of the governor of Egypt.
168. 2 Lit. "Arch-priest of the diocese of Egypt." "Diocese" and
"eparchy" or "province," as we saw, have the same meaning (p. 12);
the expression = "Metropolitan of the province." The sixth Canon of
Nicaea says, "Let the ancient customs prevail, in Egypt, Libya, and
Pentapolis, that the Bishop of Alexandria shall have authority over
all of these, since a similar custom holds in regard to the Bishop of
Rome; and also in Antioch and the other provinces (eparchiae). No
one may be made bishop without the approval of the Metropolitan."
The thirtieth of Chalcedon speaks of "the archbishop in the diocese
of Egypt, of the capital of the Alexandrians." This province or
diocese was the largest in the world, containing six civil provinces,
with nearly one hundred bishops, thirty more than those under the
Bishop of Rome. The Metropolitan had the unique privilege of
ordaining not only these suffragan bishops, but every priest and
deacon in the province.
169. 3 "Unenlightened." In Heb. vi. 4 the reference is to baptism.
"This washing is called enlightenment, because those who learn
these things have their minds enlightened" (Justin Mart. Apol. II. So
often from his time forward). "I know many who have sinned in
expectation of enlightenment; but God gave us baptism to set free
from sins, not to increase them" (Hom. in Heb. xiii.).
170. 1 "Paroecia," our "parish "; St. Peter's word for "sojourning" (1
Pet. i. 17, ii. 11), taken from the LXX (ef. Eph. ii. 19, contrasted with
Heb. xi. 13, xiii. 14). So the word came to be used for the Christians
"sojourning amid the heathen" in any one place----the "paroecia "---organized under a bishop. In Nic. Can. XVI. wandering clergy are
ordered to return to their paroeciae, and no other bishop is to ordain
them, without the consent of the bishop whom they have deserted.
171. 2

. Cf. Euseb. H. E., vi. 25.

172. 3 " The symbols of the mysteries." Not all monks were in Holy
Orders; so Socrates speaks of it as an unusual thing that Theophilus
had honoured two of the "Tall Brothers" with the clerical dignity.

Palladius similarly speaks of one Macarius (L. H., xvii. 25); but as
abstinence from the mysteries for five weeks was a grave
offence (ibid. xvii. 9), the elements were reserved. "All they who
dwell alone in the deserts, where there is no priest, keep the
Communion at home, and receive it at their own hands"
(Basil, Ep. xciii.). For the use of the word, cf. Theodoret Ep. cxxx.,
"The symbols do not lose their natural characteristics. . . . Christ
taking the symbols at the giving of the mysteries said . . .";
Dionysius the Areopagite, "The sacred symbols are placed upon the
altar."
173. 4 i. e. Jerusalem. Sozomen (viii. 13) says they went to
Scythopolis, as "there were there many palm trees, the leaves of
which they used for the usual work of monks "----basket-making.
174. 1 "Stratopedon," lit. "the camp"; "the place where the Emperor
resides" (Balsamon); the theory of the "Imperator" was, that he was
commander-in-chief of the forces.
175. 1 The church in which Gregory Nazianzen began his ministry
in Constantinople; here Chrysostom preached several courses of
homilies. Another church in Constantinople was that of "Holy
Peace."
176. 2 The word (" stretching out hands ") commonly used for
"ordaining "; cf. p. 36, n. Socrates so uses it.
177. 3 " Dioecesis."
178. 1 It was reported to Theophilus that he had done so (Socrates);
this was one of the charges at The Oak. Chrysostom made no claim
whatever to act as judge.
179. 2 Charging them with Origenism.
180. 1 P. ii, n.

181. 1 "Princeps" is properly captain of the second line of soldiers in

a legion.
182. 2 In the interval Theophilus held a synod, which condemned
Origenism; and wrote to Epiphanius, the aged and highly respected
Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus, who with Jerome had taken the lead in
the antagonism to Origen's views. Theophilus had called him an
"anthropomorphist," because he insisted on the literal interpretation
of scripture, including the passages which speak of God in terms
borrowed from human nature. Now he declared that he saw the error
of his ways, and invited Epiphanius to join him in a crusade against
Origenism. Epiphanius called a synod which anathematized it as
heretical, and sent the resolution to Chrysostom, who in all
innocence ignored it. The question did not interest him, and he saw
no reason why it should be raised; as his own commentaries show, he
had no leanings towards Origen's "mystical" interpretations.
Epiphanius proceeded to Constantinople, where Chrysostom treated
him with great courtesy, though he broke Church order by ordaining
a deacon, but refused his demand to expel the monks, and condemn
Origenism, as these matters were awaiting synodical decision.
However, he laid the matter before a gathering of bishops in
Constantinople, which declined to confirm the resolution. The
Empress severely snubbed Epiphanius, and Ammonius compelled
him to admit that he had not read any of his (Ammonius') writings;
at last he saw that he was simply being used as a catspaw, and
departed for Cyprus, saying, "I leave to you the city, the court, and
the hypocrisy." Theophilus meanwhile journeyed slowly through
Asia Minor, collecting his partisans among the bishops.
183. 1 Gifts brought to win favours.
184. 2 From the Egyptian corn-ships, for whose arrival Theophilus
delayed his entry.
185. 3 Phil. iii. 19.
186. 4 Ps. lxxxiv. 10.
187. 1 Cf. p. 11.

188. 2 Warning them of divine punishment due to Origenism.

189. 3 P. 12, 11.
190. 4 "The symbol" (p. 57). See p. 120, n.
191.

Acts xx. 20.

192. 2 Palladius passes without explanation from the private and

informal discussion at Eugraphia's house, to the so-called "Synod of
The Oak," in which, of course, only bishops took part. He declines to
call it a synod. Theophilus summoned the Nitrian monks to it, and
required them to express their penitence, and "as is customary with
monks, even if they are wronged, they said, 'Pardon.'" Socrates
thinks this would not have happened, had not Ammonius and
Dioscorus now been dead (p. 147; Theophilus shed tears over the
news). Henceforth the question of Origenism, having served its
purpose, was dropped.
193. 3 Photius gives an account of this assemblage. Paul, Bishop of
Heracleia (p. 14, n.) presided as Metropolitan; John the deacon,
evidently the man mentioned above, brought forward twenty-nine
charges, the first of which was, that Chrysostom had deposed him
from the diaconate for flogging his own slave (or son). Others were,
that he had sold Church property, including marble from the Church
of the Resurrection, that he had plotted against Severianus, entered
and left the church without a prayer, ordained four bishops at once,
ordained Serapion presbyter, hit a man in the face, eaten
immoderately alone, living the life of a Cyclops, occupied the bath
by himself, while Serapion kept the door, robed and unrobed in the
episcopal throne, and eaten a pastille. Subsequently Isaac the monk
(p. 48) brought forward eighteen other charges, such as that he had
favoured Origenists, used strange expressions in his sermons,
insulted the clergy, ordained slaves as bishops, and imposed fines
upon Isaac himself.
194. 1 It is impossible to doubt that we have here the account of an
eye-witness. Palladius was in Constantinople at the time, and was in
some way involved in one of the charges,

195. 2 2 Tim. iv. 6.

196. 3 i.e. "Good-bye."
197. 1 Phil. i. 21.
198. 2 Cf. p. 13.
199. 1 Cf. p. 38, n. Possibly this attendant was Theophilus' nephew,
Cyril, afterwards Bishop of Alexandria.
200. 2 " A suburb of Chalcedon, called after the name of Rufinus the
consul, where was a palace, and a church built by Rufinus in honour
of Peter and Paul the Apostles" (Socrates).
201. 1 The LXX of Gen. iv. 8, reads, "Cain said to Abel his brother,
Let us go forth into the field."
202. 2 This was not strictly the case, as some of them were from
Asia.
203. 3 The text is uncertain. George omits "your" and "against you."
"Bid the accusers cease from their accusation, and their attack upon
John."
204. 1 "Comitatus"; "the place where the Comes is, or the Emperor"
(Balsamon).
205. 2 In place of Serapion, who was ejected.
206. 1 In "a sermon before he went into exile" he calls those sent to
arrest him "spiders sent by a spider."
207. 2 "When, after being four times summoned, he appealed to an
oecumenical council, bringing no further charge against him, but that
he had been summoned, and refused to obey, they degraded him"
(Soz. viii. 17).

