The legacy of Northern Ireland's Troubles continues to cast a shadow and stir emotions and anger.
Relatives of many victims of the conflict warmly welcomed Labour's victory in the UK general election because the party had pledged to repeal hugely controversial legislation introduced by the previous Conservative government to deal with legacy.
The legislation achieved a rare feat by uniting all major political parties, victims and survivors' groups in Northern Ireland in opposition, as well as the Irish Government.
Hilary Benn was quick out of the blocks to set out his stall on the issue.
Just two days after being appointed Northern Ireland Secretary of State in July, the media were invited to a walkabout at St George's Market in Belfast city centre.
Afterwards, the new incumbent of Hillsborough Castle told the media that he would work with the Irish Government on a new approach to legacy.
The Irish Government has taken an inter-state case against the UK under the European Convention of Human Rights to legally challenge the Northern Ireland Legacy Act.
The British government is keen to have that case removed as part of efforts to reset relations with Ireland, which were damaged by successive Conservative governments.
Those representing victims and survivors of the Troubles were impressed by the speedy engagement with the issue and many quietly expressed confidence that Labour would deliver what they sought and scrap the legislation in its entirety.
However, alarm bells rang loudly when Mr Benn made it clear several times in the early days of his tenure that a key part of the legislation, the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR), might be retained.
Campaigners, including Amnesty International, said they would regard that as a breach of Labour's election manifesto commitment to repeal the Act.
The personalities involved with the body have a lot to do with it.
Betrayal
The head of the commission, Declan Morgan, is a former Lord Chief Justice for Northern Ireland who was previously widely praised by victims' groups for his efforts to fast-track inquests into Troubles killings.
Many viewed his decision to become chair of the Commission as a betrayal, whereas Mr Morgan and the UK government would argue that they believe the move represents their best chance to get to the truth.
In a mission statement on the ICRIR website, Mr Morgan said he believes the Commission is in a position "to provide answers that people have been waiting for for far too long."
Peter Sheridan, the Commissioner for Investigations, is also a problem for some.
The former CEO of Co-operation Ireland is also a former Assistant Chief Constable of the PSNI and was the highest-ranking Catholic officer in the force before his retirement, having joined the RUC in the 1970s.
One of his tasks as Assistant Chief Constable was to draw up a Memorandum of Understanding on the use of informers and agents with the British security service MI5.
While widely respected across the political spectrum, many relatives of Troubles victims are uneasy about his policing past and question whether he can be a truly impartial arbiter when it comes to investigating alleged criminal activity by the British state.
Speaking after the announcement of his appointment, Mr Sheridan insisted that he can, saying he was committed to carrying out his new role "without fear or favour".
He added: "There is nothing I want more than to see people given the information and closure they need, using the full range of powers and tools that the Commission will be able to bring to this work, so that we can all move forward together."
Mr Benn has continued to advocate for the Commission, but victims' groups remain steadfast in their opposition.
Major setback
The Northern Secretary's approach suffered a major setback the week before Christmas when a judge in the High Court in Belfast ordered the British government to hold a public inquiry into the murder of GAA official Sean Brown, who was abducted and murdered by loyalist gunmen in May 1997.
Mr Benn had previously rejected a request by a coroner who had been hearing an inquest into Mr Brown's murder to convene a public inquiry, with the PSNI saying it would not stand in the way.
In a letter to the family's lawyers, Mr Benn said that after consideration, he had concluded that an inquiry "is not the best way to proceed".
He also said he believed the ICRIR was capable of discharging the government’s human rights obligations in the case.
But in the High Court in Belfast last week Mr Justice Michael Humphreys said, "no viable alternative to a public inquiry has been advanced" and that in those circumstances "there can be only one lawful answer, a public inquiry must be convened".
Outside court, Mr Brown's widow, 88-year-old Bridie who has campaigned for a public inquiry for more than 25 years, described it as a good day.
The ruling is said to have surprised Mr Benn and his advisors at the Northern Ireland Office.
The Northern Secretary is well respected across the political spectrum, and it is widely acknowledged that he is on top of his brief.
Those who have met him to discuss legacy, even those who disagree with the totality of his approach, do not fault him in terms of his grasp of detail.
There is a sense that he is slowly accepting that many within the victims sector will never accept ICRIR in its current form as the way forward and that reform is needed.
"His big thing is legacy," said an official who has observed him in action.
"He has made it clear that that is the issue that he wants to resolve if at all possible because he recognises the hurt it has caused, and he is determined to find a solution.
"He has said he will listen to those who lost loved ones, and he has been listening."
The question is: will reform be enough?
It seems hard to see many of ICRIR's critics accepting a few tweaks in terms of its remit and powers.
Many have made it clear that they want a complete overhaul and that the Commission must be binned along with the rest of the Legacy Act.
Political legacy
Mr Benn's approach to the Commission in the months ahead is likely to determine whether he achieves his stated aim of resolving the legacy issue.
An approach that is accepted by victims' groups and their supporters would transform the political mood and achieve the "buy in" necessary for the issue to be addressed.
But one that fails to achieve that support could leave the Northern Secretary in the same position as his Conservative predecessors: with all major political parties and victims and survivors groups opposed to his plans.
That would also impact on the Irish Government's inter-state case.
Taoiseach Simon Harris and Tánaiste Micheál Martin have made it clear repeatedly that the approach to legacy should be victim-centred, and are unlikely to agree to withdraw the legal action if those victims remain opposed to the UK's approach.
A lawyer for Bridie Brown last week appealed to Mr Benn and the British government to do what they said was "the right thing" and convene a public inquiry as soon as possible.
The Northern Ireland Office has said it will give careful consideration to the court ruling before deciding what to do.
An appeal and another court battle would further anger victims' groups.
"They seem to be waiting for us all to die in the hope that this will all go away," the relative of one Troubles victim told me days after the Sean Brown court ruling.
"That's just cruel."
Mr Benn could yet be heralded as the person who finds a solution to one of the most controversial and sensitive issues on Northern Ireland's political agenda.
However, it's equally possible that he could soon find himself mentioned in the same breath as some of his least popular Conservative predecessors when it comes to trying to deal with the issue.
His own political legacy is also on the line.
