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DIPLOMACY BY DECEPTION
4 -
Rockefeller - The Evil Genie
No other industry has been corrupted as much as the mighty, powerful
petroleum industry, and no other industry has as justly earned the
epithets hurled against it. When the American Indians led Father
Joseph de la Roche D'AIlion, a French Franciscan missionary, to the
mysterious pool of black waters in Western Pennsylvania, they could
not have imagined what horrible results would come from it.
The oil industry has survived all attempts to breach its walls,
whether by government or by private citizens. The U.S. oil industry
has survived personal vendettas by the late senators Henry Jackson
and Frank Church, and has emerged from numerous investigations with
aplomb and its secrets intact Not even anti-trust suits could break
its power.
The petroleum industry cannot be mentioned without naming John D.
Rockefeller, who created Standard Oil of New Jersey. The Rockefeller
name is also synonymous with greed and an unwavering lust for power.
The hatred the majority of Americans feel for the Rockefellers
started when the "Big Hand" surfaced in the Pennsylvania oil
regions. It began among the descendants of the pioneer drillers who
flocked to Titusville and Pit Head when the black "gold rush" was
getting into its stride in 1865.
John D. Rockefeller's ability to rob prospectors and drillers of
their oil claims is strangely reminiscent of the "pioneering"
efforts of Cecil John Rhodes, Barny Barnato and other
Rothschild-Warburg agents who provided the money for daylight
robbery and chicanery practiced by these con artists on the
Kimberly diamond and the Rand gold claims owners. Nelson Rockefeller
once claimed that the family fortune was "an accident," but the
facts speak otherwise.
The paranoia and need for secrecy that surrounded John D. Rockefeller was handed down to his sons and adopted as a successful
defense against outside prying into oil matters. Today, the
Committee of 300 accounting firm of Price Waterhouse does the
accounts in such a way that even the best accountants and various
Senate committees have not been able to unlock the Rockefeller
finances. Such is the nature of the beast The question is often
asked: "Why was Rockefeller so profoundly crooked?" One can only
surmise that it was inherent in his nature.
John D. Rockefeller did not believe in letting friendship stand in
the way of his progress, and warned his sons never to let "good
fellowship get a hold of you." His favorite dogma concerned the wise
old owl who said nothing and heard much. Early photographs of John
D. show a long, grim face, small eyes, without a trace of any human
qualities.
In view of his appearance, it is all the more wonder that the Clark
brothers allowed John D. in as their bookkeeper, and then, as a
partner in their refinery. The brothers soon found out that
Rockefeller was not to be trusted. In a short space of time, they
were forced out; "bought out" according to John D.
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Ida Tarbell's
book "The History of the Standard Oil Company", which is rich with
examples of Rockefeller's cast-iron ruthlessness and his
inhumanity to all, except himself.
The Standard Oil Company was the most secretly run company in the
history of the United States, a tradition carried on by Exxon and
its affiliates today. It is said that Standard oil was bolted down
and barricaded like a fortress. Rockefeller's image became so
tarnished that he hired Ivy Lee, a public relations man to help him
remake his image into one of a philanthropist. But in spite of his
best efforts, Lee was unable to remove the legacy of hatred left by
John D. The tarnished image of Standard and the Rockefellers has
carried over into the 1990s and will probably be there forever.
Standard Oil was to be the standard bearer for the oil industry in
its conduct toward nations with oil and gas reserves beneath their
soil.
The Rockefellers have always been a law unto themselves, and very
early on, they decided that the only way to escape taxation was to
place the bulk of their funds and assets outside of the United
States. Already
But Rockefeller's march across the continents did not go
unchallenged. Public resentment of Standard reached new levels after
to writers like Ida Tarbell and H.D. Lloyd exposed the fact that
Standard was a company with an army of spies above local, state and
federal government,
"who have declared war, negotiated peace, reduced
courts, legislature and sovereign states to an unequaled obedience
to its will."
Angry complaints poured into the Senate when the American people
were told about Standard's monopoly practices which resulted in the
Sherman Anti-trust Act. But so deliberately vague was the law, which
left several issues unaddressed, that compliance was easily avoided
by Rockefeller and his brood of lawyers. Rockefeller once described
it as "an exercise in public relations with no teeth to it". Never
was John D. Rockefeller's influence in the Senate more keenly felt
than during the Sherman Anti-trust debates. It was a time when
individual senators were subjected to great pressure by Rockefeller
lobbyists.
