Mobs, Riots, and Revolutionary Crowds

Whilst often mentioned and sometimes hammered out, the “economic origins” of the revolution have mostly been ignored. Why is that so? The article attempts to explain this surprising oversight. The emphasis on what was at stake with “the democratic ground rules” has perniciously diverted attention away from the daily economic struggles and their (lack of) regulations as well as the political contradictions they entail. yet, with the end of the “single window approach” of the Democratic Constitutional Rally (Ben Ali’s all-pervasive party), the question of welfare protection and the various shocks it has received remains acute.

Police and authorities have increasingly adopted “command and control” strategies to the policing of intentionally peaceful protest crowds. These strategies work to close down access to a physical space in which a protest is to occur and thus in turn they effectively restrict the capacity of a citizen to engage in the democratic right of peaceful protest.

On s’est beaucoup interrogé sur le pourquoi du « Printemps arabe » mais aucun ouvrage n’avait encore étudié comment il s’était déroulé. Parce que la plupart des chercheurs ici réunis ont observé les événements en direct, ce livre offre une véritable ethnographie des protestations « en train de se faire ».

Les contributions portent sur les pays qui ont connu un changement de régime (Tunisie, Égypte, Yémen, Libye) mais également sur ceux où la répression a permis aux pouvoirs en place de se maintenir au moins temporairement (Syrie, Bahreïn) et sur ceux où les protestations n’ont pas débouché sur une situation révolutionnaire (Maroc, Algérie, Jordanie). L’approche adoptée par les auteurs permet de rendre pleinement compte de la spécificité de chacun des contextes étudiés, montrant comment l’élan révolutionnaire, qui balaie alors le monde arabe, connaît des traductions locales très diverses. L’étude de ces révolutions montre aussi qu’elles ne sont pas une simple éruption spontanée qui viendrait réveiller une société jusque-là apathique mais qu’elles s’enracinent dans l’histoire des contestations de chacun des pays concernés.

Les « témoignages analytiques » proposés ici constituent une source très précieuse pour ceux qui s’efforcent de mieux comprendre le plus grand bouleversement politique survenu dans le monde arabe depuis l’ère des indépendances.

Nell’ambito di un lavoro orientato a comprendere il ruolo della rule of law sull’equilibrio fra sicurezza e libertà nell’ambito di sistemi democratici di qualità, il presente capitolo si propone principalmente di offrire una panoramica, comparativa e diacronica, sull’andamento di quelle che sono le minacce alla sicurezza che gli stati (Italia, Francia, Spagna, Germania, Regno Unito, Polonia) devono affrontare.
L’obiettivo non è meramente descrittivo, ma chiama in causa una prima ricognizione, che sarà poi sviluppata nei capitoli successivi, sul ruolo della rule of law, correlando le variazioni riscontrate negli indici di criminalità con possibili contemporanee variazioni su due fronti che potrebbero agire quale variabile indipendente sull’andamento dei crimini: da un lato le trasformazioni nelle condizioni ambientali (cambiamenti
culturali, ma soprattutto economici), dall’altro i mutamenti di carattere politico-istituzionale. All’interno di quest’ultimo caso, un’ulteriore distinzione importante è quella fra gli interventi che mirano a influire sulle condizioni ambientali (politiche sociali) e gli interventi che mirano a
influire direttamente sull’impianto istituzionale (politiche di sicurezza).

1. Misurare le minacce alla sicurezza per valutare la qualità democratica
2. L’evoluzione del tasso di criminalità
3. Criminalità comune
3.1. Reati contro il patrimonio
3.2. La reazione non istituzionale al crimine: legittima difesa e giustizia sommaria
3.3. Reati contro la persona
4. Criminalità organizzata
4.1. Il problema di una definizione comune
4.2. Le nuove frontiere tra criminalità organizzata e criminalità finanziaria
4.3. La prostituzione
4.4. I reati legati agli stupefacenti
5. Criminalità politica
5.1. Violenza politica, scontri di piazza e repressione
5.2. La minaccia terroristica
6. I crimini d’odio: razzismo, xenofobia e omofobia
6.1. Pregiudizio e violenze fino al 2008
6.2. Dopo il 2008: la crisi economica e il capro espiatorio
7. Conclusioni