208. 3 Lse Majest. Just after Epiphanius' departure, Chrysostom

"preached a sermon reproving women in general terms; which was
generally interpreted as directed against the Empress" (Sozomen).
Our other sources agree in stating that he had rebuked her for
following Eutropius' example in seizing property, especially the
vineyard of the widow of one Theognostus. George asserts that he
gave orders for her to be excluded from the Church for so doing.
Hence her sudden change of attitude towards him. Palladius, no
doubt, had his reasons for not saying more on the subject of
Eudoxia's actions; it would have been too dangerous; cf. p. 78, n.
209. 1 Another sermon "before he went into exile" contains an
allusion to Jezebel; it is almost certainly spurious, probably the work
of his enemies. But Theodore implies that he had used Naboth's
vineyard "as a parable" in pleading for the widow. He tells us, with a
certain amount of verisimilitude, that the Emperor, on Acacius'
application, appointed Aquilinus the Quaestor to investigate the
charges against the monks, and was satisfied with their answers;
Chrysostom was also summoned to appear in reference to his alleged
insults to the Empress, but refused to make any defence.
210. 1 "On the third day after his deprivation"; the civil authorities,
with the sanction of the Emperor, instigated by Eudoxia, carrying out
the resolution of the so-called "Synod." "He went out unknown to
the people, for fear of causing a disturbance; but immediately the
king, the synod, and, above all, Theophilus, were bitterly censured. It
was pointed out that Theophilus had immediately communicated
with the Tall Brethren, whom he had called heretics, and Severian
caused strong indignation by a sermon concerning Chrysostom's
pride" (Soz. viii. 18). The Emperor was compelled to order his return
by the strong feelings aroused.
211. 2 On the other side of the Bosphorus.
212. 3 Apparently an earthquake. Eudoxia herself wrote, begging
him to return: "I am innocent, I knew nothing of what was being
done. I cannot forget that you baptized my children."

213. 4 He refused to enter the church, on the ground that the synod
which deposed him must also reinstate him; but the vast crowds who
had welcomed him insisted on his pronouncing the "Peace be with
you," and giving an address, which is still preserved; in it he speaks
very favourably of the Empress. He maintained that all this was done
under compulsion, and that he cannot therefore be accused of the
breach of canon law alleged below (p. 76). But no man can be
compelled to speak; his natural impetuosity overcame him at the
sight of the sympathetic flock. A synod of sixty bishops met in
Constantinople, and annulled the proceedings at The Oak, declaring
that Chrysostom still held his bishopric (Soz. viii. 19).
214. 1 Feeling ran so high in regard to the condemnation by the
"Synod" of Heracleides (p. 126, n), accused of Origenism in his
absence, that sanguinary tumults took place in the streets.
215. 2 By Can. XII. of the Synod of Antioch (a.d. 341), any bishop
who after deposition appealed to the civil power was to be ipso
facto irrevocably deposed. The number of bishops present at Antioch
was ninety-seven, of whom forty belonged to the party of Eusebius,
a "semi-Arian" (i. e. one who denied the eternal Godhead of the
Son). It seems probable that these had remained after the others had
returned home, and passed this and other canons on their own
account.
216. 1 Rom. i. 8. So Cyprian, Ep. iv., objecting to an appeal made to
Cornelius, Bishop of Rome, against the decisions of an African
synod, says that they "forgot that it was the Romans, whose faith is
applauded in the preaching of the Apostle."
217. 2 Laodicea in Lycaonia, so called from the furnaces in
connection with the mines (W. M. Ramsay).
218. 1 The famous heretic, who maintained that "there was a time
when the Son was not"; against whom Athanasius maintained the
Catholic Faith.
219. 2 A.n. 343; about a hundred and seventy bishops were present.
The eastern bishops objected to the presence of Athanasius as having

been deposed, but they were outvoted. Pall., L. H., lxiii. 1 has the
same note of time in reference to Athanasius----"in the time of
Constantius the king"----of the eastern, Constans being emperor of
the western empire.
220. 3 Julius was Bishop of Rome at the time; Liberius succeeded
him in 352. At this council it was determined that any bishop who
considered himself aggrieved might appeal to Julius, Bishop of
Rome, for a re-trial before such neighbouring bishops as he should
appoint. The canon applied only to Julius personally, to cover the
exigencies of the moment; Athanasius would ordinarily have
appealed to the Emperor, but as Constantius, Emperor of the East,
was an Arian, Julius was for this turn substituted for him.
221. 1 See p. 147, 11.
222. 2 Six of Chrysostom's letters are addressed to him. He was
deposed, but in 414 restored to his see.
223. 3 In that case, they admit themselves to be Arian heretics.
224. 1 Eudoxia once more turned against him at this time. Her statue
had been set up in the square before the church, and its inauguration
was attended by disorderly and pagan rejoicings, against which
Chrysostom protested (January 403). On the feast of the Beheading
of John the Baptist, he was alleged to have begun his sermon with
the words, "Again doth Herodias rave, again does she ask for the
head of John." The Emperor sent him word that he would not
communicate at the Christmas festival; but Chrysostom declared
himself ready to meet the charge of attacking the Empress, and the
question of re-entry was made the issue.
225. 2 They wished to anticipate the signs of popular good-will
likely to be shown by the crowds attending the festival.
226. 1 "Episcopus," "overseer" (Acts xx. 28, addressed to the
"elders"). Cicero calls Pompey "Episcopus of Campania" (ad Att. vii.
11). So 1 Macc. i. 51, LXX. The verb is used by Pall., L. H., xxxv.
10, where he himself playfully says, "I bishop the kitchens, the

tables, and the pots." "God is the true bishop of the heart" (Wisd. i.
6).
227. 1 The name of Lent is "Tessarakoste," "the fortieth (day) "; it is
still called so in the Greek Church.
228. 2 " Initiated into the mysteries" of the Creed and the Lord's
Prayer. "Those who are initiated will know what is likely to have
happened amid such disorder; I must keep silence, lest any
uninitiated should read my narrative" (Soz. viii. 21, in relating these
proceedings).
229. 3 Lit. "priest"; cf. p. 35.
230. 4 In Bithynia.
231. 5 Jerome (in Matt, xxv.) speaks of the apostolic tradition not to
dismiss the congregation before midnight; Tertullian warns against
marriage with a heathen, who will not allow his wife to be absent all
night for the Paschal solemnities. Cf. p. 17, n.
232. 1 Possibly the first two letters of the word for "gifts" have been
dropped out of the text, leaving that for "words."
233. 1 "Symbols" (p. 64).
234. 2 In the labyrinth of Crete, according to Greek folk-lore, lurked
the minotaur, a monster to which were given seven Athenian youths
and seven maidens every ninth year, until he was slain by Theseus.
235. 1 "The Fifth," because five miles from the Forum.
236. 2 "Heterodoxi."
237. 3 Lit. "the back"; so p. 29.
238. 1 More than the expression of abstract thoughts.

239. 2 "Maphoria "; at first the ordinary veils worn by women, then,
with some distinguishing features, by professed virgins and
deaconesses; later still, confined to these. Cassian says they were
worn by monks. See p. 53, n.
240. 3 The period between Easter and Whitsun. "For two months
John did not go forth in public" (Socr. vi. 18).
241. 1 "If the whole air is full of angels, how much more the church?
Hear the deacons ever saying in the churches. Call upon the angel of
peace" (Serm. in Ascens. i.). "The angels stand round the priest" (de
Sac. vi. 4). Chrysostom's sense of angelic presence abides in the
"Liturgy of Constantinople ": "Cause that holy angels may enter with
our entrance" ("Prayer of the entrance"). In the Book of Daniel (cf.
Deut, xxxii. 8, 9, LXX) nations have their guardian angels; Basil
calls angels "the rulers of the Church." Eusebius regards Ps. xlviii. 5
as addressed to "the guardian angels of the Church." Matt. xvii. 10,
Acts xii. 15 seem to imply guardian angels to individuals; "each of
us has a guardian angel by his side" (Hom. in Hab. xiv.). The thought
of a guardian angel for each Church is, no doubt, founded on Rev. ii.,
iii., which Origen (Hom. in Num. xx. 4) explains as "his angel, or the
angel of his Church"; Chrysostom (Or. clxix, in. Syn. Arch.) says,
"To each man an angel is assigned, in each church Christ has set
angel guardians."
242. 1 "Hierateion"; where the priests robed, prepared the sacred
vessels, etc. Palladius, both in this treatise and in L. H., uses the
word also for "the body of clergy."
243. 2 Sozomen says that Olympias was ordained deaconess by
Nectarius, though but a young widow, for her extraordinary
devotion. The order, as we saw, sprang from that of widows (p. 46);
the Council of Chalcedon made forty the minimum a.ge for their
ordination. Their duties were to assist in the instruction of female
catechumens, and at their baptism; to visit sick women, guard the
doors, and to look after the women members of the congregation in
Church. Nicarete, "the best of all the good women Sozomen ever
knew," refused to accept the dignity of a deaconess, and "to preside
over the Church virgins." The order seems to have come to an end