Rockefeller suffered a temporary setback when, on May 11,1911 Chief
Justice Edward White handed down his decision in an anti-trust case
brought against Standard by Frank Kellogg: Standard was to shed all
of its subsidiaries within 6 months. Rockefeller responded by
employing an army of writers who explained that the "special
nature" of the oil trade did not lend itself to normal business
methods; it had to be treated as a special entity, to be handled
just as John D. Rockefeller had done.
To dilute Judge White's ruling, Rockefeller set up his own form of
government. The new "government" took the form of foundations and
philanthropic institutions, modeled after the patronage system of
the royal courts of Europe. These institutions and foundations would
shield the Rockefeller fortune from income tax, which his paid
hirelings in the Senate had warned him would be coming in the years
ahead.
This was the beginning of the petroleum industry's "government
within government," power which is still in place today. No doubt
the CFR owes its rapid rise to power to Rockefeller and Harold Pratt
In 1914, a member of the Senate called Rockefeller's empire, "the
secret government of the United States." Rockefeller's strategists
called for a private intelligence agency, and following their
advice, Rockefeller literally bought the personnel and equipment of
Reinhardt Heydrich's SS intelligence service, which today is known
as "Interpol."
With intelligence likened to the best of Heydrich's SS intelligence
behind them, the Rockefellers were able to infiltrate countries,
virtually take over their governments, change their tax laws and
foreign policies and, then pressure the U.S. government to fall in.
If taxation laws became tougher, the Rockefellers would simply get
the law changed. It is this bacillus in the oil industry that closed
out local production that would have made America totally
independent of foreign oil. The net result? Higher prices for the
American consumer and obscene profits for the oil companies.
The Rockefellers were soon on the scene in the Middle East, but
their efforts to gain concessions were blocked by Harry F. Sinclair.
It seems that Sinclair was able to beat out the Rockefellers at
every turn. Then came a dramatic reversal, the Tea Pot Dome Scandal
in which Sinclair's close friend, Secretary of the Interior Albert
Fall, and Fall's friend Dahoney were indicted for grabbing the Tea
Pot Dome and Elk Hills Naval Oil Reserves for private gain. There
were many who voiced concern that the Tea Pot Dome Scandal was set
up by the Rockefellers to discredit and remove Sinclair as an
unwelcome competitor.
The scandal shook Washington, and cost Fall his job, (the origin of
the term "fall guy"). Sinclair was barely able to stay out of
prison. All of his lucrative contracts with Persia and Russia were
canceled. To this day it is widely suspected, but not proved, that
the Tea Pot Dome scandal was a Rockefeller "sting" operation.
Eventually, most of Sinclair's concessions in the Middle East, with
the exception of those held by Britain, passed into Rockefeller
hands.
Events in Iran were soon to prove the power of Rockefeller and his
British associates. In 1941, when Reza Shah Pahlavi of Iran refused
to join the so-called "allies" against Germany and expel its
nationals from the country, Churchill flew into a rage and thereupon
ordered an invasion of Iraq, in which he was joined by his Bolshevik
Russian allies. By permitting Russian troops to enter Iran,
Churchill opened the door to a Russian presence in the region, one
of Stalin's longed-for goals. This was a shocking betrayal of the
Iranian people and the West in general, and showed that the
Rockefeller influence was international.
Such is the power of the petroleum companies, especially those
controlled by
the Rockefellers. The representatives of Standard Oil
and Royal Dutch Shell oil companies advised Churchill to arrest and
expel Reza Shah, which he promptly did, sending him first to
Mauritius and then to South Africa, where he died in exile.
Documents I examined in the British Museum in London show extensive
intervention by the Rockefellers in Middle East politics.
In the British parliament, Churchill crowed:
"We (the oil
companies), have just chased a dictator into exile and installed a
constitutional government pledged to a whole catalog of
serious-minded reforms."
What he did not say, was that the
"constitutional government" was a puppet government selected by the
oil companies, and its "whole catalog of reforms" was for the sole
purpose of further entrenching American and British oil interests to
get even bigger cuts of oil revenues.
