“In information warfare, perception is the battlefield. “

Originally published on Global Voices

The Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs, Shri Vikram Misri, briefing the media on Operation Sindoor at National Media Centre, in New Delhi on May 07, 2025. Image via Wikipedia by Press Information Bureau on behalf of the Ministry of Defence, Government of India. Public Domain.

Militants killed 26 tourists in Pahalgam in Indian-administered Kashmir on April 22, heightening tension between India and Pakistan and bringing the two nations to the brink of war. India blamed Pakistan for the attack while Pakistan refuted the claims and demanded an impartial investigation of the incident, but that did not take place.

Hostilities increased between the two nuclear powers, devolving into a full-blown diplomatic crisis. This culminated in cross-border bombardment on both sides for four days, brought to an end with a ceasefire agreement on May 10.

Compared to the last two wars (1965 and 1971), this time the real battle took place in online spaces and electronic media with a barrage of disinformation and misinformation from both sides. It intensified the situation by spreading confusion through AI-generated videos and images, as well as derogatory and misogynistic memes, fuelling mistrust, fear, hatred, and anger among the public.

A tsunami of disinformation

Just after the Pahalgam incident, Indian media initiated a massive campaign against Pakistan and kept reiterating that India would take revenge. On April 30, news started circulating on social media that India had attacked Sialkot, a city in Pakistan’s Punjab province, which was later debunked as a video from Gaza.

Amid the disinformation circulating at the time, on May 7, India attacked Pakistan-administered Kashmir with multiple missiles, killing at least 31 people, including a three-year-old child. Pakistan's military responded, and in the early hours of May 8, Information Minister Atta Tarrar announced that white flags (a symbol of truce) were raised from Indian check posts on the Line of Control (Loc). A video bearing a date stamp was released to support the claim, but Indian users on social media used pictures from another video, suggesting that Pakistan was spreading lies.

A wave of disinformation swept across Indian TV channels on May 8, accompanied by blaring sirens, shouting anchors, and the circulation of fake videos. News outlets ran a marathon of fabricated news claiming that Pakistan’s main port in Karachi had been destroyed, the capital city Islamabad had been captured, Pakistan’s Chief of the Army Staff Asim Munir might have been arrested, and that the banned separatist group Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) had taken control of Quetta, the capital of Balochistan. None of this was true.

The Indian online news outlet Jaipur Dialogues, with 459.3k followers on X, directly laid out the nationalist agenda:

In information warfare, perception is the battlefield. If the news damages Pakistan — true or false — amplify it. Post it. Share it. Make it viral. Let panic spread across the border.

If the news harms India — even if true — bury it. Suppress it. Disarm it before it spreads.… pic.twitter.com/YMrpEFa0P1

— The Jaipur Dialogues (@JaipurDialogues) May 8, 2025

A number of fake posts circulated online from Pakistani social media accounts, including claims of drone strikes on a military post in Jalandhar, the destruction of Indian military checkposts, and attacks on civilians at the Ambala Airbase in Haryana, India. All of these claims were later debunked.

Numerous AI-generated videos also surfaced. One such video falsely showed Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) Director-General Lt Gen Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry admitting to losing two fighter jets. This claim was debunked by Boom, an Indian independent fact-checking platform.

Fasi Zaka, a media commentator and public policy professional from Pakistan, spoke with Global Voices via a messaging app about how disinformation has become the new norm:

Information warfare is now incredibly important as battles become more pitched, intense, and underwritten by technology that allows you to use very dangerous weapons from great distances. You are no longer actually close to the places you send your munitions to. In this kind of situation, weaponizing false information to fill the vacuum where accurate information is absent has become standard practice in the age of social media, where borders mean nothing to travelling bad information. Maliciously created synthetic information proves useful in demoralizing populations who are simply hoping to remain safe. Disinformation is also convenient because it is not subject to any rules of war, since it often comes without an identified sponsor. It is an insidious tool — but unfortunately, it's now an explicit part of the combat toolkit.

Since the Pahalgam attack, many experts have raised serious concerns about the conduct and professional standards of both Indian and Pakistani media. The incident also underscored how digital platforms have become new battlegrounds, where narratives are shaped and manipulated through images and short video clips.

Influencers and YouTubers have put residents of Srinagar and other areas at risk by questioning their loyalty to India. These videos, which have garnered millions of views, contribute to a dangerous and polarising narrative against the Kashmiri people.

Indian fact-checkers and civil society push back

While large sections of the Indian mainstream media amplified unverified narratives, several Indian civil society actors and independent journalists actively pushed back against the tide of misinformation. Platforms such as Alt News, BOOM Live, and The Wire fact-checked viral claims originating from both Indian and Pakistani sources, aiming to curb communal tensions. Journalist Mohammed Zubair, Co-founder of Alt News, for instance, debunked a widely circulated claim about the Indian army surrendering:

Old video from 2019. pic.twitter.com/2jxfY05t2T

— Mohammed Zubair (@zoo_bear) May 7, 2025

He also challenged narratives that Karachi port had been claimed, which forced some mainstream media outlets to retract their claims and issue apologies to the public, admitting that the reports had not been verified:

False claims about ‘Karachi Port’ being destroyed continue to thrive on social media. A 2020 image of an Israeli airstrike in Rafah is now viral as the aftermath of an attack by INS Vikrant | @onkeyta_ https://t.co/aNQ89ZUeLX

— Mohammed Zubair (@zoo_bear) May 10, 2025

International fact-checking organisations likewise monitored and analysed viral posts circulating online.

Journalists and digital rights activists were constantly asking people not to believe everything that was being put online or amplify it without verifying. Digital Rights Foundation from Pakistan created an in-depth guide to verify fake news amidst the tensions.

Abdul Latif Khan, a retired Group Captain from the Pakistan Air Force, told Global Voices:

Propaganda has always been a part of war, from 1965 to 1971, with state-controlled media in both countries pushing official narratives. Today both militaries have created media wings to spread their narratives.

Censorship amidst war

Under India’s Information Technology Act (ITA) of 2000, the Indian government requested platforms such as YouTube, Meta, and X to block over 8,000 accounts originating from Pakistan, accusing them of spreading propaganda. India had also requested YouTube to block several Bangladeshi news channels — Jamuna TV, Ekattor TV, BanglaVision, and Mohona TV — on the grounds that they threaten India's national security and public order.

Digital Rights Foundation (DRF) released a report on India’s Geoblocking and restrictions on YouTube channels of renowned journalists and influencers, news channels, and artists. In Pakistan, under the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) of 2016, a senior official from the National Database & Registration Authority (NADRA) was arrested for making anti-army remarks in a WhatsApp group.

Kashmiris’ response to widespread retaliation and violence

Originally published on Global Voices

Illustration by Global Voices

This story is part of Undertones, Global Voices’ Civic Media Observatory‘s newsletter. Subscribe to Undertones.

India and Pakistan have been a part of our coverage at the observatory for the past five years, and Global Voices has been reporting on underrepresented issues in the region for over 20 years. In past editions, we have focused on stories that hardly ever become part of the mainstream, such as the political battle over India’s holy rivers or growing toxic masculinity narratives in Pakistani media and beyond. This week’s two narratives underscore the humans between the attacks and the context behind them.

A region in dispute 

The partition of British India, under the Indian Independence Act of 1947, designated India and Pakistan (the latter consisting of West Pakistan, now Pakistan, and East Pakistan, which became Bangladesh after its independence in 1971) as two independent dominions. The act separated the Muslim, Hindu, and Sikh populations, causing one of the most significant forced migrations in history.

In this division of British India, the diverse regions of Jammu and Kashmir could accede to either country. After failing to gain independence, Kashmir monarch Maharaja Hari Singh’s decision to join India sparked a dispute between India and Pakistan, leading to armed conflict later that year.

In July 1949, India and Pakistan agreed to establish a ceasefire line through the Karachi Agreement, supporting the halt in hostilities outlined in Part I of the United Nations Security Council Resolution dated 13 August 1948. The initiative eased tensions for several years. Yet, the two countries battled for the territory again in 1965, 1971, 1989, and 1999.

The two countries had been living under a fragile ceasefire since 2003, with both Pakistan and India periodically reporting several violations of the agreement.

On August 5, 2019, the Indian government revoked Article 370 of the country’s Constitution, removing Jammu and Kashmir's special status and splitting it into two union territories under strict security and communication lockdowns. In December 2023, the Supreme Court upheld the move. Prime Minister Modi pledged then to extend development benefits to what he considered the “marginalized communities” affected by the conditions established in the abrogated Article 370 of the Indian Constitution.

Five years after the revocation of Article 370, in July 2024, Human Rights Watch cited continued abuses by Indian security forces, including arbitrary detention and extrajudicial killings. In September of that same year, Amnesty International noted a climate of fear created by punitive measures and restrictions, contrasting Indian Prime Minister Modi’s claims that the region has been returning to normalcy since the 2019 decision.

Narrative: Kashmiris are not the enemy

On April 22, militants killed 26 individuals, primarily Hindus, in the tourist town of Pahalgam. The incident triggered a series of retaliatory actions between India and Pakistan, escalating tensions and raising the possibility of a full-scale conflict between the two nuclear-armed nations.

In the aftermath of this event, Kashmiris have suffered widespread retaliation and violence, from locals having their houses damaged during the demolition of militants’ houses by the Indian military to attacks on Kashmiri vendors across India and even Kashmiri students fleeing their studies after multiple incidents of reprisal attacks by Hindu right-wing groups.

The Kashmiri population, which includes residents of the Kashmir Valley and speakers of Kashmiri language variants in the Jammu region, is mainly Muslim. However, there is also a Kashmiri Hindu community, many of whom have migrated from the valley and now live in Jammu or other parts of India. 

In response to the rise of hate against Kashmiris, the people supporting this narrative frame plead for Indian unity and coexistence while condemning the Pahalgam attack. In addition, the narrative is used to counter Islamist militants intending to exploit the repealing of autonomy imposed on Kashmir by the Indian government.

How this narrative is shared online

Narrative: India is emulating the “Israel model” over Kashmir

Proponents of this narrative frame, primarily anti-colonialist activists and pro-Palestinian progressive intellectuals are pointing to the historically recent alliance between the Hindutva and Zionist ethnonationalist movements politically incumbent in India and Israel, based on their shared Islamophobic rhetoric and far-right authoritarian policies and their obsession with militarization, propaganda, and population control in pursuit of colonialist expansionism.

It’s been 19 months since the Hamas-led attack on Israel, followed up by the ensuing siege and invasion of Gaza that developed into what UN experts, human rights organizations, and Holocaust scholars are describing as a campaign of genocide and ethnic cleansing. Politicians from India's ruling BJP party and right-wing propagandists have been increasingly floating an “Israel-like solution,” or “Israel model’ for dealing with Kashmir in recent years, a trend that burgeoned into full-fledged anti-Muslim instigation on social media after the attack by militants targeting Hindu tourists in Pahalgam on April 22, 2025.

On May 6, 2025, the Indian armed forces launched Operation Sindoor against Pakistan in response to the Pahalgam attack. Israel's ambassador to India expressed support for the operation and India's right to self-defense.

How this narrative is asserted online

On May 10, 2025, India and Pakistan agreed to a ceasefire after US pressure and four days of fighting. However, hours after the agreement, explosions were heard in border cities and towns, with both sides accusing each other of violating the pact.

The choice of name of the operation evoked mixed reactions in India

Originally published on Global Voices

Colonel Sofiya Qureshi, addressing the media on Operation Sindoor at the National Media Centre, New Delhi, on May 07, 2025. Image via Press Information Bureau, Government of India. Public Domain.

In the wake of “Operation Sindoor,” the name given by the Indian government to the bombing of targets in Pakistan the night of May 6, 2025, much of the media fanfare in India has focused on the supposed triumph of gender equality: women military officers leading the charge, images of empowered Indian women donning uniforms, and glowing headlines about “the nation's support for gender equality and the value of women to national defence.” Yet beneath this veneer of progress lies a deeply unsettling reality — one that feminist and social justice movements cannot afford to ignore.

Once again, the Kashmir Valley has borne the brunt of escalating militarisation, with devastating consequences. The loss of civilian lives, destruction of local infrastructure, and deepening cycles of fear and displacement have become tragically routine. For decades, both the Indian and Pakistani militaries have entrenched themselves in the region, turning Kashmir into a stage for nationalist performance, where the human cost is either sidelined or erased entirely.