about the eleventh century. But see The Ministry of

Women (S.P.C.K., 1919).
244. 3 Nephew of Theodosius the Emperor. Silvina and Olympias
were naturally friends, as young widows of husbands bearing the
same name (p. 86).
245. 4 Luke xxii.. 37.
246. 5 2 Tim. iv. 7.
247. 6 Acts xx. 25.
248. 1 The east is the symbol of light, the west of darkness and sin.
Baptizands faced the west until they had renounced evil, after that
the east.
249. 1 " On the same day, some of the Johnnites set the church on
fire" (Socrates). The "Johnnites" attributed it to their enemies
(Sozomen, who describes it as heaven-sent). Palladius regards it as
the result of the angel of the Church going forth with Chrysostom.
250. 2 Acts i. 18; 2 Pet. ii. 13, 15. The expression is strange; possibly
the preposition has been changed, and "laying upon them" should be
read for "paying." The grammar of the sentence is very bad.
251. 3 The church was that of St. Sophia, built by Constantine, A.D.
360. After this conflagration it was restored, but again burnt down,
and finally rebuilt at vast expense by Justinian in 532.
252. 1 One of the charges mentioned by Photius.
253. 2 Sozomen says the fire advanced from late evening until
morning.

254. 3 Optatus, the prefect, tried various accused persons by torture,

under which Eutropius, a reader, died. Olympias also was put on her
trial.
255. 1 A village in the Taurus Mountains, on the edge of Cilicia.
Chrysostom's friends did their utmost to get him sent to a less remote
and dangerous place, but the Empress had chosen Cucusus herself,
and this time was implacable. It took him seventy days to reach it:
his letters tell of the hardships of the journey.
256. 2 He was eighty years old. Socrates says that through his
extraordinary gentleness he quietly administered the see; Sozomen
also speaks highly of him.
257. 1 An Armenian, a monk in his youth; "learned, industrious, an
excellent teacher, sympathetic and courteous, in a word, like the
apostle, all things to all men" (Socrates).
258. 2 A play upon words: graphe, "scripture," antigraphe, "rescript."
259. 3 Bishop of Antioch (p. 133).
260. 4 Matt. x. 23.
261. 5 Prov. xi. 4 (one MS.).
262. 1 "In the outskirts of the city" (Sozomen). The meetings were
suppressed with cruelty and robbery; Nicarete, among others, left the
city.
263. 2 From John xv. 15, which is spoken in connection with the two
following texts (xiv. 6, xvi. 33).
264. 3 Many friends, including Olympias, supplied him with money,
with which he ransomed many prisoners from the Isaurians, and
relieved the needy; many went out to him from Antioch, Syria, and
Cilicia (Sozomen). He kept up close correspondence with his friends
in the city; now telling of an Isaurian attack, now of quiet.

265. 4 A strong fortress not far from Cucusus. The "privations" were
inevitable, as the place was crowded with fugitives; three hundred
Isaurians once nearly took it in a night attack.
266. 5 Matt. v. 14, 15.
267. 6 By his correspondence he encouraged the missionary projects
he had begun as bishop, in Persia, Phoenicia, and among the Goths.
They were in charge of Constantius (p. 135), who joined him for a
time at Cucusus.
268. 1 "Trials" perhaps better expresses this word, found in plural in
the New Testament only in Acts x.x. 19, 1 Pet. i. 6; in singular of Our
Lord's Temptation, in the Lord's Prayer, the Garden of Gethsemane,
etc.
269. 2 2. Cor. xii. 9.
270. 3 A term frequent in the Fathers for "Christian belief and
practice." It is "the knowledge (gnosis) of things divine and human"
(Hom. in. Col. ix.); "tribulation is the mother of philosophy" (in
Ps.ix.). "To be gentle of speech is the road to philosophy" (in.
John xxvi.). One of Chrysostom's shorter treatises compares the life
of a king with that of a monk living "according to Christian
philosophy." On the other hand, "Are there no heathen who live in
philosophy?" (in John xxviii.). "Gracious," as in Prov. xi. 16, LXX,
of a wife; or "thankful," as Col. iii. 15. Pall., L. H., xivii. 15, has this
identical expression.
271. 1 "Like David, a wanderer, an exile, disfranchised, homeless, I
am exiled to a barbarian land" (Ad eos qui, ii.).
272. 2 At its far eastern end.
273. 1 Tokat.
274. 2 A.D. 303. Diocletian, Maximian's fellow-emperor in the East,
originated the persecution.

275. 3 " And the martyr of the place----Collythus was his name---stood over her, and said. To-day you are going to travel to the
Master, and see all the saints. Come, then, and breakfast with us in
the chapel. . . . And she died that very night . . . having decked
herself for the funeral" (Pall., L. H., lx.). Theodore gives a different
version of this vision, which he says was granted to him before
reaching Cucusus.
276. 4 "We clothe the dead in new garments, to signify their putting
on the new clothing of incorruption" (Hom. cxvi.). So Constantine
arrayed himself in royal and shining garments for death (Eusebius).
Pall., L. H., v., tells how Alexandra "in the tenth year fell asleep,
having arrayed herself (for death)." Theodore says they were "the
garments of the holy liturgy."
277. 5 Bigot translates "jejunus," "without breaking his fast." I
understand the word to be used as in 1 Thess. v. 8, 2 Tim. iv. 5, etc.
278. 1 "Symbola Despotica." In the Coptic Liturgy the fraction is
called "Isbodicon." The Eucharistic elements were often carried on a
journey (Ambrose, de Ob. Sat. iii. 19).
279. 2 "He closes the book with thanksgiving, to show us that this
must be the beginning and end of all our words and deeds; even as in
our prayer. Our Father is the language of men who give thanks for
the gifts they have received" (in Ps. cl.). "Let us render thanks when
in poverty, sickness, disgrace; not in word or in tongue, but in
thought and act. Say nothing prior to this word, i give thee thanks, O
Lord" (in Eph. xix. 2). "What shall I say? Blessed be God. This I said
when I departed, and I have not ceased to say it. You remember that
1 quoted Job's words, Let the name of the Lord be blessed for ever"
(from "the sermon after returning from exile"). The last rubric of the
"Liturgy of St. Chrysostom," still used in the Greek Church, is "The
priest having adored, and given thanks to God for all things, so
departs."
280. 3 "At every journey ... at the putting on of our clothes and shoes
... at going to bed, at sitting down . . . we wear our foreheads with the
sign (of the Cross)" (Tert., de Cor., iii.).

281. 4 " A man who in his zeal for temperance yielded to anger more
than to respect, and for the sake of temperance all through his life
allowed his tongue too much out-spokenness. I marvel how a man
who practised such zeal for temperance, taught men in his addresses
to despise temperance" (Socrates).
282. 5 Socrates says this was on November 24; George says
September 24, which the description of the weather makes more
likely.
283. 1 Job v. 26.
284. 2 " The clergy honoured Constantine with the mystical liturgy"
at his funeral (Eusebius). The third Council of Carthage shows this
to be the usual custom, as a token of the communion between the
living and the dead. Ambrose speaks of a body removed from the
church where the Eucharist was offered to that in which it was to be
buried. This concourse cannot have taken place till long after the
actual interment, owing to the distance, though the Vit. Anon. says it
took place immediately through Divine inspiration. The word I have
translated "gathering" is used for a Church Festival, such as Easter.
The relatives of a Christian were to meet for psalms, hymns, and
prayers on the third, ninth, and fortieth days after death (Apostolical
Constitutions, viii. 42). "It happened that the services for the fortieth
day of the one and the third day of the other were being celebrated
by the brethren" (Pall., L. H., xxi. 15).
285. 3 Ecclus. viii. 9.
286. 1 P. 66, n.
287. 2 1 Cor. viii. 8.
288. 3 "Why he chose to eat alone, no one has been able to state
clearly; those who wish to defend him say that it was on account of
infirmity" (Socrates).