But by 1951, the nationalistic mood sweeping the Middle East, which
had begun in Egypt where Col. Gamal Abdel Nasser was bent on ousting
the British from control of the country, spread to Iran as well. At
this time, a genuine Iranian patriot, Dr. Mohamed Mossadegh, emerged
to challenge Churchill's puppet government Mossadegh's main thrust
was to break the power of the foreign oil companies. He judged the
mood of the Iranian people as ripe for such a move.
This deeply alarmed the Rockefellers, who appealed to Britain for
help. Mossadegh told Rockefeller and British Petroleum that he would
not abide by their concession agreements. David Rockefeller is
said to have developed a personal hatred of Mossadegh. Because of
this, British Petroleum appealed to the British government to "put
an end to the nuisance Mossadegh was creating."
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Churchill, eager to
comply with the demands of the Seven Sisters oil cartel (made up of
the seven major British and American oil companies in the Middle
East), asked the U.S. for help.
A talented, well-educated and astute politician from a wealthy back
ground, Mossadegh's desire to help the Iranian people benefit from
their national resource was genuine. In May of 1951, Dr. Mossadegh
nationalized Iranian oil. An international advertising campaign was
launched against Mossadegh, who was depicted as silly little man
running around Teheran in his pajamas, immersed in emotion. This was
far from the truth.
Led by the Rockefeller oil companies and backed by the U.S. State
Department, an international boycott of Iranian oil was ordered.
Iranian oil soon became unsoldable. The State Department declared its
support for Churchill's puppet government in Teheran, which was
installed when the Shah refused to join the allies in the war
against Germany.
At the same time, the CIA and MI6 launched a joint operation against Mossadegh. It was code-named "Operation Ajax". What followed was a
classic example of how governments are subverted and toppled through
diplomacy by deception. Churchill, who had lost the election after
the war ended, was returned to power by a thoroughly brainwashed
British public.
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He used his office to wage war against Dr. Mossadegh
and the Iranian people through highwayman and pirate tactics as the
following example shows:
The "Rose Marie," which sailed in international waters carrying
Iranian oil, was not in breach of any international laws or treaties
when it was ordered by Churchill to be intercepted by the Royal Air
Force, and was forced to sail for Aden, a port under British
control. The hijacking of a ship at sea had the full backing of the
U.S. State Department, at the Rockefeller family suggestion.
My source in London whose job it is to monitor the oil industry,
told me in 1970 that Churchill was restrained by his cabinet only
with difficulty from ordering the RAF to bomb the "Rose Marie." A
year passed, in which Iran suffered great financial losses. In 1953,
Dr. Mossadegh wrote to President Dwight D. Eisenhower asking for
help. He might as well have written to Rockefeller. Eisenhower,
playing a game of nerves, did not respond.
The tactic had the desired effect of frightening Mossadegh. Finally,
Eisenhower did reply, and in the classic style of diplomacy by
deception, advised the Iranian leader to "abide by Iran's
international obligations." Mossadegh continued to defy both the
British and American governments. The oil companies sent a
deputation to see Eisenhower to ask that immediate measures be taken
to remove Mossadegh.
Kermit Roosevelt, who headed the CIA's covert operation against
Mossadegh, worked tirelessly to establish forces inside Teheran that
could be used to cause unrest. Large sums of money, said by my
source to have amounted to $3 million, changed hands. In April of
1953, Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, under intense pressure from the
international bankers, tried to dismiss Dr. Mossadegh, but the
attempt failed. The CIA and MI6-equipped army of agents, started to
attack the military. Fearing assassination, the Shah fled, and
Mossadegh was toppled in August 1953. The cost to American taxpayers
was almost $10 million.
It is worth noting that even while Kermit Roosevelt was preparing the
CIA's covert operation against Dr. Mossadegh in 1951, his Rockefeller
partners were facing judicial proceedings in Washington that should
have caused a halt to operations in Iran. The fact is that the all
powerful petroleum industry knew it could beat back the challenge as
it had done with all others. Justice Department proceedings were
launched against Exxon, Texaco, Standard Gulf, Mobil and Socal. (No
effort was made to go after Shell and BP).