From the Arab Spring and Occupy to the London riots and student tuition fee protests, the disordered crowd has reemerged as a focal point of anxiety for law-makers. The article examines two recent cases where the UK courts have thought about crowds: In Austin the House of Lords connected the crowd to an idea of human nature. This essentialist rendering placed the crowd within an old analytic register where it is understood to release a primordial violence. In Bauer the Administrative Court utilised a very different sense of the ‘crowdness’ of the crowd to uphold the conviction of UK Uncut activists for aggravated trespass. These two mutually exclusive senses of the crowd are interesting not because they require synthesis, but because they reveal a deeper question of the relation between the judicial-administrative rationality of rights and the police rationality of management, or between principle and strategy. This is the fundamental tension of the ‘Law of Crowds’.

NLWs: Steps India Should Consider: • A collective strategic vision, organizational coordination, synergy, and able political leadership will be vital for India's futuristic NLWs deployment. • R&D is vital in order to develop technology that is in national interest. • Standardization and documen validity is eminent to make sure they are safe. • Recording and documentation of events are important so that nature of the event and effect can be analyzed and used for research. • The legal framework needs to be developed to determine whe ensure the legality of the use of NLWs at the time of deployment. NLWs: Steps India Should Consider: A collective strategic vision, organizational coordination, synergy, and able political leadership will be vital for India's futuristic NLWs deployment. R&D is vital in order to develop technology that is in national interest. Standardization and documentation of equipment validity is eminent to make sure they are safe. Recording and documentation of events are important so that nature of the event and effect can be analyzed and used for research. The legal framework needs to be developed to determine whether a new system is lawful and to ensure the legality of the use of NLWs at the time of deployment.

Chapter 3 presents empirically informed analyses of a number of new public
space projects initiated first as counter-projects and counter-spaces
by a variety of community and historic preservation society interests.
It demonstrates further that, Vancouver City Council (VCC) proved
receptive to the counter-projects and provided an overarching strategic
spatial framework within which the projects on the ground were
devised and implemented. This chapter also introduces the importance
of the social animation of public space, whether through politicised
collective action or ludic enjoyment. Changing representations of space
through time are shown to have implications for spatial practice on the ground, based on differences in the way social behaviour in public
space is understood and interpreted.

Antifa's international networks, first noted by the Obama administration, remain largely unknown. The broad militant movement sweeping the United States in 2020 borrows heavily from foreign organizations, networks, governments, and at times, foreign intelligence services. Some of its key organizers and intellectual authors are either foreign nationals or American citizens trained abroad as professional revolutionaries and agitators.

Abstract:

“What we must see,” Martin Luther King once insisted, “is that a riot is the language of the unheard.” Recourse to rioting, he suggested, is seldom a marker of irrationality or mob psychology. More often, it is an attempt by marginalized people to find their voice, to gain a hearing, to assert their refusal to be silenced or ignored. King’s remark was as controversial as it was illuminating, yet he stopped short of depicting riots as defensible. He only insisted that they were understandable—a frustrated response to persistent injustice that made some sense in the face of long experience with intransigent elites and unresponsive systems of power. But his wording hints at the possibility of a stronger view: that these outbursts of rebellion might sometimes be defensible, even admirable, because they make it impossible to ignore the grievances of the exploited and the oppressed.

What if we, today, were to adopt this interpretation of riots? How might this idea transform our understanding and evaluation of these spontaneous revolts? And could this understanding be extended to other forms of confrontational protest and rebellion: to general strikes, sit-ins, road blockades and occupations, to the monkeywrenching saboteur, the black bloc street fighter, or even the armed insurgent? Could these forms of militancy be regarded, in the same way, as languages of the unheard?

In its opening chapters, 'Languages of the Unheard' offers a broad account of militancy as an aid to democracy and a principled response to the intransigence of elites and the unresponsiveness of institutions to the public interest. It proposes an understanding of militancy as a civic virtue and a contribution to democratic politics. In the second part of the book, this understanding of admirable militancy is applied to a wide range of protest styles, ranging from the nonviolent civil disobedience promoted by Gandhi and King to the armed insurgency promoted by Germany’s Red Army Faction and other urban guerrilla groups.

The picture of militant protest that emerges is ultimately a balanced one. It encourages the embracing of many forms of militancy as contributions to democratic politics. But it also encourages holding fast to militancy’s roots in the democratic impulses of people in revolt, rather than fetishizing it as an all-purpose approach to political action. If militancy is good for democracy, it is because of its sometimes-crucial role in facilitating the self-activity and self-organization of ignored or silenced people who rightly insist on being heard.