289. 4 The text reads "no friend"; and "sweat" (as at the baths) for
"swill."
290. 1 Acts xix. 37; Rom. ii. 22.
291. 2 Or, perhaps, "moral tone," "character."
292. 3 Acts vi. 2, very freely quoted, with no MS. support.
293. 4 Matt. xxv. 35.
294. 1 Luke vi. 26.
295. 2 Matt. xi. 18, joined with xxi. 32. Pall., L. H. (Prol., p. 13),
similarly combines the two verses, with no MS. authority. Cf. p. xx.
296. 3 Nearly all the 246 letters we possess date from his second
exile, and are short answers to inquiries, requests for prayer, or
devotional considerations of Providence and the use of sufferings;
seventeen are addressed to Olympias. The sentence suggests the
passage of a certain space of time for their collection. They could not
have reached Rome at the supposed date of the Dialogue.
297. 1 As "lord bishops" on p. 10.
298. 2 Gen. xviii. 8, 22. "The angel of great counsel" (Isa. ix. 6),
God, and yet an angel, hence identified by Christian writers with the
Second Person of the Holy Trinity (cf. Novatian de Trin., xviii.,
xix.).
299. 3 Heb. xiii. 2.
300. 4 Luke vi. 30.
301. 5 Ecclus. xi. 29.
302. 6 Cf. p. 121.

303. 7 "Sarabara," "Persian trousers "; Dan. iii. 21.

304. 1 This sentence seems to be a gloss. But our author, like many
of the fathers, is fond of "the doctrine of the mean" (Aristotle, Eth.
Nic., ii. 6, etc.); cf. p. 111.
305. 2 The word used for the "guest-master" of the Church (p. 50)
306. 3 Isa. i. 22.
307. 1 Amos viii. 11.
308. 2 Amos viii. 12.
309. 1 Like "Jacob the wrestler," p. 106.
310. 2 Deut. xxxii. 15.
311. 3 Ezek. xvi. 49.
312. 4 In LXX "she."
313. 5 Amos vi. 4-6.
314. 6 Isa. v. 11, 12.
315. 1 Bel and the Dragon, v. 14, etc. Their footsteps were seen in
the ashes sprinkled by Daniel.
316. 2 A slight alteration of the text gives this meaning.
317. 1 Gen.xxxi.40.
318. 2 Gen.xxviii.20.
319. 3 In Pontus; pheasants.

320. 1 Ramah, i Sam. vii. 17.

321. 2 Ps. cii. 9.
322. 3 The phrase recalls Ex. iii. 14.
323. 4 Heb. xiii. 7.
324. 1 Luke iii. 7.
325. 2 Matt. v. 17; Gal. ii. 18.
326. 3 Rom. i. 14.
327. 4 1 Tim. iv. 13.
328. 5 2 Tim. iv. 2.
329. 6 The grammar of the sentence is so strange that it is almost
untranslatable. "Flatter" could not be joined with "reprove, rebuke,"
because flattery never is bitter, while exhortation can be more bitter,
as he goes on to show, than either; hence the apostle does not
hesitate to couple the apparently pleasant "exhortation" with the
bitter "reprove, rebuke."
330. 1 "'Things which appear shameful (the Cross) are the revered
stories of our good things" (Hom. in John lxxv. 3). Cf. Pall., L.
H., lvi. 2.
331. 2 2 Tim. iii. 10.
332. 3 Tit. i. 5, with 1 Tim. i. 3, 4.
333. 4 Tit. i. 12.
334. 5 This word is only found here, and in Pall., L. H., lxv. 2.

335. 6 Ex. xxxii. 6.

336. 1 Ex. xxxii. 1.
337. 2 Mal. ii. 7.
338. 3 In Gen. x. 10, Calneh is one of the cities of Nimrod, in the
plain of Shinar (Gen. xi. 2).
339. 4 Contained in the words, "How shall this man give us his flesh
to eat? "
340. 5 John vi. 27.
341. 1 i Cor. viii. 8.
342. 2 i Cor. xv. 32.
343. 3 Isa. v. 20.
344. 4 If the text is correct, it means that a man gives dinner-parties
not for the pleasure of eating, but because he wishes to belong to the
"smart set," and push himself forward by ostentation of his wealth.
Aristotle (Eth. Nic. iv. 3) remarks upon the difficulty of explaining
"ambition "----" a desire for honour carried to excess."
345. 1 The contrast with "as quickly as possible" requires this
rendering of the preposition, which implies an irregular or unusual
action (as in par-akoe, "mis-hearing "). It is so used, again in
connection with time of meals, in Pall., L. H.,xxxi. i, lxi. 6----" once
a day" or "once every other day "; this meaning occurs on p. 129.
346. 2 Both favourite metaphors of Chrysostom. "God's providence
is unrecognized, as when the pilot is saving the ship in a storm, but
the passengers do not recognize his skill in the general
confusion" (adv. Opp., vol. iii., 113e).

347. 3 The word is frequent in N.T. for "spiritual blessing" (1 Cor. x.

16; Gal. iii. 14; Jas. iii. 10). In LXX it is used for any benefit
bestowed; as in Judges 1. 15, a piece of land; 1 Sam. xxv. 27,
Abigail's gift; 2 Kings v. 15, Naaman's. Hence especially of the
bread not consecrated at the Eucharist. Socrates tells of one who
"took nothing from the Church, save two loaves of eulogiae each
Sunday." Cf. Pall., L. H., xxv. 3, "I am not worse than you, that you
should send me a blessing "----of sweetmeats given to a monk.
Hence the sense here will be the "getting good" of a worldly, not a
spiritual kind; a gift to take home, or the honour of an invitation.
348. 1 Ezek. xxxiv. 2.
349. 2 2 Cor. xi. 20.
350. 3 Jer. xii. 10.
351. 1 He will have a bad name, if he play the host too much.
352. 2 Matt. v. 11.
353. 3 Luke vi. 26.
354. 4 Matt. vi. 24.
355. 1 Matt. xix. 27.
356. 2 Luke xiii. 27.
357. 3 John i. 1.
358. 4 "Logos" in Greek means "reason," as well as "reason
expressing itself in words." Cf. p. 31, 11.
359. 5 Cf. Theophilus' "lithomania" (p. 51).
360. 6 Eccl. ii. 5, 11, 18.

361. 1 Lit., "things stamped"; the word in late Greek often for
"ordain," "decree," of persons in authority. Cf. pp. 78, 125,11.
362. 2 Socrates says, "Thirteen, in Lycia, Phrygia, and Asia; and also
Gerontius, Bishop of Nicomedeia "----on his way home from
Ephesus; who being a skilful doctor had much endeared himself to
his flock. Chrysostom ordained Pansophius, the late instructor of the
Empress, in his place; the action causing great indignation.
Apparently the number was six in Asia, seven in Lycia and Phrygia.
Isaac's eleventh charge at The Oak was, that he invaded other
provinces, and there ordained bishops.
363. 1 Isa. x. 1.
364. 2 The text reads, "the thirteenth indiction," clearly in error. An
"indiction" (properly the notice of taxation, revised every fifteen
years) was a period of fifteen years, instituted by Constantine in 312,
when he became undisputed emperor through his victory over
Maxentius; possibly wishing to show his zeal for the Faith by
abolishing the pagan mode of reckoning (by the Greek "Olympiads"
of four years; May 400 is the time of this event.
365. 3 A Goth, Bishop of Tomis, missionary to the Huns; he refused
to sign the resolution of agreement with Epiphanius' condemnation
of Origenism.
366. 4 It was natural that at all times many bishops should visit the
capital of the Eastern Empire "on ecclesiastical business"; these
gradually formed a "synodus endemusa" ----a "home" or "floating
synod "----meeting under the presidency of the archbishop. At the
Council of Chalcedon the question was raised as to the authority of
such a synod, and it was declared to be good. Similar home synods
existed at Rome and at Treves, during the residence of the emperors
there.
367. 1 In the province of Asia.
368. 2 He apparently was not himself a member.

369. 3 The word is frequent for "saying good-bye to" (Luke ix. 61,
etc.), so for "renouncing the world," "retiring to the desert as a
monk," etc. According to the "Apostolic Canons," only the lower
orders of clergy were allowed to marry after their appointment to
office; the Council in Trullo ordered that a bishop's wife should retire
to a convent, or become a deaconess; that of Caesarea, that if a priest
marries after ordination he must be degraded. For Antoninus to
resume relations with his wife was equivalent to marriage after
ordination. It was proposed at the Council of Nicaea that married
clergy should be compelled to separate from their wives, but the
proposal was rejected; though it was generally held that the relations
of bishops with their wives should be those of brother and sister. Cf.
pp. 129, 136.
370. 1 The Dialogue is supposed to be carried on amid a circle of
listeners.
371. 2 2 Cor. xii. 11.
372. 1 He presided as metropolitan (p. 65) at The Oak.
373. 2 "The bishop at his entry into the church says always, Peace be
with you, as a proper salutation when he enters his Father's house"
(Hom. in 1 Cor. xxxvi.; so in Col. iii., etc.).
374. 3 Matt. v. 23. "Good food upsets the nauseated stomach; so does
the spiritual food upset the man not of a pure conscience" (Hom. in
Heb. xvii.). "Approach the mystic rite without disturbance, without
molesting your neighbour"(Hom. in Nat. Chr. xi.). Conc. Nic. Can.
V. orders, "Let one synod be held before Lent, that all ill-feeling may
be laid aside, and the gift offered to God in purity." The "gift" is the
pure offering of Mal. i. 11.
375. 4 "Photisterion"; "place of illumination," cf. p. 56, n.
376. 1 A strange word, probably "abolitio," not "absolutio "---"pardon for offences hastily admitted" (Savile).