Standard Oil immediately commissioned Dean Acheson to blunt the
inquiry. Acheson proves a good example of how Rockefeller used
important people in government and the private sector to override
the government of Washington. Early in 1952, Acheson went on the
attack. Citing the interests of the State Department in protecting
America's foreign policy initiatives, thereby tacitly admitting that
the major oil companies were running State's foreign policy, Acheson
demanded that the investigation be shelved in the interest of not
weakening "our good relations in the Near East"
Acheson failed to mention the uproar and instability being created
at that very moment in Iran by Rockefeller, the CIA and MI6. The
Attorney General responded with a sharply-worded attack on the oil
monopolists, warning that petroleum should be freed,
"from the grip
of the few; free enterprise can only be preserved by safeguarding it
from excess of power, both government and private."
Hethen accused
the cartel of acting in a way that endangered national security.
Rockefeller immediately ordered that damage control efforts put in
place through his contacts inside the State and Justice Departments.
(To this day, both are infested with CFR-Rockefeller agents.)
Acheson publicly denounced the investigation as an action "by police
dogs from the antitrust who want no truck with mammon and the
unrighteous." His tone of voice was at all times belligerent and
threatening. Acheson lined up support for Rockefeller from the
Defense and Interior Departments, who vouched for the Seven Sisters
in a most astounding manner.
"The companies (the major oil companies) play a vital role in
supplying the free world's most essential commodity. American oil
operations are for all practical purposes instruments of our foreign
policy."
Dean Acheson then attempted to raise the bogeyman of Soviet
interference in the Middle East, which was nothing more than a red
herring to distract attention away from how the oil companies
operated. Eventually, all criminal charges against the cartel were
dropped
To show their utter contempt for U.S. law, the representatives of
the major oil companies met in London in 1924 to avoid possible conspiracy
charges at the request of Sir William Fraser. The letter that Fraser
wrote to the top executives of Standard, Mobil, Texaco, BP.
The conspirators met again in London one month later, where they
were joined by the CEO of the French company, Francias de Petroles.
An agreement was reached to form a consortium that would control the
Iranian oil. The new body was called a "consortium" as the use of
the word "cartel" in America was deemed to be injudicious. Success
was guaranteed, American executives told their foreign counterparts,
because the State Department had given its blessing to the London
meeting.
As far as the State Department was concerned, the Seven Sisters
played a key role in the Middle East in fending off Communist
penetration in an area of vital concern to the United States. Given
the fact that in 1942, the very same oil companies backed Churchill
in bringing Soviet Bolshevik troops to invade Iran, thereby giving
Stalin his greatest opportunity to get a foothold in the Middle
East, this was not exactly the truth.
Throughout the Justice Department proceedings, which began in
October of 1951, State Department witnesses kept referring to the
petroleum industry as "the so-called cartel." The State Department
is densely populated with Rockefeller agents, perhaps more so than
any of the other government institutions which David Rockefeller
controls.
It remains my firm conviction to this day that a way has not yet
been found to break the Rockefeller chains that bind the oil
companies and this nation to the Council on Foreign Relations, which
controls every facet of our foreign policy toward the oil nations of
the world. It is a situation that we, the people, will have to
confront, hopefully sooner rather than later.
In Washington, civil proceedings against the petroleum cartel
fizzled out in the face of threats by the Council on Foreign
Relations, which was backed by its puppet, President Eisenhower.
Eisenhower said that the national security interests of the United
States were being
threatened by the proceedings. CFR puppet Eisenhower instructed his
Attorney General Herbert Brownell Jr. to tell the court that the
"anti-trust laws must be deemed secondary to the national security
interests."
While Kermit Roosevelt was going at it hammer and tongs in Teheran,
Eisenhower and Dulles offered the court a compromise that would, in
Eisenhower's words,
"protect the interests of the free world in the
Near East as a major source of petroleum supplies."
No wonder that
the Ayatollah Khomeini decades later, would call the United States
"the great Satan." Khomeini was not referring to the people of the
United States, but to their government.
Khomeini knew full well that the ordinary American was the victim of
a conspiracy, that they were lied to, cheated, robbed and forced to
sacrifice the blood of millions of their sons in foreign wars in
which they had absolutely no reason to take part. Khomeini, an avid
student of history, knew all about the Federal Reserve Act which he
said "kept the people in the grip of slavery." When the U.S. embassy
in Teheran was seized by revolutionary guards, several compromising
documents fell into Khomeini's hands which clearly showed CIA
involvement with British Petroleum, Standard and the other major oil
companies.