____________

Reviews

“Cutting across politically unhelpful and pernicious media-led divisions between supposedly ‘good’ and ‘bad’ protesters, Stephen D’Arcy presents a rigorous and convincing defence of militancy. Anyone who takes protest and riot seriously needs to confront the issues that D’Arcy identifies — his arguments should give you much to think (and act) upon.

– Nina Power, Roehampton University


“Stephen D’Arcy cuts through the rhetorical fog of the right and the left and forces us to face issues of strategy, tactics, and goals head on, with both reason and passion. Languages of the Unheard is political philosophy at its best, not least because the writer is an engaged activist as well as a philosopher. It is hard to imagine a more important or timely book.”

– Mark Leier, Professor, History Department, Simon Fraser University, and author of Bakunin.


“Languages of the Unheard illuminates a fundamental truth far too many of those who flatter themselves to believe they inhabit democratic societies wish at all costs to avoid: Those who refuse by all necessary means to be silenced are the essential ingredient of democracy while those who seek to repress them comprise its very antithesis.”

– Ward Churchill, author of Agents of Repression and Pacifism as Pathology


“I highly recommend this book to all people, young and old, especially to Indigenous youth who are at the forefront of this generation. It is important to know when and where, protests, blockades or militant actions have been successful and why!! The Oka Crisis, Idle No More, pipeline blockades and anti-fracking demonstrations are only the beginning of actions needed to bring awareness and change for people at the grassroots level.”

– Jeannette Corbiere Lavell, Founding and Honourary Board Member, Ontario Native Women’s Association


“Are riots good for democracy? In 'Languages of the Unheard,' Steve D’Arcy answers provocatively in the affirmative. With implacable logic, engaging prose and a sensitivity to moral and ethical complexities, 'Languages of the Unheard' demonstrates what radicals of all stripes intuitively know: to rebel is justified, and democracy—if it is to be found anywhere—is in the streets. By reframing debates concerning ‘violence’ and militant protest in new and fertile ways, D’Arcy has made an invaluable contribution to the intellectual arsenal of activists everywhere.”

– Nikolas Barry-Shaw, co-author of Paved with Good Intentions: Canada’s development NGOs from idealism to imperialism


“In this wide-ranging discussion of militancy, Stephen D’Arcy takes the reader through an argument that begins with civil disobedience and ends with armed struggle. To a democrat, D’Arcy argues, none of these should be taboo. You may part company with him at some stage, but if you are really committed to democracy, you will have to consider his arguments.”

– Justin Podur, Associate Professor at York University and author of Haiti’s New Dictatorship


“Contrary to those liberals and social democrats who argue that militant activism is ‘anti-democratic,’ Stephen D’Arcy makes a sustained argument coming from within democratic theory that forms of militant disruptive protest can instead be seen as crucial to defending and expanding participatory forms of democracy. Giving voice to those that have not been heard and developing political autonomy, direct action politics can be seen as a civic virtue and a crucial part of democratic forms of revolutionary social transformation.”

– Gary Kinsman, author of The Regulation of Desire, co-author of The Canadian War on Queers, and editor of Sociology for Changing the World: Social Movements/Social Research

This paper focuses on the remembrance of events of extreme violence—the Bombay Riots of 1992-1992—and their articulation in the everyday consciousness of individuals in the city.  Using ethnographic material, the paper examines how constructions of identity such as "Hindu" and "Muslim" acquire habitual forms and circulate as everyday beliefs.  These form the basis for what is termed a 'culture of suspicion' which, in turn, forms the foundation for the fantastic beliefs that fuel violent attacks during riots, as well as provides the systems of familiarity and habit which permit a return to an uneasy routine.  The paper addresses the set of structural explanations provided for these riots by directing attention towards everyday understandings and throwing into question the very ethnographic enterprise that attempts to interpret violence.

On 30 October 2013, James M. Jasper and AK Thompson spoke at an event entitled 'Did Someone Say Riot?,' hosted by New York City's Brecht Forum (now sadly defunct). According to the promotional material for the event, despite being 'maligned in official accounts, the riot has in fact been a decisive feature of American politics.' Jasper and Thompson's comments thus aimed to highlight 'the central role that riots have played in the processes of race and class formation in America, the political ambivalence that radical left forces have often expressed toward riots, and the need to once again put the riot at the forefront of our political considerations.' The following is derived from a transcript of their conversation on that evening.