On April 22, 2025, a terror attack in a tourist resort in Pahalgam in Indian- Administered Kashmir, led to the death of 26 tourists. It was called the deadliest attack on civilians in the country’s recent history. Twenty-five Indian nationals and one Nepalese national were killed in the attack, all of them men. Victims were also predominantly Hindu, as survivors recounted that the armed gunmen separated men from women and children, asked the men to recite Islamic verses and, on their failure to do so, shot them.

The Resistance Front (TRF), considered to be an offshoot of Pakistan-based militant group Lashkar-e-Taiba, claimed responsibility for the attack through their social media handles. TRF denied responsibility on April 26 and called it a cyber breach. India has since accused Pakistan of supporting the militants, an accusation rejected by Islamabad. Since then, tensions between India and Pakistan have continued to escalate. On the night of May 6, India launched missiles that hit nine sites in Pakistan, with the Indian government claiming that they had targeted terror camps in a mission called Operation Sindoor.

Daily ceremony with a synchronized parade by soldiers from the Indian Border Security Force (BSF) and the Pakistan Rangers at the Wagha Border. Image via Flickr by Joshua Song. (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

The symbolism of ‘sindoor’

The choice of name evoked mixed reactions online among women and men in India. While one section criticized the name strongly as misogynistic, a symbol of patriarchal control used to justify military violence, another section hailed it as a symbol of feminine rage, of the grief of women who lost their husbands in the Pahalgam attack and a sign of women’s power.

Sindoor is a vermilion powder traditionally worn by married Hindu women in the north of India. There is a great deal of symbolism attached to it in ritual and culture, and the smearing or removal of it is often used in cinema to symbolize the wronging of a woman. When a woman is widowed, she traditionally stops wearing it. Given the deaths of Hindu men in the Pahalgam terrorist attack, this name may seem innocuous or even symbolic of feminine strength. But to many, it is a chilling marker of exclusion, an attempt to homogenise a narrow vision of Indian womanhood, rooted in north Indian, upper-caste patriarchal Hindu ideas. It is also considered a patriarchal symbol of marriage that is imposed on many women against their wishes, a symbol they are expected to carry for the well-being of their spouses and in order to gain respect as a married woman in society, even if they don’t want to. It is often marked as a wife’s “religious duty,” with the assertion that a woman’s refusal to wear sindoor indicates infidelity or that she does not want to continue the marriage. This is not purely a social norm propagated in families — it is a narrative that even the Indian courts have asserted in their rulings.

Screenshot of a post on X by user Wajahat Kazmi that shares an image from Pakistan using the symbolism of sindoor. Fair use.

The sindoor in the illustration, shared widely in Pakistani social media spaces, is used as a symbol of conquest. The Pakistani soldier representing the state and military applies sindoor to a feminized version of India, implying ownership, subjugation and forced union. This kind of imagery is not merely provocative; it's a patriarchal metaphor for domination, rooted in militarised masculinity. In this framing, war becomes a symbolic sexual conquest. In Pakistan, such propaganda seeks to project victory and national pride by appropriating cultural symbols from the “enemy” and distorting them into tools of humiliation. It mirrors the same tactics often critiqued in Indian nationalist discourse, where Pakistan is feminized, vilified, and made an object of conquest. This cycle of mutual dehumanization, steeped in patriarchal symbolism, leaves no room for genuine peace or dignity.

Women, their symbols, and their bodies are consistently instrumentalized in this theater of nationalism, rendered voiceless, submissive, or defiled while male militarism plays out its fantasies of power.

Military feminism and the illusion of equality

Adding to the spectacle are two women colonels — one of whom is Muslim — framed as proof of India’s pluralism and gender inclusivity. Their prominence is being wielded as a political weapon, a tool to signal that the Indian military is a great equalizer where gender and religion supposedly dissolve in the face of national duty, when, as in all militaries, it is not. War itself is one of the strongest tools of the patriarchy, so it can never be feminist.

Wing Commander Vyomika Singh briefing the media on Operation Sindoor at the National Media Centre, New Delhi, on May 07, 2025. Image via Press Information Bureau, Government of India. Public domain.

But, as many feminists have long pointed out, representation alone does not dismantle oppressive systems. Instead, it can reinforce them when used to sanitize violent state actions. In this case, the inclusion of women (and particularly a Muslim woman) is deployed to mask the very real harms inflicted on marginalized communities, both in Kashmir and within India’s own borders. The asserted symbolism of the operation named “Sindoor” being led by two Indian women colonels, to avenge the men who lost their lives, is intentionally put together to project this entire military operation as a feminist success story and a powerful symbol of women’s empowerment in India. This image is used tactically to evoke pride in Indians and deflect any questions about the military action itself and its impact.

Pinkwashing militarism: Global parallels

This strategy is hardly new. The Israeli military, for instance, has frequently showcased images of LGBTQ+ soldiers, most infamously a male soldier in uniform holding the pride flag in the backdrop of a destroyed infrastructure, to launder its image even as it continues relentless assaults on Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. These tactics are designed to rebrand occupation and aggression as progressive, normalizing violence through the prism of liberal values.

Israeli writer Leekern posted on X:

LIBERATIONTHE FIRST EVER PRIDE FLAG RAISED IN GAZA!

Under Hamas, being gay means death. Israeli Yoav Atzmoni wanted to send a message of hope. See his story below.

To Gaza’s hidden LGBTQ+ community: STAY HOPEFUL of a future where you can live and love free of Hamas! pic.twitter.com/9NOGfqhNVQ

— leekern (@leekern13) November 12, 2023

Intersectional feminism has been clear in its critique: empowerment narratives that rely on participation in violence do not equate to liberation. True justice cannot be achieved by simply diversifying the face of oppression.

Why we must call this out

What’s at stake here is more than symbolic. When feminist language and imagery are harnessed to justify militarism, we risk losing sight of the core principles of social justice: peace, equity, and dignity for all people. For those of us committed to an intersectional vision of justice, it is essential to resist these co-optations, to stand in solidarity with those most affected by state violence, and to insist that true empowerment cannot come at the expense of others’ lives and freedoms.

As Indian and Pakistani writers, we recognize the urgent need to push back against both our governments’ cynical use of feminist and progressive imagery. Militarization — no matter who leads it or what it’s named — will never be the path to justice.

Disinformation and inflammatory content surged on social media following the attack

Originally published on Global Voices

Baisaran Valley, near Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, where the attack happened. Image by Hellohappy via Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 4.0.

A deadly militant attack in Pahalgam Valley, in Indian-administered Kashmir, on April 23 left 26 tourists dead, including a navy officer, a foreign national, and an Indian Intelligence Bureau (IB) officer.

Pahalgam, often referred to as the “Switzerland of Kashmir,” has witnessed militant violence before, but this is the first time tourists have been directly targeted on such a large scale. The incident has exposed significant security vulnerabilities despite heavy troop deployments in the area.

What really happened?

Immediately after the attack, a Kashmir-based group called The Resistance Front (TRF) initially claimed responsibility on social media, citing demographic changes post-Article 370-A revocation in 2019, where the Indian government revoked the Indian-controlled portion of Kashmir's special semi-autonomous status. Indian authorities often describe TRF as a proxy for the Pakistani terrorist organisation Lashkar-e Tayyiba.

Lashkar-e-Tayyiba is a Pakistani Islamist Salafi jihadist group founded in the late 1980s. Its stated aim is to merge the entire Kashmir region into Pakistan. The group has been accused of carrying out multiple attacks in India, including the 2008 Mumbai attacks. It is designated as a terrorist organization by the United Nations, the United States, and several other countries.

Speaking to Global Voices about the disinformation dynamics surrounding The Resistance Front (TRF), security analyst and executive director of the Center for Research and Security, Imtiaz Gul, pointed to a longstanding regional pattern of proxy warfare and information manipulation, while also noting a broader global shift in the nature of militancy.

All states use proxies, proxy narratives, and proxy actors to push their narratives. This is nothing new. But because India has massive influence outside of India, it often gets away with false claims — not always, but often.

While India is putting the entire blame directly or indirectly on Pakistan, its officials tend to overlook a new phenomenon that has emerged globally.  The rise of locally radicalized groups inspired by al-Qaeda or Daesh-ISK. Kashmir has been going through turmoil and insurgency, and it is quite possible that locally radicalized individuals may have carried out this condemnable terror attack. Indians tend to totally rule out this possibility.

However, within hours, TRF released another statement denying involvement, accusing the Indian government of conducting a “state-backed digital assault” to spread confusion and push political agendas.

Disinformation and confusion

Following the attack, a surge of disinformation flooded social media platforms. Unverified videos and posts blaming Pakistan went viral, stoking nationalist sentiments, intensifying anger, and making it difficult to verify facts on the ground.

The rapid spread of conflicting narratives has further complicated efforts to establish responsibility and fuelled mistrust between the two nations. Gunfire has already been traded along the borders of the two countries amid the increasing tensions.

Ramsha Jahangir, journalist and policy expert on technology and misinformation, told Global Voices via WhatsApp:

Since the attack, we've seen a surge in unverified claims, often amplified by emotionally charged language and the sharing of sensationalized or outright false content (images and videos, some old or unrelated) in both India and Pakistan.

She added, pointing to how amateur “open-source intelligence” and viral misinformation are increasingly shaping public opinion and diplomatic posturing:

The sheer volume of unverified ‘OSINT’ [Open-source intelligence] analysis and leaks on social media in India and Pakistan is eroding trust, fueling division, and complicating an already complex bilateral relationship.

On the Pakistani side, X, which is blocked in Pakistan, was flooded with memes, mocking messages, and videos.

Pakistani digital creator Sayyida Bukhari posted on X:

Pakistanis have a unique way of coping with crises – by turning them into meme gold! During tense moments with India, social media erupts with humor, from Bollywood parodies to witty jokes about the Indus Waters Treaty…. pic.twitter.com/VKYG2KC4c1

— sayyida bukhari (@syeda636) April 27, 2025

User Namaloomafraaad quipped:

the funniest shit is, there is absolutely nothing india can threaten us with that we aren’t already suffering from at the hands of our govt

pani rok louge? wese hi nahi aata
maar dou ge? humari govt maar hi rahi hai
lahore le lou ge? Le lo adhay ghantay baad khud wapis ker jaoge

— nma (@namaloomafraaad) April 24, 2025

Stop our water flow?
Our taps are already dry.

Hurt us?
Our own government does that just fine.

Conquer Lahore?
You'll give it back in half an hour

Impact on India–Pakistan bilateral relations

The attack has triggered a sharp escalation in tensions between India and Pakistan, both of whom claim Kashmir in full but control it in parts. The region has been a flashpoint for three wars and decades of hostility.

A map of India and Pakistan. Illustration by Grubb via Wikipedia. CC BY-SA 3.0.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi vowed to pursue “terrorists and their sponsors” without restraint, directly blaming Pakistan.

In the days that followed, India expelled Pakistani diplomats and shut down major border crossings. Only the Kartarpur corridor for Sikh pilgrims is still open. The Indus Waters Treaty (IWT), a key water-sharing agreement, was also suspended, which could significantly impact water distribution in the region.

In response, Pakistan’s National Security Committee (NSC) convened a high-level meeting on April 24. It announced the suspension of trade with India and the closure of Pakistani airspace to Indian airlines, which India reciprocated.

Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif criticized India's “persistent campaign of baseless allegations,” calling for an immediate end to the “perpetual blame game” and offering to participate in any “neutral, transparent, and credible investigation.”

Imtiaz Gul, however, dismissed the likelihood of full-scale military confrontation between India and Pakistan. In his view, despite escalatory rhetoric, strategic calculations remain largely intact.

I don’t foresee any long-run conflict or military escalation between both countries. Both know each other’s mindset very well, and both are nuclear-armed. The nuclear capability basically discounts the possibility of a large-scale military confrontation. However, we can’t rule out small-scale fireworks between the two countries — primarily to appease domestic sentiment.

Vulnerable Pahalgam

Pahalgam has witnessed a series of militant attacks over the years — from the 1995 abduction of foreign tourists to assaults on Amarnath pilgrims in 2000, 2001, and 2017. Yet despite this history, the scale and targeting of tourists in the latest attack signal a dangerous escalation, raising serious questions about the effectiveness of existing security measures.