Once the coup was declared a success, the Shah returned to his
palace. Little did he know that two decades later he would suffer
the same fate as Mossadegh, at the hands of the petroleum industry
and its surrogate governments in Washington and London: the CIA
and MI6. The Shah thought he could trust David Rockefeller, but like
many others, it was not long before he realized that his trust was
sadly misplaced.
Having access to the documents Mossadegh had dug up, which showed
the extent of the plundering of Iran's national resource, the Shah
quickly became disenchanted with London and Washington. Upon hearing
the news of revolts in Mexico and Venezuela against Rockefeller and
Shell, and coupled with the news about Saudi Arabia's "Golden
Gimmick," the Shah began to pressure Rockefeller and the British for
a larger share of the Iranian oil revenues which, at that time,
amounted to only 30 percent of the total amount of oil revenues
enjoyed by the oil companies.
Other countries had felt the lash of the petroleum industry as well.
Mexico is a classic case of petroleum companies foreign policy
making ability which transcended national boundaries and cost
American consumers a huge fortune. Oil, it seemed, was the
foundation of a new economic order, with undisputed power in the
hands of a few people hardly known outside of the petroleum
industry.
The "majors" have been referred to a number of times. This is
shorthand for the major oil companies that form the most successful
cartel in the history of commerce. Exxon (called Esso in Europe),
Shell, BP, Gulf, Texaco, Mobil and Socol-Chevron. Together they form
part of a major network of interlocking, interfacing banks,
insurance companies and brokerage houses controlled by the Committee
of 300, which are hardly known outside their circle.
The reality of the
One World Government, or New World Order upper
level government, brooks no interference from anyone, no matter who
it might be -even powerful national governments � the rulers of
nations great and small, corporations or private people. These
supranational giants have expertise and accounting methods that have
flummoxed the best brains in government, out of whose reach they
remain. Through diplomacy by deception it seems the majors were able
to induce governments to parcel out oil concessions to them, no
matter who opposed it John D. Rockefeller would very much have
approved this closed shop, run for the last 68 years by Exxon and
Shell.
It is evident from the vastness and the complexity of their
operations, most often carried out like clockwork and often
involving activities in several countries at the one time, that the
petroleum industry is one of the most powerful components that make
up the economic operations of the Committee of 300.
In secret, the Seven Sisters club has plotted wars and decided
amongst themselves which governments must bow to their depredations.
When trouble arises, such as in the case of Dr. Mossadegh, and later
President Saddam Hussein of Iraq, it is only a matter of calling
upon the right airforce, navy, army, intelligence service to solve
the problem and get rid of the "nuisance." It can be no more trouble
than swatting a fly. The Seven Sisters became a government within a
government, and nowhere is this more the case than with
Rockefeller's Standard Oil (SOCO Exxon-Chevron.)
If one would like to know American and British foreign policies for
Saudi Arabia, Iran or Iraq, one need only study the policies of BP,
Exxon, Gulf Oil and ARAMCO. What is our policy in Angola? It is to
protect Gulf Oil properties in that country, even though it means
supporting an avowed Marxist. Who would have imagined that Gulf,
Exxon, Chevron and ARAMCO have more say about American foreign
affairs than members of Congress? Indeed, who would imagine that.
Standard Oil would one day control the foreign policy of the United
States and have the State Department acting as if it were run for
its own economic benefit?
Is any other group so exalted, so favored with showers of tax
concessions that run into billions of dollars per annum? I am often
asked why it is that the American domestic petroleum industry, once
so bustling and full of promise, went into a steep decline. The
answer, in one word, is greed. For this reason, domestic production
of oil had to be curtailed, in case the public should ever discover
what was going on. This knowledge is much more difficult to
obtain when dealing with foreign operations. What does the American
public know about what goes on in the oil politics of Saudi Arabia?
Even while making record profits, the petroleum industry demands and
gets additional tax breaks, both open � and hidden � from public
view.
Have the citizens of the United States benefited from the huge
profits made by Exxon, Texaco, Chevron and Mobil (before it was
sold?) The answer is no, because most of the profit was made
"up-stream," that is, outside of the United States, which is where
the profits were kept, while the U.S. consumer paid ever-rising
prices for gas at the pumps.