377. 2 " The elders of the bishops," probably with reference to the
name of the Roman Senate, "the council of elders."
378. 3 I Tim. vi. 10.
379. 4 Soz. v. 8 tells of one Theodoret, who held the office of
"guardian of the sacred vessels," and was tortured for refusing to
surrender them.
380. 1 The 3rd Canon of Chalcedon (451) gave the confirmation of a
General Council to numerous local canons forbidding bishops to be
entangled in secular business.
381. 2 Gainas was a Goth, who had been made commander of the
army in Constantinople (in which he had enrolled "his whole tribe"),
and sent to check the advance of an insurgent brother Goth,
Tribigild. Instead of doing so, he joined forces with him, and
advanced upon the city, demanding the surrender of three Court
favourites. Chrysostom was known to be kindly disposed towards
the Goths, as he had organized mission work among them (his
befriending of heathen against Christians was one of the charges
brought against him at The Oak); he therefore was asked to negotiate
(hence "the champion of our souls" or "lives"), and was granted the
lives of the three, but could not stop Gainas' entry. For some months
nothing was done, the barbarians only waiting for orders to sack the
city; meanwhile, Gainas asked for a church within the walls, for
himself and his fellow-Arians. Chrysostom discussed the matter with
him before the Emperor, and the request was refused. In the winter
the Goths attacked the palace, but were repulsed through "a vision of
angels" (or through the efforts of the citizens), and half the army,
with Gainas, retired through the gates, which were at once shut. The
rebel forces were thus divided; Gainas fled to Thrace, where he was
killed, in January 401. Theodoret, H. E., v. 32, places his application
for a church before, not after, his rebellion.
382. 1 In S. Thrace.
383. 2 On the Propontis.

384. 1 Eusebius is guilty of the very offence he had so violently

condemned.
385. 2 Lit. "deserter"; not daring to face the inquiry.
386. 1 The noun of the verb used above (p. 116), our "type,"
meaning (1) "a blow," (2) "the impress on a coin," (3) in late Greek,
"a decree" (e.g. Conc. Nic. Can. xix.). The second may be the
meaning here (so Stephens); but the adjective (lit. "sent from God ")
does not seem to suit this sense so well. The point to be settled was,
the appointment of a successor to Antoninus.
387. 2 A promontory on the south shore of the Sea of Marmora,
which is so called from the marble quarries on Proconnesus.
388. 1 Of Crateia (p. 80), not of Heracleia (pp. 23, 65).
389. 2 Of Chalcedon (pp. 23, 77); at this time a friend of
Chrysostom, afterwards a bitter enemy.
390. 3 Hence the author's knowledge of the details of the journey.
391. 4 As there was much rivalry for the vacant office, Chrysostom
settled the dispute by appointing Heracleides, a Cypriote, one of his
deacons, once a monk of Scetis. Hoping to strengthen his case
against Chrysostom, Theophilus at The Oak had a charge brought
against the new bishop of violence to certain persons, and of
"Origenism." As he was not present to answer, a dispute, ending in
blows, arose between the bishops of Constantinople and those of
Egypt, and Theophilus, finding his plans a failure, "immediately
departed for Egypt." Heracleides, however, was subsequently
deposed (p. 130).
392. 5 Prov. i. 20.
393. 6 Ps. iv. 2.

394. 1 All citizens possessing twenty-five acres of land were liable

to serve on the city council; Constantine exempted the clergy from
this duty. "Our pleasure is, that all the clergy be exempted from all
public offices whatsoever" (Eus.,Vit. Const., x. 7). But as it was
found that laymen took inferior offices in the Church to avoid their
civil duties, the privilege was afterwards confined to bishops, and to
such priests and deacons as were ordained with the consent of the
civil court, and otherwise restricted; but still "the Church knows
nothing of extraordinary duty or sordid functions." (Theod. Cod. xi.
7). Basil (Ep., 279) asks that the clergy may be exempted from taxes,
"according to the ancient law "; Gregory Nazianzen (Ep., 159)
complains of a deacon compelled to pay taxes.
395. 2 "Thysiasterion," properly "the altar," the usual word in the
Old Testament; here extended to mean "the place of the altar." So
four times in the Epp. of Ignatius (about no) and frequently in later
writers.
396. 3 "Patriarch" is in LXX (1 Chron. xxvii. 22, etc.) the title of a
division of a tribe in Israel (Authorised Version, "Princes"). After the
fall of Jerusalem, Jewish "patriarchs" were set up at Tiberias and
Babylon. The office is referred to by Church writers as of great
dignity, but ceased at the end of the fourth century. The reference
here is uncertain. "The Patriarch of Egypt" is Theophilus.
397. 1 Micah iii. 11.
398. 2 "Defensor rerum publicarum." Every large corporation would
have such an official, and the Church naturally appointed hers. They
were either clergy or laymen, their duties being to maintain the legal
rights of the Church, or of individual clergy, against encroachment
and oppression, and to expel unlicensed clergy from the capital
(Conc. Chalc. Can. xxiii.).
399. 3 We call it simony, after Simon Magus (p. 5). In the fifth
century it was called "Christemporismus," "trafficking in Christ."
400. 4 Evil being merely a negation of good.

401. 1 Jer. xix. 3, "both" is in one MS. of LXX, but has probably
crept in from 1 Sam. iii. 11.
402. 2 Rom. i. 21; Eph. iv. 18.
403. 3 1 Cor. xv. 8.
404. 4 Job xxx. 1, 7.
405. 5 Chrysostom (Hom. in 2 Cor. xviii) speaks of "ordination,
which the initiated know; for all may not be revealed to the
uninitiated." So (Hom. in 1 Cor. xl.) he will not speak of baptism,
because of the presence of uninitiated persons.
406. 6 John xv. 14 (p. 92).
407. 7 He was going to say "of Heracleides." "I am like-named
(homonymus) but not same-named (synonymus) with the Apostle"
(Hom. in Acts lii.). The Apostle John was regarded as the first Bishop
of Ephesus.
408. 1 Matt. xxiv. 15.
409. 2 The first canon of Nicaa forbids ordination to an eunuch; it
was earlier urged that Origen's ordination was void, owing to his
self-mutilation in his youthful enthusiasm to be above reproach as a
teacher of both sexes. Page 174 suggests that he bore the name
Eunuchus, and that the language here used is an expensive play upon
words. Victor perhaps nominated him, as Eutropius nominated
Chrysostom.
410. 3 Cf. Pall., L. H., xxi. 3.
411. 4 A word of Palladius' own coinage, lit. "condemned to be put in
irons."
412. 5 The Greek god of the vine.

413. 6 "Illumination."
414. 7 i.e. his body.
415. 8 Rom. x. 14.
416. 1 Eph. v. ii.
417. 2 Jer. v. 28, LXX.
418. 3 The earliest account of the ordination of a bishop (Const.
Apost., viii. 4, 5) directs that the presiding bishop is to question the
priests and laity as to the worthiness of the candidate thrice; then,
"silence having been made, one of the first bishops, standing with
two others near the altar, the rest silently praying, and the deacons
holding the gospels open on the head of him who is being ordained,
shall address God." A ninth-century MS. directs that "After the Kyrie
Eleison, the archbishop lays the gospel upon his head and neck,
while other bishops stand by and touch it, and laying his hand upon
him, prays thus ..."
419. 1 Here the word is not "stretching forth of hands," as usual in
this treatise, but "catastasis" (p. 42, 11.).
420. 2 Matt. xii. 36, freely quoted.
421. 3 Matt. xviii. 6.
422. 4 Socrates and Sozomen say no more of this man than that
Flavianus, his predecessor, had dissented from the deposition of
Chrysostom, while he approved of it. A schism arose in the Church
of Syria between the supporters and the opponents of Chrysostom,
and a law was passed through Arsacius' instrumentality, that all who
would not communicate with Porphyrius were to be expelled (p. 91).
Hence his connection with our narrative, and the great space devoted
to him in it.