The current surge of disinformation, layered over an already volatile situation, risks not only undermining investigations but also inflaming nationalist sentiments on both sides, further diminishing the already slim chances for constructive dialogue.

Asked whether any form of backchannel diplomacy remains active, especially in light of the Pahalgam incident and rising tensions over the Indus Waters Treaty, Gul noted that diplomatic engagement had largely stalled well before the latest attack.

Diplomacy between the countries had been still-witted anyway before the Pahalgam incident. It has only precipitated an already fragile situation. Pakistan seems to be at a disadvantage, largely because much of the world remains traditionally more sympathetic toward India and less receptive to Pakistan. India has a huge information machinery domestically and in the West. Indian narratives basically sell far better than what Pakistan has to offer today.

Pakistan’s Information Minister, Atta Ullah Tarar, held an unusual press conference at midnight on Wednesday, April 30, issuing a stark warning, claiming credible intelligence reports that indicated, “India plans military action against Pakistan within the next 24 to 36 hours.”

An official from Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, speaking to Global Voices on the condition of anonymity, warned of the possibility of a limited military confrontation in the aftermath of the Pahalgam attack, particularly in the country's airspace.

A full-scale war is unlikely, but an aerial confrontation is possible far more so than a ground invasion. Islamabad is on high alert. Our leaves have been cancelled, and no one is being allowed to leave the capital. We’ve been assigned round-the-clock duties at the 24-hour control room. While a ground attack seems less likely, an aerial strike cannot be ruled out at this point.

‘No dream Is worth this nightmare.’

Originally published on Global Voices

Amir Ali (22) in an interview in Gujranwala, Pakistan, on February 5, 2025. Photo by author. Used with permission.

When Aamir Ali, a 22-year-old cattle farmer from Gujranwala, Pakistan, handed over 1.2 million rupees (USD 4,278) to a relative-turned-smuggler who promised him a route to Spain, he did not expect to return home traumatized, broken, and yet fortunate to be alive.

In January 2025, Aamir became one of the few survivors of a fatal illegal migration attempt — one that claimed the lives of dozens of Pakistanis near the Moroccan port of Dakhla. His story is not just one of survival, but a disturbing window into the perilous “dunki” route that many young Pakistanis pursue out of desperation. “Dunki” is a Punjabi term commonly used in both India and Pakistan to describe migration, typically through illegal means involving hazardous sea or land crossings.

Faced with economic instability, political turmoil, and growing unemployment, more and more Pakistani youth are turning to human traffickers to escape the country. According to data from Pakistan's Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), over 40,000 Pakistanis were deported in 2023 alone after failed illegal migration attempts. Gujranwala, Sialkot, Gujrat, and Mandi Bahauddin, Central-Punjab regions, once known for labor migration to the Gulf, are now key hotspots for “dunki” departures to Europe via West Africa.

Aamir says he knew the risks but felt he had no other option. “There was no certainty in Pakistan. Everyone I knew who left was doing well abroad,” he told Global Voices during a face-to-face interview. “I thought I could make it too.”

A promise turned into a trap

The agent promised Aamir a legal visa and a flight to Spain within three months. Instead, he was flown to Senegal and transported overland to Mauritania under false pretences. There, the extortion began. The agent demanded another PKR 1.2 million rupees, equivalent to USD 4,278, and later, an additional PKR 2.1 million, equivalent to USD 7,488 in ransom money. His family had to sell their land to afford the sum.

For months, Aamir was shuffled between safe houses through criminal networks in North Africa. Conditions were inhumane. “We were starved, beaten, and treated like cargo,” he recalled.

On January 2, he was crammed onto a boat with 85 other migrants, mostly Pakistani men hoping to reach Spain. With a maximum capacity of only 40 people, the vessel was dangerously overloaded.

Just days into the journey, the traffickers dumped their food and supplies into the sea to lighten the boat, keeping only enough for themselves. The passengers, many of them already weak and malnourished, began to die from dehydration and starvation.

By the fifth day, the boat ran out of fuel. Stranded in the Atlantic, the traffickers turned violent by assaulting the migrants with hammers and metal rods. Those who died were dumped into the sea by force.

“We were made to throw our own brothers into the ocean,” Aamir said, his voice cracking. “If we refused, we were beaten or thrown.”

He still bears scars on his legs and back from the assaults.

Some of Aamir Ali's injuries. Photo by the author. Used with permission.

By the thirteenth day, hope was nearly gone. Then, Moroccan fishermen spotted the vessel. “We screamed for help,” Aamir recalled. The traffickers tried to negotiate for fuel, but the survivors pleaded with the fishermen to take them ashore.

Two days later, the survivors were rescued and brought to Moroccan authorities. Aamir was eventually flown back to Pakistan with assistance from the Pakistani embassy.

The Moroccan boat disaster, one of the deadliest involving Pakistani migrants, led to the deaths of at least 50 people. Pakistan’s Foreign Office confirmed the deaths and repatriation of 13 bodies, with more expected.

As the closest point between Europe and Africa, many migrants try to enter Europe through Morocco, and illegal crossings are only increasing. In 2024, over 46,000 people braved the dangerous route and successfully crossed into Spain from Morocco — the highest number ever recorded. However, this figure doesn't account for the thousands who lose their lives each year, and the 78,000 people who were detained by Moroccan officials. According to data from the EU’s border and coast guard agency, Frontex, Pakistanis attempted to illegally enter Europe approximately 5,000 times in 2024.

“Stay home, live with dignity”

Now, back in Gujranwala, Aamir is struggling to rebuild his life. His family is deep in debt, and the trauma still haunts him. But he is determined to speak out so others don’t fall into the same trap.

“No dream is worth this nightmare,” he said. “I was lucky to come back. Most don’t.”

He now spends his time warning other young men in his community against making the same mistake. “The agents sell you a dream,” he said. “But it ends in torture, death, or lifelong regret.”

On the condition of anonymity, an official from Pakistan's Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) spoke to Global Voices on the subject of illegal migration trends and the involvement of some FIA personnel in smuggling networks:

They are somehow involved and I would call them ‘ignocent,’ which means they are both ignorant and innocent at the same time. If they realize the fate of victims, they might not get involved in this.

While talking about the systemic vulnerabilities, he explained that flaws in regulatory oversight and the systems managing the offloading process make it easier for smugglers to operate in Pakistan.

The FIA official explained that the human trafficking occurs through a sprawling smuggling network where money flows through multiple intermediaries, likening the operation to a mafia structure. The boarding of the boats is marked as the most critical and dangerous point in the process.

They pay their money to their agents, they are mafia, they are common people who promise that it will be done, and for every part, there is another designated agent, and it is such a big network. The most tragic part is when they get on the boat.

When asked if some FIA officials might be financially benefiting from these networks, he responded: “Not all of them, but yes, a few of them.”

The Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) Lahore has uncovered that in 2024, over 160 of its own officials were involved in human trafficking networks.

Those investigations exposed sophisticated smuggling networks and established contact between FIA agents and smugglers. This has raised significant internal concerns within the FIA about the need for stronger oversight and intervention measures.

‘You can’t fix this from Islamabad’

Despite the rising number of young Pakistanis risking their lives through irregular migration routes, popularly known as dunki, the government continues to fall short in addressing the root causes of human trafficking. Speaking to Global Voices during an in-person interview, Syed Kausar Abbas, Executive Director of the Sustainable Development Policy Organization (SSDO), didn’t mince words.

The state isn’t doing enough. Laws exist, but they’re not being implemented. And you can’t stop trafficking from Islamabad — this crisis begins in villages, in broken communities, and in the complete absence of local-level prevention.

According to Abbas, poverty and desperation make people vulnerable, but so does a cultural normalization of illegal migration, especially in rural Punjab, where families push younger generations to follow others abroad, no matter the risks.

People see others doing it and assume it’s the only way out. If four people from a family are in Europe, the fifth will be sent — ‘a few years of misery will pay off,’ they think.

He also slammed the government's failure to tackle internal enablers of trafficking networks: “These smugglers are not just working from the outside. They are embedded in our system. Some officials enable them. Until that’s addressed, we won’t see tangible change.”

Abbas highlighted how traffickers now exploit social media to lure youth with fake jobs and false promises, contributing to both cross-border and internal trafficking.

While the FIA’s national action plan exists on paper, Abbas said real progress depends on district-level implementation, which is nearly non-existent.

You can’t solve this crisis with policies sitting in federal offices. Local awareness, community involvement, and strong monitoring are completely missing.

SSDO’s advocacy led to the formation of a Special Committee on Anti-Human Smuggling in the Punjab Assembly, but Abbas stressed that it’s not nearly enough: “A committee that meets every two months doesn’t stop a network that operates every day. We need real investment in grassroots action.”

Abbas warned that the growing trust deficit between citizens and the state is driving more young people into the hands of traffickers.

People would rather give 2 to 3 million rupees to a smuggler than invest in Pakistan. They don’t believe in the system, that’s what’s killing us.

He called for migration awareness to be made part of the university curriculum through the Higher Education Commission and demanded better rehabilitation programs for those who return after failed journeys.

“These people are not criminals. They’re victims of a system that failed them. If we don’t rebuild their lives, others will follow the same path.”

On April 12, 2025, there was another boat capsizing incident off the Harawa coast near Sirte City, Eastern Libya, in which at least four Pakistanis were confirmed dead out of eleven casualties.

Cybersecurity is reframed as regime security under the banner of sovereignty

Originally published on Global Voices

Cover of ARTICLE 19 report, image used with permission.

While the internet developed exponentially from the late 90s as a tool to enable largely universal, borderless and free flow of information across languages and countries, that concept started being challenged by a number of governments in the early 2000s by the opposite idea of internet sovereignty: the right to limit that free flow as it contradicts efforts by illiberal governments to delay, control, censor or delete content deemed a threat to their ideological discourse.

One of the earliest proponents of leaving the global internet was China which rapidly built in the mid-2000s its own intranet, isolated from the global one by a powerful censorship filter, known as the Great Firewall. From the perspective of Chinese authorities, this decision  proved to be successful as over a billion users surf the net inside China daily, are provided all sorts of tools and platforms to interact privately and publicly, be informed and entertained, and conduct business, while Beijing filters and removes effectively, now with the help of AI, any content or accounts deemed undesirable. 

China has thus demonstrated it is possible to have a modern society and economy and yet a strong censorship tool — something that other non-democratic states, such as Russia, are eager to emulate. Elsewhere in Asia, this model is also considered as attractive to balance economic development and political control. ARTICLE 19, a British human rights organization established in 1987 and taking its name from Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, recently released a report in which it describes the importance of digital security norms increasingly imposed by China in the larger Asia-Pacific region, and contrasts them with Taiwan’s practice in this regard. 

Global Voices interviewed Michael Caster, Head of Global China Programme, and his colleague Liu I-Chen, Asia Programme Officer, over email after conversations in Taipei to find out more about China's newest strategy in this regard.

Filip Noubel (FN): How do you assess the efficiency of the digital security norms developed by China? Does AI play a role? 

Michael Caster (MC): China’s explicitly stated ambitions are to lead the world in AI technologies and governance norms. New and emerging technologies like AI have long been a strategic priority under the Digital Silk Road, as has heavy investment into domestic technological and normative development concerning AI. As seen with the release of China’s AI Global Governance Initiative during the Third Belt and Road Forum in October 2023, this trend is likely to continue. This raises a number of human rights concerns, especially related to the role of AI-enabled facial recognition in the context of Safe or Smart Cities.

Another element is in the digital governance of these technologies: the Cyberspace Administration of China (CAC) is one of the main party institutions responsible for cybersecurity governance but also in developing guidelines on generative AI. This alone raises freedom of expression concerns considering CAC’s role over censorship in China, but especially due to its dual role as part of the Central Propaganda Department. This is the concern: securitizing the information infrastructure leads to control over information flows.

As China strikes cooperation agreements with countries along the Digital Silk Road relating to AI enabled tools and technologies while concurrently promoting its own “best practice” in things like cybersecurity or AI norms and governance, we are likely to see greater adoption of China-style AI enabled techno-authoritarianism. China’s role in setting international norms and standards in this space, further calls for greater scrutiny, such as with a few years ago China’s public efforts to push its own facial recognition standards at the International Telecommunications Union.

FN:  Can you describe the strategy, actors and tools involved in China's Digital Silk Road? Why do local — political and economic — elites in Asia-Pacific countries generally support this project? 