My effort to sum up what we know about protest for non-specialists and students, with a special focus on how protestors view and feel the world and make strategic decisions. Translations currently underway into Turkish, Arabic, and Portuguese.

Keywords: iconografia, visual studies, rivolte, rivoluzioni, barricate

Lo scopo di questo lavoro consiste in un'analisi iconografica delle riproduzioni visuali delle rivolte francesi del 1848. Dopo un breve tratteggio delle dinamiche che portarono alla deflagrazione dei moti rivoluzionari del 1848 in Francia, viene descritto l'utilizzo delle barricate nell'ambito dei di-sordini francesi. L'analisi affronta la nascita del fenomeno, nato nel 1588 proprio in Francia, e la sua iterazione nel corso dei secoli successivi, in occasione di rivolte e moti popolari di protesta. Le fonti prese in considerazione e l'analisi iconografica svolta dimostrano come le barricate siano un simbolo ricorrente delle guerriglie urbane. I moti francesi del 1848 hanno lasciato un segno indelebile nell'immaginario delle rivolte popolari sia per il senso di immediatezza e di occasio-nalità dei materiali utilizzati a scopo difensivo, sia successivamente per il concetto provocatorio di distruzione dei simboli del capitale. Nelle rivolte contro il potere costituito, le barricate del 1588 composte di barili per il vino si sono trasformate nei secoli successivi in cumuli di veicoli, automo-bili in fiamme e altri oggetti di varia natura.

A hockey riot occurred on June 15, 2011 in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. Riots involve crowds. The presence of social media changes the spatial and temporal elements of the crowd, a process that contributes to online collective interpretations of social events, including riots. A key element of this process concerns the definition of the situation. Using Qualitative Media Analysis, we illustrate how the researcher of everyday life can retrieve and examine an accumulation of ''definitions of situations'' from social media, a process that provides insight into collective interpretations, including how online users made sense of the Vancouver riot. We begin with a short overview of the riot, briefly profile collective behavior in relation to the definition of the situation, and contextualize the importance of media in this process. We then examine what select posts made on social media can tell us about collective meaning making in relation to the Vancouver riot. We conclude by suggesting some directions for future research.

Maoism refers to an ensemble of revolutionary ideas and practices inspired by the life and work of the Chinese political leader and philosopher Mao Tse-tung (1893Tse-tung ( -1976. Broadly, these ideas and practices seek to deploy militant, even violent methods to install a new radical democratic regime that is committed to the collective pursuit of dignity, freedom, and equality.

We live in an age of social media. Social media tools have profoundly changed and dominate our lives today. From latest daily news and information to economic news, or from the TV show to political events are appear and discussed in these tools. In recent years, social media, particular Twitter and Facebook, have played a major role in social movements as well. These platforms are the perfect way of both peaceful protesters and the radical voices as a coordination and communication tools therefore, various like minded individuals and groups utilize these tools to communicate with each other in real time and to organize quickly. Three prominent examples are: (1) In Egypt (2011), social media users discussed primarily about the current political situation and creation of new government. (2) In Iran (2009) social

media played a role in disputed presidential election protest. (3) In Occupy Wall Street (2011), protesters used social media for social and economic inequality. The early cause of the Gezi Park demonstration was totally different than other prominent protests as mentioned above, it was a fight for trees. For some reasons, peaceful demonstration turned to violence. In this article, I mentioned a study that analyses the role of social media, particularly twitter, in linking supporters and distribution information during the Gezi Parki demonstrations.

Si pendant longtemps la sociologie de la protestation est restée occidentalo-centrée, les choses ont commencé de changer, sous l'effet notamment des bouleversements politiques des dernières décennies qui ont contribué à une globalisation de la théorie des mouvements sociaux. En effet, la révolution iranienne, dans un premier temps, puis et surtout l'effondrement du bloc de l'Est ont donné une nouvelle vigueur à certains objets un temps passés à l'arrière-plan des préoccupations scientifi ques, comme la « sociologie des révolutions » ou la question de la « transition démocratique », en lien avec la libéralisation des régimes dits autoritaires. Ce décloisonnement en cours a d'ores et déjà produit de nombreux résultats (voir par exemple Wictorowicz, 2004 ; Bennani-Chraïbi et Fillieule, 2003 ; Rosefsky, 2002 ; Boudreau, 2002 ; Zhao, 2001).