423. 1 i. e. "Of short endurance" (the word in Gen. xli. 23, St. Jude
12); so used by Pall., L. H., xlvii. 11. Cf. p. 189.
424. 2 Fragment 36. Cf. p. 135. Palladius quotes three popular
proverbs in his L. H.
425. 3 Prov. xxvi. 22, LXX.
426. 1 Men played the part of women upon the stage. The Hom. in
Thess. v. mentions these same points; the moral tone of the stage was
extremely low.
427. 2 Cf. Heb. vi. 6.
428. 3 "These words are found in the manuscript, but omitted by the
editor as alien from the context" (Bigot).
429. 4 Theodoret says he left many memorials of his loving
character.
430. 5 Judges iii. 15.
431. 6 As secretary of the synod.
432. 1 Prov. xii. 24, LXX.
433. 2 A public park in the suburbs of Antioch.
434. 1 The word in Acts xxviii. 16, where it means "princeps
peregrinorum," in charge of the receiving depot for soldiers passing
from and to the armies abroad.
435. 2 Cape Amanus, on the gulf of Issus.
436. 3 So Augustine and his forty companions came to Canterbury
"bearing a silver cross for their banner, and the image of Our Lord

painted on a board; and, singing the litany, they offered up prayers to

the Lord" (Bede, Eccl. Hist.,i. 25).
437. 4 Cf. p. 46.
438. 1 The word for "ordained" in the Church; cf. p. 59.
439. 2 Or, "the belly of the serpent (Satan) that crawls upon his
chest." The Greek is irregular.
440. 1 A very ungrammatical sentence.
441. 2 Pall., L. H., lvi., tells us that she was daughter of Seleucus the
ex-count, grand-daughter of Ablavius the ex-prefect, and that she
gave her silk dresses to the altars (ch. lxi.). See pp. 86, 151.
442. 1 "Anthropos," "a human being "; below, p. 151, with the
feminine article. Pall., L. H., ix., "Melania, the anthropos of God,"
uses the same most unusual expression; "aner" is generally used for a
man, as opposed to a woman. "This book . . . contains memoirs of
women, who with masculine and perfect mind have accomplished
the struggles of virtuous asceticism" (Ibid. Intro.).
443. 2 Damasus, Bishop of Rome, 367-384; Sericius, 385-398. The
particle "or" seems here, and elsewhere in the treatise, equivalent to
"and." For Theophilus' relations with Epiphanius, see p. 63.
444. 1 1 Cor. iv. 12.
445. 2 Titus iii. 10.
446. 1 The name "Theophilus" means "lover of God." Cf. p. 149.
447. 1 John vi. 26, "and wonders" occurs in one MS.
448. 2 Luke v. 31.

449. 3 Matt. v. 45, freely quoted.

450. 4 Matt. ix. 11; Mark ii. 16. The same combination and order of
words, and the addition of "reproach," are found in Pall., L. H., Intro.
11; a strong indication of common authorship.
451. 1 "Weep with me, not for yourselves, but for those who rob
you, who are more unfortunate than you" (Hom. in 1 Tim. xii.).
Plato (Gorg. lxv.) says that to do wrong is a greater, to suffer wrong
a smaller evil.
452. 2 Acts xviii. 27, xxi. 17. See pp. 159, 165.
453. 3 The word in Acts xvii. 22, cf. p. 64. Eusebius (V. C. liii.)
mentions "superstitious persons" who built an altar at the Oak of
Mamre. "A false view of religion" seems to be meant; "an unsuitable
term" (Savile).
454. 1 Cf. p. 37.
455. 2 Palladius (L. H., xxii.) heard one of his tales from "the holy
Hierax;" so below (p. 148), "as he told us himself "----a frequent
formula in the History.
456. 3 St. Antony, who about 305 retired to the Nile, later to the
shore of the Red Sea, and was joined by many desiring the ascetic
life. These he organized under rule, and is therefore regarded as "the
father of monasticism." He died in 365, at the age of one hundred
and five. The Lausiac History often refers to him with similar
admiration.
457. 1 Novatianist (i.e. Puritan), Bishop of Constantinople, a man
greatly commended by Sozomen for his learning, his life, his
character, and his humour.
458. 2 To Chrysostom's sentence of condemnation.

459. 3 Lit. "was pickled." So Chrysostom of the Thessalonians

(Hom. i. in 2 Thess.; Hom. in Rom. xxi.), and often in the Fathers, of
martyrs; Pall., L. H., xxxviii.
460. 1 Socrates tells of Cyrinus, Bishop of Chalcedon, who died
after repeated operations as the result of another bishop accidentally
treading on his foot; of a terrible storm in Constantinople; and of the
death of Eudoxia four days later. All these events were popularly
attributed to the Divine wrath at Chrysostom's expulsion. "But
whether this be so or not, God knoweth."
461. 2 "Hypophet," like "prophet "; used from Homer downwards of
one who utters an oracle. Eusebius uses it so in Triak. x. 4.
462. 3 Ps. lxxxvii. 11, LXX.
463. 4 The same statement in regard to Ammonius is made by
Palladius (L. H., xi.). The style of writing here, where the author is
dealing with the same subject of monks, is noticeably like that of
the History.
464. 1 "At The Oak, where the synod was held" (Socrates). The
martyr was Mocius (Sozomen).
465. 2 On the shore of the Red Sea, "seven days' journey from
human habitations" (Cassian).
466. 3 "How do you endure, struggling with accidie? "----to a
recluse, after ten years spent in a tomb (Pall., L. H., v.; cf. xxi. 1,
etc.). See Paget, The Spirit of Discipline. The patristic writings make
continual reference to such "spiritual weariness," the natural
temptation of men living a life of contemplation, with no human
interests to occupy their thoughts, and under the physical strain of
asceticism. "My soul melteth away for very heaviness" (Ps. cxix.
28)----in LXX, "for accidie."
467. 1 Luke ix. 62. Pall., L. H., xxxv. 9, quotes the passage in a
similar context.

468. 2 Cf. Pall., L. H., xvii.

469. 3 Luke xxii. 31.
470. 4 Also spelt Chronius; cf. Pall., L. H., xxi., etc.
471. 5 Cf. p. 142.
472. 6 The dialogue is represented as spread over several days.
473. 1 So Pall., L. H., liv. 1.
474. 2 Ibid., x. 8.
475. 3 1 Tim. v. 14. Chrysostom off ers a warning against second
marriages, though he does not condemn them (de Virg. xxxvii.).
476. 4 1 Tim. i. 9.
477. 1 "Anthropos," cf. p. 140.
478. 2 Cf. Pall., L. H., lxi., where Melania says to her husband, "If
God had wished us to have children, He would not have taken away
my children untimely."
479. 3 A.D. 388. Maximus was a rebel, who actually secured rule
over Britain, Gaul, and Spain.
480. 1 Rom. xvi. i2.
481. 2 Phil. ii. 2i.
482. 3 "Seeing her bestowing her substance on all who asked for it,
John said to her, "I commend your purpose; but he who aims at the
height of godly virtue must be a careful steward, while you, adding
wealth to those who are wealthy, simply cast your goods into the sea.

Of your own free will you have dedicated your substance to the
needy, and as you have been appointed to manage your money, you
will have to render your accounts. Therefore regulate your giving by
the need of those who ask it." Soz. viii. 9; cf. p. 140.
483. 1 1 Cor. ix. 18; but in different words.
484. 2 " I am ashamed when I partake of irrational food."
Pall.,L. H.,i. 3.
485. 3 Ecclus. xxi. 15.
486. 1 1 Tim. v. 18. "Food" for "reward."
487. 2 1 Cor. ix. 7.
488. 3 1 Cor. ix. 12.
489. 4 1 Cor. ix. 23.
490. 5 1 Cor. viii. 9.
491. 1 2 Cor. v. 15.
492. 2 Ps. xxiv. 12.
493. 3 Ps. xxiv. 8.
494. 4 Job xxxi. 1.
495. 5 So Bigot, explaining by reference to Matt. v. 29. He suggests
an emendation----" that those who rebel should be guided into
temperance."
496. 6 Ps. cxix. 106.

497. 7 Cf. Pall., L. H., xxxii. 7.