MC: The year 2025 marks a decade since the National Development and Reform Commission really called the Digital Silk Road into existence with its 2015 white paper. Marking ten years of the Belt and Road Initiative, in October 2023 China hosted the third Belt and Road Forum and put out a white paper stressing its successes along the Digital Silk Road. At the forum, China launched an AI Global Governance Initiative firmly rooted in principles of cyber sovereignty, reiterated its ambition to lead in developing rules for global digital governance, and concluded several joint agreements, including with Pakistan, Indonesia, and Thailand, promising strengthened cooperation on areas such as 5G, smart cities, digital economy, and AI. It was also during the third Forum that Xi Jinping signaled intentions for China to move away from massive signature Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure projects of the first decade in favour of more “small yet smart” projects.

Some of the institutions involved in the development of digital cooperation and influence are party–state actors like the CAC and national tech champions like Huawei and ZTE. Major strategies deployed by such actors have combined information manipulation with technical people-to-people exchange, identifying real digital development needs. Elites in a number of Indo-Pacific countries have supported the project for varying reasons, as a means to achieve greater economic and especially digital development needs, sometimes intentionally coupled with a desire to model China’s authoritarian models to surveil or control their own populations.

FN : Your report focuses on Indonesia, Pakistan and Vietnam. Why are those countries representative of China’s successful imposing of its cyber security model? Is there resistance from civil society or other actors in those three countries?

Liu I-Chen (LIC): In Indonesia’s case, its persistent governance gaps — particularly within resource-constrained institutions such as the National Cyber and Crypto Agency (BSSN) and the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology (Kominfo) — have contributed to an underdeveloped cybersecurity landscape, creating entry points for China's influence. A 2017 Memorandum of Understanding between BSSN and CNCERT/CC explicitly emphasized the principle of “cyber sovereignty” and initiated a series of joint training and capacity-building programs. These initiatives played a key role in normalizing China-aligned cybersecurity practices, embedding surveillance-enabling technologies and regulatory frameworks into Indonesia’s digital governance ecosystem.

Pakistan shows as a key testing ground under the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Partnerships with firms like Huawei and ZTE have created deep infrastructural dependencies. The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) also reflects core elements of the China’s 2017 Cybersecurity Law — enabling censorship, surveillance, and data localization while restricting dissent. Pakistan’s implementation of a national Web Management System, inspired by China’s Great Firewall, also signals a shift toward centralized internet control, which risks internet fragmentation.

Vietnam’s 2018 Cybersecurity Law closely mirrors China's 2017 law, it shows how legal frameworks can draw explicitly from Chinese legal and policy models. Vietnam adopted key provisions such as data localization, real-name registration, and expansive content control under the banner of “cyber sovereignty.” Bilateral exchanges and internal party discourse influence this process in which the law redefines cybersecurity as regime security, targeting dissent and consolidating state control. Subsequent decrees further entrenched this alignment by granting sweeping surveillance powers and compelling platform compliance — demonstrating how Vietnam has institutionalized China's authoritarian digital governance framework.

Across all three cases, cybersecurity has been reframed as regime security, legitimizing repression under the banner of sovereignty.

FN:  You contrast Taiwan as pretty much the opposite model of China’s digital governance. How did Taiwan manage to develop a human rights centric digital governance? Is it threatened by China’s hybrid warfare?

LIC: China has intensified its use of grey zone tactics, combining cyber operations with information and influence campaigns that promote unification narratives. According to Taiwan’s National Security Bureau, the Taiwanese government endured an average of 2.4 million cyberattacks per day in 2024 — double the 2023 figure of 1.2 million. Simultaneously, the V-Dem Institute ranks Taiwan as the most disinformation-targeted country globally.

Yet Taiwan represents a counter model to Beijing's authoritarian approach to cybersecurity governance: it promotes a participatory, multi-stakeholder model grounded in transparency, inclusion, and human rights. Cybersecurity is not framed as state domination but as a co-governance practice shaped by government, civil society, technologists, and the private sector. Public engagement platforms such as Join.gov.tw exemplify this approach that allows citizens to participate in debates on digital ID systems, data governance, and cybersecurity regulation. The government also has robust collaboration with the civic tech community, embedding grassroots expertise into digital governance.

However, Taiwan’s decentralized model also has its structural vulnerability. The decentralized governance model has led to coordination gaps and blurred lines of accountability across agencies. While Taiwan has robust cybersecurity actors, some of their mandates remain fragmented, and efforts to mainstream cybersecurity norms often lack sufficient political leadership from the Presidential Office and Executive Yuan [parliament]. At the international level, Taiwan will also need stronger presence at key norm-setting forums where the PRC actively promotes its cyber governance standards. The marginalization of Taiwan weakens Taiwan’s ability to defend rights-based approaches and amplifies Beijing’s normative influence.

Taiwan’s continued dilemma is that it must strengthen resilience against hybrid threats while resisting securitization that would undermine the very democratic principles it seeks to protect.

We examine two key narratives shaping the debate around what many consider “men's and women's roles in society.”

Originally published on Global Voices

Illustration by Global Voices

This story is part of Undertones, Global Voices’ Civic Media Observatory‘s newsletter. Subscribe to Undertones.

Last month, Netflix launched Adolescence, a four-episode series on cyberbullying and the influence of social media narratives on boys, which has become a call to action for parents and policymakers and has opened up the conversation around toxic masculinity and the manosphere. Yet, toxic masculinity is far from being a new phenomenon — misogyny, LGBTQ+ phobia, and other consequences of hegemonic violent masculinity have been around for a long time.

In Hungary, Viktor Orbán government's anti-migration narratives seek to define the country's “masculine” national identity in opposition to the “feminized” Western international sphere, using competing claims of sovereignty to reinforce this distinction, fortifying the tie between masculinity and power. Éva Fodor links anti-migration and anti-gender policies in her book, The Gender Regime of Anti-Liberal Hungary, where she explains that, in the fight against the European Union migration quota, the Hungarian government has framed the European Union as a “pro-gender enemy of the Hungarian nation.”

In Russia, since the start of the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, government propaganda has linked masculinity with the war in an attempt to recruit new soldiers. As we have mapped in previous research, the Russian government has presented joining the army as the best way to showcase patriotism and virility, which has fed the cycle of violence against women in Ukraine and Russia.

The hype around toxic masculine behavior has also permeated the leadership of Western countries. US President Donald Trump's current anti-diversity speech and policies are directly linked to the promotion of masculinity, with members of the administration and even the president correlating leadership inefficiency and weakness with women. 

The notion of strength behind the concept of masculinity has also reached social media platform executives, with Meta's CEO Mark Zuckerberg tying the company's policy changes with the need for more “masculine energy” and stating that “having a culture that celebrates the aggression a bit more has its own merits that are really positive.’

Narrative: “Women should know their role and abide by it. If they don't, they should deal with the consequences”

According to the people asserting this narrative frame, women who don't adhere to the roles imposed on them by traditional patriarchy as child-bearers, child-rearers, and home caterers should face the consequences.

The reasoning behind this idea upholds a gender-based hierarchy that impacts personal lives, careers, family roles, and broader societal structures, positioning both cis and trans women as subordinate to men.

The reinforcement of traditional gender roles for women in Western societies is often driven by a nostalgic glorification of “old masculinity” — an idea promoted as a response to the perceived emasculating effects of “woke culture.”

Narrative: “Women share a part in the demographic crisis and should assume their role in bearing children”

The proponents of this narrative frame affirm that women hold the responsibility to improve the natality rates because of their biological features. From their point of view, there is a direct tie between nationalism and gender roles. As Annabelle Chapman explains eloquently in her essay “Where gender meets nationalism,” “If, from nationalists’ perspective, men's role is to protect the nation, then women's role is to perpetuate it,” which naturally becomes a reason to pressure women into having children.

Demographic crises in places like the European Union have presented an opportunity for conservative leaders to promote this narrative. In Italy, for example, right-wing government leader Georgia Meloni has exploited what they call a “demographic winter” as the country's births reach an all-time low, according to the Italian National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT).

This rhetoric regards the decision to have children through the lens of national survival rather than prioritizing women's rights, personal choices, and aspirations.

News from the Civic Media Observatory

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In 2024, the country witnessed 1099 attacks, resulting in 1,081 deaths

Originally published on Global Voices

The Regional Cooperation Development Highway (Quetta – Karachi) near Khudzar. Image by Ramna Saeed. Used with permission.

For decades, Balochistan, a province in Pakistan with a significant degree of autonomy, has suffered from an ongoing insurgency and violent attacks in the name of the movement. Separatist groups have been fighting for independence from Pakistan due to deteriorating living conditions characterized by poverty, lack of infrastructure, and limited access to basic services, despite the region's natural resource wealth and the military’s control in the region.

On March 11, the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), a banned separatist group, attacked a railway track and successfully hijacked the passenger train Jaffar Express — marking the first such incident in the history of Pakistan's Railways. The train, carrying over 400 passengers, including army and security personnel, was headed to Peshawar in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province from Quetta, the capital of the province.

BLA claimed responsibility for the attack in a statement. Due to the mountainous terrain, the Pakistan Military and Frontier Corps launched an operation by mid-morning, which lasted over 24 hours and resulted in the rescue of more than 370 passengers.

This is not the first time the train has been attacked. In November 2024, a deadly blast at Quetta Railway Station, carried out by the BLA, killed 26 passengers and injured over 60. A decade earlier, in 2014, an attack on the Jaffar Express at Sibi Station claimed 17 lives.

Deadly rail war

On March 5, 2025, the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) published the Global Terrorism Index 2025, providing a comprehensive analysis of key trends and patterns in terrorism over the past 17 years. The report ranked Pakistan second out of 163 countries. In 2023, the country witnessed 517 attacks, a number that more than doubled to 1,099 in 2024, resulting in 1,081 deaths.

According to Balochistan’s Home Department, between 2005 and 2015, Pakistan experienced 173 attacks on trains, railway tracks, and infrastructure. The majority of these targeted the Jaffar Express, with the Bolan Pass emerging as the most frequent site of such assaults. The Jaffer Express is the only daily train service linking Balochistan with the rest of the country. The Bolan Pass has long served as a preferred sanctuary for insurgents, offering strategic advantages that make it difficult for security forces to counter their movements.

Rafi Ullah Kakar, a public policy and development specialist from Balochistan, told Global Voices about the significance of train connectivity in addressing the province’s economic challenges. He highlighted frequent road blockades caused by protests and strikes as a major issue, stating:

Unlike Punjab and Sindh, Balochistan’s land routes remain closed most of the time due to demonstrations, severely impacting businesses, livelihoods, and the daily lives of common citizens.

Rise of the BLA and its growing influence

The BLA, a separatist group seeking Balochistan’s independence, has been active since the 2000s and is identified by Reuters as the most powerful insurgent group near the Afghanistan-Iran border. In 2024, it emerged as a key perpetrator of terror attacks in Pakistan and was designated a terrorist organization by multiple bodies, including Pakistan, the US, and the EU.

The group accuses the central government of exploiting Balochistan’s rich resources and has long employed violent tactics against the state, its institutions, and Chinese development projects in the region. Analysts argue that the BLA’s growing strength highlights the government’s failure to counter it effectively, as reliance on outdated and repressive strategies has done little to curb the insurgency.

Kakar believes Pakistan’s federal parliamentary system has failed to address Balochistan’s fundamental concerns. “This has led many Baloch youth to believe that the system cannot resolve their issues — a narrative long propagated by separatist groups. Alarmingly, even Baloch nationalists, after decades in mainstream politics, are now reaching a similar conclusion,” he warned.

Kakar attributes the BLA’s growing strength to three key factors: internal reorganization, access to advanced weaponry, and the region’s political turmoil. He further noted that following the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, a significant quantity of modern weaponry fell into militant hands, strengthening their operational capabilities. While acknowledging the possibility of foreign interference in Balochistan’s insurgency, Kakar emphasized that “the conflict is fundamentally rooted in internal issues”.

Condemnations

The attack garnered worldwide attention, and condemnations poured in. People on social media strongly reacted to the attack, expressing their frustration with the state's incompetence in addressing the issue for decades.

At the same time, some accused the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (Balochistan Unity Committee) and its leader, Mahrang Baloch, of supporting the BLA and speaking out against forced disappearances. The BYC is a movement led by women from Balochistan advocating against illegal abductions and has condemned violence in any form in several interviews.