The rumblings of the "new era of uprisings" is upon us and deep reaching systemic analyses of their meaning, strategies, tactics, and objectives are desperately wanting. Clover's Riot. Strike. Riot.: The New Era of Uprisings promises to deliver "a properly materialist theorization of the riot" (p. 6) to understand how the "new era of riots expresses capital's global transformations" (p. 7). At last, here appears to be a book to take on the extended centuries long arc of uprisings, rebellions, riots, and strikes to help us make sense of them all. We need to keep looking. While rich with history, stories, and etymologies of such words as grève (associated with executions by the guillotine, p. 63), Riot. Strike. Riot. is woefully inadequate for this impossible task it has set for itself.

This paper explores developments in the political representations of English theater audiences from the Elizabethan era to the 1809 OP riots, to demonstrate that audiences were long considered politically significant, not just 'mere entertainment.' Early commercial theater audiences were conceived by the Elizabethan state as crowds of subjects that threatened social order. Through the Civil War era, theaters became places of political discussion and dissent and of emerging publics of citizens. By the early nineteenth century theater owners began to reframe audiences as markets of consumers. Each representation continued to appear in later discursive fields, each was contested, and the disputes were couched in political terms.

The year 1967 was a transitional moment for the rehabilitation of activist art and the formation of black identity. It was likewise significant for Faith Ringgold, who was preparing the solo exhibition that would introduce her to the New York art world. That summer, after riots devastated Detroit and Newark, NJ, she painted Die expressly for the show. The wall-size canvas depicts an interracial cast of clean-cut antagonists trying to kill each other.

Although the painting represented the kind of large-scale, politically motivated figuration that had been out of favor since the 1940s, it earned favorable attention from key art journals. I argue that its warm reception indexes the painting’s ability to speak differently to different constituencies, from mainstream and African American modernists to the activists in the Black Arts and peace movements then beginning to make waves. The painting’s multivocal potential encompassed an iconography that reads as either warning against or wishing for social unrest and a format that inserts the large-scale figuration of public murals into the more rarified space of the commercial art gallery.

As a microhistory focused on Die’s production and reception, this study aims to illuminate how racial politics influenced a politics of style in this volatile moment. To do so, it situates Die in relation to a mounting attention to protest, violence, social realism, and black aesthetics, especially as they crystallized in writer Amiri Baraka’s engagement with the Newark riot and in gallery director Robert Newman’s facilitation of Ringgold’s shift to large-scale imagery.

The 2011 England riots received extensive newspaper coverage, and initial readings revealed considerable reporting of the role of children. A significant body of literature suggests that newspapers do not serve to objectively inform the reader of occurrences, in particular in cases of reporting children’s involvement in crime. Tabloid newspaper articles were analysed using Richardson’s (2007) framework of critical discourse analysis in order to deconstruct representations of children in the riots. Analysis revealed overemphasis and misrepresentation of the role of children in the riots, which was discussed with reference to dichotomous constructions of childhood, media devices, and government rhetoric.

Public Order, Private Rules:
Representations of the Crowd and Behavioural Recommendations in Italian Police Handbooks

This article aims at contributing to the debate on policing protest, focusing on police knowledge and its role in the management of public order. To this end, the article, by means of the conceptual tools provided for by critical discourse studies, examines some police handbooks. Although these textbooks allow a reader to observe only part of the whole of police knowledge and do not supply a completely realistic description of actual practices of the operators, they do show an interesting perspective on public order and its management. The police handbooks on which the article focuses express both an articulate philosophy of security and a quite clear idea of the role played by police forces in keeping public order. Moreover, they examine fieldwork procedures in depth, show detailed descriptions of crowds and their behaviours, and describe for operators the attitudes they must exhibit while performing these services. More in general, police handbooks give precious information on the discretionary power that characterizes police activities in policing protest.