498. 1 1 Cor. xv. 33.
499. 2 Jer. ix. 1, 2.
500. 3 Gal. iii. 15"; cf. Jer. v. 11, LXX.
501. 4 Jer. xv. 17.
502. 5 Ps. xxv. 4-6.
503. 1 Ezek. viii. 7-17.
504. 2 Gal. ii. 6.
505. 3 2 Peter ii. 3.
506. 4 Phil. iii. 19.
507. 5 Jude 12, 13.
508. 1 Ezek. ix. 1-6.
509. 2 Ezek. i. 1-3.
510. 1 Acts xviii. 27.
511. 2 A Jewish boy at the age of thirteen became "a son of the law."
"Spiritual persons are the sons of the font" (Basil of
Seleucia, Or. xxvii.).
512. 3 1 Cor. x. 11.
513. 4 Ezek. xxxiii. 2-6.

514. 1 " More clearly than a trumpet do I lift my voice" (Or. lxiv. de
Jej.).
515. 2 1 Cor. xiv. 8.
516. 3 Rom. i. 8.
517. 4 Prov. xx. 9.
518. 5 The quotations next given by the deacon make this rendering
of the passive participle preferable to "the established order of
things." Cf. p. 33.
519. 6 Cf. Acts ii. 37.
520. 7 Prov. xxv.6.
521. 8 Col. iv. 5.
522. 1 A slip.
523. 2 "The opportunity is not yours; ye are strangers and pilgrims.
Seek not honours and powers, but endure all things, and so buy up
the opportunity, as a man in a big house, attacked by robbers,
surrenders all, in order to buy himself from them," is Chrysostom's
comment on the passage.
524. 1 John i. 36.
525. 1 In answer to the charge brought against Chrysostom of
speaking of Eudoxia as "Jezebel" and "Herodias' daughter." "Let no
one be vexed with me; I shall not speak personally" (Hom. in
Eph. iii.).
526. 2 1 Cor. x. 25.
527. 3 Like Moses, Elias, and the others.

528. 4 Though he speaks of Phoenicians, etc., by name, he is not

attacking their personal faults, but using them as examples of faults
common to all men.
529. 5 Job xl. 25, LXX (xli. 6, R.V.). "Shall they part him"
----behemoth, the hippopotamus----" among the merchants? "----in
Hebrew "among the Canaanites," whose name, as famous merchants,
is used for "merchants" generally. Palladius is right in regarding
"Phoenicians" as a general term for "merchants," but his exegesis of
behemoth is unsound.
530. 6 Deut. iv. 20.
531. 1 Titus i. 12.
532. 2 Gal. iii. 1.
533. 3 1 Cor. v. 2.
534. 4 Rom. i. 8.
535. 5 Eph. i. 18, but the word here is "mystics," "initiated ones."
536. 6 1 Thess. v. 11
537. 7 "You will say, Do not lay such a burden upon your hearers;
you make us blush. But 1 cannot tolerate such objections. If I was
asking for myself, there would be some ground for shame; but I ask
it for your good, and therefore I am bold of speech" (Hom.
in 1 Cor. xl. 3).
538. 8 1 Tim. v. 20.
539. 1 Rom. i. 30; 2 Tim. iii. 2, R.V.
540. 2 1 Tim. iii. 6, vi. 4.

541. 3 Cf. p. 93, n.

542. 1 Matt. v. 1.
543. 2 Matt. viii. 18.
544. 3 Rom. i. 30; 1 Tim. i. 13.
545. 4 Matt. viii. 19.
546. 5 "He never lied, nor swore, nor abused any one, nor spoke
without necessity." Pall., L. H., ix.
547. 1 John vii. 12.
548. 2 Luke xi. 15
549. 3 Luke vii. 34.
550. 4 John viii. 48.
551. 5 Matt. xvi. 13.
552. 6 John i. 12
553. 7 So the Fathers generally, and Chrysostom in loc, "That is, on
the faith of his confession."
554. 1 Acts xvii. 6. It was the Jews of Thessalonica who said so.
555. 2 He was doubtless so honoured at the time the Dialogue was
written. "Bishop Proclus won back to the Church those who were in
separation because of the deposition of John, prudently comforting
their distress. He brought back to Constantinople the body of John,
which had been buried at Comana, and laid it with much public
ceremony in the Church of the Apostles, on January 27, 438. And I

marvel, that ill-will touched Origen after his death, and spared John.
Origen, two hundred years after his decease, was excommunicated
by Theophilus, John, thirty years after it, was received into
communion by Proclus" (Socr. vii. 45). The Emperor Theodosius II
laid his face on the reliquary, and implored forgiveness for the
wrongs done to Chrysostom by his father and mother. His remains
were placed in the Church of the Apostles at Constantinople, but
later removed to Rome, and now lie in "St. Chrysostom's Chapel" in
St. Peter's Cathedral. January 27 is still his feast-day in the Roman
Church; in the Greek Church Basil the Great and Gregory the Divine
are commemorated with him on January 30.
556. 3 i. e. use language corresponding to.
557. 1 Isa. xl. 15.
558. 2 At The Oak Chrysostom was accused of using insulting
language to clergy.
559. 3 Luke iii. 7.
560. 4 Acts xxiii. 3.
561. 5 Matt. xii. 39.
562. 1 Luke xxiv. 25. "All the apostles" is an error.
563. 2 Matt. xvi. 23.
564. 3 Rather than reputation.
565. 4 1 Cor. ii. 15.
566. 5 2 Tim. ii. 23. Ignorant of Christian instruction or discipline
(Eph. vi. 4; 2 Tim. iii. 16).
567. 6 Heb. xi. 24.

568. 7 A word frequently used to express pomp of any sort.

569. 1 Heb. xi. 38.
570. 2 Or, by a slight correction, "though one may."
571. 3 Eccles. xiii. 15.
572. 4 2 Cor. vi. 14.
573. 5 1 Cor. ix. 20, 21.
574. 1 Lit. "walking with "; but not a New Testament word.
575. 2 " Skilful physicians should have had all manner of diseases in
their own persons." Plato, Republic, p. 408.
576. 3 See p. 178.
577. 1 Pall., L. H., Intro. "This book is written with a view to stirring
to rivalry those who wish to realize the heavenly mode of life, and
desire to tread the road which leads to the Kingdom of Heaven."
578. 2 " The bishop cannot sin unobserved. Let him be angry, let him
laugh, let him dream of a moment's recreation, and many are
offended, scoff, call to mind previous bishops, and abuse the present
one. Yet if he enter the palace, who is first? If he go to visit ladies, or
the houses of the great, none is preferred before him. I speak not
wishing to put bishops to shame, but to repress your hankering after
the office." Hom. in Acts iii.
579. 1 The Greek may equally well be rendered "Eunuchus of
Ephesus." Migne prints the word with a capital, as a proper name.
See p. 131, n.
580. 2 Heb. xiii. 3, freely quoted.

581. 3 Ps. cxvi. 15.

582. 4 P. 24.
583. 5 On the east bank of the Orontes.
584. 6 In the oasis of the Syrian desert, south of Damascus.
585. 7 A turbulent tribe inhabiting the Upper Nile. They invaded the
Thebaid about a.D. 450, and were driven into the district between the
Nile and the Red Sea, where they are still represented by live tribes,
speaking a language of their own.
586. 1 Assuan. Pall., L.H., Intro.,"I lived with them in Libya and the
Thebaid and Syene."
587. 2 i.e. Egypt. He had fled from Heracleia, and taken refuge
among the Goths.
588. 3 Chrysostom considered his presence in Constantinople of such
importance that he wrote to tell him not even to visit his own diocese
without his written permission.
589. 4 In Thrace.
590. 5 Pall., L. H., lxxi, speaks of "the brother who has been with me
from my youth unto this day "; but he is clearly referring to himself.
Nothing more is known of Brisson, except that Chrysostom writes
two letters to him from Cucusus.
591. 6 Cf. Pall., L. H., xxx.
592. 1 He was stripped of his clothes, scourged, tied hand and foot
upon the rack, and his limbs disjointed (Sozomen).
593. 2 Basil (Reg. Fus., xv) urges that education is to be part of the
work of monks. The Church had to provide her own education, as an

antidote to the material and anti-Christian instruction of the pagan

schools and teachers of rhetoric, such as those by whom Chrysostom
was taught "letters." The training was to be given free, especially to
orphans, and to be such as would prepare the young for the monastic
or the ministerial life. Hence no mention of ancient Greek literature
is made in his curriculum. We do not know where Philip's "school"
was, but there would naturally be one at Constantinople, if only for
the training of clergy.
594. 3 So D.C.B. Lit "The presbyter, he of the palace." Migne prints
the word with a capital----" the son of Palatius." He may have been a
kind of Court chaplain, or the words may refer to his early life.
Sozomen mentions a Helladius, Bishop of Caesarea, whose son had
"obtained a splendid commission at the Court." If he bore his father's
name, this may be the man. Chrysostom, Ep. xiv, asks Olympias to
send some important letters by him.
595. 1 There is no previous mention of this messenger; but evidently
many letters were sent. Sozomen tells of a famous monk Stephanus,
a Libyan, who was living in Mareotis some thirty years before these
events.
596. 2 Lit. "schools"; a late term given to the royal bodyguard.
597. 3 Sozomen (viii. 21) gives an account of this attempt.
598. 4 The order of singers seems to have arisen early in the fourth
century, owing to the decay of congregational singing. The Council
of Laodicea forbids others to sing in the church than the canonical
singers, "who go up onto the ambo, and sing out of a book"; though
this rule seems soon to have fallen into disuse. They were appointed
by the priest, not by the bishop, with the words, "See that thou
believest in thy heart what thou singest with thy mouth, and that
what thou believest in thy heart, thou prove by thy works." Sozomen
tells how Sisinnius (p. 146) was led by a dream to search for the one
good man in the city, named Eutropius, and found a reader of that
name, who was tortured on the charge of setting fire to the church;
probably this man.