Marvi Sirmed, a Pakistani journalist, spoke to Global Voices, refuting claims that the BLA and BYC share any similarities. “The BYC raises its voice against atrocities committed against the Baloch people while being among the Baloch masses. It supports them wherever they are in Balochistan, unites them against genocide, and works to decentralize political activism, which has been nearly non-existent for many decades due to indiscriminate attacks on Baloch youth, activists, and intellectuals. The Pakistan military has weaponized a skewed notion of ‘patriotism’ against the Baloch people, and BYC is exposing it by peacefully exercising their fundamental rights,” she said.

Meanwhile, some social media users from India and Afghanistan were trending statements such as “Balochistan doesn’t belong to Pakistan” and “Free Balochistan”.

Pakistan blames India and Afghanistan

On March 12, 2025, the Pakistan Army’s Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) department and the Chief Minister of Balochistan, Sarfaraz Bugti, held a press conference. According to the Director General of ISPR, Lieutenant General Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, after two days of intense military operations, 33 attackers were killed, and 26 passengers — including 18 army and FC personnel, as well as four Frontier Corps personnel — were dead. The remaining passengers were rescued. He also stated that the “rules of the game will change”, though he did not provide further details.

He alleged that the attackers coordinated the operation with their handlers and masterminds in Afghanistan via satellite phones. He also criticized the flow of misinformation on social media during the incident, particularly from India, and claimed there is a “nexus” between the terrorists and their masters.

There have been efforts to suppress the sharing of the news. Under the amended Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA), the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) has registered cases against three persons, including a journalist. The cases allege the spread of false information and the incitement of public sentiment against state institutions following the Jaffar Express attack.

However, India and the Afghan Taliban issued separate statements on March 13th, where the foreign ministries of both countries termed Pakistan’s claims “baseless”.

Former Pakistani Ambassador to Germany and High Commissioner to India, Abdul Basit, speaking to Global Voices on WhatsApp, stressed that oversimplifying the Balochistan issue fosters complacency. He stated that successive governments have failed Balochistan while detractors have exploited Pakistan’s internal fault lines.

“Evidence of India’s involvement in terrorism in Pakistan, particularly in Balochistan, is abundant. Kulbhushan Jadhav’s arrest in March 2016 provided irrefutable proof of India’s terrorist activities in Pakistan,” he asserted. Basit worried that Western countries were pushing back against both China and their China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) with Pakistan. He urged Pakistani officials to step back, reconsider the situation comprehensively, and devise a more carefully balanced plan to tackle the complex problems facing Balochistan.

As per an editorial at the Dawn news outlet, military operations and kinetic forces alone will not end the decades-long insurgency. Addressing the local grievances through political dialogue, comprehensive strategy, and development is the only sustainable path to peace in Balochistan.

The aid pause has left thousands of workers jobless and essential services suspended

Originally published on Global Voices

An aid worker distributes grain to a woman in rural Rajarchar Village, Bangladesh. The food was provided by the nonprofit Save the Children and its partner CODEC and funded by USAID. Image from Flickr. CC BY-NC 2.0

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID), founded after the 1961 Foreign Assistance Act, has been leading US aid efforts in several South Asian countries for decades.

However, an executive order from US President Donald Trump dated January 20, 2025, put all USAID and State Department projects, worth USD 44 billion, on hold for 90 days. According to the order, the administration will review each program and decide whether to cancel it, keep it running, or change it to better align with Trump's priorities. In 2023, the US disbursed USD 72 billion — 1.2 percent of its total budget — to over 200 countries for 20,000 activities, including fighting global hunger, disease, and human rights abuses.

The sudden announcement hit countries like Bangladesh and Nepal hard. These countries have long relied on USAID for essential programs in food security, healthcare, education, and agricultural development. In 2023, Bangladesh received USD 490 million in aid from USAID, while Nepal secured a USD 659 million five-year development deal in 2022.

The aid pause had immediate impacts, including the layoff of over  1,000 workers at Bangladesh’s  International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh (icddr,b), a vital research and treatment center dedicated to saving the lives of the disadvantaged. In Pakistan, suspending US-funded health programs endangers 1.7 million people, including 1.2 million Afghan refugees who have been stuck in limbo in Pakistan since the US pulled out of Afghanistan in August 2021.

Lasting impact on Bangladesh

USAID's impact can be seen across nearly every sector in Bangladesh. Expat Bangladeshi Physician Rumi Ahmed shared in a Facebook post:

There is hardly a sector in Bangladesh where USAID has not left its mark. Back in the 1960s, rice production was far lower, but thanks to agricultural advancements — modern seeds, improved techniques, and strategic support — our yields have multiplied, even as arable land has decreased.

Growing up in our villages, we had no electricity. Well into the late 1970s and 1990s, we relied on hurricane lamps. Today, nearly every home in Bangladesh has electricity, thanks in large part to the Rural Electrification Board, which was funded and supported by USAID.

As a cyclone-prone country, we used to see devastating loss of life from storms. In the past, millions perished in cyclones, but today, even with severe weather, casualties are minimal. That’s because of the extensive network of multipurpose cyclone shelters along our coast and the highly effective early warning system — both made possible through USAID’s efforts.

In healthcare, USAID has revolutionized the fight against tuberculosis (TB) by funding and supporting the widespread use of the GeneXpert system, dramatically improving diagnosis and treatment.

And when COVID-19 hit, the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines you stood in line for? They were a direct gift from USAID.

Since 1990, USAID has helped Bangladesh cut maternal and child mortality by over 60 percent, expand family planning services, and improve nutrition. USAID has helped improve the quality of education, particularly for children from poor and disadvantaged families, and helped the development successful television program Sisimpur, which has improved literacy, numeracy, and hygiene practices among young children.

Beyond Access and Save the Children in Bangladesh partnered to create the USAID-funded READ program and expand community literacy in Bangladesh. Photo from Flickr CC BY-NC 2.0

There have been reports that over a dozen healthcare facilities serving Rohingya refugees have suspended operations recently, cutting off thousands from essential health services in the crowded camps near Myanmar's border in Cox's Bazar district.

As per a report in the Bangla daily “Kaler Kantha”, the aid pause has left over 10,000 workers jobless from 300+ non-profits who sourced grants from USAID.

Health facilities for Afghan refugees in Pakistan to be shut down

Pakistan is also facing harsh impacts from the pause. Over 60 UNFPA-run health facilities are set to close, depriving 1.7 million people, including 1.2 million Afghan refugees, of vital reproductive health services. The freeze also affects development projects, raising questions about regional self-reliance or seeking new allies. Across various sectors, 39 projects worth USD 845 million — including energy, economic development, agriculture, governance, education, health, and humanitarian aid — have been suspended.

The fallout of these suspensions could be a reduction of US influence in Pakistan and a deterioration of the US's reputation in Pakistan.

A man in North Waziristan, Pakistan, receives emergency food assistance through the UN World Food Program, the Government of Pakistan, and USAID’s Office of Food for Peace. Photo from Flickr CC BY-NC 2.0

Suspension of projects in Nepal threatens neonatal health

USAID's projects in Nepal aimed to promote equal access and opportunities, Particularly in the Terai belt, which faces gender inequality issues, limited family health options, and a lack of Indigenous rights. The key sectors where USAID supports Nepal with aid include health, education, agriculture, infrastructure, economic growth, enhancing community participation in Natural Resource Management, humanitarian aid, and women and children empowerment. The aid pause will impact around 300 NGOs, consultancies, and nonprofits for at least three months.

The projects and programs in Nepal that are not aligned with the priorities of the new US administration, like nutrition, climate change, and LGBTQ+ issues, have been affected. Apart from four big project tranches, the USAID Biodiversity (Jal Jangal) project suspension is expected to have a substantial impact on Nepal's development aid, affecting livelihoods and incomes generated by these projects.

This recent curtail from USAID funding has impacted the educational sector of Taplejung district in the easternmost Koshi province of Nepal. 39 schools in Taplejung, where the early grade learning program had started, have been directly affected by it. Trump’s aid cut jeopardises neonatal health care as over 2,000 neonates die in Nepal each year. The USAID funding freeze has also led to the termination of 36 staff nurses in federal and provincial hospitals.

A Nepali nurse working at a teaching hospital in Kathmandu partly funded by USAID. Photo from Flickr. CC BY-NC 2.0

Can India step up?

Although India received less US aid relative to its size — around USD 150 million from USAID in 2024 — the US aid pause has caused a setback in grassroots health and education programmes. Analysts say that India, as the largest country in the region with economic stability, can step up to fill some void left by the United States and help countries like Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh.

Recent changes in laws combined with judiciary protests have further destabilized Pakistan

Originally published on Global Voices

Image by Syed Wasiq Shah from Pixabay. Used under a Pixabay License. Free to use.

Pakistan’s legal system faces major challenges, including a lack of transparency, judicial interference, and widespread corruption. Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2024 and the World Justice Project's (WJP) Rule of Law Index 2024 both indicate a worsening trend that threatens Pakistan's institutional stability. The reports show that judicial oversight remains weak, political forces are interfering with the judiciary, and freedom of the press is diminishing, all while corrupt practices continue to spread across public institutions.

Recent changes in laws through constitutional amendments, along with new cyber regulations combined with judiciary protests, have escalated tensions throughout Pakistan's legal system and civil sectors. Digital speech restrictions grew stronger with changes made to Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) while the Supreme Court Practise and Procedure Act introduced reforms that reduced the power of the Chief Justice. Judges, together with lawyers, have protested against what they perceive as threats to judicial independence and the fair application of the law.

Rule of Law Index 2024

The WJP Rule of Law Index assesses 142 countries based on eight key aspects of institutional strength, legal integrity, and governance quality. Pakistan's latest ranking reflects a weak overall performance, placing 129 out of 142 nations. The country ranks among the worst in government accountability, judicial independence, and corruption control — issues that have deteriorated in recent years.

According to rights advocacy organizations, Pakistan urgently needs judicial reforms, as its court system faces a backlog of 2.4 million pending cases, including 57,000 at the Supreme Court level. Delayed court procedures become even more challenging because of a shortage of 15,000 and 20,000 judges, along with insufficient judicial facilities.

The Pakistani judiciary operates with limited strength because it lacks 1,005 judges from its 4,144 sanctioned positions, which brings its operational capacity to a minimum of 75 percent. Of the 2,364 district judiciary positions in Punjab district courts, there are currently 822 vacancies. Likewise, the judicial sector in Sindh, KP, Balochistan, and Islamabad faces similar vacancies in their judicial roles. The judicial system operates under severe shortage because it has 4,000 judges for a population of 251 million people to manage 2.26 million pending cases. The country has one judge available for every 62,817 citizens.

Screenshot from the World Justice Project website. Fare use.

A major concern is the government's weak oversight, with Pakistan ranking 103rd globally in the rule of law index's oversight category. The judicial system lost its strength when political entities started directly intervening because of the Supreme Court Practise and Procedure Act, which reduced the Chief Justice's powers, thus weakening the court's ability to limit executive power. Important democratic pillars continue to erode as the legislative system fails to hold the executive branch accountable while the media faces increasing restrictions.

Regarding corruption in the country, the WJP Index ranks Pakistan 120th out of 142 countries. According to the latest report from Transparency International, 35 percent of Pakistanis believe corruption has worsened over the past year, and one in four citizens pays bribes for essential services.

The most vulnerable institutions to corrupt practices are the enforcement agencies and judicial institutions, which deteriorates public trust in the justice system.

A lack of government transparency is worsening these issues, with Pakistan ranking 106th globally in this category of the rule of law index. The public has limited access to crucial information, as key decisions are often made behind closed doors. Meanwhile, news organizations face mounting restrictions on press freedom, with journalists encountering censorship, threats, and legal repercussions for reporting on government mismanagement and corruption.

Fundamental freedoms in Pakistan have deteriorated to the extent that the country now ranks 125th out of 142 nations in protecting basic rights. The government has intensified repressive measures to limit political criticism and has escalated the persecution of religious and ethnic groups. This repression is evident in the killing of journalist Arshad Sharif, the forced exile of YouTuber Imran Riaz Khan, and the misuse of blasphemy laws. Women's rights also remain a critical issue, as highlighted by the honor killing of Sobia Batool Shah for seeking a divorce and the murders of six women in northwestern Pakistan in November 2024.