Die römischen Spiele, vor allem zur Kaiserzeit, sind in der Forschung der vergangenen Jahre
zahlreich diskutiert worden. Überwiegend gerieten die historische Entwicklung der Spiele mit ihren
religiösen Wurzeln, die politischen Dimensionen im Hinblick auf Mittel zur Machtausübung der
Kaiser bzw. Spielgeber, soziale Aspekte der SpielteilnehmerInnen wie auch der Ablauf der Spiele
selber in den Fokus der Wissenschaft. Weniger Aufmerksamkeit bekamen Phänomene, die soziale
Dynamiken unter den Zuschauenden fokussierten. Wissenschaftliche Ausführungen zu sozialen
Phänomenen bei Aufständen oder Überblicksliteratur zu Aufständen allgemein, vor allem im Kontext
von Gladiatorenspielen, fehlen nahezu vollständig. Lediglich einzelne Ereignisse wie z.B. der Nika-
Aufstand wurden punktuell thematisiert. Vor allem im Vergleich zu den ausgiebigen Berichten über
Rom (aufgrund der Nähe zum Kaiserhof) fanden Ereignisse im Rahmen der Spiele außerhalb der
Hauptstadt nur bei Katastrophen oder anderen Ausnahmen Erwähnung. Somit fehlt in der Forschung
bislang eine Makroperspektive auf Aufstände im Kontext von öffentlichen Spielen einerseits,
andererseits aber auch die Mikroperspektive im Hinblick auf die römischen Provinzen.
Die vorliegende Arbeit legt das Augenmerk auf ein weiteres Ereignis, welches in der modernen
Forschung häufig erwähnt, aber selten ausgiebig besprochen wurde. Das Ziel besteht darin, die
mikroperspektivische Betrachtung des Aufstandes zwischen pompejianischen und nucerinischen
ZuschauerInnen anlässlich eines Gladiatorenspiels in Pompeji im Jahre 59 n. Chr. zu stärken.

In advanced capitalist regions of the globe, acts of collective resistance
remain unusual events even if they do occur with some frequency, as Matt Clement in A People’s History of Riots, Protest, and the Law: The Sound of the Crowd demonstrates. Such acts appear unusual in part because they arise within countries whose economic ‘success’ has been built on the forging of an individualist mindset under which the majority of us, the majority of the time, are compelled to play the dull and isolating game of getting by to the best of our, individual, abilities. Those of us whose ‘daily grind’ has been interspersed with moments of collective action, protest and resistance have experienced the breaking of this stultifying, life-limiting framework if only for brief moments which are all too often dissipated as quickly as they first arose. These moments are not forgotten, however, and live in our, individual, consciousness as examples of possibility, of how things could be different, and of how to use the slogan of the anti-capitalist movement of the early 2000s, ‘another way is possible’.

The third century CE saw a nearly complete breakdown in Roman government. In the roughly fifty years between the assassination of Alexander Severus and the ascension of Diocletian, the Empire saw: the continuation of violently ambitious military commanders, endemic political instability, the outbreak of plague, widespread economic breakdown, and the incursion of traditional enemies from the North and East. This combination of fate and poor management nearly caused the state of Rome to crumble under its own weight. These destabilizing events tended to occur in the peripheral territories of the Empire and would work their way towards Italy. The same amalgamation of events, or at least the potential for these events, also occurred in the late 530s and the 540s, under the Emperor Justinian. This begs the question, "why did the Eastern Empire not suffer as the West did, despite the compact period in which these events occurred?" In fact, the East seemed to remain relatively stable throughout these trials. In this paper I will attempt to prove that the stability which occurred in the Eastern Empire was due to Justinian's: heavy handed rule, extraordinary luck, as well as his authoritative response to the Nika Riot in 532 CE which was the, "worst explosion of violence in east Roman history." 1 This will be done by briefly reviewing the events of the Nika Riot, the causes and events of the so called "Crisis of the Third Century," as well as the period of concern in the late 530s and the 540s. While Justinian would have no way of knowing that his hard-line response to rioters would help to preserve the Empire in the coming years, he nonetheless removed problematic elements from Constantinople, thereby preventing any opposition from gaining a foothold.

This study aims to elaborate the thoughts of John Locke on civil society and religious tolerance. This would be a useful way to think the conflict specifically the religious conflict. This study tended to use library research. It considers all Locke's sources which was available in online and offline library. The researcher used Skinner's contextual reading to analyse Locke's ideas. The main finding is Locke's civil society seems to be a continuation from family life to society life. According to Locke, family has an important role to set their children having democratic or tyrannical character. If parents nourish their children by consent, it is established children's minds to think that people need to appreciate others' ideas and wills. Therefore, the perfect democratic government would emergence by consent of all democratic men. The democratic condition will create a civil society and further producing the society based on religious tolerance. This article would remind that the civil society and the religious tolerance are the basic needs to pursue a peace.