Rockefeller's main area of concern became Saudi Arabia. The oil
companies, by various stratagems, had entrenched themselves with
King Ibn Saud. The king, worried that Israel would one day threaten
his country and strengthen the Israeli lobby in Washington, needed
something that would give him an edge. The State Department, at the
urging of the Rockefellers, said it could only follow a pro-Saudi
policy without upsetting Israel by using Exxon (ARAMCO) as a front
This information was given to the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. It was so sensitive that committee staffers were not even
allowed to see it.
Rockefeller had in fact paid only a small fee, $500,000, to secure a
major oil concession from Ibn Saud. After considerable diplomacy, a
deception was worked out, a deception which cost American
taxpayers at least $50 million in its first year. What came out of
the discussions between Exxon and Ibn Saud is known as "the Golden
Gimmick" in the inner sanctums of Rockefeller board rooms. The
American oil companies agreed to pay a subsidy to the Saudi ruler of
not less that $50 million a year, based on the amount of Saudi oil
pumped. The State Department would then allow the American companies
to declare such subsidy payment as "foreign income tax," which
Rockefeller, for example, could deduct from Exxon's U.S. taxes.
With production of cheap Saudi oil soaring, so did the subsidy
payments soar. This is one of the greatest scams perpetrated upon
the American public. The bottom line of the plan was that huge
foreign aid payments were made annually to the Saudis under the
guise of "subsidies." When the Israeli government uncovered the
scheme, it too, demanded "subsidies" which today amount to $13
billion per annum � all at the expense of American taxpayers.
Since the American consumer actually helps pay for cheaper imported
crude oil than domestic crude oil, shouldn't we benefit from this
arrangement through cheaper gasoline prices at the pumps? After all,
Saudi oil was so cheap, and in view of the production subsidies,
wouldn't this translate into lower gasoline prices at the pumps?
Does the American consumer derive the slightest benefit from footing
this huge bill? No way. Apart from geopolitical considerations, "the
majors" are also guilty of price fixing. The cheap Arab oil for
instance, was fixed at the higher domestic crude oil price when
imported into the United States by a subterfuge known as "phantom
freight rates."
According to hard evidence presented to the Multi-national Hearings
in 1975, the major oil companies, led by Rockefeller companies, made
70 percent of their profits abroad, profits which could not be taxed
at the time. With the bulk of their profits coming from "up stream,"
the petroleum industry was not about to make a major investment in
the domestic oil industry. As a consequence, the domestic oil
industry began to decline. Why spend money on the exploration and
exploitation of domestic oil when it was theirs for the asking in
Saudi Arabia � at a cheaper price than the local product and at a
far bigger profit?
The unsuspecting American consumer was and is being shafted, without
knowing it. According to secret economic data, which a contact of
mine who is still in the economic intelligence monitoring business
showed me, gas at the pumps in America, given all local, state and
federal taxes piled on the price, should not have cost the consumer
more than 35 cents per gallon by the end of 1991. Yet, we know
that prices at the pumps were three to five times greater without any
justification for such excessively high prices.
The immorality of this gross deception is that had the big oil
companies, and again I must emphasize the leadership of the
Rockefellers in this, not been so greedy, they could have produced
domestic oil which would have made our gasoline prices the cheapest
in the world. In my opinion, the manner in which this diplomatic
deception was set up between the State Department and Saudi Arabia,
makes the State Department a partner to a criminal enterprise. For,
in order not to have a falling-out with Israel and at the same time
keep the Saudis happy, the American consumer was loaded with a huge
tax burden, from which this country derived absolutely no benefit.
Isn't that tantamount to the involuntary servitude forbidden by the
U.S. Constitution?
The rulers of Saudi Arabia then demanded that fixed prices be posted
by the oil companies (ARAMCO), meaning that the country would not
surfer a decline in income if prices for oil dropped. When they
heard of the arrangement, Iran and Iraq demanded and received the
same fixed pricing agreement The bottom line here is that the oil
companies led by the Rockefeller companies, paid taxes on an
artificially higher price, not the real market price, which was
offset by the lower taxes they paid in the United States � a major
benefit not enjoyed by any other industry in America.