Security remains a major concern, with Pakistan ranking 140th out of 142 countries in safety and order on the WJP index. Terrorist activities continue to rise, particularly in border areas where militant groups operate unchecked. Political violence and street crime have further eroded public trust in law enforcement. Numerous financial resources allocated to military programmes have not resulted in the state being able to establish law and order in rural areas or tribal regions.

Legal enforcement also remains weak, with Pakistan ranking 127th globally in implementing business regulations, taxation laws, environmental protections, and safeguards for workers’ rights. Many businesses operate illegally, and tax evasion is widespread. Due to high legal costs and a backlog of cases, the civil judicial system is now ranked 128th in the world, meaning justice is only accessible to Pakistan's wealthy elite.

Transparency International’s Corruption Report: Pakistan’s Declining Position

Data from the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index 2024 establishes Pakistan’s declining governance standards, ranking the country 135th out of 180 nations. Public institutions have become increasingly vulnerable to corruption, reflected in a two-point drop in Pakistan’s national ranking between 2023 and 2024.

In its 2024 Article IV Consultation, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reiterated concerns over Pakistan's economic governance, stressing the urgent need for structural reforms to improve accountability and transparency. According to the report, the judiciary and police are the most corrupt institutions, as officials often secure their positions through political favoritism and enforce selective justice in critical legal cases.

The country's anti-corruption statutes often fail to be implemented because weak enforcement mechanisms allow high-profile corruption cases to evade proper punishment.

Recent legal controversies

Political pressure is destabilising Pakistan's judicial system. For example, the 26th Constitutional Amendment, passed in October 2024, has sparked significant debate and controversy. This amendment, which shifts the authority to appoint Supreme Court judges from the judiciary to the legislative body, has faced widespread criticism from expert legal analysts because it undermines judicial independence. By granting lawmakers control over judicial appointments, the amendment enables them to install judges aligned with their political views while simultaneously weakening the judiciary’s ability to check executive power.

Legal organizations, along with lawyers and members of the Supreme Court Bar Association, have publicly condemned the amendment, arguing that it is an attempt by the government to manipulate judicial rulings in favor of political interests. In January 2025, protests outside the Supreme Court in Islamabad escalated into violent clashes between lawyers and police, resulting in multiple arrests and injuries.

The Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act 2025 has introduced legal challenges that threaten internet freedoms and free expression in Pakistan, granting the state greater control over digital content under the vague pretext of combating “false information.” Under this amendment, citizens who spread online information deemed fake or false can face up to three years in prison. The anti-fake speech law fails to define which content qualifies as false information, creating a risk for journalists and dissidents.

Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and other international human rights organizations have voiced their concerns about the amendment, warning that it could be used to suppress digital discourse. The law also introduces penalties for political content and criticism of the government, reinforcing state control over social media platforms.

Urgent need for reform

Pakistan's judicial system, law enforcement, and governance structures urgently require reform due to deep-rooted corruption, security threats, and political interference that undermine stability. Decisive government action is required for the protection of civil liberties, upholding judicial independence, and enforcing effective anti-corruption measures. Without meaningful reforms, Pakistan risks further instability, deterring investors and eroding democratic values.

“The march’s significance lies not in its numbers, but in its symbolic defiance”

Originally published on Global Voices

Aurat March 2025. Image by the author. Used with permission.

This year's Aurat March, an annual socio-political demonstration held in Pakistani cities, took place on February 12 alongside National Women's Day. The march, themed Feminist History, was organized in collaboration with the Women’s Action Forum (WAF) to honour the struggle of women who resisted the draconian laws introduced by military ruler General Zia-ul-Haq in the 1980s.

Before the march, WAF and Aurat March held a joint press conference at the Lahore Press Club to present their 14-point charter of demands, addressing urgent issues such as gender-based violence, stringent censorship laws, and, in particular, the recent amendment to the Pakistan Electronic Crimes Act 2025 (PECA).

Unyielding in the face of resistance

For the past six years, the Aurat March has been held annually on March 8, International Women's Day, by the feminist collective Hum Aurtein to raise awareness against patriarchy and advocate for the rights of women and marginalized communities in Pakistan. The march has consistently faced resistance from authorities and religious groups, and this year was no exception. Women were allowed to march only after the Lahore High Court directed the district administration to ensure the event could proceed.

Leena Ghani, an artist and activist, explained to Global Voices via WhatsApp how authorities initially did not take the Aurat March seriously:

In the first two years, authorities did not see the Aurat March as a threat or take it seriously as a movement. Post-2020, the state recognized its street power and accused it of spreading vulgarity. During the march, the slogan ‘Mera Jism Meri Marzi’ (my body, my choice) was raised, which led to significant backlash. Despite this, the Aurat March pushed back and took control of the narrative. Since then, it has engaged with the courts, as this has become the state's strategy to wear activists down and intimidate us into not organizing the march.

For the first time, the Aurat March will be celebrated this year over the course of two months on different dates. The Lahore chapter chose to organize it a bit early, as the holy month of Ramadan — observed by Muslims worldwide through fasting — begins in March, making it difficult for many women to participate.

Other chapters will organize the event on the following dates: Aurat March Multan on February 23, Aurat March Islamabad on March 8 (International Women’s Day) and Aurat Marches Karachi and Mirpurkhas on May 11 (Mother’s Day).

Feminist history in Pakistan:

The Women’s Action Forum (WAF) is recognized as a platform for advocacy, activism, and consciousness-raising that has been at the forefront of the women’s movement in Pakistan since 1981.

Nighat Said Khan, a feminist activist, told Global Voices via WhatsApp:

WAF has been celebrating it since 1984, and over the years, other organizations, including the National Commission on the Status of Women and government offices, have joined in organically. Even if it is not officially recognized by the government, it is still celebrated.

This year's theme focused on the Feminist History of Pakistan, honouring the women who defied the military dictatorship of General Zia-ul-Haq by organizing a public demonstration in Lahore on February 12, 1983, despite martial law regulations that banned all political activities, processions, and public protests. The demonstration was sparked by the proposed Law of Evidence, which, if passed, would have reduced the value of women's testimony to half that of men's. Since then, this demonstration has come to symbolize women’s unwavering belief in a gender-just democratic order that guarantees the full spectrum of human rights for all, particularly for those who have been historically marginalized.

Marchers, placards and performances:

The march is inclusive of people of all genders and ages, with women, men, and transgender people from all walks of life participating. Nighat Said Khan, a senior feminist activist, led the march from a wheelchair, inspiring passion and hope among the younger feminists around her.

However, over the years, it has been observed that the number of marchers is gradually decreasing, and the Aurat March is losing momentum. Nida Kirmani, Associate professor at Lahore University of Management Sciences, questioned on Facebook:

This is called the routinisation of protest, & it happens with every movement. For a movement to sustain itself & grow, it must continuously mobilise around particular issues/events that resonate with large numbers of people.

While speaking to Global Voices on WhatsApp, Asma Amir, a women's rights activist, refuted this by saying:

The reduced number of marchers stems from multiple factors: controversial slogans that alienate potential allies, institutional constraints, and a polarized public discourse that fixates on sensationalized rhetoric rather than the march’s substantive demands. However, the march’s significance lies not in its numbers, but in its symbolic defiance. Small but determined groups often seed societal change, acting as catalysts for broader women’s rights movements, even if progress appears incremental.

This year, the slogans largely focused on inheritance rights, ending enforced disappearances, gender-based violence, sexual abuse, and climate change. One placard that caught everyone’s attention was featuring influencer Maria Butt, known as Maria B. in the fashion industry. Some placards called her out as transphobic due to her statements against the transgender community and the Aurat March.

Once the march reached its destination, there were speeches highlighting various feminist movements that have been quietly working in Pakistan over the years. A dance performance by Ajoka Theatre followed, with people singing and dancing to revolutionary songs.

Art Installations:

Each year, the Aurat March comes up with creative ways to highlight the challenges women face in their daily lives due to patriarchy. This year, they set up a voting booth with statements written on boxes that women hear on a daily basis. Marchers were encouraged to cast their votes for the statements they had personally heard.

Image by the author. Used with permission.

There was also a phone on display with recordings of women who wanted to join the march but were unable to attend due to family pressure.

Wall of Rage. Image by the author. Used with permission.

Another display was the Wall of Rage, where marchers could express themselves using paint or pen. By the end of the march, the wall featured statements like “My Body, My Choice”, “Me Too”, and “Proud to Be Transgender”.

Purple sheet of hope. Image by the author. Used with permission.

They carried a purple chaddar (sheet) of hope, symbolizing the belief that one day, women's lives would change and they would be empowered. Another sheet displayed stories of harassment and abuse endured by them, their grandmothers, and their mothers over the years.

Social media influencers and YouTubers:

For the past few years, YouTubers have been covering the march in a negative light, harassing and attacking the marchers online. However, due to previous experiences, this year, marchers were reluctant to do interviews or engage with them.

Asma Amir, a women’s rights activist, spoke to Global Voices via WhatsApp:

Marchers have adapted by reporting YouTubers, with police cooperation limiting their direct access. However, creators still exploit distant filming and editing to spread negative narratives. The persistent use of slogans like Mera Jism Meri Marzi by media and YouTubers — despite its controversy — fuels backlash because sensationalism drives engagement, overshadowing the march’s core demands such as ending child marriage, stopping gender-based violence, among others. This distortion shifts public focus from systemic issues to polarizing rhetoric, perpetuating misrepresentation.

Banned from studying in Afghanistan, unwelcome in Pakistan: Where do Afghan students go now?

Originally published on Global Voices

An Afghan woman sits with her children around a fire in an Islamabad slum to stay warm. Photo by the author.

In Pakistan, Afghan refugees are trapped in a limbo where legality offers no protection. At an International English Language Testing System (IELTS) test center in Islamabad, which offers English proficiency tests, Parisa Azimi’s hands were shaking while adjusting the scarf covering her face. Beside her, Zabiullah avoided eye contact with the crowd. They had more to worry about than failing their English exam; they feared being seen.

In a country like Pakistan, where police crackdowns on Afghan refugees have once again escalated, hiding their identity has become a matter of survival. “Police do not differentiate between documented and undocumented refugees,” says lawyer Moniza Kakar.

English isn't their first language, yet passing this exam is their only hope of gaining acceptance into foreign universities, fueling their dreams for a better life. Passing this exam could mean a chance to leave behind a life of constant fear in Pakistan, where deportation looms like an ever-present shadow. Yet, the alternative — returning to Afghanistan — is no option at all for women like Parisa, where the Taliban's ban on female education since 2021 has erased the possibility of a better life.

“We have no home,” Parisa told Global Voices. “In Pakistan, while having a valid visa and Proof of Registration (POR) cards, we are treated like criminals. In Afghanistan, we're not even allowed to dream.”

The Commissionerate for Afghan Refugees (CCAR) reports that Pakistan is home to approximately 2.9 million Afghan nationals, both with and without documentation.

Mass deportation deadline

The relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan have crumbled significantly since the fall of Kabul in 2021. The first deadline for undocumented Afghans to return to their homeland was set on November 1, 2023. As per a United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) report, around 80,000 undocumented and over 52,000 documented Afghan refugees returned from Pakistan in 2024.

However, Pakistan has once again tightened the noose on Afghan nationals residing in Pakistan. Pakistan’s Interior Minister, Mohsin Naqvi, announced that starting from December 31, 2024, no Afghan nationals will be allowed to stay in Islamabad without a No Objection Certificate (NOC) issued from the Deputy Commissioner’s Office.

In the latest development, Pakistan's federal government has devised a plan to relocate Afghan refugees currently living in Islamabad and Rawalpindi to other areas by March 31st before their eventual repatriation to Afghanistan.

Out of the frying pan and into the fire

Sitting in a corner at the IELTS test center, Parisa, a 22-year-old Afghan refugee student, speaks with quiet exhaustion. She came to Pakistan in 2022, fleeing Afghanistan, where she and her sisters were banned from school, and her future seemed to vanish overnight. But two years later, the uncertainty remains — but now it comes from the country that once offered her refuge.

“It wasn’t human-like behavior,” she says, recalling her struggle to survive in Pakistan. Finding work, securing education, or simply moving around the city has been a constant challenge. “We couldn’t find jobs, and even when we did, we didn’t get certificates for our work. I worked in a medical center doing data entry, but it didn’t lead to anything,” she added.

