Samizdata

In all the calls I come across from the Left, it is not often to find examples of how rich people are attacked because if they are allowed to keep more of their wealth (even if is legitimately acquired and without coercion), the money disappears. Forever, kid. It’s lost.

Yes, you read that right. The money vanishes into a black hole. An argument against “trickle-down” economics (which is a term no serious free marketer I have heard of actually uses) is that nothing “trickles” anywhere. Apparently, there is this place, someone on Earth, where money is just sitting around, gathering dust, all on its unproductive exile, just waiting to be rescued by a benevolent State so it can be put back into work. It sounds like a first draft of the plot from the Count of Monte Cristo and the bit about the secret treasure that Edmond Dantes discovered and used to persecute his foes.

Why do I mention this bizarre idea? Because I read it defended and set out in a book, The Future Of Finance: The Rising Tide of Fintech Lending and the Platform Economy, by Francesco Filia and Daniele Guernini, (Whitefox Publishing, 2024). The book is a mostly informative account of how modern digital technology is changing finance. It talks about the role of  blockchain; decentralised finance (DEFI) and other developments. It has lots to commend it if you want to understand these ideas, and the use cases in finance for technologies such as AI. But…some of the economic contentions in the book are bonkers.

For example, the authors claim that “we know” that wage growth and equality drive economic growth. (No clear evidicence is given for this contention.)  They argue that wage growth continued for about 100 years until 1970, when it apparently stopped.

However, that begs the question of whether there was a lot of equality in that period. Was there a lot of equality, in relative, equality-of-outcome terms, during the “Gilded Age” of the Rockefellers, Carnegies and the rest? (There was not, but the rising tide of wealth nevertheless was considerable.) Was there much of that during the 1920s? I suspect that equality, brought about by steeply progressive tax rates (and they caused issues) did not really manifest itself greatly until after WW2, and even then, given exemptions and other forces, American society in some ways was less egalitarian than in Western Europe.

The authors argue that a labour shortage drove this wealth growth, but surely, absent the restrictive and destructive impact of labour union restrictive practices, it was superior capital investment, and hence superior productivity, that meant tight labour markets coexisted with rising real wages in certain countries. (West Germany rapidly overtook the UK, and it was a country where income tax rates kicked in at higher levels, unions were less obstructive, and there were fewer price controls under the Adenauer administrations than, say, the UK.)  The authors make no reference whatsover in this part of the book to investment in capital. But it is total factor productivity (physical capital, human capital, etc) that makes the difference  over time to income growth. The US labour market was, relatively, less unionised in the post-war period than the UK one, for example, but the standard of living in the US rose relatively faster, as Milton Friedman pointed out in his book, Free to Choose.  

The idea that real incomes have somehow stagnated because wages have stopped rising ignores what might have caused that stagnation. I argue that they get causation back to front. If it is a shortage of labour that causes wages to rise, then surely, absent state intervention, capital will flow into machinery and the like to make up the shortfall, and such a country will also attract immigration (hopefully, of the sort that adds value via skills). In the US, as recounted by Alan Greenspan and Adrian Wooldridge in their masterful account of American capitalism, that’s exactly what happened. During the 19th century, even before the US Civil War, the US saw tremendous growth of labour-saving devices to handle this labour shortage issue. For instance, the McCormick reaper-binder, Singer sewing machine, and more. Light bulbs, early air conditioning…you name it, have also increased returns on human labour because light bulbs allow 24-hour shift work; AC enables places that are otherwise stinking hot to be more economically viable, and so on. And this capital equipment made US workers more productive and increased their real income, other things being equal.

But it is on page 64 that Filia and Guernini ramp up their error wholesale and put forward what I call the “consumption theory of wealth”, which puts spending, rather than investment, innovation and creativity, as the cause of why we are better off: I am going to quote a passage in full:

“When employees and ordinary people (as opposed to odd people, ed?) have more money in their pocket, they spend it. The go out and spend money in restaurants and bars or entertainment venues, they buy new cars or modernise their homes. As a result, that money goes into the real economy to create demand for goods and services and helps businesses prosper and the economy to grow. But when already wealthy people and business owners keep more money via tax cuts, that money is squirrelled away. It’s dumped in offshore trust funds to minimise tax till further or it’s used in stock buybacks. It never reaches the real economy. All it does is to create even greater inequality.” (My emphasis in bold.)

So, if a person saves any money or “squirrels it away”, it is potentially gone.  The idea that savings are important, and a source of investment, is totally absent in this account As several on this blog such as Paul Marks regularly point out, a problem in many modern economies is that when investment is financed by central banks’ printing of money, and not real savings made possible by foregoing consumption, it bids up the factors of production, and that without injecting yet more funny money to keep the party going, there’s a crash. The importance of savings cannot be overstated in making sustainable growth possible. The authors claim, with no real evidence, that if money is salted away in a low/no-tax jurisdiction such as the Cayman Islands, Mauritius, Jersey or Dubai, that this money disappears. It’s gone. But that’s plainly rubbish: that money is invested. Why else put it offshore? Even if that money is put into government bonds, that is lent to someone to finance something.

It is true those who use such jurisdictions hope to reduce their overall tax, and in many cases, they defer tax burdens rather that remove them. After all, a person may still want to repatriate their wealth eventually, for whatever reason, and they pay tax on it when that happens. They could, I suppose, give it to charity – but then that money will also go into the “real economy”.

But the idea that money that is not taxed goes out of existence is beyond bizarre. I don’t even know if Thomas Piketty, the French academic who called for progressive taxes and assaults on wealth, went so far into arguing that rich people’s money just vanishes from “real economy”.

Anyway, apart from page 63 and 64, it is a decent book.