Americaâs Recent Achievements in the Middle East
Eric Zuesse
Here are before-and-after pictures, at https://twitter.com/MAL0mt/status/701077438525263873/photo/1, of what the U.S. government has achieved, in the Middle East:
Whatâs especially interesting there, is that in all of these missions, except for Iraq, the U.S. was doing it with the key participation of the Saud family, the royals who own Saudi Arabia, and who are the worldâs largest buyers of American weaponry. Since Barack Obama came into the White House, the operations â Libya, Yemen, and Syria â have been, to a large extent, joint operations with the Sauds. âWeâ are now working more closely with âourâ âfriendsâ, even than âweâ were under George W. Bush.
As President Obama instructed his military, on 28 May 2014:
When issues of global concern do not pose a direct threat to the United States, when such issues are at stake â when crises arise that stir our conscience or push the world in a more dangerous direction but do not directly threaten us â then the threshold for military action must be higher. In such circumstances, we should not go it alone. Instead, we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action. We have to broaden our tools to include diplomacy and development; sanctions and isolation; appeals to international law; and, if just, necessary and effective, multilateral military action. In such circumstances, we have to work with others because collective action in these circumstances is more likely to succeed.
So: âweâ didnât achieve these things only on our own, but instead in alliance with the royals of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Kuwait, and other friendly countries, which finance jihadists everywhere but in their own country. And, of course, all of âusâ are allied against Russia, so weâre now surrounding that country with âourâ NATO partners before we do to it what weâve previously done to Iraq, Libya, Yemen, and Syria. America is becoming even more ambitious, because of âsuccessesâ like these in Iraq, Libya, Syria, Yemen, and Ukraine.
The United States has been the great champion of âdemocracyâ throughout the world. And these are are some of the results of that âdemocracyâ. âWeâ are spreading it abroad.
âOurâ latest victory has been âourâ spreading it to Ukraine. No country is closer to Russia than that.
Inside America, the term thatâs used for referring to anyone who opposes this spreading of âdemocracyâ, is âisolationistâ, and this term is imported from the meaning that it had just prior to Americaâs joining World War II against Hitler and other fascists. Back in that time, an âisolationistâ meant someone who didnât want to defeat the fascists. The implication in the usage of this term now, is that the person who is an âisolationistâ is a âfascistâ, just as was the case then. Itâs someone who doesnât want to spread âdemocracyâ. To oppose American foreign policy is thus said to be not only âright wingâ, but the extremist version of that: far right-wing â fascist, perhaps even nazi, or racist-fascist. (Donald Trump is rejected by many Republicans who say that heâs ânot conservative enoughâ. Democrats consider him to be far too âconservativeâ. The neoconservative Democrat Isaac Chotiner, whom the Democratic neoconservative Slate hired away from the Democratic neoconservative The New Republic, has headlined at Slate, âIs Donald Trump a Fascist?â and he answered that question in the affirmative.) George Orwell dubbed this type of terminological usage âNewspeak.â Itâs very effective.
Studies in America show that the people who are the most supportive of spreading âdemocracyâ are individuals with masters and doctoral degrees (âpostgraduate degreesâ). Those are the Americans who vote for these policies, to spread American âdemocracyâ, to foreign lands. They want more of this â more of these achievements. (Hillary Clinton beat Bernie Sanders nationwide among the âpostgraduateâ group.) Some of these people pride themselves on being âtechnocrats.â They claim that the world needs more of their âexpertiseâ. Lots of them come forth on the ânewsâ media to validate such invasions as Iraq in 2003, Libya in 2011, Syria after 2011, etc. Almost all of them possess doctoral degrees. This shows what they have learned. They are the most employable, the highest paid, the most successful, in their respective fields.
After all: âdemocracyâ is not for amateurs. Itâs only for people who take instruction, and who do what they are told. But, told by whom? Whom are they obeying? Do they even know? In any organization, when an instruction is issued, is it always easy to know who issued it? And what happens to a person who doesnât carry it out? There is a winnowing process. The constant survivors are the ones who rise from that process, and who ultimately win the opportunity to issue some of the instructions themselves. These people are the wheat; everybody else is chaff, which gets discarded, in a âdemocracyâ.
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Investigative historian Eric Zuesse is the author, most recently, of Theyâre Not Even Close: The Democratic vs. Republican Economic Records, 1910-2010, and of  CHRISTâS VENTRILOQUISTS: The Event that Created Christianity.