Parisa, originally from Bamyan in Central Afghanistan but raised in Kabul, hoped to continue her education in Pakistan. However, as an Afghan student, her path has been filled with obstacles. Universities refuse admissions, bank accounts remain inaccessible in the absence of a Computerized National Identity Card (CNIC), and government policies limit her access to higher education.

The fear of deportation looms over her daily life. Government crackdowns on Afghan refugees have intensified, and students like Parisa feel the weight of uncertainty. “It’s frustrating,” she says. “Visa fees keep increasing, and when we apply, they reject us without giving any reason. We’re stuck.”

But beyond the bureaucratic hurdles, it’s the everyday discrimination that has left the most scars.

“In Rawalpindi, people harass us in public spaces,” she shares. “They abuse us in Punjabi. They can identify us from our faces. We were once beaten in a park, and when we called the police, they hung up the phone as soon as they realized we were Afghan refugees.”

Parisa’s voice tightens as she speaks about the random police detentions and harassment. “If you have money or power, you can avoid trouble. But if you don’t, then it’s a different story.”

Despite the fear, Parisa refuses to stop dreaming. Her passion lies in mathematics and physics, and she hopes to study in Canada, where she believes she can finally find stability.

An uncertain future

“We are unsure of our future here,” she says. “We can’t go back to Afghanistan, but in Canada, I can continue my studies. I want to become a physicist,” she said.

But this uncertainty is suffocating. The recent government order of silently moving refugees out of big cities has added another layer of fear. Now Afghan refugees may not be allowed to stay in Islamabad or Rawalpindi after March 31. “I had plans to stay in Rawalpindi, but now, even that seems uncertain. We don’t know what will happen tomorrow.”

The fear, instability, and lack of control over her future have taken a toll. “There’s constant pressure,” she admits. “I get headaches from stress. We try to forget, but the fear is always there.”

Yet, despite everything, she holds on to gratitude. “Not all Pakistanis treat us badly,” she says. “Many people are kind. They show empathy and behave with respect.” Before leaving, Parisa shares a message for the Pakistani government: “Hard times come for everyone. A little understanding goes a long way. Money isn’t everything sometimes. Humanity is more important.”

Her voice was steady; her hopes were fragile but still alive. “One day, things will get better.”

The legal status doesn't matter

Pakistani lawyer Moniza Kakar, who works with Afghan refugees, told Global Voices during an in-person interview that Afghan refugees in Pakistan face indiscriminate treatment from authorities, regardless of their legal status. “Police do not differentiate between documented and undocumented refugees,” highlighting instances in Sindh where Pashtuns were harassed under the guise of identifying Afghan nationals. “Officers demand bribes from people. Those who pay are spared while others face deportation. In some cases, police even tore up valid documents when refugees couldn’t pay.”

Moniza said the government has tried to justify such actions by citing the country's economic instability, street crimes, and alleged links between Afghan refugees and terrorism. “This narrative lacks legal backing. If these refugees were genuinely involved in terrorism, their court trials would reflect that. I haven’t seen any terrorism cases against Afghan refugees,” she mentioned.

She also highlighted the plight of Afghan students. “Thousands of students, some as young as seven, have been presented in court. The government has halted student admissions , denied visa extensions, and shut off efforts to legalize stays. Afghan women face barriers enrolling in vocational training centers, and even in Afghanistan, they can’t continue their education.”

Moniza Kakar emphasized that the absence of a formal refugee law in Pakistan exacerbates these issues. “The lack of legal protection turns refugees into tools for political and economic exploitation. An effective legal framework for refugees would ensure fair procedures and mutual accountability between refugees and state institutions.”

Chinese development projects are stirring tensions in Pakistan's Balochistan region

Originally published on Global Voices

Pakistan held its number one position in the 2024 iteration of The China Index, which measures the influence of the PRC across the Globe. Screenshot from the China Index Site. Fair use.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a USD 62 billion infrastructure and energy development project which launched in 2015, has become a source of conflict and tension, particularly in the Balochistan province in Southern Pakistan. Despite its ambitious economic goals, the project faces persistent security challenges and has generated resentment in some local communities, leading to violence.

Chinese nationals have been targeted, including the November 2024 Karachi airport attack and a shooting at a Karachi facility employing foreign workers. These incidents highlight deep-rooted grievances over perceived resource exploitation in the region, enforced disappearances, community neglect, and exclusion from decision-making processes.

The China Index 2024 examined China's influence in 98 countries and ranked Pakistan as the country that is most exposed to China's influence globally.

The CPEC Roadway Network. Image via the Government of Pakistan. Public Domain.

CPEC hailed as a progress

The Pakistani government is advancing the CPEC, a 3,000-kilometre Chinese infrastructure project, which includes developing a deep-water port at Gwadar and establishing a road and rail network connecting the city to Xinjiang, China. As a part of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), this would provide a shortcut via the Gwadar port, boosting trade between Europe, the Middle East and China. The project also aims to address electricity shortages and help the country pivot from an agriculture-based to an industrial economic structure. However, the persistent violence has hampered progress and raised concerns about its long-term viability.

Balochistan, Pakistan's largest province, is making strides in employment. Initiatives like #BUITEMS Job Fair and NIC #Quetta are unlocking opportunities, while #CPEC projects such as Gwadar Port and Quetta-Zhob Road have created 10,000 local jobs. Growth in agriculture,… pic.twitter.com/2G2NCAUqcQ

— The Balochistan Diaries (TBD) (@BalochDiaries) January 11, 2025

Security challenges and violent resistance

Pakistan has become particularly perilous for Chinese nationals, with 14 incidents which took 20 lives unfolding over the last year. The Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), a major ethnonationalist militant group in the province, has been a regular offender. The BLA has long advocated autonomy for Balochistan, hoping to resolve issues over political marginalisation, economic exploitation, and disputes over resource control. These rebel actions have intensified as part of a larger battle against the perceived tyranny of the Pakistani government and enforced disappearances. The government’s Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances reports 2,752 active cases in the province as of January 2024, while Pakistan’s government maintains that only about 50 people are missing.

The assaults against Chinese workers are connected to the BLA's hostility to China's engagement in Balochistan's development projects, notably the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which locals believe is increasing their political and economic marginalisation.

Despite promises of infrastructural development, reports from The Express Tribune and The Diplomat indicate that the CPEC has not benefitted the region's socio-economic dynamics. An October 2024 World Bank Report indicates that, while CPEC seeks to improve infrastructure in Balochistan, it has mostly expedited resource exploitation and delivered little benefit to neighbouring residents.

Activist Ambreen Baloch posted on X (formerly Twitter):

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (#CPEC) is often viewed as a pathway to development, yet it primarily serves the interests of #China‘s elite. In #Balochistan, locals face marginalization despite abundant mineral wealth, as benefits bypass them. pic.twitter.com/dlrAj0bjkL

— Ambreen Baloch (@baloch_ambreen) January 14, 2025

This unrest, fuelled by a combination of local grievances and wider national and international concerns, has caused instability in the region, which has hurt foreign investment.

According to a 2024 Balochistan Human Rights Commission report, Chinese corporations prioritise resource exploitation, environmental damage, and money over people's lives, while the Pakistani authorities continue to promote Chinese interests.

Mineral deposits in rocks in arid Balochistan. Image by Rinam Fatima via Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 4.0.

As Pakistan gets closer to China with the help of the CPEC initiatives, other countries in South Asia, like India, are becoming concerned and wary of China's growing influence in the region. Researcher Zeus Hans Mendez noted that regional animosities also enable militant activities in Balochistan.

Many in Balochistan commemorate the anniversary of mass graves discovered in the Khuzdar district on January 25, 2014, and this year's event was marred by internet shutdowns and other government repressions.

Journalist Basam Baloch posted on X about the shutdown:

A peaceful rally is going to be held in #Dalbandin just few to unite, raise awareness among the Baloch, where relatives of the forcibly disappeared Families are also present, but even then the guilty #Pakistan has shut down internet service #BalochGenocideRemembranceDay pic.twitter.com/blQKQevmyc

— بشام بلوچ (@Basham1Baloch) January 25, 2025

China's concern about their workers

Chinese authorities have frequently criticised the security of their staff and projects in Pakistan. After the Karachi attack in November 2024, the Chinese Foreign Ministry voiced concern for Pakistan's security, heightening diplomatic tensions as China advocates for more security measures. Although Pakistan has enhanced security around CPEC significant points, these measures were not enough to avoid the violence, indicating the glaring weakness in Pakistan's security apparatus. Because of Pakistan’s internal socio-security issues and the local situation, even with long-standing cooperation with China, it is difficult for the country to secure the living and investments of its own people as well as foreigners. This situation demoralises international investors and, in turn, raises doubts about Pakistan’s capability to maintain internal stability in such a complex political environment.

Journalist Asad Ali Toor highlighted on X:

Wang Shengjie, #China’s political secretary to Pakistan, voiced unusually candid criticism of #Pakistan,
“If the security is not improved, who would come and work in this environment? There is hatred against the Chinese in Gwadar and #Balochistan,” he said https://t.co/BibFAIV2Ao

— Asad Ali Toor (@AsadAToor) January 26, 2025

The future of CPEC

The people of the Balochistan region have been generally politically disenchanted and economically deprived for a long time. Sadly, for most of the Baloch people, the implementation of CPEC projects has only amplified a sense of marginalisation. According to a 2024 Human Rights Watch (HRW) report, the people of Balochistan are sceptical of CPEC and do not believe they are receiving positive economic outcomes from the project.

Academics Hong Zhang and Ammar A. Malik suggested in a paper published in the Georgetown Journal of International Affairs in December 2024 that Pakistan and China should adopt a more open approach to advance the CPEC. Acknowledging past shortcomings in Pakistan's security can help rebuild trust and foster dialogue. They also opined that expanding coordination mechanisms to include input from local stakeholders and experts is essential for fostering local ownership.

From Bogotá to Kathmandu, authors shared how floods impacted their communities

Originally published on Global Voices

Image by Giovana Fleck

Porto Alegre, Brazil — by Giovana Fleck

“It's worse than the pandemic,” a friend told me on a call. He was phoning me between volunteering at a shelter and trying to save his own house. Our hometown, Porto Alegre, in Brazil, was hit by catastrophic rainfall between April and May of 2024. This led to extensive flooding, affecting over two million people, displacing hundreds of thousands, and causing over 160 deaths. Even though the pandemic caused a much higher number of deaths, the destruction of the floods was tangible — you could see the level of the water rising by the day.

The impact of the floods in Brazil's Rio Grande do Sul region, where Porto Alegre is the capital, was exacerbated by decades of negligence from the public administration, as well as the lack of agency for various alerts around the impacts of the climate crisis.  When the rainfall first stopped, and we could assess the damage, I remembered a conversation I had had with a Pakistani colleague a few years before. “I’ve been having PTSD (Post-traumatic stress disorder) every time it rains in Karachi,” he said. He was also dealing with the aftermath of floods that have now become a yearly issue for many Pakistanis.

The city center of Porto Alegre, on May 9, 2024. Photo: Gustavo Garbino/PMPA. Free use.

We are more interconnected with the world than we realize, and a multitude of global influences shapes our experiences. Sometimes, that happens through culture — whether culinary, musical, or artistic. But oftentimes, they are related to catastrophes. There was a surge of devastating floods worldwide in 2024. Europe was particularly hard hit as heavy rains inundated countries from Spain to Romania, causing deaths and widespread damage. Asia faced its own challenges, with deadly floods in Afghanistan and Indonesia, for example, while Chad in Africa experienced its worst flooding in decades. Beyond Brazil, in Latin America, Uruguay and Argentina also grappled with severe floods, culminating in a year marked by the destructive power of extreme weather events across the globe.

I tried to connect some of our experiences by asking members of the Global Voices community from all corners of the world about their experiences with natural disasters. This story is a tapestry of events from 2022 to 2024, with notes of fear and hope for the future. Their accounts were collected to give a sense of how our lives are affected by floods and how the differences between our experiences might mainly be their latitude and longitude.

Karachi, Pakistan — by Ali Osman

The monsoon rains of 2022 brought Karachi, a city of more than 20 million, to a halt, with the metropolis facing some of its worst urban flooding in history. The rains started around late morning and continued for most of the day into the evening. The rate of rainfall in Karachi usually hovers between very heavy to extremely heavy, and at times, even two hours of rainfall can cause great inconvenience to the populace due to poor drainage infrastructure.