599. 1 Palladius now takes up again the story of the Eastern bishops
who joined the deputation from Rome (p. 31), whom we last saw at
Lampsacus. Hence the detailed account here. The introduction of this
"deacon," and the "fellow-soldier" below; is quite in accordance with
Palladius' methods in L. H.
600. 2 No doubt Palladius himself.
601. 1 Cf. p. 96.
602. 2 1 Cor. iv. 9; 2 Cor. ii. 15.
603. 3 Chrysostom, unaware of this, writes to him (Ep. lxxxvii.)
commending his devotion.
604. 1 3 John 1-4; Philem. 7.
605. 2 3 John 9-11.
606. 3 2 Thess. ii. 3.
607. 1 1 John ii. 18.
608. 2 Matt. xx. 6.
609. 3 So Pall., L.H., liv. 6, "Little children, it was written four
hundred years ago, it is the last hour. Why do you love to linger in
life's vanities? "
610. 4 Luke xxii. 31.
611. 5 Phil. iii. 19.
612. 6 Hos. iv. 12, LXX.
613. 7 1 Cor. vi. 10.

614. 1 1 John ii. 9.

615. 2 Prov. xv. 1.
616. 3 Ps. cxix. 28.
617. 4 Ecclus. ii. 14.
618. 5 Ps. lii. 6, LXX.
619. 6 Jas. iv. 16; 1 John ii. 16.
620. 7 Ps. cxix. 51.
621. 8 In Aristotle (Eth. Nic. iv., 1) one extreme, profligacy being the
other, of the series in which liberality is the mean term.
622. 9 Phthonos, probably in error for Phonos, murder.
623. 10 Lit. "want of fear."
624. 1 Jas. iv. 6.
625. 2 Ps. lxxiii. 3, LXX.
626. 3 Ps. xciii. 2.
627. 4 Matt. vii. 16.
628. 5 Job xxi. 4-14.
629. 1 Ps. c. 1.
630. 2 Ps. lxxii. 1.

631. 3 Ps. cxliv. 14 ff. The exegesis of the LXX rendering is correct;
these are the words of the "strange children, whose sons are . . . their
daughters are . . ."etc. R.V. represents the Hebrew by restoring "our"
for "their," and translates "who" by "when," with a semicolon only
before "Blessed." ----" When our sons shall be ... when ... no outcry
in our streets; Blessed is the people. . . ." Delitzsch considers that
some verses have been introduced into the text which do not
properly belong to this Psalm.
632. 1 Hab. i. 2-4.
633. 2 Jer. xii. i, 2.
634. 3 "Sophonias" is the LXX name of Zephaniah (2 Esdr. i. 40).
The quotation is really from Mal. iii. 13-16. "Sophos" is the Greek
for "wise."
635. 4 Chrysostom tells of those who denied that Providence
extended to all things beneath the moon (Hom. in Acts xxviii.).
"Does a charitable person meet with disaster? A labourer who
receives his food gets less wages at the end; so does the charitable
man who receives blessings in this world" (In 1 Cor. xliii.). "If you
see an evil man prosper, know that he once did some good, and
receives his reward here, and loses his claim on that which is to
come" (Or. lxv.).
636. 5 2 Tim. iii. 13.
637. 1 1 Cor. iv. 9 ff.
638. 2 Ecclus. xv. 18.
639. 3 It seems as if "or" had here dropped out of the text, or as if
"not" had crept in before "established." If we had been created
impeccable, we should have needed no trials, because already
established in righteousness. This would have made us machines,
with no moral virtue. The alternative to this was, for our minds not to
be established; then we need trials.

640. 4 "To-day is the time of wrestling; thou art come to learn how to
strive manfully, to take part in every contest. No man coming to the
training school lives in luxury; nor in the time of conflict does he
seek for tables" (Hom. in Mart.,ii. 799). "Perhaps my flesh deserves
chastisement, and it is fitting that it should pay the penalty now,
rather than when I have quitted the arena" (Pall., L. H., xxiv.).
641. 1 Bigot's conj. for "places "; which, however, might refer to
"position in the Church," as Acts i. 25, 1 Cor. xiv. 16.
642. 2 Or possibly, "have as my heir "; the text is uncertain. But the
contrast is between the sweetness of the betrothed and the bliss of
the married life. Cf. Wisd. viii. 2.
643. 1 Eph. iv. 30.
644. 2 Bigot conj. "grace."
645. 3 "A man of great wealth, he wrote no will when he came to die,
and left no money to his sisters, but commended them to Christ."---Pall., L. H., i.
646. 4 Ps. cxx. 5.
647. 5 Matt. xxv. 21,
648. 1 Matt. xii. 34.
649. 2 Lit. "denarius," Matt. xx. 2.
650. 3 In contrast with God's eternity. Cf. p. 134.
651. 1 Cf. p. 96.
652. 2 2 Tim. i. 18.

653. 3 Sozomen says only that Innocent in his letter to the clergy of
Constantinople urged the need of an inquiry by an ecumenical synod,
and that after Chrysostom's exile he sent five bishops and two priests
of the Church of Rome, with the deputation of eastern bishops, to
Honorius and Arcadius, to ask for a synod, and for place and time to
be fixed. There seems to be no record of any decision of a western
synod. But it is very possible that the "Home Synod" (p. 117, n.)
might pass such a resolution without records having survived. The
passage is considered by some to be against the authorship of
Palladius, as Theophilus died in 412. But how could the deacon be
represented as knowing of it, directly after Chrysostom's death (p.
33)?
654. 1 1 Tim. vi. 18, "ready to communicate."
655. 2 Matt. v. 23.
656. 3 Matt. v. 39.
657. 4 Ps. exxxii. 1.
658. 5 Prov. xvii. 17, LXX.
659. 6 Prov. xviii. 19, LXX.
660. 7 For this use of "unmixed," cf; Euseb., V. C, iii. 23, Soz. viii. 3.
661. 1 Amos i. ii, LXX.
662. 2 Mal. ii. 10.
663. 1 Hos. ix. 8.
664. 2 The text has "according to "; which is clearly wrong.
665. 1 We have no MS. support for this punctuation; which can
hardly be due to a slip of the memory.

666. 1 Deut. xxxiii. 13-17, 8-11.

667. 2 Matt. xiii. 52.
668. 3 A reminiscence of Lev. xviii. 21, LXX.
669. 4 John xvi. 2 (freely).
670. 1 Ps. x. 6.
671. 2 "Philocathedria." Formed ("phil----" as in "Theophilus," p.
142) like "Protocathedria" ("protos," "first "), the word in St. Matt,
xxiii. 6; "cathedra" being used in Church language for the "seat" or
"cathedral chair" of a bishop.
672. 3 Cf. Wisd. xi. 17, xii. 9.
673. 4 i. e. by the civil authorities.
674. 1 Ps. ciii. 24.
675. 2 Ex. v. 2.
676. 1 Bigot supplies this word, which is not in the MSS.
677. 2 Matt. vi. 19. "Do you boast of your silken robes? They are the
spinnings of worms, the inventions of barbarians."----Chr., Or., lxxi.
678. 3 A medical term.
679. 1 Heb. x. 28-31.
I am greatly indebted to Mr. P. R. Norton, Rhodes Scholar, of Christ
Church, Oxford, for revising my proof-sheets.