Currently, little scholarly work is present on the Beaumont Race Riot of 1943. While the Beaumont riot represents only one incident during a period of many, its significance to Southeast Texas history has not been adequately categorized. Much of the work done on the riot centers around the newspaper articles written at the time, but these accounts differ from publication to publication. The actual police and National Guard records from the incident in June 1943 do not appear at all. Focusing on police and military response, and beginning with the rape report that lit the fire of the riot, one can begin to catalogue the event into a timeline that can then be compared to the newspaper articles and first-person accounts. This chronologically organized study into the Beaumont Race Riot of 1943 might then offer a deeper insight into the events of June, 1943 from beginning to end and the clear steps that led to each shift. 
Using the resources cited above, a short summary of race riot history and the historiography of scholarship on the topic will begin the study but the bulk of the work will consist with the building of a timeline of the incident, backed by police and military reports. Newspaper articles and first-person interviews will then be added into the timeline of events to showcase the contentious nature of the time in which the riot occurred and the overall feeling of the period and the people involved.

The 2002 Gujarat Riots are spiked with controversy and conspiratory theories as to who was responsible for the violence, what was the government’s role, and why did this happen at such a large scale. The media and the public speculated and debated a lot about these issues, and so have the editors of the Wikipedia article (as shown in the analysis further). Wikipedia believes in resolving conflicts and presenting a neutral point of view in its articles. This research is to study how the offline controversies have shaped the discussions between the Wiki editors of the page, and if they were able to resolve the conflicts to achieve a neutral point of view.

Derrière un unanimisme de façade, le moment révolutionnaire est vécu différemment et diverses dynamiques de radicalisation sont à l’œuvre. Si une majorité d’individus s’engagent sans être des opposants encartés, il faut éviter le piège de « l’immaculée contestation ». Pour cela, nous analysons d’une part, l’épreuve que constituent les protestations qui se multiplient depuis 2008 dans la Tunisie de « l’intérieur », et d’autre part, les contre-conduites qui se muent sous certaines conditions en contestation du régime. L’étude diachronique, basée sur des entretiens répétés depuis 2006, identifie les ressorts de ces mobilisations : situations socioprofessionnelles, sociabilités de quartiers et familiales, (en)jeux générationnels, mémoires des luttes passées et expériences de répression. Simultanément l’approche ethnographique révèle la part de contingence de ces implications dans un soulèvement populaire aussi intense que rapide.

En 1885 Madrid sufrió, por última vez en su historia, la invasión de una epidemia de cólera asiático. El 'huésped del Ganges' ocasionó 1.366 defunciones durante los 133 días que se prolongó su ataque y desencadenó una grave crisis de orden higiénico, social y político. El presente trabajo reconstruye el curso que siguió la epidemia, centrándose en las condiciones de vida de los barrios pobres que más sufrieron la acometida del cólera, en los estallidos de pánico social que se produjeron entre las clases pudientes de la ciudad por el temor al contagio, en la serie de motines populares producidos ante las medidas dictadas por las autoridades políticas y sanitarias y en el plan de defensa desplegado por la municipalidad para hacer frente al avance de la enfermedad.

Are we entering an age of disorder? Recent events worldwide, and the continuing threat of global economic downturns, suggest the potential for large-scale civil disturbances. If so, public order maintenance and containing riots and disturbances will become key concerns as states and their security forces (the police and military) respond to an age of political and economic uncertainty. An operationally sound response to riots, mobs, and other forms of disorder has strategic implications for governments across the world. This essay looks at the dynamics of riots and order maintenance.  We examine the politics of crowd power in a networked environment and suggest approaches to develop sound intelligence to understand the range of riot and crowd control issues that security services encounter in urban riot control. While the complex operations literature has understandably focused on overseas operations, domestic public order maintenance is an equally demanding undertaking with far-reaching political consequences.  Operations must simultaneously prevent harm and disorder while avoiding provocation and respecting the right to voice dissent. Managing public order, in turn, requires an understanding of the nuances of crowds and mobs and the dynamics of domestic interagency coordination.