In 2022, the city was hit by a major storm, with around 200 mm (8 inches) of rain falling within a few hours. Living in one of the better parts of the city, I had to endure four days without electricity with my entire neighborhood flooded. With the city experiencing severe urban flooding and the electricity supply disrupted, I ran out of food by the end of the second day, and drinking water became scarce on the third day. The only way to procure food or water was to walk through the flooded streets and roads and hope the nearest convenience store had not run out. Unfortunately, most stores were out of essential supplies due to supply chain disruptions. A walk, which usually takes me 10 minutes, took me almost an hour and a half, and only then could I procure a bottle of drinking water and a couple of packs of instant noodles.

The nights were the worst, with no electricity, stifling humidity, and mosquitos constantly feeding on any exposed skin if one was outside. The weather-induced trauma has stayed with me, and every year during the monsoon months, I pray that I never have to go through what I endured in 2022.

Lahore, Pakistan — by Umaima Ahmed

Over the years, floods have played a huge role in damaging the livelihood and economy of Pakistan.

Earlier, it was only the rural areas that faced the brunt, but now we see urban centers severely being impacted, too. In 2024, when Lahore witnessed heavy rainfall, I woke up to find my kitchen swamped with water, no electricity for hours, and was bound to my house as the roads were flooded with water. Schools had to be shut down, and people were distressed.

This experience made me recall the stories I heard last year from Faizan, a doctor in Dera Ghazi Khan (D.G. Khan) in southern Punjab, located on a strip between the river Indus and the Koh-e-Suleman range of mountains separating it from the Baluchistan Province. He was part of a group of volunteers who stepped up to help people who were migrating because of floods in D.G. Khan. While speaking to Global Voices on a call, he said:

Floods are not a new phenomenon in Pakistan but the intensity is increasing over the years and so is the damage. The people living in this area are usually peasants working on agricultural land on minimum wage or earning through their domestic animals but due to floods they lost their animals and had to move out. For months they survived in camps where we, the volunteers, provided them with basic health facilities and midwives were available in case of childbirth cases.

He left the discussion on a very serious question, “With climate change, these floods will increase; how long will the poor people pay for the lack of vision of our leaders?”

Thessaly, Greece — by Asteris Masouras

In September 2023, Storm Daniel became the deadliest “Medicane” in recorded history. Before devastating Libya, it inundated the Thessaly Plain in Greece, destroying much of the country’s agricultural capacity, among other severe impacts — all while some of the worst wildfires in recent decades were still raging.

The ever-worsening scale, frequency, and impact of these climate change-induced extreme weather events cause cascading helplessness, trauma, and resignation, but people never stop helping one another. That, at least, is a measure of hope, but humanity can still do better in curbing emissions and escalating mitigation efforts.

Emilia Romagna, Italy — by Marisa Petricca

May 24 was declared a National Day of Mourning for the victims of the flooding, and both the Italian and European flags hung at half mast outside the Chamber of Deputies in Rome

Kathmandu, Nepal — by Sanjib Chaudhary

The Kathmandu Valley saw once-in-70-year floods in the last week of September 2024. The Bagmati, Manohara, Bishnumati, and Nakkhu rivers overflowed, flooding the valley. Many houses were submerged, and at least 56 people were killed by the floods in the wider Kathmandu Valley.

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A post shared by Prabin Ranabhat (@prabin_ranabhat)

I have lived in the Kathmandu Valley for the last 45 years and have never seen such floods. In my opinion, the encroachment of the rivers and the conversion of fields that acted as sponges to reduce the flood effects into concrete jungles, in addition to the incessant and intermittent rains caused by climate change, could be the main reasons behind the floods in Kathmandu.

Valencia, Spain — by Lourdes Sada and Violeta Camarasa

On October 29, Spain suffered the worst floods in its recent history. Valencia, and to a lesser extent, the provinces of Málaga, Cuenca, and Albacete, were surprised by huge floods that left 231 dead and four missing (as of December 14). The most lethal natural disaster recorded in the country to date also caused vast material damage, and thousands of families were left homeless. Despite the red alert declared by the State Meteorological Agency at 7:36 a.m., the authorities did not activate the European Public Warning System (ES-Alert) until 8:11 p.m., 12 hours later. Without official directions, most citizens went ahead with their lives as usual. Many of the victims were dragged inside their cars while driving home from work. Most, however, were elderly people living on ground floors, who were drowned inside their homes.

Although floods in Valencia are a recurring phenomenon, experts blame the virulence of recent years on climate change. In addition, Valencia’s economic dependency on tourism has led to an overexploitation of land for construction. Combined with the lack of urban regulation, this has caused five percent of the houses in the province of Valencia to be built on floodplains and floodwater courses. The tragedy has, so far, resulted in two rallies against the authorities’ inaction and calls for improving emergency protocols, public education, infrastructures, and protection of vulnerable groups.

Colombia — by Kelly Chaib De Mares

Colombia has long experienced disasters linked to the rainy season, especially during La Niña events, which significantly increase rainfall and have been a recurring phenomenon for decades. However, the first half of November 2024 brought an unusual pattern: torrential rains caused by climate variability, a confluence of several meteorological phenomena favorable for rain, such as tropical cyclones or the Madden-Julian Oscillation (MJO). On November 11, 2024, the government declared a national emergency because of the bad weather affecting 27 of the country’s departments and warned that priority attention would be focused on the most affected areas, such as the capital Bogotá, the desert region of Guajira, and the jungle region of Chocó.

On November 6, 2024, Bogotá experienced an unprecedented downpour, the heaviest rainfall in 27 years, causing severe disruptions, including the blockage of the main northern access road. In La Guajira, Colombia’s northernmost region, over 15 days of unrelenting rain led to the deaths of two people and impacted 42,219 families. Meanwhile, in Chocó, Colombia’s poorest department, already burdened by illegal armed group conflicts, torrential rains left 30,000 families in distress, with more than 4,000 individuals displaced, 18 schools damaged, and nearly 1,500 hectares of crops destroyed; the authorities are calling for a truce among armed groups to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid.

Several governments expanded their control over online spaces

Originally published on Global Voices

Countries in the South Asian region. Image via Wikipedia by Iktsokh. CC BY-SA 4.0.

Home to 2.07 billion people, South Asian countries account for a quarter of the global population. The region faces many challenges, including steep population growth, rapid urbanization, high poverty rates, and income inequality. Also, it grapples with governance issues, like the backsliding of democracy, rising authoritarianism, and crucial elections, along with economic issues like increasing unemployment, growing inflation, mounting external debt, and more.

While there were numerous significant stories and developments from this region in 2024, Global Voices was able to cover select aspects through our dedicated community of writers and translators. Here is a summary of our coverage for South Asia in 2024, highlighting the different measures several governments took to expand their control over online spaces amid elections and political unrest.

A year of crucial elections

There were several crucial elections in South Asian countries in 2024. On January 7th, the ruling Bangladesh Awami League (AL) secured a fourth consecutive term in a one-sided election, which the opposition and its allies boycotted. However, the new government was short-lived. Starting in July 2024, a student-led uprising, supported by hundreds of thousands of citizens, stood up to state repression and the authoritarianism of the Sheikh Hasina government. The escalating unrest led to anarchy, resulting in her resignation and departure from the country on August 5th, 2024.

People cheering in front of the Prime Minister's office following Sheikh Hasina's resignation. Image by Md Joni Hossain Via Wikipedia. CC BY-SA 4.0.

Check out our special coverage: Turmoil in Bangladesh

The February 8 general elections in Pakistan were regarded as one of the least credible elections of the year due to allegations of vote rigging, internet shutdowns, and delays in announcing results. The Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) and Pakistan People's Party (PPP) formed a coalition government along with several independent candidates, while independent candidates loyal to imprisoned former Prime Minister Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) formed an opposition alliance. The Election Commission of Pakistan revoked PTI's electoral symbol in December 2023, forcing their candidates to run independently.

In June 2024, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won the Indian general elections, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi secured a third term, further consolidating his power.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), the leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People's Liberation Front), became the ninth executive president of Sri Lanka, winning the September 2024 presidential election.

Social media and cybertroops

Over 52.90 million social media users in Bangladesh, mostly on Facebook, became targets of political parties pushing their narratives. Through weaponized misinformation and disinformation, the ruling Awami League (AL) highlighted progress under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, often using fake articles and maligning the opposition, while the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) spread stories of democracy being under threat, rallying followers to resist authoritarianism.

In a Transparency report, Meta reported deleting 50 Facebook accounts and 98 pages from Bangladesh in the first quarter of 2024 for spreading misinformation about the opposition. TikTok reported the removal of over 2,300 accounts from Bangladesh in January alone for attempting to manipulate election narratives. In several instances, the use of AI and deepfakes were also reported.

Protest of PTI supporters in London echoing Imran Khan's call for free and fair elections in Pakistan. Image via Flickr by Alisdare Hickson. CC BY-SA 2.0.

In Pakistan, political parties like the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), and Pakistan Muslim League N (PMLN) used social media for their election campaigns, significantly impacting voters. Pakistan's imprisoned leader and former prime minister Imran Khan was seen delivering speeches from his jail cell using artificial intelligence (AI).

With over 800 million internet users, India leads globally Instagram, Facebook, and WhatsApp usage, prompting political parties to utilize social media influencers to amplify their messages. To appeal to a young, hyper-online population, political parties have mobilized thousands of influencers, including gamers, who were able to connect with diverse demographics. Various cartoons, memes, and trolls were also used to push different electoral narratives. The IT cell of the ruling BJP had a history of using data analytics and social media strategies, as demonstrated in the 2014 and 2019 elections. Reports indicate the use of an app called Saral to collect detailed user data ahead of the 2024 elections.

Before the September 2024 elections in Sri Lanka, the leading presidential candidates used social media extensively for campaigns and political narratives focusing on various issues and targets. Dr. Sanjana Hattotuwa published an analysis using a dataset of over 4,000 tweets associated with Presidential candidates Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW), Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), and Sajith Premadasa (SP), depicting how social media crafts polished and ideal personalities. While these characterizations can often be perceived as authentic, this depiction risks being manipulative.

Sri Lanka has approximately eight and a half million Facebook users, many of whom use the platform to discuss elections, politics, and candidates. Using Meta's new Content Library (MCL), Dr. Hattotuwa analyzed the three most popular posts and approximately 1,500 comments each from the official Facebook accounts of presidential candidates RW, SP, and AKD over a 30-day period. The analysis mapped how these candidates are perceived by their core fan base, and the results presented a snapshot of how contemporary political discourse is constructed.

Sri Lankan president Anura Kumara Dissanayake in 2023. Photo by Bunty456 via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0).

Digital repression as a tool for authoritarianism

There were no major internet disruptions in Bangladesh during the January elections except for a few website blocks. However, during the July protests, mobile internet was shut down intermittently from July 16–August 5, along with bans on several social media platforms. A nationwide complete internet shutdown occurred between July 18 and 23, accompanied by media blackouts that nearly severed all communications with Bangladesh. These measures had a negative impact online as the spread of misinformation and disinformation became rampant.

Pakistan further tightened its restrictions on dissent and free speech this year. Before the February elections, authorities imposed a series of internet shutdowns. Pakistanis faced difficulties accessing the platform X (formerly Twitter) since the February elections, and in April 2024, the government acknowledged banning the platform, citing national security concerns. In August, Pakistan deployed a national firewall to track, block, or restrict content deemed propaganda. While Pakistanis were accessing blocked sites and platforms using VPNs, on November 16, authorities directed the Pakistan Telecom Authority to block unregistered VPNs in an effort to “curb access to terrorist, pornographic, and blasphemous content.” As X users began migrating to Bluesky, another social media platform, reports of blocking that platform emerged in November.

Image by Giovana Fleck, used with permission.

A Civic Media Observatory analysis reveals how the Indian government has actively expanded its control over online spaces in recent years, using website blocking as a key strategy. A March 2024 report by digital rights group Geeks for Geeks noted that over 55,000 websites were blocked in the past decade, with 48 percent blocked under the IT Act. The targets included independent news outlets, hate speech trackers, and streaming platforms.

In January 2024, Sri Lanka introduced the Online Safety Act, which grants an “Online Safety Commission” broad powers to define “prohibited statements,” recommend content removal, and disable access for offenders. Amnesty International deemed it a major blow to freedom of expression in Sri Lanka.