This made it possible for Exxon and Mobil (and all the ARAMCO
companies) to pay an average tax rate of 5 percent, notwithstanding
the huge profits they were making. Not only were the oil companies
gouging the American consumer, and still are, but they are also
making and carrying out U.S. foreign policy to the extreme detriment
of the American people. These arrangements and actions place the
petroleum industry above the law, giving it a position from where
the companies can, and do, dictate foreign policy to the elected
government, free of any control by our representatives in
Washington.
The policies of the petroleum companies cost the American taxpayer
billions of dollars in additional taxation and billions of dollars
in excess profits at the pumps. The petroleum industry, and, in
particular, Exxon, has no fear of the U.S. government Thanks to the
control exercised by the permanent upper-level parallel secret
government of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), Rockefeller is
untouchable. That enabled ARAMCO to sell oil to the French Navy at
$0.95 per barrel, while at the same time the U.S. Navy was charged
$1.23 per barrel.
One of the few in the Senate who dared tackle the awesome power of
the Rockefellers was Sen. Brewster. He disclosed some of the
"slippery conduct" of the petroleum industry during hearings in
1948, accusing the industry of bad faith "with an avaricious desire
for enormous profits while at the same time constantly seeking the
cloak of United States protection and assistance to preserve their
vast concessions,". The Rockefellers drafted a memo signed by the
bigger
U.S. oil companies, the gist of which was that they did not owe "any
special obligation to the United States." Rockefeller's blatant
internationalism was finally flaunted for all to see.
As an example of the foregoing, M.J. Eaton in an article published
by "The Oil Industry" stated:
"The oil industry is at present
confronted
with the question of government control."
When the U.S. government
invited the American Petroleum Institute to name three members to a
committee it had set up to consider conservation legislation, API's
president E.W. Clarke said:
"We cannot undertake to pass upon, still less accede to, any
suggestion that the Federal government may directly regulate the
production of crude oil in several states."
The API argued that the Federal government did not have authority to
control oil companies under Article 1 of the U.S. Constitution. On
May 27,1927, the API said the government could not tell the industry
what to do�even where the common defense and the general welfare of
the nation was concerned.
One of the best and most far-reaching exposes of the petroleum
industry is a 400-page report entitled "The International Petroleum
Cartel." This great report has disappeared from view, and it is my
understanding that Rockefeller and the CFR bought up every avail
able copy shortly after it was published, and prevented any more
copies of the report from being printed.
Inspired by the late Sen. John Sparkman and put together by
Professor
M. Blair, the history of the petroleum cartel was traced back to a
conspiracy that took place at Achnacarry Castle, a remote fishing
preserve in Scotland. Sparkman pulled no punches in a slashing
attack on Rockefeller's oil empire.
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Professor Blair meticulously
built up a case which proved that the major oil companies had
entered into a conspiracy to achieve the following goals:
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To control all oil production in foreign countries in so far as
production, sale and distribution of oil was concerned.
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To strictly control all technology and patents related to oil
production and refining.
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To share pipelines and tankers between the Seven Sisters.
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To act jointly to maintain artificially high prices for oil and
gasoline.
Professor Blair charged that particularly ARAMCO had been guilty of
keeping oil prices at a high level when it was getting Saudi oil at
incredibly low prices. In response to Sparkman's charges, the
Justice Department began its own investigation in 1951, which was
dealt with earlier herein.
Nothing has changed. The Gulf War is a good example of "business as
usual." The occupation of Somalia also has oil overtones. Thanks to
our newest spy satellite, the La Crosse Imager which can relay
images of what lies underground, very substantial oil and gas
reserves were detected in Somalia about 3 years ago. The find was
kept absolutely secret This led to the U.S. mission ostensibly to
feed starving Somali children shown on television night after night
for 3 months.
A "starving children" rescue mission was staged by the Bush administration as a means of providing protection for Aramco, Phillips,
Conoco, Cohoco and British Petroleum drilling operations coming
under threat from Somali leaders who were becoming aware that they
were about to be plundered.
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The American operation had little to do
with feeding starving children. Why didn't the U.S. mount a similar
"rescue" mission in Ethiopia, where starvation is a real problem?
Obviously, the answer is that Ethiopia does not have any known oil
reserves. However, securing the port of Berbera is the chief goal of
U.S. forces. There is great discord in Russia over oil. The Kurds
will have to suffer again and again over Mosul oil.
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Rockefeller and
BP are still the greedy oil grabbers they always were.
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